9 50 763 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/e090470d84ce425eb0898525a976f562.pdf 4f528daec707a3d607df564ed0ff81bb PDF Text Text VOL. XV 1965 NO. 38 IN THIS ISSUE: Early Beginnings of the Slovaks in America - James J. Zatko - 1 T he Oldest Slovak Newspaper in the U.S.A. - William Kona - 38 The White. House and the Slovaks - Sister M. Evangela - 51 Slovaks Have Arrived! - Joseph C. Krajsa -:- 64 Father Andrew Hlinlca - Joseph N. Misany - 68 Twenty Years of Czech and Communist Rule in Slovakia J. M. Kirschbaum 78 Censorship Poli cies in Czecho-Slovakia - Eugene Urban - 93 T he Handmaid of Ideology - F. Vnuk - 134 Is Czecho-Slovakia Breaking Up? - 140 An American Historian and the Slovaks - Joseph C. Krajsa - 146 A Delicate Subject - Mary A. Hlocky - 147 Who's Who Among Slovaks in U.S.A. and Canada - 150 Book Reviews - 152 Published by THE SLOVAK LEAGU E OF AMERICA 313 Ridge Av.e nue Middletown, Pennsylvania Editor: Dr. Joseph Pauco �Officers of the Slovak League of America ·easurer VIBE3E3E3E3E3E 3E3E3E3E3E3E3E 3&!~ Edwar< Execut Paul J fi National Czech~ Slovak ~ il ~ Museum~ Library ~ ~ Iowa Cedar Rapids, rn rn ~ rn rn rn rn F SLOV. ce-Pr es. Hletko, ndrejko rn rn rn rn rn Presented by: ~ ~.~ J). /Jn_A~ ,.~-(} - rn rn rn rn Date: ~A , • / ·#/~ 9 9';t- rn rn rn rn rn m m ,TION ~IBE3E3E3E3E3 E3E3E3E3E3E3E 3Bm~ v. SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA Middletown, Pa. SLOVENSKA OBRANA Scranton, Pa. ZENSKA JEDNOTA Cleveland, Ohio BRATSTVO Wilkes-Barre, Pa. SVORNOST Braddock, Pa. ZORNICKA Wilkes-Barre, Pa. KATOLfCKY SOKOL Passaic, N. J . SLOVAK V AMERIKE Middletown, Pa. Join the Local Assembly in your town or contact the Secretary of the Slovak League. Membership dues are only $1.50 per year. � VOL. XV 1965 NO. 38 IN THIS ISSUE: Early Beginnings of the Slovaks in America - James J. Zatko - 1 T he Oldest Slovak Newspaper in the U.S.A. - William Kona - 38 The White. House and the Slovaks - Sister M. Evangela - 51 Slovaks Have Arrived! - Joseph C. Krajsa -:- 64 Father Andrew Hlinlca - Joseph N. Misany - 68 Twenty Years of Czech and Communist Rule in Slovakia J. M. Kirschbaum 78 Censorship Poli cies in Czecho-Slovakia - Eugene Urban - 93 T he Handmaid of Ideology - F. Vnuk - 134 Is Czecho-Slovakia Breaking Up? - 140 An American Historian and the Slovaks - Joseph C. Krajsa - 146 A Delicate Subject - Mary A. Hlocky - 147 Who's Who Among Slovaks in U.S.A. and Canada - 150 Book Reviews - 152 Published by THE SLOVAK LEAGU E OF AMERICA 313 Ridge Av.e nue Middletown, Pennsylvania Editor: Dr. Joseph Pauco �Officers of the Slovak League of America ·easurer VIBE3E3E3E3E3E 3E3E3E3E3E3E3E 3&!~ Edwar< Execut Paul J fi National Czech~ Slovak ~ il ~ Museum~ Library ~ ~ Iowa Cedar Rapids, rn rn ~ rn rn rn rn F SLOV. ce-Pr es. Hletko, ndrejko rn rn rn rn rn Presented by: ~ ~.~ J). /Jn_A~ ,.~-(} - rn rn rn rn Date: ~A , • / ·#/~ 9 9';t- rn rn rn rn rn m m ,TION ~IBE3E3E3E3E3 E3E3E3E3E3E3E 3Bm~ v. SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA Middletown, Pa. SLOVENSKA OBRANA Scranton, Pa. ZENSKA JEDNOTA Cleveland, Ohio BRATSTVO Wilkes-Barre, Pa. SVORNOST Braddock, Pa. ZORNICKA Wilkes-Barre, Pa. KATOLfCKY SOKOL Passaic, N. J . SLOVAK V AMERIKE Middletown, Pa. Join the Local Assembly in your town or contact the Secretary of the Slovak League. Membership dues are only $1.50 per year. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1965, Vol. 15 Description An account of the resource Vol. 15 (No. 38), 1965. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1965 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document VOL. XV 1965 NO. 38 IN THIS ISSUE: Early Beginnings of the Slovaks in America - James J. Zatko - 1 T he Oldest Slovak Newspaper in the U.S.A. - William Kona - 38 The White. House and the Slovaks - Sister M. Evangela - 51 Slovaks Have Arrived! - Joseph C. Krajsa -:- 64 Father Andrew Hlinlca - Joseph N. Misany - 68 Twenty Years of Czech and Communist Rule in Slovakia J. M. Kirschbaum 78 Censorship Poli cies in Czecho-Slovakia - Eugene Urban - 93 T he Handmaid of Ideology - F. Vnuk - 134 Is Czecho-Slovakia Breaking Up? - 140 An American Historian and the Slovaks - Joseph C. Krajsa - 146 A Delicate Subject - Mary A. Hlocky - 147 Who's Who Among Slovaks in U.S.A. and Canada - 150 Book Reviews - 152 Published by THE SLOVAK LEAGU E OF AMERICA 313 Ridge Av.e nue Middletown, Pennsylvania Editor: Dr. Joseph Pauco Officers of the Slovak League of America ·easurer VIBE3E3E3E3E3E 3E3E3E3E3E3E3E 3&!~ Edwar< Execut Paul J fi National Czech~ Slovak ~ il ~ Museum~ Library ~ ~ Iowa Cedar Rapids, rn rn ~ rn rn rn rn F SLOV. ce-Pr es. Hletko, ndrejko rn rn rn rn rn Presented by: ~ ~.~ J). /Jn_A~ ,.~-(} - rn rn rn rn Date: ~A , • / ·#/~ 9 9';t- rn rn rn rn rn m m ,TION ~IBE3E3E3E3E3 E3E3E3E3E3E3E 3Bm~ v. SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA Middletown, Pa. SLOVENSKA OBRANA Scranton, Pa. ZENSKA JEDNOTA Cleveland, Ohio BRATSTVO Wilkes-Barre, Pa. SVORNOST Braddock, Pa. ZORNICKA Wilkes-Barre, Pa. KATOLfCKY SOKOL Passaic, N. J . SLOVAK V AMERIKE Middletown, Pa. Join the Local Assembly in your town or contact the Secretary of the Slovak League. Membership dues are only $1.50 per year.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 15 (No. 38) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1965 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/c0497e8310c515c60ddab7b58d77b08f.pdf b6d6b6dcade6b3cf558b06c2b98b063f PDF Text Text 124 SLOVAKIA CURRENT ISSUES ADDRESS of the Honorable Michael A. Feighan, United States Representative, Before the Slovak League of Ameri ca, Voyager Motel In n, Youngstown, Ohio, Sunday, May 15, 1966 I have been priviledged many times over the past decades to speak about the history of the Slovak people; to speak about the true facts behind your struggles for independence; and to speak about the present determination of Slovaks all over the world to return freedom and independence once again to their native land. My long interest in, and association with, the inspirations and the aspirations of the Slovak people has brought me to appreciate, and to respect, not only the individual Slovak, but the efforts of such organizations as represented in Slovak League of America. The Slovak,s are a people who have made a continuous struggle for national independence for over unremitting and From the Brother Saints, Cyril and Meyears. thousand one Andrew Hlinka and General Monsignor through thodius, Stefanik, the Slovak history is replete with patriots unswerving in their dedication to God, to freedom and to individual liberty. The Slovaks are a people who are more than one hundred years into the second millenium of Christianity in Slovakia. The Slovaks are a people who, even after more than one thousand years of domination, have not lost their language, their national identity, or their determination for independence; an independence which in this century, was born of democratic principles, weaned all too prematurely by the r avages of war, and all but destroyed by the tyranny of Russian Communism. Slovaks know as well as anyone else the path from freedom to oppression, the path from an independent to a captive nation, and the path from a native people to an exiled people - exiled by communist design from their own country and its inherent rights to freedom. But at the same time, they know that these paths need �SLOVAKIA 125 not be irreversible. They know that the spirit of resistance to tyranny never dies. They know that dedication to freedom and justice is unfettered by geographical boundaries, national origin, race, creed, or circumstance. And it is their knowledge and faith in these ideals which has given the Slovak people the determination never to give up in their goals - as is so aptly proved by the fact that the Slovaks today continue to oppose collectivization more effectively than anyone else in the communist orbit. In this universality of conviction the Slovak League of America is strong and unyielding. And so it is today that I want especially to commend the Slovaks for their efforts to promote dedicated citizenship and to build protectors of American democracy ; for their service to this great country rin public and in private life ; for their works of charity; and for their undiminished opposition to all forms of tyranny in the world. As a large Slovak civic and cultural organization in America the Slovak League can be proud of the spiritual, cultural, social, and charitable contributions it has made to the building of our great nation. The nationally known home for orphans in Middletown, Pennsylvania stands as a tribute to the work of the First Catholic Slovak Union. Homes for the aged in various parts of the country, such as the beautiful home at Beachwood, Ohio, which is a tribute to the work of the First Catholic Slovak Ladies' Union. The internationally famous , Saints Cyril and Methodius Institute at Rome, Italy was made possible by the combined efforts of all Slovak Catholic organizations and parishes throughout the country. Bishop Andrew Grutka with the able assistance of Right Reverend Theodore Kojis and all the clergy of Slovak parishes provided inspiring leadership to create this spiritual center for the preservation of the true Slovak spirit. Churches, elementary schools, convents and high schools, too numerous to recall are future monuments to the faith of Slovaks in America. Within the past year a magnificent chapel to Our Lady of Sorrows - Patron saint of Slovakia - was dedicated in the National Shrine of the Immaculate Conception, in our �126 SLOVAKIA nation's capital. This stands as still another great achievement by the First Catholic Slovak Union. American Slovaks have not ignored the plights of others, but have provided a forum to urge the cause of self-determination for all peoples. Every nation has the right to chart its own destiny through self-determination. This is among the most basic American beliefs. Just as the Slovak people hav•e a dedication to the universal principles of freedom and justice - not limited just to their now oppressed native land - so I and our United States of America have a similar dedication to these same universal principles. To this end I recently introduced a resolution on the floor of the United States House of Representatives calling for the establishment of a seven member House Select Committee on Basic Human Rights and Peaceful World Order. It is all too clear that the official and organized denial of basic human rights and freedom by any government to peoples under its control creates international tensions which can prevent the development of a peaceful world order. Such suppression of national and individual identity is tied hand-in-hand with Russian imperialism, and is a matter of official policy aga,inst the many nations federated by force to the Soviet Union. Of all people, we know, that the spread of this doctrine to other lands beyond the Soviet Union has already begun, and unless it is checked, and reversed, it can well plunge the world into a holocaust. I am confident that if and when this select committee ,is established by Congress, it will provide yet another public forum to develop public opinion on an international scale that these vital issues deserve. Such a public forum will complement and up-date such work as that of the Select Committee to investigate communist aggression of the 83rd Congress, and of which I was privileged to be a member. This committee was able to document and to underscore for all the world to see, such tragic stories as the loss of Slovakia's national independence following World War II and its enslavement by imperial Russia. And such a public forum will also complement the contmued work of the Slovak League of America both here and abroad. While the evil hand of Russian Communism continues its attempts to destroy the very spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius and to reduce the Slovak people to a state of �SLOVAKIA 127 complete servility, the Slovak people refuse to surr,ender that which, over a thousand years, they have continued to fight for - their spirit of independence, of justice and of freedom. To help this spirit in Slovakia, I am also directing my efforts not only just toward expanding the public forum against communistic tyranny, but also toward expanding the coverage of the Voice of America broadcasts in news and information to the Slovaks living under this communist tyranny. It is my hope to see a Slovak desk established in the Voice of America and to thus improve and increase the effectiveness of this communication behind the Iron Curtain. I hav,e been working toward that goal for some years and will not cease my efforts until it is won. In this way, we as a nation can more effectively demonstrate our encouragement and support for the Slovaks now living under virtual foreign occupation in their native land. For I am convinced that one of the best ways to demonstrate friendship for the people of any foreign country is to speak to them in their own language, to recognize their cultural values and to encourage them in their just aspirations for self-government. The God-fearing people of the free world will not fail in this our struggle to preserve human freedom and to erase despotic slavery. We shall not fail in restoring individual liberty and self-determination to a peaceful world. We shall not fail for we shall not falter in our efforts until our goals are won - and so long as a Slovak is alive anywhere in the world, I know that the spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius shall prevail. To this I add my personal conviction that as the free world approaches these goals, the Slovak nation will once again join the independent and free nations of the world. SIWVAKS HAVE HIGH More than 70 languages are listDEJGREE IN EDUCATION ed. The fi "ures range all the way A 38-page report on the mother tongue of the 9,738,155 persons listed as foreign born in the 1960 Census has just been published by the U.S. Bureau of the Census. The study is based on a question as to what language was spoken in his home before an immigrant came to the United States. from 16 persons whose mother tongue was Tibetan to over a million persons each for those reporting English, German or Italian. A breakdown on the basis of the areas within the United States shows that nearly half of the total foreign born here reside in the northeast part of the country, �SLOVAKIA 128 nearly a 1/4 in the north central states, 10% in the south and 20 % in the west. Other tables show age and the number of years in school for different groups. Schooling completed by the foreign born shows that the English speaking and Japanese had the highest degree of education with an average of about 10 years of school for each. Scandinavian and German along with Chinese, Rumanian , SLOVAK, Yiddish and Arabic all range in the eight year category. While essentiall y statistical , the Report contains valuable information for those interested iFI or working with nationalit y or ethnic groups. It is on sale by the Superintendent of Documen ts, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402, for 35 cents a copy. - American Council for Nationalities Service Release. NATION .ALISiM To many people, here in the United States, Nationali sm is an ugly word. These people are either ashamed of their national origin or ridicule others for trying to retain the language , customs and traditions that were brought to this country by their forefathe rs. It is true that there are many people today, who can not honestly claim one national origin or the other. Because the marriages of their ancestors were between many different nationalit ies, they may be a mixture of four, five, six, or more nationalit ies and can not truly say they are one or the other. Of these people I do not speak, but in some cases these same persons will not be tolerant of another who knows his national origin and is proud of it. The percentag e of people who have come here to the United States and know what their national origin is, but deny it, is very small. However the children of these people are the main offend- ers, by not taking pride in their nationalit y. As an example, I would like to take the Slovak people. When the Slovak people first started to come to the United States, they were at a disadvant age because they did not know English like some of the other people who migrated here from other European countries which were English speaking. Because of this they found it hard to secure jobs and places to live. At that time there was no television or radio to cover the persecuti on these people endured, both mental and physical. They did not have any organizat ions boycottin g or protesting for them. These people proved themselve s in their place of employm ent by their ability to work and produce. They rented apartmen ts, kept a clean house, spent their money wisely and supported their church. Their accomplishments are many but unsung, because Slovakia and its' people was not well known because it was and still is a nation that is living under foreign rule and tyranny. I have had the experienc e of meeting many young people with Slovak names. Some are college students, ordinary workers and people in profession s. They say "My parents are Slovak or my father is Slovak, but I am an American, not a Slovak." Another excuse for denying their origin is that they say being called a Slovak is putting them in a "ghetto". These and other excuses are all meaningle ss. America is a land made up of many nationalit ies, so in order to be a good American you must be proud of your nationality which helped to build this country. The real American s are the American Indians and there is even doubt as to where they migrated from. The term "ghetto" has been misused in recent years and now is a good excuse for those who are ashamed of their nationality. The term is really being used by those who are too lazy to im- �129 SLOVAKIA prove their own conditions where they now live, and then, try to move elsewhere. Being proud of your Slovak customs, folksongs, language, newspapers, etc., is not to be classified as being in a "ghetto". Rather, it is being a good American in the true sense of the word. The meals, customs, and culture of many lands have gone into making America great. Why shouldn't the Slovaks, who have contributed a lot to America, and continue to do so be proud of themselves. Other groups have their parades and celebrate their saints and hero days'. They are not ashamed to say "I am Irish, Italian or other." Why then are some of the Slovak People tongue-tied, so that they flounder around for every excuse, rather than saying with pride and dignity, "I am an American Slovak!!" We are not trying to prove that we are better than anyone else, but it is about time that some people recognize the fact that we are just as good as another and there is nothing to be ashamed of. If you are weak kneed and ashamed because some donkey is ignorant enough to ridicule you, then you aren't worth much as a Slovak or an American. My father told me that his brother, my late uncle, Rev. John Kuba~ek, pastor of Most Holy Trinity Church in Yonkers, used to say this about those who were ashamed of being known as a Slovak, "It's a poor bird who dirtys his own nest." Think about this and you will see its meaning. The parents of those attending our Slovak schools should insist that Slovak be taught and taught well enough so that the pupil can carry on a conversation by the time he finishes eighth grade. In too many cases our Slovak people give in to the non-Slovaks of the parish , who voice their objections to this. This is a good case where we can be strong. It was our an- cestors hard earned money that built these schools. I am sure that if the diocese ruled that every pupil had to learn Spanish or French, e very o n e would jump. Let's jump and make sure our children in Slovak schools learn to SPEAK Slovak and not just memorize a few words. All of the above ties into our hope that someday Slovakia will be free . When this happens there will be many Slovaks who will come to this country. Will they have to go through the sarrie hardships that the early Slovak immigrants did? What is worse yet, will they have to suffer because their own Slovak brethren here in the United States are too lazy to teach and learn the Slovak language and keep up the customs? If for no other reason, this should be a motive for us to keep our spirit alive, so that we may help our people when the time comes to adjust to the United States and find employment and housing. This can only be done by waking up now. Let's not commit national suicide!! Steve Kubasek, Jr. St. Procopius College Lisle, Illinois Ll!MITED GAINS SOORED IN RENEWED DRINE FOR SLOVAK INDEJPENiDENCE Slovak national aspirations have been staging a come-back in the <".:SSR. This upsurge is not the work of individual writers. It is now supported by higher ranking party functionaries. The impetus for vocalizing these strivings which aim at complete equality with the Czechs, was the 150th birthday of :Cudovit Stur, a man honored in his native land not only as an opponent of Hungarian supremacy but as the father of the Slovak literary language, consummation of which made the separat- �130 SLOVAKIA ion of the Slovaks from the Czechs complete. For the first time well-known personalities like the former land governor Gustav Husak (sentenced to life imprisonment in 1954 as a "bourgeois nationalist" but rehabilitated in 1962) and the historian Daniel Rapant, publicly presented theses condemning the ideas of Marx and Engels from 1848 although these opinions of the fathers of socialism have actually been tabu thus far in all Communist countries. Husak, to whom the Prague government had several times offered a ministerial post in recent years, now accused Marx of having assumed a position of Hungarian nationalism and - without any more profound knowledge of the revolution of 1848 - of having developed an anti-Slovak attitude in which his "German arrogance" was a determining factor. Apart from Prague's and Moscow's still expected reply, Budapest will also have something to say, inasmuch as Rapant described the Kossuth revolution as "tyranny, and not a struggle for internationalism and emancipation". The various articles in Slovak newspapers commemorating Stur ended with the unequivocal demand for genuine equality of the Slovaks with the Czechs. The writer, Vladimir Minac, expressed the thought that if Czech-Slovak coexistence were considered historically necessary, the fate of both peoples must be seen in its "truly dramatic form". Husak even went so far as to call for the creation of state institutions designed to protect the Slovaks - who make up but one-third of the entire population - against "oppression by the privileged and hegemonist nation". About a month after the Stur jubilee the effects of Slovak unrest began to be noticeable. The Prague parliament approved a re- solution providing for the Slovak National Council in Bratislava " in cooperation with the other parliamentary bodies" to concentrate their efforts on increasing Slovak participation in the overall development of the CSSR. Although the Czechs could not bring themselves to empower the Slovak National Council with the competency it once held, they did concede to a certain amount of codetermination of the Slovaks on all-state level. It is to be realized by establishing closer contact in the future between the committees of the Prague National Assembly and the Bratislava National Council. The Slovak land governor, Michal Chudik, in a frank talk before the Prague parliament, pointed out that there were people among the Czechs who saw in the Slovak National Council only a " binding link" betweeen Prague and Bratislava that simply complicated the situation, while among the Slovaks, he claimed, there were trends toward a federalization of the CSSR. Although allying himself with neither of these trends, Chudik obviously felt the centralistic threat emanating from Prague to be the greater danger. This feeling prompted him to say to the Czech side that the Slovak National Council would henceforth appear as the representative of the "Slovak people's independence" and perform within Slovakia the functions of an all-state administrative body. Chudik's criticism that the National Council had so far not succeeded in fulfilling its "norm-establishing" function, was recently supported by an almost revolutionary move on the part of the Slovaks. The juridicial commission of the Bratislava National Council drafted a law proposing the introduction of so-called cooperative apartments. To date there has been �SLOVAKIA only home construction of the state and cooperative type, or building permits for single family houses with limited dwelling space. This new measure would allow ownership of dwellings even in buildings housing several families. They are designed for later sale, including right to inheritance or other type legal transfer to others for tenancy. There would also be opportunity for older dwellings to pass into private ownership. w. o. A STUDY OF ~HiE COMMUNIST PARTY By the end of the war, the Soviet Union and its Communist allies had gained virtually de facto control of Czechoslovakia. The Soviet armies conquered Slovakia (and as in the case of Poland refused to give military aid to an uprising of anti-German Slovak citizens) ; by Allied agreement the Soviets were permitted to liberate Prague; and they annexed SubCarpathian Ruthenia to the Soviet Union, an act formalized in June 1945. Communist-dominated People's Committees controlled the borderlands, and in the interior Communists had more than their share of power in the Committees' apparatus. According to SetonWatson, "The Communist Party could have seized complete power in 1945 had it so wished. It deliberately chose not to do so." In May 1945, Benes and the London Government-in-exile returned to Czechoslovakia, but stopping first at Moscow where further concessions were made to the Czechoslovak Communists whereby they were given key posts in the government. According to Prof. Curt Beck, a specialist on Czechoslovak affairs, these concessions were partly due to the realization that the Allies had already decided that Czechoslovakia would be in the Soviet military zone. 131 Agreements reached by Benes and the Communists in discussions during 1943 and 1945 formed the basis for the Kosice Program, ostensibly an agreement among members of the National Front coalition on polices to be adopted by the new postwar Czechoslovak Government. The most important features of the agreement were the creation of a National Front Coalition government and the formation of People's Committees that were to assume local and regional administrative responsibilities and functions . The Kosice program, proclaimed by the new Czechoslovak Government on March 22, 1945, restored the republic. On April 4, 1945, Benes, as President, named a new government headed by the left-wing Social Democrat Zdenek Fierlinger. The National Front which formed the government was a coalition of independent parties, consisting of the Czechoslovak Communist Parties, the Social Democrats, the National Socialists, the People's Party (Catholic) and the Slovak Democratic Party. Communists held 8 cabinet posts in the new government among which were the important Ministry of Interior (giving them control of the nation's police and security forces ), the Ministry of Agriculture, and the Ministries of Education and Information. In addition to their strength in the cabinet, the Communists controlled the People's Committees; General Ludwig Svoboda, trained in the Soviet Union, led the Army as Minister of Defense; the General Staff and its Intelligence Department were a Communist stronghold ; and in the border regions especially in areas from where the Germans had been expelled, the Communists, as Seton-Watson wrote, created "a party state within the state." According to Professor Beck, by 1947 Communists held 57 percent �132 SLOVAKIA of the chairmanships of local People's Committees, 80 percent of district People's Committees, and 100 percent of Provincial People's Committees. - Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Washington, D.C., 1966. sr...ovA!K LANGUAGE LABORATORY OOUR'SE A modern language course, Slovak Language Laboratory Course, by an illustrious member of the Slovak Franciscan Order and a recognized professor of languages, Fr. Bonaventure S. Bue, O.F.M., Ph. D., is in the process of being published. This Slovak Language Course is patterned according to the modern language series of other languages prepared by Georgetown University. When put into book form it will be on par with the most modern method of teaching a language. For laboratory work, the lessons have already been correlated on tapes and can be purchased from the Slovak Franciscans, 232 South Home Ave., Pittsburgh, Pa., 15202. The 40 minute tapes of 12 lessons can be used on a tape recorder or in a language laboratory. The complete set costs $30.00. Dr. Bue, a man of many talents, has taught Slovak, French, German, and Russian in schools and colleges in Europe, Canada, and the United States. He is also the author of several books. With the Franciscan Order, he taught in Malacky, Slovakia, and received his Ph. D. from the University of Bratislava. He also studied in Munich and Cologne in Germany, and in Paris, France. He held various posts in Canada and the United States and also taught at Duquesne University and Notre Dame High School, Easton, Pa. In 1957, Dr. Bue received a Master's Degree in Political Science at the University of Pittsburgh and wrote as his thesis Slovak Nationalism. It was published by Slovak League of America in 1960. He was working extensively on the contributions Msgr. Andrew Hlinka and Msgr. Joseph Tiso made to the Slovak nation at the time of his death on April 22, 1966. Fr. Bue was not only the pastor of St. Rita's Church in Buffalo, N. Y., but found time to teach Russian at the Calasanctius College Preparatory School. His "Slovak Language Laboratory Course" will be a monument to his greatness. J.C. K. YOU'DH OONFERENCE OF THE SLOVAK LffiAGUE OF AMERICA As a representative of St. Cyril Academy for Girls, Danville, Pa., I was privileged to attend the 40th Congress of the Slovak League of America in Youngstown, Ohio, in May of 1966. The primary reason for my presence at the Congress was to participate in the Youth Conference. Previous to the conference, I was very curious just what would be on the agenda and how many socalled youths would be present. Since I was a new-comer at these affairs in connection with the Slovak League, I thought I would be a 99 % observer, but my estimated statistics had a change of course. The moderator of the Conference was Dr. Peter Hletko of Chicago, Ill., the Honorary President of the League and a recognized American-Slovak leader, whom I had met previously. Attorney Edward Behuncik, Vice President of the League from Bridgeport, Conn., prefaced the discussion with an excellent presentation on the background of the Slovaks as a whole, and their marked status and contribution to the American character. He had a wealth of reference material which he used �SLOVAKIA in his presentation and the noteworthy thing was that his sources were all other than Slovak. A question and answer period followed the initial presentation and there were many interesting topics discussed. The one question that interested me most was, "What is the difference between the Slovaks and Czechs and why don't they just conceive the idea of a Czechoslovak nationality and state?" I must admit I felt and wanted to answer the question myself since at the Academy I had learned the answers through my courses on Slovak history. I knew the many struggles and tribulations of the Slovak people for over eleven centuries and their guest for independence and a position of honor in the family of nations. I knew of their few moments of freedom and what it has meant to them. However, wise and logical answers came swiftly from the members of the panel. Attorney Behuncik was first in line to state various facts and figures from a wide range of books and writers, other than Slovak, that substantiated the Slovak's claim and cause. Fr. Andrew Pier, O.S.B., a prolific writer in this field, spoke in defense of the human rights of the Slovaks. And, the Rt. Rev. Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., Abbot of St. Andrew's Abbey, Cleveland, Ohio, concluded the responses and put a 'clincher' on the topic that was being discussed. The one who asked the question responded, "I certainly did not know all these points and I must say that I will leave this conference with a different impression and much more informed. " Truth prevailed! Before the Conference had terminated , Dr. Hletko asked if I would comment on how the youth could become more interested and participate in different activities 133 concerning the Slovaks. My response was that the initial promotion of interest must come from the home-the parents must be the ones to talk about their great heritage; they should speak the language more if possible; encourage reading the Slovak newspapers and periodicals; participate in Slovak affairs; continue practicing and cherishing the many Slovak customs ; and most of all, be proud of our ethnic identity. I then continued and mentioned my background which is a loyal Slovak one attributed to my parents. My attitude has been moulded toward the Slovak people-their language, culture, their religious, social, civic, and fraternal activities-as being one of honor and sincere dedication. Concerning my knowledge of the Slovaks, I could not help but mention St. Cyril Academy. I was just finishing my second year of the four-year course in Slovak offered by the Academy. We are not only taught the Slovak language, but we are exposed to and learn Slovak history, culture, and traditions. The famous men in Slovak history are familiar to me like Samo, Rastislav, Svatopluk, SS. Cyril and Methodius, Bernolak, Stur, Hlinka , Furdek, Murgas, Jankola, Tiso, Sidor, and a host of others. I already have experienced the fact that some of the girls who are taking Slovak at St. Cyril's are of non-Slovak families . They want to learn the language and the history because they know they will not have the opportunity at other institutions. These students, indeed, are aware of the potential in the Slovak language and culture. In summation, I repeat that in order to get the youth interested, the parents must set the example as they do for anything else that must be developed in the home. Only there can the love and in- �134 SLOVAKIA terest in the Slovak heritage begin to flourish. My attendance at the Youth Conference of the 40th Congress of the Slovak League of America was very beneficial. In my heart I wished that every youth could have witnessed and taken part in the educational session. This experience was truly one that I will never forget. - Maryagnes Krajsa, '68 St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pennsylvania. " ... BY THEIR FRUITS YE SHA!LL KNOW THEM." In the Gospel according to St. Matthew we find the words of Our Lord, " ... by their fruit ye shall know them" (7:20). These words summarize a scientific truth. They express a Law that is evidenced in the lives of men and in the lives of nations. A nation is a group of men of psychological affinity, sharing a common heritage and common aspirations. When a nation represents a unity of men under God, to the detriment of no man, it is a vehicle for good. But when a nation covets that which belongs to its neighbors, rejecting the positive teachings of Christ, it becomes a negative vehicle with atrophy of its moral fibre as an inevitable consequence. This consequence is seen clearly by scientific observation, through objective examination of results. An illustration is provided by comparing two neighboring nations in Europe, the Czech and the Slovak. The majority of the Czechs are nominally Catholic. The Slovaks are predominantly, and devotedly, Catholic. No criticism of the Mother Church is intended by this comparison, nor is it for us to judge any man. A comparison of the moral situation in the two nations is the sole intent. The Czechs have developed an overhelming, almost psychotic, de- sire to not only dominate the Slovaks but to absorb them within an artificial entity they call "Czechoslovakia". A "Czechoslovak" nation never existed in the past, does not exist in the present, and cannot be imposed in the future. The Czechs and the Slovaks each have a different heritage and different aspirations. The Slovaks, the challenged, have maintained their faith while defending their identity. The Czechs, as the challengers, have sunk into a spiritual vacuum. In Slovakia the Church has maintained its life, even, where necessary, underground. As in the days of the catacombs, priests are ordained and bishops are consecrated, unknown to the eyes of the new Communist Caesars but known to the Omniscient eye of God. Bishop Paul Hnilica, S.J., is but one example of many Slovak shepherds who have been daily showing the devotion of the earliest disciples of Our Savior. Performing their pastoral duties at the greatest of personal risk and with the greatest of personal sacrifice, the Slovak clergy are fulfilling the Word of Christ, inspiring the Slovak people to meet the challenge which faces them. Through the example set by the Catholic majority in Slovakia the Protesttant Slovak community has also risen to the challenge, :as they share the devotion to the Slovak national heritage and to the Slovak n a ti o n a 1 aspirations. Such spiritual leaders as Bishop Hnilica transcend denominational boundaries. He is a spiritual leader in Christ for Catholic and Protestant Slovaks alike, representing true ecumenical spirit. U n f o rt u n a t e 1 y, among the Czechs one looks for this moral strength in vain. Due to their psychological obsession of attempting to destroy the Slovak national identity they have developed almost a castration complex concerning their own national herit- �SLOVAKIA age. This psychological sickness is a negation of Christianity. It has afflicted Czech Catholics and Protestants alike. Some symptoms of the illness are seen in the words and deeds of Josef Cardinal Ber an, the Czech Archbishop of Prague. Cardinal Beran calls himself a "Czechoslovak", but the Cat ho 1 i c Church in Slovakia was never, and is not now, in any way under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Prague. The Slovak Protestants have also rejected any administrative claims of Czech Protestants over their communities. Cardinal Beran and some of his Czech Catholic colleagues, with a number of Czech Protestant clergymen being equally cu 1 pa b 1 e, have chosen to give away their Czech national heritage in exchange for the pottage of unchristian covetousness of that which belongs to their Slovak neighbor. The illness is manifested in many ways: The same Cardinal Beran once signed a declaration stating that "Under the protection of our brother nation, Russia, a happy future is being opened to all Slavs." The only freedom Communist Russia has left the Czechs is the power to enslave the Slovaks. Is that a happy future? The same Cardinal Beran justified the forced expulsion after World War II of over three million Sudeten Germans. During this f o r c e d expulsion over 400,000 men, women and children were reported killed. Can a minister of the Gospel justify such bestiality? The same Cardinal Beran gave solemn "Te Deum" services in Prague's St. Vitus Cathedral in honor of the inauguration of Communist President Gottwald at the same time that the clergy in Slovakia were under the severest of Communist persecution and the Slovak people were fighting the Communist troops with their bare hands. Is that Christian brotherhood? 135 All of these actions by Cardinal Beran exemplify a negative thinking that is multiplied a thousandfold among his fellow Czech Catholic and Protestant clergy. It has borne its fruit. Among all Czech children only 3 % are reported to have received Baptism, the first of Christian sacraments. In Slovakia, the true Christian leadership of such as Bishop Hnilica has also borne its fruit. Approximately 98 % of all Slovak children are baptized, despite the Czech Communist persecutions. These nondenominational figures serve as one among many indices of the moral situation in the two nations. When we compare the fruits of the practice of Christianity among the Slovaks with the fruits of the m e n t a l malpractice among the Czechs we see the attitudes of many individuals projected as the concensus of a larger group. It is up to each of us, as an individual, to direct his thoughts positively_ When we do not, we abdicate our futures , as individuals and as nations. The results cannot be hidden for "by their fruits ye shall know them." - The Reverend Jon P. Speller, D.D., Scientific Prayer Ministry, New York, New York. THE OHRISTIAN OHURCH IN BOHEMIA AND SLOVAKIA When the Communists came to power in Czecho-Slovakia in 1948, there were 8.75 million Roman and 300,000 Greek Catholics in a population of 12.5 million. Since then, about one million Catholics have officially left the church, but this figure gives little idea of the actual leakage which has been caused by persecution and discrimination in every degree - and by disloyalty among the ranks of the priesthood. All church property was confiscated by the state in 1948, and the �136 SLOVAKIA church is not permitted to own anything whatever. Thus, collections taken during Mass have to be handed over to the local branch of the government department for church affairs, and only a bare minimum is returned to the priest for his own requirements and for the upkeep of the church fabric. Voluntary outside contributions are not permitted. And only "reliable" priests who have sworn an oath of loyalty to the Communist state, are allowed to hold office in parishes. Outwardly speaking, such religious life as there is, is confined to the church itself; off the premises it is simply not in evidence. R e 1 i g i o u s instruction in the schools has in practice ceased in Prague and in most towns in Bohemia, and in most of the villages as well, though it survives here and there in Slovakia. But instruction outside school is forbidden and subject to severe sanctions: this throws the whole responsibility on the parents, the majority of whom are not well qualified to give their children any substantial instruction. Any attempt from any quarter to influence young people toward religion is severly frowned on and those who are suspected of such activity or of religious learning will not receive advancement. And where would the parents find books to teach their children, when there are no religious publications? Little or nothing has been published, not even missals, since 1948; what has been issued has a strongly tendentious flavor. In 1948 there were 5,779 secular priests and 1,163 priests in religious orders; now there are about 2,500 in the whole country in 1951 about 3,000 priests were held in various degrees of confinement, from labor camps to "concentration monasteries." By 1958 the number had dropped to below 500, and in 1963 the majority were released, but have to earn their living as best they can, usually in unskilled labor, and are forbidden to work as priests. Today there are still about 15 priests in prison. There are theological students in training, though their number is of course inadequate. What weighs more heavily than numbers is the quality of the future priesthood, as there is an incredible lack of modern theological works available to them. Seminarians, together with the rest of the population, are "sheltered" from all contact with contemporary thought in the Catholic Church today, and in particular have no knowledge of the deliberations of the Vatican Council. They are held back in a nineteenth century climate of thought which has no relevance to the realities of life around them. The only religious periodical available to priesthood and laity is "The Spiritual Shepherd" which an authority on Czecho-Slovak affairs describes as "a mixture of timidity and weakness, full of self-deception and delusion." The reason for this-on the face of it, extraordinary-contrast between Poland and Czecho-Slovakia, is not hard to find. Today, owing to comparative religious indifferentism of the people which is very marked in Bohemia, less so in Slovakia, the Communist regime has no need to respect public opinion. Stella Musulin, correspondent for the London Herald and the St. Louis Review POLICE SEAROH RESIDENCE OF TWO BISHOPS Police searched the residences of two bishops in Czecho-Slovakia after they had been visited by tourists from the West, but found no "subversive material", accord- �SLOVAKIA ing to KNA, German Catholic news agency. The prelates are Auxiliary Bisshop Kajetan Matousek of Prague and Bishop Karel Otcenasek, apostolic administrator of Hradec Kralove, who had been released from confinement in 1963. KNA reported that all bishops who have been confined are under surveillance after their release. The news agency reported also that there are still 16 priests imprisoned in Czecho-Slovakia and that an unknown number of laymen are still in jail there because of their faith and religious activities. It was reported that 25 priests were imprisoned about six months ago. - (NCWC News Service ) HIGH TEENAGE DIVORCE According to a broadcast heard via Radio Prague, too many married couples, especially teenaged ones, are filing for divorce in Czecho-Slovakia. To stem the tide of divorce-seeking couples, a state commission has proposed establishing marriage advisory offices. The lack of savings and the scarcity of housing are given as the chief causes of early marriages ending in failure . In Prague, 28 % of all marriages end in divorce, while one in four goes on the rocks in the industrialized area of Northern Bohemia. In predominantly Catholic Slovakia, the divorce rate is less than 8% . - (NCWC New s Service) liN MiIDMORIAM Mother M . Pius, third Superior General of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, who died on Sunday, May 15, 1966, was laid to rest in the community cemetery on Wednesday, May 18. Officiating at the funeral Mass was the Rt. Rev. Abbot Theodore 137 Kojis, O.S.B., M.A., Abbot of St. Andrew's Slovak Benedictine Abbey, Cleveland, Ohio. Mother M. Pius, during whose administration as Superior General of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa. was opened in 1922, passed away in her sleep on Sunday, May 15, at Maria Joseph Manor. Born in 1894 in Blakely, Pa., and b a p t i z e d in Holy Ghost Church, Olyphant, Pa., Mother M. Pius answered the call of Christ to follow Him in the religious life when she entered M a r y w o o d, Scranton, for the prescribed training. The Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius was only two years old at the time of her entrance and its pioneer Sisters received their religious training under the direction of the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary in Scranton. Mother M. Pius made her first profession of vows at Marywood in 1913. In the early struggling years of the Congregation, Mother M. Pius held important positions which she discharged with rare wisdom and charm. Despite her youth she was superior of the Jednota Home for orphans in Middletown in the early years when it also served as motherhouse for the Congregation. In 1922, shortly after the purchase of the Castle Grove estate in Danville, Mother M. Pius was elected third Superior General of the Congregation and served in that capacity for 12 years. That same year Villa Sacred Heart opened its doors as a boarding school for girls, known then as the First Catholic Slovak Girls High School. By 1930 it became necessary to expand. The beautiful St. �138 SLOVADA Cyril Academy on the hill was erected and its lofty tower has become a landmark in the montour area. During the administration of Mother M. Pius, St. Cyril Academy was accredited by the State Department of Education and its first commencement in 1926 were honored by the presence of five bishops, four of them from Slovakia. Meanwhile also the Congregation increased in membership and many new schools were opened. In the years that followed Mother M. Pius was principal and teacher in parish schools in New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania. Before her retirement last year Mother M. Pius was again superior at Jednota Home where she celebrated her Golden Jubilee in 1963. I Mother M. Pius was preceded in death by her sister, Sister M. I Philomena, who died at Jednota in 1920 and lies buried in the Community cemetery in Danville. She is mourned by three sisters, Mrs. Margaret Prokopovitsh and Cecile Yakubov, Washington, D.C. and Sister M. Constance, SS.C.M., music instructor at Andrean High School, Gary, Indiana, and many nieces and nephews. What Mother M. Pius has meant to the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius is written not only in stone, but also, and more importantly, in the solid foundation of progress in the Congregation and in countless human hearts, both within the Community and without. Her deeds are recorded in history, the history of the Congregation, of the Church, and of the Slovak nation. May her great soul rest in peace. AS OTHERS SEE IT It was Monsignor Hlinka, who founded the Slovak People's Party and encouraged the Slovaks to strive for national recognition. Slovakia had long been submerged by foreign rule, but the spirit of the nation was preserved by the inspiring work of dedicated men. Monsignor Hlinka rose to prominence in Europe as a leading advocate of selfgovernment for Slovakia and all the other nations of Central-East Europe. The Wilsonian principle of self-determination provided a powerful stimulant to his work and for the cause of the Slovak people. It was in that spirit that he journied to Paris in 1919 with the hope of seeing President Wilson to plead the case of his people. While Monsignor Hlinka's hopes were not realized, his dedication and determination left an indelible mark on the life of the Slovak Congressman Michael nation. Feighan. The long-disputed Prague Pittsburgh Pact of May, 1918, which played a role in the creation of the Republic of Czechoslovakia after World War I, is no longer a political issue per se but the old hostility between Czechs and Slovaks, reflecting in part an alleged invalidation of the pact, continues under communism. The pact was agreed upon by representatives of the Slovak and Czech organizations in this country which met in the Moose Temple on Penn Avenue with T. G. Masaryk, who became the republic's first president. In the 47 years since the Czechoslovak Republic was proclaimed on Oct. 28, 1918, the Slovaks have �SLOVAIIA argued consistently that the terms of the pact were never fulfilled and that they have been unequaled partners in an unhappy political marriage. Of the 14 million people in this country, the Czechs outnumber the Slovaks more than two to one. But, of course, it does the Slovaks no good to complain. For now they are melded with the Czechs in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, which is a communist state and a full-fledged member of the Soviet bloc. And the Reds have not the slightest concern for any agreement negotiated in capitalist Pittsburgh. - Frank Hawkins PostGazete, Pittsburgh, Nov. 6, 1965. Czechs drink beer. Slovaks drink wine. And that's one of the instances where your connoisseur touring Slovakia would say, "Viva la difference!" - John F . McLeod, The Washington Daily News, June 15, 1965. It was shocking-three border gates, fences with double barbed wire, guns, brick cubicles and women in officer's uniforms checking cars. The landscape is bleak, devoid of trees, houses, cars. Prague is a gray city. The hotel where we stayed is their pride and joy-it's like a communal concentration camp. Those who protest the war against Communism should come here, and if they find it The Slovaks historically have agreeable, let them stay. - Candy looked of any Prague government Bergen, by Hedda Hopper, Daily with fishy eyes. - Ted Princiotto , News, November 16, 1965. The Plain Dealer, Cleveland, OctAfter the aborted Hungarian ober 17, 1965. Revolution of 1956, things seem to have simmered down in Russia's Zakamenny Klin, Slovakia "You took him away from us alive satelites and one could easily get . . . you have returned him to us the impression that most of the dead. The day of reckoning will anti-Communist yen to revolt has come. Then justice shall prevail." gone. The truth is that it seems quiescent only because it hasn't These were the words of a young found an outlet with any promise "Communist" at the grave of Bish- of success. op Jan Vojtassak and proved a fitIt took years to discover in the ting and dramatic climax in the West to what degree the Poles life and death of the venerated Slo- were ready to cut loose in October, vak warrior for justice, freedom, 1956, a few days before the Hunand truth. garians made their shots heard This unexpected tribute was around the world. Czechoslovakia, heard by 10,000 of Bishop Vojtas- at the time, was supposed to be sak's fellow countrymen. The youth plotting something which misfired. was supposed to list the prelate's Much later we learn that where"crimes." as the Czechs didn't make much of The Communist regime had plan- a fuss at the time, Slovak partisans ned to make the burial service raised Cain. The nation's four milquiet and private - instead, when lions Slovaks represent about one the word got out that the Slovak third of Czechoslovakia's 12 milprelate was to be buried from his lions Slavs. Slovak partisans battled Soviet native village church, the news spread like wildfire and overnight forces near Presov. Slovak partisans fought by the more than 10,000 gathered from all sides to pay their final respects to side of the Hungarian rebels. The C om mu n i s ts suppressed a national martyr who had remained unbowed to the end. - The news of all this at the time. If and Register, October 24, 1965. when the State Department ever �140 SLOVAKIA caught up with it, U. S. spokesmen - always considerate of Red sensibilities never bothered to mention it or rub it in. - Guy Richards, New York Journal-American, July 3, 1965. Mrs. Sloboda comes from Slovakia, which is the Church's stronghold in Czecho-Slovakia and which has shown the greatest resistance to the regime. There 60 per cent of the land is still in private hands, as compared to only 10 per cent in other regions. There, too, church attendance is still strong and there is an active religious tradition. Largely agricultural and mountainous, the remoteness has been an asset to the Church. A Communist functionary from Slovakia recently admitted in despair, "In Prague, they think Catholicism is finished. But in Slovakia, we see things differently. The faith is still strong there. We have to show much more tolerance to the Church. We can't work actively against it. " "You know, " Mrs. Sloboda explained to me, with an apology to her husband, "the Slovaks are quite d i f f e r e n t from the easy-going Czechs, who would rather accommodate themselves to the status quo than get into trouble. The Slovaks are toughened by the hard life in the mountains. " " Oh, yeah," protested her husband , "but don't forget how we threw the bottle-tossing hooligans out of church last Christmas, here in Prague! " Nevertheless, even in Slovakia, interest in religion is beginning to wane, and there has been a decline in church attendance among the youth. The rapid industrialization of the area will inevitably contribute to the secularization and estrangement from a predominantly peasant-orientated Catholicism. "In every village, just as in the rest of Czecho-Slovakia," said Mrs. Sloboda, "there are loudspeakers hanging over the square which are used for p r op a g a n d a purposes." - Adolph Schalk, The Sign, Decem- ber, 1965. Grim , tough, friendless Antonin Novotny of Czecho-Slovakia, detested by many Communists and by the population at large, especially in the chronically restless Slovak region, was already a ranking Party ogre in Stalin's day. He is a prime candidate for de-Stalinization at the first wrong move. Hal Lehrman, before The Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, 89th Congress, 1st Session. Planned extermination is facing Slovakia and other captive nations? In Slovakia all their leaders were either hanged, imprisoned, or exiled. 85,000 Slovak citizens were placed in labor and concentration camps. 20,000 known Slovaks were deported to the Soviet Union as slaves. Over 100,000 Slovak citizens of German ancestry were expelled to the Soviet Union. Over 120,000 Slovak citizens of Hungarian ancestry were expatriated. Over 600,000 Slovaks were forced to leave Slovakia and live in Bohemia and Moravia. - Alfred Korn, Jr., President, Americans to Free Captive Nations, Inc. New York, November 27, 1965. I frequently wonder what the people of the captive nations think of what the United States contemplates on doing. Do they sometimes begin to feel that we are abandoning them and that we do not care-that we want them to be subjects of the communists. There is a very interesting aspect about the Slovaks. In 1946 when the first vote was taken in Slovakia as to what type of government they should have, up in the mountain areas and in the land of the Slovaks the vote was about 65 % against the communists. They were the only group in the whole country of Czecho-Slovakia that voted against it. So I say that today you have given voice which should �SLOVAKIA be broadcast by the Voice of America. And the broadcast should be made in the Slovak language so that the Slovaks in the mountains and in the valleys will understand what is happening. We are challenged by the communists. We unhappily and unfortunately have in our midst many who say they are not a challenge to us, but the Slovaks know that they are. There is in the Old Testament in the Bible in the Book of Kings the story of the King who wanted the vineyard of one of his subjects. It is in Chapter 21 and this is how it reads: "And after these things, Naboth the Jezrahelite, who was in J ezrahel, had at that time a vineyard near the palace of Achab, the king of Samaria. And Achab the king spoke unto Naboth saying: Give me thy vineyard, that I may have me a garden of herbs, because it is near to my house, and I will give thee for it a better vineyard : or if you think it more good to thee, I will give thee the worth of it in money. And Naboth the subject said to Achab the king : The Lord forbith me that I should give the inheritance of my fathers unto thee." The Lord forbid that we should give the inheritance of our country and the United States on to the communists. And the Lord forbid the land of the Slovaks should pass unto the communists that now rule in Slovakia. - U.S. Senator Frank 141 freedom is restored to these valiant people and the other captive nations under communism. We must not only observe the historic national days on the floor of the House, but we should establish a Special Committee on Captive Nations to more forcibly bring the present plight of these unfortunate people to world attention. Another effective step the U.S. Government could take to show our interest in the Slovak people and their aspirations for freedom from communism would be lengthier and more effective broadcasts by the Voice of America which would pierce the wall of Communist propaganda and deliver the truth to the Slovak people. In recent years, Mr. Speaker, the Voice of America has cut back both its hours of broadcast in the Slovak language and the nature of these broadcasts. The VOA now has only straight news programs because of the present administration's fear of offending the Soviet Union. The Voice of America should instead be a vehicle for delivering the message of truth to the Slovak people so that they can resist the brainwashing of the constant propaganda from the tyrannical Moscow oppressors. - Edward J. Derwinski on the floor of the House of Representatives, March 14, 1966. Lausche. Mr. Speaker, today is the 27th anniversary of Slovak Independence Day, and on this historic occasion, I would like to pay tribute to the brave Slovak people who suffer today under the yoke of Communist tyranny. They are not permitted by their Red tyrants to publicly celebrate their national holiday. Therefore, we must rededicate ourselves to our efforts to see that Annual SLOVAKIA is published by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue, Middletown, Pennsylvania. Subscription $2.00. Editor: Dr. Joseph Pauco. �142 SLOVAXIA BOOK REVIEWS SLOVAK STUDIES III - CYRILLO-METHODIANA, Published by Slovak Institute, Rome, 1965, p. 224. The eleventh centenary of the arrival of the scholarly missionaries St. Cyril and Methodius among the Slavic tribes, called Sclavi Marahenses in Latin sources and Slovene or Sklavinoj in Eastern sources, was an occasion for Slavs to publish scores of studies in various languages. Slovaks, who claim to be among the heirs of the CyrilloMethodian tradition, were especially active on both sides of the Iron Curtain. Besides organizing huge celebrations in Rome, Canada and the U.S.A. and archeological exhibitions, Slovak scholars took part at the international Cyrillo-Methodian Conference in Salzburg, Austria, and contributed to various symposia either in Slovak or in foreign languages. The symposium under review contains contributions by Slovak scholars and writers who live in the free world. Expecting that the writings in Slovakia will necessary be subject to marxist criteria and political restriction, they undertook the task to present the Cyrillo-Methodian period to the Western scholars as they see it on the basis of Slovak pre-communist and foreign sources. The contributions written in English, French and German, deal with history (F. Hrusovsky, M. Lacko, J . Papin, A. Grebert, liturgy (M. Lacko and M. Rusnak), literature (J. M. Kirschbaum) and with the role of the CyrilloMethodian tradition in Slovak national and political life (J. M. Kirschbaum) . Since the Slovak erudities from the XVIIth century claimed great-Moravia and the activities of the scholarly missionaries for Slovaks and Moravians, the contributions in the symposium not only follow that tradition, but apparently try to substantiate the Slovak claims to the Cyrillo-Methodian heritage by compiling supporting evidence from the works of renown and less known slavists of many nations. The tendency to prove the "slovacity" of the Cyrillo-Methodian period or to defend the Slovak claims to the Great-Moravian heritage is common to all contributors to this third volume of Slovak Studies, but it is mainly the well documented account on the relations of the rulers of Great Moravia with Rome, written by the late Prof. F. Hru!iovsky, the German contribution on the ethnic composition of Great Moravia by A. Grebert and the French and English contribution by Prof. J . M. Kirschbaum on the Cyrillo-Methodian literature and tradition which may be of interest for Slavist who do not specialize in religious aspects. Contributions by Prof. M. Lacko, who is known as an expert in the Cyrillo-Methodian period and the articles by Prof. J. Papin, bishop M. Rusnak and I. Kondratovic are valuable especially from the Slovak point of view. Not all the contributions are of equal scholarly value and the volume is marked by the difficulty to edit a multi-lingual book: not only typographical errors but also linguistic deficiencies appear in the book quite frequently. This does not make, however, the volume without interest or value. Slavists might find it challenging in various aspects and by the same token worth reading. �SLOVAKIA U.3 The editors as well as the Slovak Institute and those who in other ways made the publication of the volume possible, deserve recognition for not allowing pass the 11th centenary of Slovak civilization without a written document. J. P. Jan Kollar-Slovak Poet of Panslavism, J. M. Kirschbaum, LL.D., Ph.D., Published by the Slovak Institute, Cleveland, 1966, 48pp., Ed. J . B. Rudnyc'kyj , Slavistica, LVI(56). Perhaps for the first time the ideas and their practical application in the Pan Slav movement of Jan Kollar, Slovak romantic poet and political philosopher, are presented in understandable language by the prolific historical and political writer, Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum. All students of history of the Slavic nations in central, southern and eastern Europe welcome this clear-cut view and analysis of one of the most complex characters in the Pan Slav movement in the first half of the 19th century. Kollar, the celebrated poet whose 'Slavy dcera' (Daughter of Slava) sonnets made him immortal in Slavdom, for personal and unknown reasons rejected the official central Slovak literary language of Stur and wrote in his own Slovak-Czech dialect he called 'stara slovencina' (the ancient language of the Slovaks). He was, therefore, in some respects both the forerunner of the political union of the Czechs and Slovaks who formed Czecho-Slovakia in 1918 and of the futile attempts of the Czechs to fuse the Slovak language into a synthetic Czechoslovak tongue. Nevertheless, in his day he was an outspoken champion of the Slovak colony in Budapest for many years. Although at first glance, Kollar's views on Panslavism calling for unity among all Slavs may appear to be a basis for a political union of all Slavic nations, a more careful look reveals that he regarded each to be but a tribe, nevertheless an individual ethnic entity with a right to its own language, state, etc., in a family of tribes belonging to one Slav nation! As a poet (Kollar's lyric and romantic works may be criticized from many angles by the experts), he excels in idealism, which is somewhat dimmed by the stark realism and cruelty of Slava, the goddess, who from her golden throne watches demons torturing the enemies and persecutors of the Slavs . . . a la Dante's Inferno. In Canto III of his Sonnet CX, Kollar turned prophet and a mighty good one, for he predicted the expansion of the Slavs like 'a mighty flood' and foresaw the day when the language of the Slavs would be spoken by their foes, and their sciences become manifest, as also their customs, dress and music on both sides of the Seine and the Danube. In the light of current history, we cannot, of course, rejoice in the modern Soviet imperialism that has reached the acme of Slavic power and prestige but only at the price of the enslavement of hundreds of millions of Slavs and non-Slavs, alike. Even for Kollar, who voices his wish to raise from his grave to behold the glory of the Slavs, the present would not be a glorious experience for the Slovak poet who envisioned a far different emergence of the Slavs would have sorrow and regret, not joy, in his heart were he a witness of the sad fate of Slavic nations today. �144 SLOVAKIA Dr. Kirschbaum shows that Kollar's Panslavism was hailed by the Russians, Czechs, Slovaks and the southern Slavs but was not at all acceptable to the Poles or Ukrainians who saw in it a form of Panrussianism . . . and as it has developed, they were right in their suspicions. On the national level, Kollar, writes Dr. Kirschbaum, played an important role in Slovak national revival by his linguistic theories, his poetry, publication of Slovak songs and his ideals of freedom. Undoubtedly, Jan Kollar will be the subject of many studies on the question of his political and linguistic theories, but despite efforts to make him a Czech poet because he wrote in his own pre-fabricated 'stara slovencina' medium which was his own personal invention in an attempt to arrive at a common language, and in spite of his rejection of Stu.r's central Slovak that was destined to become the official language of the Slovak nation, he was a Slovak poet in his own right. If his image as a Slovak poet is not altogether in focus, it is both because he moved in so many directions at one and the same time so that his picture is somewhat distorted, and the disturbing circumstances of his time, his condition, etc. At best, he was an erratic genius, and therefore, very difficult, if not impossible, to fully understand and appreciate. Nevertheless, his stature as a great Slovak poet continues to remain unimpaired. A. P. Frantisek Vnuk, Sedemnast' neurodnych rokov - Nacrt dejin slovenskej literatury v rokoch 1945-62, (Seventeen barren years -A Survey of Slovak Literature 1945-1962), Published by Slovak v Amerike, Middletown, Pa., 1965, p. 304, English summary. Slavists at various universities in the free world will receive in the present volume a first concise look at the postwar Slovak literature, and since there has been nothing published on the subject in English except a few articles in Slavic Studies and the anthology Linden Tree , which is in many ways a biased and unobjective presentation, the volume is longtime overdue. The English summary will make the book accessible also to those who do not read Slovak, which makes it even more welcome. The Slovak part of the book contains a rich source of information and remarkably well written aesthetic judgments on the literary value and ideological regimentation of the Slovak literature since the end of the Second World War. Vnuk places the works of Slovak poets and writers into the context of Slovakia's post-war upheavals, unprecedented persecutions for ideological deviations, censorship and social changes, and measures them against the moral and intellectual duties toward the Slovak people among whom writers and poets were always fighting for justice and national goals. The method used by the author does not follow the usual detached and impersonal ways of literary history and criticism, but it does not make this book less valuable for scholars or anyone interested in Slovak literature under Communism. On the contrary. The book presents a fresh, well written, scholarly sound and sincere look at the literary works and their authors and it is understandable that he condemned his country's deceit and desertion by her poets and writers who were always looked upon as intellectual leaders. �145 SLOVAKIA The seventeen barren years, as the author calls the post-war period in Slovak literature, are divided into four parts: The period of struggles (1945-1948), the period of the victory of socialism (19491951), the period of schematism and dogmatism , and the period of lost years (1956-1962) , In each of these periods Slovak literature was at the mercy of political commissars, who silenced the best writers and dictated literary subjects and criteria, and therefore one cannot but agree with the author that "these years will stand for a period for unheared of degradation in Slovak literary history - a veritable " temps du mepris" - with an unprecented decline in artistic values both qualitatively and quantitatively, when the writer became a stateemployed "engineer of human souls" and his standard was measured by the degree of his dedication to the political party line". (p. 259) . Since 1963, when the Slovak writers finall y dared to " rebel" against the straitjacket of regime's supervision and regimentation, Vnuk's harsh judgments were confirmed even in Slovak literary reviews, and therefore there is no reason to suspect him of "parti pris". Slovak literature was not only cut off the free world, but went also through the worst period of literary history in Slovakia and Vnuk's book intelligently mirrors all the tribulations, struggles, deficiences and intellectual dishonesty of some writers and the positive value of others. Vnuk reviewed in a short addition to his book also the literary works of the Slovak emigre writers and poets which will fill a gap in surveys of Slavic literatures in the free world. If the whole Slovak literature is a sort of "terra incognita" to many people in the West, the literary works of the Slovak emigre writers could not fare much better, though there are exceptions and in some instances Slovakia and her literature became known only through the writings of Slovak exiles. With regard to Slovakia, the author is maybe right when he says that "the 50 odd Slovak men of letters living on this side of the Iron Curtain kept the lights of Slovak culture burning while they went out in the writers' native country. This may sound emotional or sentimental, yet it is a sad truth that in the years 1950-55 there hardly appeared in Slovakia a single book worthy of reading. In those years indeed the emigre literature was the contemporary Slovak literature." The value of the volume is enhanced by a register of names, short bibliography and a brief note on the writer. It is to be regreted that the title of the book does not indicate that it is a survey of Slovak literature, but it is a minor shortcoming and can be repaired in distributing the English summary under a proper title. J . M. K irsc hbaum D ie Slow akei als Mittel europaisches Problem i n Geschichte und Gegenwart, (Slovakia as Central European Problem in the Past and Present) , Lectures at Collegium Carolinum, Verlag Robert Lerche, Mtinchen, 1965, p. 240. The prominent German institution Collegium Carolinum in Munich organized in August 1962 a series of lectures on Slovakia's past and present place in Central Europe, and published six of them in the present volume as a contribution to the research on problems of �146 SLOVAKIA Central Europe. The lectures cover over eleven centuries of Slovakia's history and while they are not of equal scholarly value, they are all shedding a new light on various periods of Slovak history, including the present one under Communism. Three of the lectures were given by Slovak intellectuals living in Western Europe: Prof. F. f>urcansky deals with Pan-Slavism and the role of Slovakia in this movement; Prof. Milan Stan. f>urica of the University of Padova gives the results of his scholarly research into the crisis of March 1939 and on the basis of documents he corrects various misconceptions about the origin of the Slovak republic; Ctibor Pokorny writes about the attitude of Slovaks towards Communism. The lectures by Prof. f>urcansky and Prof. Durica are well documented and scholarly written contributions to two controversial topics of historiography on Slovakia. Abundance of sources referred to, and logical conclusions which characterize both contributions, will perhaps help to clear at least partly the controversy and misconceptions of some Western historians. For students of Central European problems two other lectures might be of great interest: von Gogolak's lecture on Slovakia's social and constitutional history and Kurt Wessely's learned analysis of Slovakia's economic and social problems since World War I. Both authors are experts in their fields, but their contributions are bound to lead to a controversy either from the Slovak or from the Czech side. While Slovaks could be hurt by some of Gogolak's harsh judgements of their leaders in the remote or recent past, the Czechs might oppose the picture which Prof. Wessely has drawn about Slovakia's economic development under the Czech tutelage. The well documented account of the development of the national consciousness among Slovaks by Prof. Gogolak somehow contrasts in his conclusions not only with his previous works on Slovakia, but it also seems to be in clash with the requirements of scholarly impartiality. Except for a few Slovaks of the "Czechoslovak" orientation hardly any educated Slovak would leave unchallenged certain parts of Prof. Gogolak's picture of modern Slovak history. Unfortunately, this is not the place to go into detail or to show where Prof. Gogolak's lecture is marked rather by emotional than by objective analysis, and where the historian wandered into politics. While this is to be regretted, this reviewer is of the opinion that the scholarly lecture might serve on the other hand a very useful purpose, if Slovak intellectuals will properly react. The introductory lecture by Karl Bosl on the mission of Sts. Cyril and Methodius and its place in Rome's Church organization is a learned summary of the older and the most recent research into the GreatMoravian period, with some new hypotheses. Scholarly sound and without bias, the lecture will remain as a tribute from the German side to the 11th centenary of the Cyrillo-Methodian mission among the ancestors of today's Slovakia, which was commemorated in 1963 by Slovaks on both sides of the Iron Curtain. The volume was edited with great care and should be welcome as a valuable contribution to the research into and solution of the unsolved Slovak problem in Central European area. J. M. Kirschbaum �SLOVAKIA 147 National Slovak Society Almanac for the year 1966 - Narodny Americko-Slovensky Kalendar na rok 1966, Vol. 74, Pittsburgh, Pa., 240 pp., Edited by Jan Mihal. The first 70 pages of this year's National Slovak Society annual are in the English language . . . the rest in Slovak. This, then, is an edition designed for both young and old readers in one or both languages. In addition to their duties as members of the NSS Literary Committee, headed by Dr. Peter Hletko, M.D. as president, which compiled the bi-lingual almanac, all (Msgr. M. K. Mlynarovic, K. Belohlavek, John Pankuch [NSS President, and the editor, Jan Mihal] contributed informative and inspiring articles to this year's publication of the oldest Slovak fraternal group in America. Tribute is paid to Peter Rovnianek (1867-1933), NSS founder, on the eve of the centennial of his birth as a great American Slovak humanitarian. The following contributors are found in the English section: John Pankuch, Jan Mihal, Mary Burns, Dr. Peter Hletko, M.D., Dr. Stephen Hletko, DDS., Rosalie Gona, S. Ullman and Karol Kuzmany. Although a major part of the section is devoted to a review of NSS activities, particularly bowling, the rest gives the reader an idea of the possibilities of expanding the subject matter into a more serious sphere for better comprehension of vital issues in American Slovak life. While members of the NSS Literary Committee were called upon to do double duty by contributing articles to the Slovak section, too, the following writers made their contributions of interesting articles to the 1966 NSS Almanac: John Pankuch, E. Vesnin, Lado Demeter, Jozef Steller, Msgr. M. K. Mlynarovic, Dr. Peter Hletko, M.D., K. Holicsky, Peter Klas, Rev. Andrej Rolik, Dr. A. P. Slabey, 0. M. Debnarkin, A. Rybiansky, Dr. Jan Fabianek, Rosalie Gona, Stefan Hassik, Jozo Trnavcan, J. Horsky, J. T. Sulovsky, K. Belohlavek. In some respects the tone of the current Almanac is an ecumenical one, e.g., Dr. Slabey's article on Jan Hus. Hus' successful bid to reverse the 3-1 German preponderance in voting at Charles University to a domestic Czech 3-1 majority was confirmed by royal decree ... this democratic procedure is the only one that will finally bring peace and understanding between the Czech and Slovak nations, namely, the recognition of the right of the Slovak nation to self-rule, for the principle of human and natural rights to freedom is the same today as it was in Hus' time. A. P. Jednota Annual Furdek, 1966, Middletown, Pa., vol. 5, 160 pp., Joseph Krajsa, editor. Inaugurated by the late Philip A. Hrobak, editor of the Jednota weekly, five years ago in an effort to reach the younger generation of American Slovaks, the FURDEK annual is continuing under his successor, Mr. Joseph C. Krajsa. It is a worthwhile effort, inasmuch as our Slovak youth would otherwise lose all interest in its heritage because �148 SLOVAKIA the third and fourth generation no longer speaks or reads the Slovak language. The contents of the current issue cover a variety of subjects from the following writers: Bishop Andrew Grutka, D.D., Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., J. C. Krajsa, J. Pfeiffer, A. Sarisky, Dr. J. Kirschbaum, Ph.D., LL.D., Very Rev. Theodoric Zubek, O.F.M., S.T.D., C. Petrasek, J . J. Konus, A. Koto, and S. Sencik, S.J. Feature article is 'The Joe Lapchick Story' about the great basketball player and coach from Yonkers, N. Y. The ex-Celtic star and successful coach at St. John's University ranks among the greatest American Slovak athletes. Lead-off review of the Jednota's diamond jubilee in 1965 is given in capsule form by Dr. Jozef Pauco, Ph.D., author of the 560-page history of the First Catholic Slovak Union (75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty: 1890-1965) is supplemented by pictorial highlights of the jubilee observance, particularly the celebration in Washington, D. C. Oldtimers such as Dr. M. v_ Simko and Rev. A. Pier, O.S.B. have a number of contributions in this 5th issue of the Jednota annual, the Furdek, in the English language. A brief historical review of the Slovak Benedictines in the U. S. and the Slovak Jesuits in Canada completes the 1966 edition of the Furdek. Both foundations constitute only part of the story of the Slovak Religious Orders in the new world. Future issues of this novel publication will undoubtedly cover the history of the others, namely, the Slovak Franciscans, as well as the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, the Franciscan Sisters, the Dominican Sisters, the Benedictine Sisters, the Sisters of the Most Holy Saviour, the Consolers of the Sacred Heart, and the Vincentian Sisters. A. P. PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED Rekem John, Stefan Dubnicay - Slovak Polemist and Historian (1675-1725), Middletown, Pa., 1966, p. 80. Slovak Literature and National Consciousness before Anton Bernolcik, Jednota Printery, Middletown, Pa. 1964. Kirschbaum, J. M., Jcin Kollar-Slovak Poet of Panslavism, Stavistica No. 56, Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1966, p. 48. The Role of the Cyrillo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak National and Political Life, An Offprint from Slovak Studies Ill. Rome, 1965 La Litterature de la period CyrilLo-Methodienne et la Slovaquie, An Offprint from Slovak Studies III, Rome, 1965. Vnuk, Frantisek, Sedemncist' neurodnych rokov (Ncicrt slov enskej A Survey of Slovak Literature 1945-1962, literatury 1945-1962) Published by Slovak v Amerike, Middletown, Pa., p. 304, English summary, register. �SLOVAKIA 149 CONTRIIBUTORS Prof. Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum. Born in a small Slovak village on March 25, 1913 and lost his father in the First World War. Dr. J. Kirschbaum is a prominent representative of the new Slovak educated class, whose many members made a long way from the Slovak villages to European and American capitals, forei gn universities, diplomatic posts and teaching positions by their own diligence, capabilities and perseverance, fighting against many odds and staunch and unscrupulous adversaries of the Slovak cause. Educated at several European universities, Dr. Kirschbaum attained national prominence already during his university studies as leader of the Slovak student's organizations, Vice-President of the world-wide Catholic organization Pax Romana and speaker for the autonomy of Slovakia on behalf of the young Slovak generation. When only 26 years old, he was appointed by the President of the Slovak Republic and later elected to the responsible post of Secretary-General of the People's Party, founded by Msgr. A. Hlinka . After opposing the introduction of National Socialism into Slovakia, he was ousted in 1940 from Slovak politics and for 18 months kept in military service. In 1941 he was, however, back in public life and, as the youngest head of diplomatic mission, he served his country in Switzerland as Charge d'Affaires of the Slovak Republic. In that capacity he represented Slovakia until the end of the war, fighting relentlessly for Slovakia's right to independence and against the false propaganda of the Czech exiles and their anti-Slovak aspirations. After the war Dr. Kirschbaum very soon became one of the leading personalities of the Slovak movement for a free and independent Slovakia . He moved to Canada , for a short time to the United States and again to Canada , where he dedicated his time and energy to teaching at Canadian Universities writing and fighting for the Slovak cause. Besides a book in Slovak Nas boj o samostatnost' Slovenska, Dr. Kirschbaum published in exile the first scholarly English book on political history and cultural background of Slovakia under the title: Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe (New York, 1960) . The book was r ~viewed by the foremost academic periodicals in England, U.S.A., Canada and Europe and mostly favorably received by the critics. On cultural problems Dr. Kirschbaum published a series of studies in French and English, four of them (on Bernolak, St11r, Safarik and Kollar) were published in the series Slavistica, edited by the known slavist Prof. J . B. Rudnyckyj from the University of Manitoba. His essays on Slovak language and literature were published in French and English first by University periodicals and later in offprint form . His political writings appeared in English, French , German and Spanish. Altogether Dr. Kirschbaum published 15 writings in foreign languages either in book form or as reprints, and contributed larger articles to Canadian Slavonic Papers (Univ. of Toronto) , Etudes slaves et esteuropeennes (Univ. of Montreal ), Rivista de Estudios politicos (Madrid) , Slovakia (Middletown, Pa.), Slowakei (Munich, Germany). Most ( Cleveland, Ohio) , to various symposia, encyclopedias and newspapers. All the writings of Dr. Kirschbaum are marked, according to the critics, by clarity of style, logic, scholarly objectivity and solid knowledge as well as his �150 SLOVAKIA firm belief in the rightness and victory of the Slovak cause. Once an excellent student of internat• ional law and political science, Dr. Kirschbaum turned in exile to his• tory and culture of his country and Central Europe and defends the right of the Slovak people to independence on account of their old culture and civilization. He presents Slovakia to the free world in a new light and always within a new, democratic organization of Central Europe. For his uncompromising stand towards those who tried or try to deny equal rights to the Slovak people, Dr. Kirsch b a u m was persecuted already during his uni• versity years. A Czech rector of the University of Bratislava refus• ed to give him, for political reasons, the doctor's diploma, even though Kirschbaum finished all his exams with excellent results. The Germans turned against the young Secretary-General as soon as they noticed that he opposed German interference in Slovak politics, and Berlin asked the Slovak Government not only to remove Dr. Kirschbaum from Slovak politics, but his name was not supposed to appear in any newspaper. "If it does", wrote the German Ambassador to Slovakia in 1940, "I shall ask to forbid the publication of the newspaper." ialist newspapers. A new smear campaign was organized against Dr. Kirschbaum when he moved to the United States. The most un• scrupulous and immoral campaign was, however, unleashed against him by Communist Prague and some Czech exiles in Canada dur· ing the Spring and Summer of 1962. In all those smear campaigns, not only in serious Slovak circles, but also the authorities of the countries he lived in, clergy and many newspapers and politicians were on the side of Dr. Kirschbaum, and he was fully vindicated. munist adversaries of the Slovak struggle for independence and de• mocracy turned, however, against Dr. Kirschbaum, especially after the Second World War. Even though he spent the war years in neutral Switzerland and was known to oppose Nazism, the Communist government of Prague requested his extradition from Switzerland. When the Swiss Government refused , the Czech diplomats and propagandists tried to compromise Dr. Kirschbaum by publishing smear and ludicrous accusations in the Swiss Communist and Soc• and Methodius, whose motherhouse is in Danville, Pennsylvania, was a graduate of St. Cyril Academy and obtained her B.A. degree from Marywood College, Scranton, Pa. , and her M.A. from Villanova University, Villanova, Pa. She is the author of two books : Dr. Kirschbaum is married to Magdalena Danihel, daughter of the late Slovak politician and member of Parliament Stefan Danihel, has four children of whom two graduated at Canadian universities and one of them, Stanislav, works on his Ph.D. at the Sorbon• ne, Paris, on scholarship. Dr. Kirschbaum has been since the war leading figure of the Slovak Nat• ional Council Abroad, Slovak Li• beration Council, member of many Slovak cultural and civic organiz. ations in the U.S.A. and Canada, member or officer of leading social clubs and academic organizat• ions and editorial boards. Martina Tybor, Si ster M., B.A., M.A. , of the Sisters of SS. Cyril The furor of the Czech and Com• SS. Cyril and Methodius, the Glory of the Slav s, for young adults, and SS. Cyril and Methodius , Apostles of Great Moravia, for children. She has done outstanding work in Slo• vak-English translations, notably of Slovak classic poetry. Her own poems have appeared in Spirit, �SLOVAKIA publication of the National Catholic Poetry Society. Her odes, written for various Jubilee occasions, have appeared in Fialky, St. Cyril Academy annual. At present Sister M. Martina is head of the English department at Andrean High School, Gary, Indiana. Zatko, James J., Ph.D .., Rev., received an M.A. and Ph.D. from the University of Notre Dame. Under sponsorship of Ford Fellowships he studied at Harvard in 1954-1955 and at the Catholic University of Lublin in 1958. He was also the recipient of an Association of Middle Eastern Studies Fellowship in 1962. He is assistant professor of history at the University of Notre Dame. His book Descent Into Darkness - The Destruction of the Roman Catholic Church in Russia 1917-1923, was published by Notre Dame University. Joseph Pauco, born in 1914 in Slovakia. At the Slovak University in Bratislava he received his Ph.D. in 1942. A journalist by profession, he worked with the influential daily SLOVAK from 1938 to 1945, serving as editor-in-chief from 1942 to 1945. In 1945 fled with his wife and son to Austria, then to West Germany; and finally made his way to New York City in 1950. J. Pauco is serving since 1950 as assistant editor of the weekly JEDNOTA and from 1964 he is the publisher of the oldest Slovak newspaper in this country: SLOVAK V AMERIKE. He is serving for third term as the secretary of the Slovak League of America. J. Pauco is associated with American Academy of Political and Social Science, with Institute of Ethnic Studies at Georgetown University, is a member of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, 0. 151 and of the Slovak Writers and Artists Association in the USA. He is the author of some 1000 articles, published in Slovakia and in the USA. Dr. Joseph Pauco is the author of these books and studies: .Cudovychova u sturovcov (Stur's Movement - Popular Education ). Matica slovenska. Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1943. Pp. 151. Co po komunizme? (After Communism What?) . Jednota , Middletown, Pa., 1952. Pp. 29. Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe (Dr. Joseph Tiso About Himself) . Slovensky Katolicky Sokol, Passaic, N. J., 1952. Pp. 359. (Ed.) Tisov odkaz (Tiso's Message). Jednota. Middletown, Pa., 1953. Pp. 89. Stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo ( Stefan Furdek and Slovak Immigration) . Jednota, Middletown, Pa., 1955. Pp. 190. Slovaci a komunizmus (The Slovaks and Communism) . Rev. Jan Lach. Whiting, Ind., 1957. Pp. 318. Pod zastavou krest'anskej demokracie (Under the Banner of the Christian Democracy) . Slovenski krest'anski demokrati v Spojenych Statoch. Middletown, Pa., 1957. Pp. 30. Slovenskd re hol'a Sestier sv. Cyrila a Metoda (Slovak Order of the Sisters of Ss. Cyril and Methodius) . Slovensky .Zensky Spolok Sv. Anny. Wyoming Valley, Pa., 1957. Pp. 32. Unconquerables. Vantage Press, New York, N. Y., 1958. Pp. 225. Matus Jankola - knaz a narodovec (Matus Jankola - A Priest and Patriot) . Rad Sestier sv. Cyrila a Metoda. Danville, Pa., 1959. Pp. 174. Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike (Literary Almanac of the " Slovak in America") . Middletown, Pa., 1959, 1960, 1961, 1962, 1963, 1964, 1965, 1966. Pp. 160 each, last one pp. 168. (Ed.) �152 SLOVAKIA Christian Slovakia Under ComDr. Victor R. Greene, Professor munism. The Slovak Catholic Fede- of American History at the Kan- ration. Valparaiso, Indiana, 1959. sas State University, Manhattan, Pp. 31. Kansas, received his B.A. degree Pamiatke Jozefa Cigra Hronske- from the University of Harvard in ho (In Memoriam Jozef Ciger 1955; his M.A. degree from the Hronsky) . Literarny Almanach Slo- University of Rochester in 1960; vaka v Amerike. Middletown, Pa., and his Ph.D. from the University of Pennsylvania in 1963. His dis1960. Pp. 46. (Ed.) sertation for his Ph.D. was: A HisLaicky apostol Martin Kopunek tory of East European Immigrants (Lay Apostle - Martin Kop(mek). in the Anthracite Area before Vychodna oblast' Sdruzenia Slo- 1903. It is a study of the contribvenskych Katolikov. Bethlehem, ution Slovaks and others made to Pa., 1961. Pp. 67 (Ed.) the unions in the coal fields and Karol Sidor - politik, novinar, the aid to President Johnny Mitspisovatel' (Karol Sidor - Politi- chell and the United Mine Workers cian, Newspaperman, and Writer). of America. Dr. Greene in his Literarny Almanach Slovaka v thesis elaborates that it was beAmerike. Middletown, Pa., 1962. cause of the loyalty and sacrifice of Slovak mine workers that the Pp. 148 (Ed.) union was permanently establishPat'desiatnik Dr. Jozef Kirsched in the hard coal fields. baum (Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum In his present research, ProfesFifty Years Old). Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike. Middle- sor Greene is making a study of the origins of Slovak and East town, Pa., 1963. Pp. 171. (Ed.) European American self-consciousFlight to Wonderland. Robert ness and why by World War I Speller and Sons, New York, N. Y., every Slovak immigrant realized 1963. Pp. 334. such a strong feeling of his ethnic 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slo- heritage. Dr. Greene, who · has learned to venskej Jednoty (75 Years of the First Catholic Slovak Union). Prva read and understand Slovak, is Katolicka Slovenska Jednota, Cle- familiar with the cultural and hisveland, 0., 1965. Pp. 560 & XIV. torical material available at the Jankola Library in Danville, Pa., 80 pages of pictures. the Slovak Institute Library in Slovakia. Slovak League of AmerCleveland, Ohio, and the facilities ica. Middletown, Pa., 1965, 1966. Pp. in Pittsburgh, Pa. and Chicago, 160. (Ed.) Illinois. Joseph R . Kristofik received his B.S. in Science from the University of Pittsburgh in 1949. His education includes several years at the United States Merchant Marine Academy in Kings · Point, N. Y., and at the Detroit College of Law. Mr. Kristofik is presently the Slovak Democratic Chairman for the State of Michigan with the Michigan Democratic Nationalities Division. At its 40th Convention at Youngstown, Ohio, he was elected to the executive committee of the Slovak League of America. Tino Berko was born in Slovakia, fled to the West in 1952. He studied philosophy and the history of music and art at Munich University; is a writer and lecturer; resides in Munich, Germany. Very Rev . Theodoric J. Zubek, O.F.M., S.T.D., Slovak by birth, American by adoption, is presently Delegate Provincial of the Franciscans of the Most Holy Savior Commissariat, popularly known as the Slovak Franciscans. �SLOVAKIA He resides at the motherhouse of the Commissariat, Holy Family Friary, 232 S. Home Avenue, Pittsburgh, Penna. 15202. 153 jects were published during this time in various Slovak periodicals, such as "Serafinsky svet" (The Seraphic World), "Slovensky ucitel'" (The Slovak Teacher), "Smer" Father Theodoric was born in ( Direction), and "Nova praca " Malacky, Slovakia, April 4, 1914, (New Work) . and came to the United States on February 21, 1952; he became an This activity came to an end on American citizen on June 5, 1957. April 13, 1950, when the ComHe received his primary education munist government of Czecho-Sloin the schools of his native Ma- vakia supressed all monasteries. lacky while his secondary studies Father Theodoric was confined were taken at the Gymnasium of with his Franciscan confreres in Bratislava, 1925-1929, and Skalica, the concentration monastery of 1930-1934, in Slovakia. He entered Svaty Benadik nad Hronom. After the Franciscan Order in 1929 and escaping from the concentration made his novitiate in Trnava. He monastery, he remained in hiding took his theological studies at the in Slovakia until February 1951, Seminaries in Zagreb, Croatia, and when he secretly crossed the borin his native Slovakia at Brati- der into Austria. In February, slava. He was ordained to the 1952, he joined his Slovak Amepriesthood in Bratislava on June rican brethren of the Most Holy 26, 1938. After his ordination, Fa- Savior Commissariat, the American ther Theodoric began his studies foundation of the mother province for the doctorate in sacred theo- in Slovakia. logy at the Catholic University of After a short sojourn in TrauFribourg, Switzerland. On October 28, 1940, the Fribourg University ger, Penna., Father Theodoric was conferred on him the degree of stationed for seven years at the Doctor of Sacred Theology with Franciscan parish of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Clifton, New Jersey. the mark "magna cum laude". From 1956 to 1960 he taught SacUpon his return to his home- red Theology at the Newark and land and Franciscan Province in Jersey City divisions of Seton Hall Slovakia, Father Theodoric was University. In 1960 he was named named to the faculty of the Fran- pastor of the Franciscan parish of ciscan Theological Seminary at 2i- St. Rita in Buffalo, N. York, where lina in 1941, a post he held until he stayed till 1964. In 1961, he 1950. During this time he also serv- became Councillor to the Delegate ed at intervals as the Rector of Provincial of the Most Holy Savthe seminary, a Definitor of the ior Commissariat, and in 1964 the Franciscan Province, and Guard- Delegate Provincial of the said ian of the Franciscan Friary in Commissariat. 2ilina. In 1942, he published his doctoral thesis, "Joseph II and the In America, Father Zubek freFriars Minor in Slovakia". In 1945, quently spoke on the persecuted he translated E. Neubert's "Mon Church in Slovakia to various ideal Jesus, fils de Marie" (Moj groups in Slovak and American ideal Jezis, Syn Mariin) into Slo- parishes. He made an appearance vak. With Father Celestin Lepa- before the House Committee on cek, O.F.M., he co-authored a book Un-American Activities conceron the Assumption of the BL Vir- ning the operations of the Comgin, "Nanebevzata" (Mary Assum- munists in Slovakia. In 1956, his ed into Heaven), published in scholarly and well-documented 1947. Numerous articles of his on book on the systematic persecutboth theological and ascetical sub- ion of the Church in Slovakia was �154 SLOVAKIA published by Rev. John Lach. It is entitled "The Church of Silence in Slovakia". Since 1954 he began to contribute articles to leading national Catholic magazines such as "The Homiletic and Pastoral Review", "The American Ecclesiastical Review", "The Jurist, Unitas", "The Catholic Educator" and "The Marian Era". In these articles, he dealt with a variety of subjects, such as, the Communist persecution of the Church in Slovakia and other lands, the theory of Darwin, the morality of nuclear warfare, the possibility of living creatures on other planets, the Blessed Mother and Vatican II. Some of these articles attracted wide attention. In addition, he has contributed articles to such Slovak papers and magazines as "Most" (The Bridge ), "Dobry Pastier" (The Good Shepherd), "Jednota" (The Union), "Katolicky Sokol" (The Catholic Sokol) , "Slovak v Amerike" (The Slovak in America), "Kanadsky Slovak" (The Canadian Slovak) and "Literarny almanach Slovaka v Amerike" (The Literary Almanac of the Slovak in America) . He is a regular writer for the Slovak Franciscan Magazine "Listy sv. Franfilka" (The Leaflets of St. Francis) , for which he served as editor from 1958 to 1962. In 1963 he published a booklet entitled "The Slovak Bishops - Martyrs of Christ", and in 1965, " Rozjimania o tajomstvach sv. ruzenca" (Meditations on the Mysteries of the Holy Rosary) . The Commissariat of the Most Holy Savior, headed presently by Father Theodoric, has fifty members stationed in five monasteries and two parishes. be appropriate to present the views of an American university graduate of Slovak descent. Very Rev. Msgr. John Rekem, S.T .D. , Born December 13, 1917 in Trencianska Tepla, Msgr. John Rekem receited his early education in Trencin rand Nitra. For his philosophical and theological studies he ,w ent to Olomouc in Moravia. This was followed by four years at the Bratislava Istropolitana University. He was ordained in 1941 and two years later he received his doctorate in Sacred Theology. As curate he served in Hricove, Vel'ke Chlievany, Trencin, Pruske, and Varin; in the last named parish he was also administrator. In 1945 he was imprisoned by the Communists for almost eight months in a concentration camp in Trencin. He was released by an order of the People's court (No. T. 29/ 45) in December 1945. Two years later his name was registered for the so-called September liquidations, but he emigrated to Austria, leaving Slovakia on the feast of Our Mother of Sorrows, September 15, 1947. In Salzburg he was spiritual director of the Slovak Catholic refugees, for whom he established the Federation of Slovak Catholics and organized ia series of eight retreats in various cities of Austria. He was spiritual advisor of the League of Slovak Catholic Students in Exile. At home and abro,ad he h e l d Suzanna Mikula is a graduate of membership in leading Slovak or- the University of Detroit, specializing in history of Europe. Since last year not only Slovaks but also slavists of various countries commemorated the 150th birthday of L'udovit Stur, we thought it would ganizations: Society of St. Adalbert and its Literary Division; Matica Slovenska at home and abroad; the First Catholic Slovak Union; Society of Slovak Catholic Intellec- �155 SLOVAKIA tuals in Rome; and for a time he was a member of the Slovak National Council in Exile and of the Liberiation Oommittee. Msgr. Rekem crune to Winnipeg, Canada, in 1949, where he established a Slovak Catholic parish. With the help of his ever-faithful parishioners he built a church, a rectory and a hall in 1952, which were free of debt by 1965. Active in Canadi an public life he has long been associated with the New Canadians Council and the Citizenship Council. He served as chaplain to the Fourth Degree Assembly Tache, St. Boniface, Manitoba, in 1958. At present he is a member and a faithful friar of the Miles McDonnell Fourth Degree Assembly in Winnipeg. In Trencin he was co-editor of Trencan, 1942-1945. He contributed articles to: Slovak, Slovenska Pravda; Trencan; Misijne Hlasy; the Misijny Kalendar of the Society of the Divine Word. He was a contributor also to the periodicals: Smer; 1 Kultura; Duchovny Pastier; Katolicke Kazne; Nova Praca. In Amer- ica his works have appeared in Jednota; Zenska Jednota; Sloven- sky Katolicky Sokol; Slovak v Amerike; Slovenska Obrana; Slo-vaki a; Kalendar Jednota; Literarny Almanach; Rim; Hlasy z Rima; Ave Maria; Kanadsky Slovak; Most; etc. In Canada he wrote for the Manitoba Ensign; Western Sunday Visitor; Sunday Herald; St. Joseph's Residence News. In Winni- peg in 1949 he compiled and issued an English syndicated news and information service twice a week for the local English press. Many of his releases on the Slovaks were printed in the Ensign, Winnipeg Free Press, Winnipeg Citizen, and W i nnipeg Tribune. He is the author of twenty-five short studies on the history of Slovak cultural events of the past, and noteworthy and scholarly works depicting the evolution and growth of the Slovak language. He is a member of the Slovak Institute of Cleveland and th e Bernolak Foundation, and serves as a committee member in each. He was elevated to the rank of Monsignor on March 11, 1964 by His Holiness, Pope Paul VI and is now resident pastor of the Church of the Visitation in Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada. WHO'S WHO AMONG SLOVAIKiS ]N U.S.A. Rt. Rev. Msgr. Francis J. Dubosh, tion in June to September, 1916, P . A ., was born in Cleveland, Ohio, on September 27, 1890, a son of Charles and Mary Dubosh. There are no close surviving relatives, except for cousins in Cleveland, Pittsburgh, and New York. He was ordained on June 3, 1916 at St. John's Cathedral by the Most Rev. John P. Farrelly. He was in the last class to be ordained which received its complete seminary training at Old St. Mary's Seminary on 1800 Lakeside. Assignments: - From ordina- on temporary assignments; September, 1916, Assistant at St. Wendelin Parish, Cleveland, Ohio; December, 1917, Pastor, Holy Name Parish, Youngstown, Ohio; February, 1922, Pastor, Our Lady of Mercy Parish, Cleveland, 0 hi o; October, 1927, Pastor, SS. Cyril and Methodius Church, Lakewood, Ohio. Positions: - Named a Domestic Prelate with the rank of Rt. Rev. Msgr., on November 11, 1934 the first American-Slovak priest in the United States so honored; October 16, 1955, given rank of �156 SLOVAKIA Protonotary Apostolic - also the first American-Slovak Msgr. in the United States so honored; 19341938, Diocesan Prosynodal Judge; 1938 to date, Diocesan Consultor; 1952 to date, Diocesan Cemetery Board; and 1944-1951, Diocesan Buildin g Commission. Extra parochial and diocesan accomplishments:-Supreme Chaplain of the First Catholic Slovak Union (Jednota), 1932-1937 ; President of the Slovak League of America, 1943-1945; Member of Executive Board of Slovak League of America since 1945; President of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America, 1937-1938; one of the founders of: - Cleveland Slovak Radio Club, Slovak Professional and Businessmen's Association, member of Executive Committee to establish Slovak Culture Garden in Cleveland, Ohio, and instrumental in establishing SS. Cyril and Methodius Parish in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, in 1935; chairman of fund-raising committee for the establishment of Benedictine High School, Cleveland, Ohio; and worked with Catholic Resettlement Council for placing displaced persons in Diocese of Cleveland after post-war years. John Sabol is executive secretary of the First Catholic Slovak Union of the U.S.A. To Slovaks the First Catholic Slovak Union is familiarly known as "Jednota." That means union. Sabol is "Mr. Jednota" to the Jednotars. He has been executive secretary for 40 years. Previously, he served s e v e n years as supreme auditor. Said he: "This has been my career. " Sabol, son of a railroad section hand forman, was born in a shanty in Hillsboro, Pa., on part of what is now the Pennsylvania Turnpike. He received most of his schooling at Lyndora, Pa. At 15 he carried water when the Ft. Wheel Works was built. Later, he was a railroad car builder at McKees Rocks, Pa. He studied accounting at night at Duquesne University, became auditor for the society and was elected secretary in 1926. Sabol and his wife, Elizabeth, had f o u r children: Mrs. Helen Wells of Barberton, O.; Mrs. Joan Lang; Betty, deceased, and John J., a Medical Doctor. Judge John J . Sirotnak, born in Olyphant, Pa., October 12, 1901, of parents Michael and Susanna Sirotnak. Moved to Throop, Pa., in 1903, where he attended public schools and was graduated in June 1917. Worked in coal mines from 1917 to 1919. Attended Mansfield State Teachers' College, Sept. 1919, and graduated in 1921. He taught in Borough Schools of Throop 1921- 1928. Resigned as principal of the Jefferson School to enter University of Illinois in 1928, where he obtained his B. A. degree in 1930 and his Law Degree in 1932. Successfully completed Bar examination on October 24, 1932 and has practiced law in Scranton, Pa. , since. County Solicitor of Lackawanna County Institution District from 1938 to 1960, the first Slovak Attorney to be so honored. General Counsel of the First Catholic Slovak Union from 1944 to 1960. Judge Orphans' Court of Lackawanna County since June 17, 1960, Wife: Susan. Sons: Joseph and John, Medical Doctor and Attorney-at-Law. Member of Executive Committee of the Slovak League of America for several years. �157 SLOVAKIA 'DHE SLOVAK INSTITUTE ]N OI.,EVEILAIN1D, OHIO A cultural society, known as ibhe Slovruk Institute, was foll'l1ded an Ma:roh 4, 1952. Oha,rter memibers of the organization ,w ere: Rt. Rev. Abbot 'Dheodore G. Kojis, O.S.B., iPres,ident, Rev. Mrkulas Sprilil'c, !Rev. Andrej Pir, O.S.iB. , Dr. Fra,ncis Hriusovsky, Dr. Jozef Oindk, and Karol Strmen. The ,President named iDr. Hvusovsky, eminent Slovaik historian, as tJhe fiTst DiTector of the Institute. One of the first duties of tihe .:Institute was ito assume care of tJhe Slovak lilbrary anid museum estalblished at St. Andrew's AJbbey by the coordinated eflforts of the Matica Sioveniska, w'hich donll!ted 1.hrundreds of invaJluable hodkis to the Clevela,nd Slova:ks dUTing the ,M. S. delegation'1s visit to the United States in 1935, and 1:Jhe Slovaik League of Ameriica, which founded 1:Jhe obeginnin1gs of the &lova:k Museum at the Abbey in the Spring of 1943. Besides f'l.Ulfilling its rp rimary function of be1ng a centre of cultural endeavO'I'S for the :Silovalks in America, and t>he free world, the Slovalk Institute ihiais not onily preserved many SlovaJk 'books in i1Js ,Iilbrary but has pulJliShed a 'OJU1JI1iber of wo11k's of its own, notably, tlhe !history of Slovaik Religious institutions in America lb y the laite Dr. Francis Hrusovsky (died on Sept. 9, 1956). In Rome an affiliate of 1:Jhe Slovaik Inis titute wais established a num1ber of yearis ago. lbs main punpose is to sponsor religious a,nd cultura:l ipulblicaitionrs in the free world. The Roman tbranoh of the origin8.!l Olev~land foundation maintains olose contruct wiitJh the American parent orgainization which was ori ginally est8.!blished to carry on bhe work of the Slovaik naition's Matica Slovenska tlhait was swppr~ssed by the communist regime in tlhe ,postwar era. Another ibrancih of t h e Institute is in MuniC'h, Ge11many. Perhrups the most rpopuilar work of tJhe Slovak lnstitwte was the 1publitc1ation of a detailed mrurp of Slovrukia under the direction ()(f Dr. Hrusovsky. Mem1bershilp in the Slovark Institute reaiohes around the world, for leaiding Sfovalk writers and poets, as well. as cultural wor.kers, have been enrolled in this unique American association for tihe Slovarks in the free wonM. A:11 iing,uiries rubout Slovark history and culbure are to be arddressed to: Slovark Institute, 2900 Eia'St Boulevard, Cleveland, Ohio. 1 �158 SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America - is an AMERICAN INSTITUTION; it was organized May 26, 1907, at Cleveland, 0., by the Rev. Stephen Furdek; is a CULTURAL and CIVIC organi2:ation of Americans of Slovak descent; is interested primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the United States of America; represents an overwhelming majority of organized Americans of Slovak descent; actively affiliated with it are the largest Slovak fraternals, religious organizations, Slovak Clubs and Slovak civic organizations in the United States; is dedicated to American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate manuals and brochures in Slovak and English; is dedicated to works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks, here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns and other American charitable projects; wants to help Americans of Slovak descent in American political life, in business or professions, in social standing, and along educational lines; through its Ladies Auxiliary, the "VCIELKY" (Bees) , sponsors Slovak cultural displays, concerts, lectures, art exhibits, folk festivals, social evenings, etc. Our aim is to have a "Hive" of our "Vcielky" in every large Slovak community; promotes a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation, its history, culture, traditions, achievements and its long, hard struggle for freedom and independence; firmly believes in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation, whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the right of every nation to freely choose its own form of government and freely elect persons of its own choice by whom it shall be governed; �SLOVAKIA - 159 condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America has always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth. firmly believes that the national existence and welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own independent Slovak Republic; as a Christian and democratic organization, is resolutely against the domination and exploitation of the Slovak nation by any other nation or political state; the Slovaks did not want to be ruled over by the Magyars and, today, do not want to be subservient to the Czech nation ; heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and or ganizations who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism promoted by t he Soviet Union; stands for :honesty, integrity, industry and justice in government. Join the Local Assembly in your town or contact the Secretary of the Slovak League. Membership dues are only $1.50 per year. Gentlemen : I ----------------- - -------------------- ------Address --------------------- - ----------- - ----Town ----------------------- - ---------- -- ----Desire to join SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Endosed find check $---------- �]60 SLOVAKIA Contents The Slovak Language and its Place Among the Slavic Languages - J. M. Kirschbaum - 1 Father of American Slovaks - Sister M. Martina Tybor, 25 SS.C.M. - James J. Zatko, Ph.D. - Slovaks in the U.S. A. - 41 American Slovaks and the Beginning of Czecho-Slovakia - Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. - 63 Joseph R. Kristofik - The Slovak Image - 76 " Sons of Hunkies: Men with a Past?"-Victor R. Greene A Glimpse of Gothic Slovakia Heroic Slovak Bishop - O.F.M. - Tino Berko - Mikula, B.A. - Victim of Communism - Suzanna Dr. John Rekem - 124 Current Issues As Others See It - Contributors - T. J. Zubek, 104 Martin Szentivanyi, S.J. - Book Reviews - 87 99 Eudovit Stur and the Panslavic Movement - 138 142 149 Who's Who Among Slovaks in U. S. A. The Slovak Institute in Cleveland, Ohio The Slovak League of America - 158 155 157 80 116 �PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA. � 124 SLOVAKIA CURRENT ISSUES ADDRESS of the Honorable Michael A. Feighan, United States Representative, Before the Slovak League of Ameri ca, Voyager Motel In n, Youngstown, Ohio, Sunday, May 15, 1966 I have been priviledged many times over the past decades to speak about the history of the Slovak people; to speak about the true facts behind your struggles for independence; and to speak about the present determination of Slovaks all over the world to return freedom and independence once again to their native land. My long interest in, and association with, the inspirations and the aspirations of the Slovak people has brought me to appreciate, and to respect, not only the individual Slovak, but the efforts of such organizations as represented in Slovak League of America. The Slovak,s are a people who have made a continuous struggle for national independence for over unremitting and From the Brother Saints, Cyril and Meyears. thousand one Andrew Hlinka and General Monsignor through thodius, Stefanik, the Slovak history is replete with patriots unswerving in their dedication to God, to freedom and to individual liberty. The Slovaks are a people who are more than one hundred years into the second millenium of Christianity in Slovakia. The Slovaks are a people who, even after more than one thousand years of domination, have not lost their language, their national identity, or their determination for independence; an independence which in this century, was born of democratic principles, weaned all too prematurely by the r avages of war, and all but destroyed by the tyranny of Russian Communism. Slovaks know as well as anyone else the path from freedom to oppression, the path from an independent to a captive nation, and the path from a native people to an exiled people - exiled by communist design from their own country and its inherent rights to freedom. But at the same time, they know that these paths need �SLOVAKIA 125 not be irreversible. They know that the spirit of resistance to tyranny never dies. They know that dedication to freedom and justice is unfettered by geographical boundaries, national origin, race, creed, or circumstance. And it is their knowledge and faith in these ideals which has given the Slovak people the determination never to give up in their goals - as is so aptly proved by the fact that the Slovaks today continue to oppose collectivization more effectively than anyone else in the communist orbit. In this universality of conviction the Slovak League of America is strong and unyielding. And so it is today that I want especially to commend the Slovaks for their efforts to promote dedicated citizenship and to build protectors of American democracy ; for their service to this great country rin public and in private life ; for their works of charity; and for their undiminished opposition to all forms of tyranny in the world. As a large Slovak civic and cultural organization in America the Slovak League can be proud of the spiritual, cultural, social, and charitable contributions it has made to the building of our great nation. The nationally known home for orphans in Middletown, Pennsylvania stands as a tribute to the work of the First Catholic Slovak Union. Homes for the aged in various parts of the country, such as the beautiful home at Beachwood, Ohio, which is a tribute to the work of the First Catholic Slovak Ladies' Union. The internationally famous , Saints Cyril and Methodius Institute at Rome, Italy was made possible by the combined efforts of all Slovak Catholic organizations and parishes throughout the country. Bishop Andrew Grutka with the able assistance of Right Reverend Theodore Kojis and all the clergy of Slovak parishes provided inspiring leadership to create this spiritual center for the preservation of the true Slovak spirit. Churches, elementary schools, convents and high schools, too numerous to recall are future monuments to the faith of Slovaks in America. Within the past year a magnificent chapel to Our Lady of Sorrows - Patron saint of Slovakia - was dedicated in the National Shrine of the Immaculate Conception, in our �126 SLOVAKIA nation's capital. This stands as still another great achievement by the First Catholic Slovak Union. American Slovaks have not ignored the plights of others, but have provided a forum to urge the cause of self-determination for all peoples. Every nation has the right to chart its own destiny through self-determination. This is among the most basic American beliefs. Just as the Slovak people hav•e a dedication to the universal principles of freedom and justice - not limited just to their now oppressed native land - so I and our United States of America have a similar dedication to these same universal principles. To this end I recently introduced a resolution on the floor of the United States House of Representatives calling for the establishment of a seven member House Select Committee on Basic Human Rights and Peaceful World Order. It is all too clear that the official and organized denial of basic human rights and freedom by any government to peoples under its control creates international tensions which can prevent the development of a peaceful world order. Such suppression of national and individual identity is tied hand-in-hand with Russian imperialism, and is a matter of official policy aga,inst the many nations federated by force to the Soviet Union. Of all people, we know, that the spread of this doctrine to other lands beyond the Soviet Union has already begun, and unless it is checked, and reversed, it can well plunge the world into a holocaust. I am confident that if and when this select committee ,is established by Congress, it will provide yet another public forum to develop public opinion on an international scale that these vital issues deserve. Such a public forum will complement and up-date such work as that of the Select Committee to investigate communist aggression of the 83rd Congress, and of which I was privileged to be a member. This committee was able to document and to underscore for all the world to see, such tragic stories as the loss of Slovakia's national independence following World War II and its enslavement by imperial Russia. And such a public forum will also complement the contmued work of the Slovak League of America both here and abroad. While the evil hand of Russian Communism continues its attempts to destroy the very spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius and to reduce the Slovak people to a state of �SLOVAKIA 127 complete servility, the Slovak people refuse to surr,ender that which, over a thousand years, they have continued to fight for - their spirit of independence, of justice and of freedom. To help this spirit in Slovakia, I am also directing my efforts not only just toward expanding the public forum against communistic tyranny, but also toward expanding the coverage of the Voice of America broadcasts in news and information to the Slovaks living under this communist tyranny. It is my hope to see a Slovak desk established in the Voice of America and to thus improve and increase the effectiveness of this communication behind the Iron Curtain. I hav,e been working toward that goal for some years and will not cease my efforts until it is won. In this way, we as a nation can more effectively demonstrate our encouragement and support for the Slovaks now living under virtual foreign occupation in their native land. For I am convinced that one of the best ways to demonstrate friendship for the people of any foreign country is to speak to them in their own language, to recognize their cultural values and to encourage them in their just aspirations for self-government. The God-fearing people of the free world will not fail in this our struggle to preserve human freedom and to erase despotic slavery. We shall not fail in restoring individual liberty and self-determination to a peaceful world. We shall not fail for we shall not falter in our efforts until our goals are won - and so long as a Slovak is alive anywhere in the world, I know that the spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius shall prevail. To this I add my personal conviction that as the free world approaches these goals, the Slovak nation will once again join the independent and free nations of the world. SIWVAKS HAVE HIGH More than 70 languages are listDEJGREE IN EDUCATION ed. The fi "ures range all the way A 38-page report on the mother tongue of the 9,738,155 persons listed as foreign born in the 1960 Census has just been published by the U.S. Bureau of the Census. The study is based on a question as to what language was spoken in his home before an immigrant came to the United States. from 16 persons whose mother tongue was Tibetan to over a million persons each for those reporting English, German or Italian. A breakdown on the basis of the areas within the United States shows that nearly half of the total foreign born here reside in the northeast part of the country, �SLOVAKIA 128 nearly a 1/4 in the north central states, 10% in the south and 20 % in the west. Other tables show age and the number of years in school for different groups. Schooling completed by the foreign born shows that the English speaking and Japanese had the highest degree of education with an average of about 10 years of school for each. Scandinavian and German along with Chinese, Rumanian , SLOVAK, Yiddish and Arabic all range in the eight year category. While essentiall y statistical , the Report contains valuable information for those interested iFI or working with nationalit y or ethnic groups. It is on sale by the Superintendent of Documen ts, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402, for 35 cents a copy. - American Council for Nationalities Service Release. NATION .ALISiM To many people, here in the United States, Nationali sm is an ugly word. These people are either ashamed of their national origin or ridicule others for trying to retain the language , customs and traditions that were brought to this country by their forefathe rs. It is true that there are many people today, who can not honestly claim one national origin or the other. Because the marriages of their ancestors were between many different nationalit ies, they may be a mixture of four, five, six, or more nationalit ies and can not truly say they are one or the other. Of these people I do not speak, but in some cases these same persons will not be tolerant of another who knows his national origin and is proud of it. The percentag e of people who have come here to the United States and know what their national origin is, but deny it, is very small. However the children of these people are the main offend- ers, by not taking pride in their nationalit y. As an example, I would like to take the Slovak people. When the Slovak people first started to come to the United States, they were at a disadvant age because they did not know English like some of the other people who migrated here from other European countries which were English speaking. Because of this they found it hard to secure jobs and places to live. At that time there was no television or radio to cover the persecuti on these people endured, both mental and physical. They did not have any organizat ions boycottin g or protesting for them. These people proved themselve s in their place of employm ent by their ability to work and produce. They rented apartmen ts, kept a clean house, spent their money wisely and supported their church. Their accomplishments are many but unsung, because Slovakia and its' people was not well known because it was and still is a nation that is living under foreign rule and tyranny. I have had the experienc e of meeting many young people with Slovak names. Some are college students, ordinary workers and people in profession s. They say "My parents are Slovak or my father is Slovak, but I am an American, not a Slovak." Another excuse for denying their origin is that they say being called a Slovak is putting them in a "ghetto". These and other excuses are all meaningle ss. America is a land made up of many nationalit ies, so in order to be a good American you must be proud of your nationality which helped to build this country. The real American s are the American Indians and there is even doubt as to where they migrated from. The term "ghetto" has been misused in recent years and now is a good excuse for those who are ashamed of their nationality. The term is really being used by those who are too lazy to im- �129 SLOVAKIA prove their own conditions where they now live, and then, try to move elsewhere. Being proud of your Slovak customs, folksongs, language, newspapers, etc., is not to be classified as being in a "ghetto". Rather, it is being a good American in the true sense of the word. The meals, customs, and culture of many lands have gone into making America great. Why shouldn't the Slovaks, who have contributed a lot to America, and continue to do so be proud of themselves. Other groups have their parades and celebrate their saints and hero days'. They are not ashamed to say "I am Irish, Italian or other." Why then are some of the Slovak People tongue-tied, so that they flounder around for every excuse, rather than saying with pride and dignity, "I am an American Slovak!!" We are not trying to prove that we are better than anyone else, but it is about time that some people recognize the fact that we are just as good as another and there is nothing to be ashamed of. If you are weak kneed and ashamed because some donkey is ignorant enough to ridicule you, then you aren't worth much as a Slovak or an American. My father told me that his brother, my late uncle, Rev. John Kuba~ek, pastor of Most Holy Trinity Church in Yonkers, used to say this about those who were ashamed of being known as a Slovak, "It's a poor bird who dirtys his own nest." Think about this and you will see its meaning. The parents of those attending our Slovak schools should insist that Slovak be taught and taught well enough so that the pupil can carry on a conversation by the time he finishes eighth grade. In too many cases our Slovak people give in to the non-Slovaks of the parish , who voice their objections to this. This is a good case where we can be strong. It was our an- cestors hard earned money that built these schools. I am sure that if the diocese ruled that every pupil had to learn Spanish or French, e very o n e would jump. Let's jump and make sure our children in Slovak schools learn to SPEAK Slovak and not just memorize a few words. All of the above ties into our hope that someday Slovakia will be free . When this happens there will be many Slovaks who will come to this country. Will they have to go through the sarrie hardships that the early Slovak immigrants did? What is worse yet, will they have to suffer because their own Slovak brethren here in the United States are too lazy to teach and learn the Slovak language and keep up the customs? If for no other reason, this should be a motive for us to keep our spirit alive, so that we may help our people when the time comes to adjust to the United States and find employment and housing. This can only be done by waking up now. Let's not commit national suicide!! Steve Kubasek, Jr. St. Procopius College Lisle, Illinois Ll!MITED GAINS SOORED IN RENEWED DRINE FOR SLOVAK INDEJPENiDENCE Slovak national aspirations have been staging a come-back in the <".:SSR. This upsurge is not the work of individual writers. It is now supported by higher ranking party functionaries. The impetus for vocalizing these strivings which aim at complete equality with the Czechs, was the 150th birthday of :Cudovit Stur, a man honored in his native land not only as an opponent of Hungarian supremacy but as the father of the Slovak literary language, consummation of which made the separat- �130 SLOVAKIA ion of the Slovaks from the Czechs complete. For the first time well-known personalities like the former land governor Gustav Husak (sentenced to life imprisonment in 1954 as a "bourgeois nationalist" but rehabilitated in 1962) and the historian Daniel Rapant, publicly presented theses condemning the ideas of Marx and Engels from 1848 although these opinions of the fathers of socialism have actually been tabu thus far in all Communist countries. Husak, to whom the Prague government had several times offered a ministerial post in recent years, now accused Marx of having assumed a position of Hungarian nationalism and - without any more profound knowledge of the revolution of 1848 - of having developed an anti-Slovak attitude in which his "German arrogance" was a determining factor. Apart from Prague's and Moscow's still expected reply, Budapest will also have something to say, inasmuch as Rapant described the Kossuth revolution as "tyranny, and not a struggle for internationalism and emancipation". The various articles in Slovak newspapers commemorating Stur ended with the unequivocal demand for genuine equality of the Slovaks with the Czechs. The writer, Vladimir Minac, expressed the thought that if Czech-Slovak coexistence were considered historically necessary, the fate of both peoples must be seen in its "truly dramatic form". Husak even went so far as to call for the creation of state institutions designed to protect the Slovaks - who make up but one-third of the entire population - against "oppression by the privileged and hegemonist nation". About a month after the Stur jubilee the effects of Slovak unrest began to be noticeable. The Prague parliament approved a re- solution providing for the Slovak National Council in Bratislava " in cooperation with the other parliamentary bodies" to concentrate their efforts on increasing Slovak participation in the overall development of the CSSR. Although the Czechs could not bring themselves to empower the Slovak National Council with the competency it once held, they did concede to a certain amount of codetermination of the Slovaks on all-state level. It is to be realized by establishing closer contact in the future between the committees of the Prague National Assembly and the Bratislava National Council. The Slovak land governor, Michal Chudik, in a frank talk before the Prague parliament, pointed out that there were people among the Czechs who saw in the Slovak National Council only a " binding link" betweeen Prague and Bratislava that simply complicated the situation, while among the Slovaks, he claimed, there were trends toward a federalization of the CSSR. Although allying himself with neither of these trends, Chudik obviously felt the centralistic threat emanating from Prague to be the greater danger. This feeling prompted him to say to the Czech side that the Slovak National Council would henceforth appear as the representative of the "Slovak people's independence" and perform within Slovakia the functions of an all-state administrative body. Chudik's criticism that the National Council had so far not succeeded in fulfilling its "norm-establishing" function, was recently supported by an almost revolutionary move on the part of the Slovaks. The juridicial commission of the Bratislava National Council drafted a law proposing the introduction of so-called cooperative apartments. To date there has been �SLOVAKIA only home construction of the state and cooperative type, or building permits for single family houses with limited dwelling space. This new measure would allow ownership of dwellings even in buildings housing several families. They are designed for later sale, including right to inheritance or other type legal transfer to others for tenancy. There would also be opportunity for older dwellings to pass into private ownership. w. o. A STUDY OF ~HiE COMMUNIST PARTY By the end of the war, the Soviet Union and its Communist allies had gained virtually de facto control of Czechoslovakia. The Soviet armies conquered Slovakia (and as in the case of Poland refused to give military aid to an uprising of anti-German Slovak citizens) ; by Allied agreement the Soviets were permitted to liberate Prague; and they annexed SubCarpathian Ruthenia to the Soviet Union, an act formalized in June 1945. Communist-dominated People's Committees controlled the borderlands, and in the interior Communists had more than their share of power in the Committees' apparatus. According to SetonWatson, "The Communist Party could have seized complete power in 1945 had it so wished. It deliberately chose not to do so." In May 1945, Benes and the London Government-in-exile returned to Czechoslovakia, but stopping first at Moscow where further concessions were made to the Czechoslovak Communists whereby they were given key posts in the government. According to Prof. Curt Beck, a specialist on Czechoslovak affairs, these concessions were partly due to the realization that the Allies had already decided that Czechoslovakia would be in the Soviet military zone. 131 Agreements reached by Benes and the Communists in discussions during 1943 and 1945 formed the basis for the Kosice Program, ostensibly an agreement among members of the National Front coalition on polices to be adopted by the new postwar Czechoslovak Government. The most important features of the agreement were the creation of a National Front Coalition government and the formation of People's Committees that were to assume local and regional administrative responsibilities and functions . The Kosice program, proclaimed by the new Czechoslovak Government on March 22, 1945, restored the republic. On April 4, 1945, Benes, as President, named a new government headed by the left-wing Social Democrat Zdenek Fierlinger. The National Front which formed the government was a coalition of independent parties, consisting of the Czechoslovak Communist Parties, the Social Democrats, the National Socialists, the People's Party (Catholic) and the Slovak Democratic Party. Communists held 8 cabinet posts in the new government among which were the important Ministry of Interior (giving them control of the nation's police and security forces ), the Ministry of Agriculture, and the Ministries of Education and Information. In addition to their strength in the cabinet, the Communists controlled the People's Committees; General Ludwig Svoboda, trained in the Soviet Union, led the Army as Minister of Defense; the General Staff and its Intelligence Department were a Communist stronghold ; and in the border regions especially in areas from where the Germans had been expelled, the Communists, as Seton-Watson wrote, created "a party state within the state." According to Professor Beck, by 1947 Communists held 57 percent �132 SLOVAKIA of the chairmanships of local People's Committees, 80 percent of district People's Committees, and 100 percent of Provincial People's Committees. - Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Washington, D.C., 1966. sr...ovA!K LANGUAGE LABORATORY OOUR'SE A modern language course, Slovak Language Laboratory Course, by an illustrious member of the Slovak Franciscan Order and a recognized professor of languages, Fr. Bonaventure S. Bue, O.F.M., Ph. D., is in the process of being published. This Slovak Language Course is patterned according to the modern language series of other languages prepared by Georgetown University. When put into book form it will be on par with the most modern method of teaching a language. For laboratory work, the lessons have already been correlated on tapes and can be purchased from the Slovak Franciscans, 232 South Home Ave., Pittsburgh, Pa., 15202. The 40 minute tapes of 12 lessons can be used on a tape recorder or in a language laboratory. The complete set costs $30.00. Dr. Bue, a man of many talents, has taught Slovak, French, German, and Russian in schools and colleges in Europe, Canada, and the United States. He is also the author of several books. With the Franciscan Order, he taught in Malacky, Slovakia, and received his Ph. D. from the University of Bratislava. He also studied in Munich and Cologne in Germany, and in Paris, France. He held various posts in Canada and the United States and also taught at Duquesne University and Notre Dame High School, Easton, Pa. In 1957, Dr. Bue received a Master's Degree in Political Science at the University of Pittsburgh and wrote as his thesis Slovak Nationalism. It was published by Slovak League of America in 1960. He was working extensively on the contributions Msgr. Andrew Hlinka and Msgr. Joseph Tiso made to the Slovak nation at the time of his death on April 22, 1966. Fr. Bue was not only the pastor of St. Rita's Church in Buffalo, N. Y., but found time to teach Russian at the Calasanctius College Preparatory School. His "Slovak Language Laboratory Course" will be a monument to his greatness. J.C. K. YOU'DH OONFERENCE OF THE SLOVAK LffiAGUE OF AMERICA As a representative of St. Cyril Academy for Girls, Danville, Pa., I was privileged to attend the 40th Congress of the Slovak League of America in Youngstown, Ohio, in May of 1966. The primary reason for my presence at the Congress was to participate in the Youth Conference. Previous to the conference, I was very curious just what would be on the agenda and how many socalled youths would be present. Since I was a new-comer at these affairs in connection with the Slovak League, I thought I would be a 99 % observer, but my estimated statistics had a change of course. The moderator of the Conference was Dr. Peter Hletko of Chicago, Ill., the Honorary President of the League and a recognized American-Slovak leader, whom I had met previously. Attorney Edward Behuncik, Vice President of the League from Bridgeport, Conn., prefaced the discussion with an excellent presentation on the background of the Slovaks as a whole, and their marked status and contribution to the American character. He had a wealth of reference material which he used �SLOVAKIA in his presentation and the noteworthy thing was that his sources were all other than Slovak. A question and answer period followed the initial presentation and there were many interesting topics discussed. The one question that interested me most was, "What is the difference between the Slovaks and Czechs and why don't they just conceive the idea of a Czechoslovak nationality and state?" I must admit I felt and wanted to answer the question myself since at the Academy I had learned the answers through my courses on Slovak history. I knew the many struggles and tribulations of the Slovak people for over eleven centuries and their guest for independence and a position of honor in the family of nations. I knew of their few moments of freedom and what it has meant to them. However, wise and logical answers came swiftly from the members of the panel. Attorney Behuncik was first in line to state various facts and figures from a wide range of books and writers, other than Slovak, that substantiated the Slovak's claim and cause. Fr. Andrew Pier, O.S.B., a prolific writer in this field, spoke in defense of the human rights of the Slovaks. And, the Rt. Rev. Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., Abbot of St. Andrew's Abbey, Cleveland, Ohio, concluded the responses and put a 'clincher' on the topic that was being discussed. The one who asked the question responded, "I certainly did not know all these points and I must say that I will leave this conference with a different impression and much more informed. " Truth prevailed! Before the Conference had terminated , Dr. Hletko asked if I would comment on how the youth could become more interested and participate in different activities 133 concerning the Slovaks. My response was that the initial promotion of interest must come from the home-the parents must be the ones to talk about their great heritage; they should speak the language more if possible; encourage reading the Slovak newspapers and periodicals; participate in Slovak affairs; continue practicing and cherishing the many Slovak customs ; and most of all, be proud of our ethnic identity. I then continued and mentioned my background which is a loyal Slovak one attributed to my parents. My attitude has been moulded toward the Slovak people-their language, culture, their religious, social, civic, and fraternal activities-as being one of honor and sincere dedication. Concerning my knowledge of the Slovaks, I could not help but mention St. Cyril Academy. I was just finishing my second year of the four-year course in Slovak offered by the Academy. We are not only taught the Slovak language, but we are exposed to and learn Slovak history, culture, and traditions. The famous men in Slovak history are familiar to me like Samo, Rastislav, Svatopluk, SS. Cyril and Methodius, Bernolak, Stur, Hlinka , Furdek, Murgas, Jankola, Tiso, Sidor, and a host of others. I already have experienced the fact that some of the girls who are taking Slovak at St. Cyril's are of non-Slovak families . They want to learn the language and the history because they know they will not have the opportunity at other institutions. These students, indeed, are aware of the potential in the Slovak language and culture. In summation, I repeat that in order to get the youth interested, the parents must set the example as they do for anything else that must be developed in the home. Only there can the love and in- �134 SLOVAKIA terest in the Slovak heritage begin to flourish. My attendance at the Youth Conference of the 40th Congress of the Slovak League of America was very beneficial. In my heart I wished that every youth could have witnessed and taken part in the educational session. This experience was truly one that I will never forget. - Maryagnes Krajsa, '68 St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pennsylvania. " ... BY THEIR FRUITS YE SHA!LL KNOW THEM." In the Gospel according to St. Matthew we find the words of Our Lord, " ... by their fruit ye shall know them" (7:20). These words summarize a scientific truth. They express a Law that is evidenced in the lives of men and in the lives of nations. A nation is a group of men of psychological affinity, sharing a common heritage and common aspirations. When a nation represents a unity of men under God, to the detriment of no man, it is a vehicle for good. But when a nation covets that which belongs to its neighbors, rejecting the positive teachings of Christ, it becomes a negative vehicle with atrophy of its moral fibre as an inevitable consequence. This consequence is seen clearly by scientific observation, through objective examination of results. An illustration is provided by comparing two neighboring nations in Europe, the Czech and the Slovak. The majority of the Czechs are nominally Catholic. The Slovaks are predominantly, and devotedly, Catholic. No criticism of the Mother Church is intended by this comparison, nor is it for us to judge any man. A comparison of the moral situation in the two nations is the sole intent. The Czechs have developed an overhelming, almost psychotic, de- sire to not only dominate the Slovaks but to absorb them within an artificial entity they call "Czechoslovakia". A "Czechoslovak" nation never existed in the past, does not exist in the present, and cannot be imposed in the future. The Czechs and the Slovaks each have a different heritage and different aspirations. The Slovaks, the challenged, have maintained their faith while defending their identity. The Czechs, as the challengers, have sunk into a spiritual vacuum. In Slovakia the Church has maintained its life, even, where necessary, underground. As in the days of the catacombs, priests are ordained and bishops are consecrated, unknown to the eyes of the new Communist Caesars but known to the Omniscient eye of God. Bishop Paul Hnilica, S.J., is but one example of many Slovak shepherds who have been daily showing the devotion of the earliest disciples of Our Savior. Performing their pastoral duties at the greatest of personal risk and with the greatest of personal sacrifice, the Slovak clergy are fulfilling the Word of Christ, inspiring the Slovak people to meet the challenge which faces them. Through the example set by the Catholic majority in Slovakia the Protesttant Slovak community has also risen to the challenge, :as they share the devotion to the Slovak national heritage and to the Slovak n a ti o n a 1 aspirations. Such spiritual leaders as Bishop Hnilica transcend denominational boundaries. He is a spiritual leader in Christ for Catholic and Protestant Slovaks alike, representing true ecumenical spirit. U n f o rt u n a t e 1 y, among the Czechs one looks for this moral strength in vain. Due to their psychological obsession of attempting to destroy the Slovak national identity they have developed almost a castration complex concerning their own national herit- �SLOVAKIA age. This psychological sickness is a negation of Christianity. It has afflicted Czech Catholics and Protestants alike. Some symptoms of the illness are seen in the words and deeds of Josef Cardinal Ber an, the Czech Archbishop of Prague. Cardinal Beran calls himself a "Czechoslovak", but the Cat ho 1 i c Church in Slovakia was never, and is not now, in any way under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Prague. The Slovak Protestants have also rejected any administrative claims of Czech Protestants over their communities. Cardinal Beran and some of his Czech Catholic colleagues, with a number of Czech Protestant clergymen being equally cu 1 pa b 1 e, have chosen to give away their Czech national heritage in exchange for the pottage of unchristian covetousness of that which belongs to their Slovak neighbor. The illness is manifested in many ways: The same Cardinal Beran once signed a declaration stating that "Under the protection of our brother nation, Russia, a happy future is being opened to all Slavs." The only freedom Communist Russia has left the Czechs is the power to enslave the Slovaks. Is that a happy future? The same Cardinal Beran justified the forced expulsion after World War II of over three million Sudeten Germans. During this f o r c e d expulsion over 400,000 men, women and children were reported killed. Can a minister of the Gospel justify such bestiality? The same Cardinal Beran gave solemn "Te Deum" services in Prague's St. Vitus Cathedral in honor of the inauguration of Communist President Gottwald at the same time that the clergy in Slovakia were under the severest of Communist persecution and the Slovak people were fighting the Communist troops with their bare hands. Is that Christian brotherhood? 135 All of these actions by Cardinal Beran exemplify a negative thinking that is multiplied a thousandfold among his fellow Czech Catholic and Protestant clergy. It has borne its fruit. Among all Czech children only 3 % are reported to have received Baptism, the first of Christian sacraments. In Slovakia, the true Christian leadership of such as Bishop Hnilica has also borne its fruit. Approximately 98 % of all Slovak children are baptized, despite the Czech Communist persecutions. These nondenominational figures serve as one among many indices of the moral situation in the two nations. When we compare the fruits of the practice of Christianity among the Slovaks with the fruits of the m e n t a l malpractice among the Czechs we see the attitudes of many individuals projected as the concensus of a larger group. It is up to each of us, as an individual, to direct his thoughts positively_ When we do not, we abdicate our futures , as individuals and as nations. The results cannot be hidden for "by their fruits ye shall know them." - The Reverend Jon P. Speller, D.D., Scientific Prayer Ministry, New York, New York. THE OHRISTIAN OHURCH IN BOHEMIA AND SLOVAKIA When the Communists came to power in Czecho-Slovakia in 1948, there were 8.75 million Roman and 300,000 Greek Catholics in a population of 12.5 million. Since then, about one million Catholics have officially left the church, but this figure gives little idea of the actual leakage which has been caused by persecution and discrimination in every degree - and by disloyalty among the ranks of the priesthood. All church property was confiscated by the state in 1948, and the �136 SLOVAKIA church is not permitted to own anything whatever. Thus, collections taken during Mass have to be handed over to the local branch of the government department for church affairs, and only a bare minimum is returned to the priest for his own requirements and for the upkeep of the church fabric. Voluntary outside contributions are not permitted. And only "reliable" priests who have sworn an oath of loyalty to the Communist state, are allowed to hold office in parishes. Outwardly speaking, such religious life as there is, is confined to the church itself; off the premises it is simply not in evidence. R e 1 i g i o u s instruction in the schools has in practice ceased in Prague and in most towns in Bohemia, and in most of the villages as well, though it survives here and there in Slovakia. But instruction outside school is forbidden and subject to severe sanctions: this throws the whole responsibility on the parents, the majority of whom are not well qualified to give their children any substantial instruction. Any attempt from any quarter to influence young people toward religion is severly frowned on and those who are suspected of such activity or of religious learning will not receive advancement. And where would the parents find books to teach their children, when there are no religious publications? Little or nothing has been published, not even missals, since 1948; what has been issued has a strongly tendentious flavor. In 1948 there were 5,779 secular priests and 1,163 priests in religious orders; now there are about 2,500 in the whole country in 1951 about 3,000 priests were held in various degrees of confinement, from labor camps to "concentration monasteries." By 1958 the number had dropped to below 500, and in 1963 the majority were released, but have to earn their living as best they can, usually in unskilled labor, and are forbidden to work as priests. Today there are still about 15 priests in prison. There are theological students in training, though their number is of course inadequate. What weighs more heavily than numbers is the quality of the future priesthood, as there is an incredible lack of modern theological works available to them. Seminarians, together with the rest of the population, are "sheltered" from all contact with contemporary thought in the Catholic Church today, and in particular have no knowledge of the deliberations of the Vatican Council. They are held back in a nineteenth century climate of thought which has no relevance to the realities of life around them. The only religious periodical available to priesthood and laity is "The Spiritual Shepherd" which an authority on Czecho-Slovak affairs describes as "a mixture of timidity and weakness, full of self-deception and delusion." The reason for this-on the face of it, extraordinary-contrast between Poland and Czecho-Slovakia, is not hard to find. Today, owing to comparative religious indifferentism of the people which is very marked in Bohemia, less so in Slovakia, the Communist regime has no need to respect public opinion. Stella Musulin, correspondent for the London Herald and the St. Louis Review POLICE SEAROH RESIDENCE OF TWO BISHOPS Police searched the residences of two bishops in Czecho-Slovakia after they had been visited by tourists from the West, but found no "subversive material", accord- �SLOVAKIA ing to KNA, German Catholic news agency. The prelates are Auxiliary Bisshop Kajetan Matousek of Prague and Bishop Karel Otcenasek, apostolic administrator of Hradec Kralove, who had been released from confinement in 1963. KNA reported that all bishops who have been confined are under surveillance after their release. The news agency reported also that there are still 16 priests imprisoned in Czecho-Slovakia and that an unknown number of laymen are still in jail there because of their faith and religious activities. It was reported that 25 priests were imprisoned about six months ago. - (NCWC News Service ) HIGH TEENAGE DIVORCE According to a broadcast heard via Radio Prague, too many married couples, especially teenaged ones, are filing for divorce in Czecho-Slovakia. To stem the tide of divorce-seeking couples, a state commission has proposed establishing marriage advisory offices. The lack of savings and the scarcity of housing are given as the chief causes of early marriages ending in failure . In Prague, 28 % of all marriages end in divorce, while one in four goes on the rocks in the industrialized area of Northern Bohemia. In predominantly Catholic Slovakia, the divorce rate is less than 8% . - (NCWC New s Service) liN MiIDMORIAM Mother M . Pius, third Superior General of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, who died on Sunday, May 15, 1966, was laid to rest in the community cemetery on Wednesday, May 18. Officiating at the funeral Mass was the Rt. Rev. Abbot Theodore 137 Kojis, O.S.B., M.A., Abbot of St. Andrew's Slovak Benedictine Abbey, Cleveland, Ohio. Mother M. Pius, during whose administration as Superior General of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa. was opened in 1922, passed away in her sleep on Sunday, May 15, at Maria Joseph Manor. Born in 1894 in Blakely, Pa., and b a p t i z e d in Holy Ghost Church, Olyphant, Pa., Mother M. Pius answered the call of Christ to follow Him in the religious life when she entered M a r y w o o d, Scranton, for the prescribed training. The Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius was only two years old at the time of her entrance and its pioneer Sisters received their religious training under the direction of the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary in Scranton. Mother M. Pius made her first profession of vows at Marywood in 1913. In the early struggling years of the Congregation, Mother M. Pius held important positions which she discharged with rare wisdom and charm. Despite her youth she was superior of the Jednota Home for orphans in Middletown in the early years when it also served as motherhouse for the Congregation. In 1922, shortly after the purchase of the Castle Grove estate in Danville, Mother M. Pius was elected third Superior General of the Congregation and served in that capacity for 12 years. That same year Villa Sacred Heart opened its doors as a boarding school for girls, known then as the First Catholic Slovak Girls High School. By 1930 it became necessary to expand. The beautiful St. �138 SLOVADA Cyril Academy on the hill was erected and its lofty tower has become a landmark in the montour area. During the administration of Mother M. Pius, St. Cyril Academy was accredited by the State Department of Education and its first commencement in 1926 were honored by the presence of five bishops, four of them from Slovakia. Meanwhile also the Congregation increased in membership and many new schools were opened. In the years that followed Mother M. Pius was principal and teacher in parish schools in New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania. Before her retirement last year Mother M. Pius was again superior at Jednota Home where she celebrated her Golden Jubilee in 1963. I Mother M. Pius was preceded in death by her sister, Sister M. I Philomena, who died at Jednota in 1920 and lies buried in the Community cemetery in Danville. She is mourned by three sisters, Mrs. Margaret Prokopovitsh and Cecile Yakubov, Washington, D.C. and Sister M. Constance, SS.C.M., music instructor at Andrean High School, Gary, Indiana, and many nieces and nephews. What Mother M. Pius has meant to the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius is written not only in stone, but also, and more importantly, in the solid foundation of progress in the Congregation and in countless human hearts, both within the Community and without. Her deeds are recorded in history, the history of the Congregation, of the Church, and of the Slovak nation. May her great soul rest in peace. AS OTHERS SEE IT It was Monsignor Hlinka, who founded the Slovak People's Party and encouraged the Slovaks to strive for national recognition. Slovakia had long been submerged by foreign rule, but the spirit of the nation was preserved by the inspiring work of dedicated men. Monsignor Hlinka rose to prominence in Europe as a leading advocate of selfgovernment for Slovakia and all the other nations of Central-East Europe. The Wilsonian principle of self-determination provided a powerful stimulant to his work and for the cause of the Slovak people. It was in that spirit that he journied to Paris in 1919 with the hope of seeing President Wilson to plead the case of his people. While Monsignor Hlinka's hopes were not realized, his dedication and determination left an indelible mark on the life of the Slovak Congressman Michael nation. Feighan. The long-disputed Prague Pittsburgh Pact of May, 1918, which played a role in the creation of the Republic of Czechoslovakia after World War I, is no longer a political issue per se but the old hostility between Czechs and Slovaks, reflecting in part an alleged invalidation of the pact, continues under communism. The pact was agreed upon by representatives of the Slovak and Czech organizations in this country which met in the Moose Temple on Penn Avenue with T. G. Masaryk, who became the republic's first president. In the 47 years since the Czechoslovak Republic was proclaimed on Oct. 28, 1918, the Slovaks have �SLOVAIIA argued consistently that the terms of the pact were never fulfilled and that they have been unequaled partners in an unhappy political marriage. Of the 14 million people in this country, the Czechs outnumber the Slovaks more than two to one. But, of course, it does the Slovaks no good to complain. For now they are melded with the Czechs in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, which is a communist state and a full-fledged member of the Soviet bloc. And the Reds have not the slightest concern for any agreement negotiated in capitalist Pittsburgh. - Frank Hawkins PostGazete, Pittsburgh, Nov. 6, 1965. Czechs drink beer. Slovaks drink wine. And that's one of the instances where your connoisseur touring Slovakia would say, "Viva la difference!" - John F . McLeod, The Washington Daily News, June 15, 1965. It was shocking-three border gates, fences with double barbed wire, guns, brick cubicles and women in officer's uniforms checking cars. The landscape is bleak, devoid of trees, houses, cars. Prague is a gray city. The hotel where we stayed is their pride and joy-it's like a communal concentration camp. Those who protest the war against Communism should come here, and if they find it The Slovaks historically have agreeable, let them stay. - Candy looked of any Prague government Bergen, by Hedda Hopper, Daily with fishy eyes. - Ted Princiotto , News, November 16, 1965. The Plain Dealer, Cleveland, OctAfter the aborted Hungarian ober 17, 1965. Revolution of 1956, things seem to have simmered down in Russia's Zakamenny Klin, Slovakia "You took him away from us alive satelites and one could easily get . . . you have returned him to us the impression that most of the dead. The day of reckoning will anti-Communist yen to revolt has come. Then justice shall prevail." gone. The truth is that it seems quiescent only because it hasn't These were the words of a young found an outlet with any promise "Communist" at the grave of Bish- of success. op Jan Vojtassak and proved a fitIt took years to discover in the ting and dramatic climax in the West to what degree the Poles life and death of the venerated Slo- were ready to cut loose in October, vak warrior for justice, freedom, 1956, a few days before the Hunand truth. garians made their shots heard This unexpected tribute was around the world. Czechoslovakia, heard by 10,000 of Bishop Vojtas- at the time, was supposed to be sak's fellow countrymen. The youth plotting something which misfired. was supposed to list the prelate's Much later we learn that where"crimes." as the Czechs didn't make much of The Communist regime had plan- a fuss at the time, Slovak partisans ned to make the burial service raised Cain. The nation's four milquiet and private - instead, when lions Slovaks represent about one the word got out that the Slovak third of Czechoslovakia's 12 milprelate was to be buried from his lions Slavs. Slovak partisans battled Soviet native village church, the news spread like wildfire and overnight forces near Presov. Slovak partisans fought by the more than 10,000 gathered from all sides to pay their final respects to side of the Hungarian rebels. The C om mu n i s ts suppressed a national martyr who had remained unbowed to the end. - The news of all this at the time. If and Register, October 24, 1965. when the State Department ever �140 SLOVAKIA caught up with it, U. S. spokesmen - always considerate of Red sensibilities never bothered to mention it or rub it in. - Guy Richards, New York Journal-American, July 3, 1965. Mrs. Sloboda comes from Slovakia, which is the Church's stronghold in Czecho-Slovakia and which has shown the greatest resistance to the regime. There 60 per cent of the land is still in private hands, as compared to only 10 per cent in other regions. There, too, church attendance is still strong and there is an active religious tradition. Largely agricultural and mountainous, the remoteness has been an asset to the Church. A Communist functionary from Slovakia recently admitted in despair, "In Prague, they think Catholicism is finished. But in Slovakia, we see things differently. The faith is still strong there. We have to show much more tolerance to the Church. We can't work actively against it. " "You know, " Mrs. Sloboda explained to me, with an apology to her husband, "the Slovaks are quite d i f f e r e n t from the easy-going Czechs, who would rather accommodate themselves to the status quo than get into trouble. The Slovaks are toughened by the hard life in the mountains. " " Oh, yeah," protested her husband , "but don't forget how we threw the bottle-tossing hooligans out of church last Christmas, here in Prague! " Nevertheless, even in Slovakia, interest in religion is beginning to wane, and there has been a decline in church attendance among the youth. The rapid industrialization of the area will inevitably contribute to the secularization and estrangement from a predominantly peasant-orientated Catholicism. "In every village, just as in the rest of Czecho-Slovakia," said Mrs. Sloboda, "there are loudspeakers hanging over the square which are used for p r op a g a n d a purposes." - Adolph Schalk, The Sign, Decem- ber, 1965. Grim , tough, friendless Antonin Novotny of Czecho-Slovakia, detested by many Communists and by the population at large, especially in the chronically restless Slovak region, was already a ranking Party ogre in Stalin's day. He is a prime candidate for de-Stalinization at the first wrong move. Hal Lehrman, before The Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, 89th Congress, 1st Session. Planned extermination is facing Slovakia and other captive nations? In Slovakia all their leaders were either hanged, imprisoned, or exiled. 85,000 Slovak citizens were placed in labor and concentration camps. 20,000 known Slovaks were deported to the Soviet Union as slaves. Over 100,000 Slovak citizens of German ancestry were expelled to the Soviet Union. Over 120,000 Slovak citizens of Hungarian ancestry were expatriated. Over 600,000 Slovaks were forced to leave Slovakia and live in Bohemia and Moravia. - Alfred Korn, Jr., President, Americans to Free Captive Nations, Inc. New York, November 27, 1965. I frequently wonder what the people of the captive nations think of what the United States contemplates on doing. Do they sometimes begin to feel that we are abandoning them and that we do not care-that we want them to be subjects of the communists. There is a very interesting aspect about the Slovaks. In 1946 when the first vote was taken in Slovakia as to what type of government they should have, up in the mountain areas and in the land of the Slovaks the vote was about 65 % against the communists. They were the only group in the whole country of Czecho-Slovakia that voted against it. So I say that today you have given voice which should �SLOVAKIA be broadcast by the Voice of America. And the broadcast should be made in the Slovak language so that the Slovaks in the mountains and in the valleys will understand what is happening. We are challenged by the communists. We unhappily and unfortunately have in our midst many who say they are not a challenge to us, but the Slovaks know that they are. There is in the Old Testament in the Bible in the Book of Kings the story of the King who wanted the vineyard of one of his subjects. It is in Chapter 21 and this is how it reads: "And after these things, Naboth the Jezrahelite, who was in J ezrahel, had at that time a vineyard near the palace of Achab, the king of Samaria. And Achab the king spoke unto Naboth saying: Give me thy vineyard, that I may have me a garden of herbs, because it is near to my house, and I will give thee for it a better vineyard : or if you think it more good to thee, I will give thee the worth of it in money. And Naboth the subject said to Achab the king : The Lord forbith me that I should give the inheritance of my fathers unto thee." The Lord forbid that we should give the inheritance of our country and the United States on to the communists. And the Lord forbid the land of the Slovaks should pass unto the communists that now rule in Slovakia. - U.S. Senator Frank 141 freedom is restored to these valiant people and the other captive nations under communism. We must not only observe the historic national days on the floor of the House, but we should establish a Special Committee on Captive Nations to more forcibly bring the present plight of these unfortunate people to world attention. Another effective step the U.S. Government could take to show our interest in the Slovak people and their aspirations for freedom from communism would be lengthier and more effective broadcasts by the Voice of America which would pierce the wall of Communist propaganda and deliver the truth to the Slovak people. In recent years, Mr. Speaker, the Voice of America has cut back both its hours of broadcast in the Slovak language and the nature of these broadcasts. The VOA now has only straight news programs because of the present administration's fear of offending the Soviet Union. The Voice of America should instead be a vehicle for delivering the message of truth to the Slovak people so that they can resist the brainwashing of the constant propaganda from the tyrannical Moscow oppressors. - Edward J. Derwinski on the floor of the House of Representatives, March 14, 1966. Lausche. Mr. Speaker, today is the 27th anniversary of Slovak Independence Day, and on this historic occasion, I would like to pay tribute to the brave Slovak people who suffer today under the yoke of Communist tyranny. They are not permitted by their Red tyrants to publicly celebrate their national holiday. Therefore, we must rededicate ourselves to our efforts to see that Annual SLOVAKIA is published by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue, Middletown, Pennsylvania. Subscription $2.00. Editor: Dr. Joseph Pauco. �142 SLOVAXIA BOOK REVIEWS SLOVAK STUDIES III - CYRILLO-METHODIANA, Published by Slovak Institute, Rome, 1965, p. 224. The eleventh centenary of the arrival of the scholarly missionaries St. Cyril and Methodius among the Slavic tribes, called Sclavi Marahenses in Latin sources and Slovene or Sklavinoj in Eastern sources, was an occasion for Slavs to publish scores of studies in various languages. Slovaks, who claim to be among the heirs of the CyrilloMethodian tradition, were especially active on both sides of the Iron Curtain. Besides organizing huge celebrations in Rome, Canada and the U.S.A. and archeological exhibitions, Slovak scholars took part at the international Cyrillo-Methodian Conference in Salzburg, Austria, and contributed to various symposia either in Slovak or in foreign languages. The symposium under review contains contributions by Slovak scholars and writers who live in the free world. Expecting that the writings in Slovakia will necessary be subject to marxist criteria and political restriction, they undertook the task to present the Cyrillo-Methodian period to the Western scholars as they see it on the basis of Slovak pre-communist and foreign sources. The contributions written in English, French and German, deal with history (F. Hrusovsky, M. Lacko, J . Papin, A. Grebert, liturgy (M. Lacko and M. Rusnak), literature (J. M. Kirschbaum) and with the role of the CyrilloMethodian tradition in Slovak national and political life (J. M. Kirschbaum) . Since the Slovak erudities from the XVIIth century claimed great-Moravia and the activities of the scholarly missionaries for Slovaks and Moravians, the contributions in the symposium not only follow that tradition, but apparently try to substantiate the Slovak claims to the Cyrillo-Methodian heritage by compiling supporting evidence from the works of renown and less known slavists of many nations. The tendency to prove the "slovacity" of the Cyrillo-Methodian period or to defend the Slovak claims to the Great-Moravian heritage is common to all contributors to this third volume of Slovak Studies, but it is mainly the well documented account on the relations of the rulers of Great Moravia with Rome, written by the late Prof. F. Hru!iovsky, the German contribution on the ethnic composition of Great Moravia by A. Grebert and the French and English contribution by Prof. J . M. Kirschbaum on the Cyrillo-Methodian literature and tradition which may be of interest for Slavist who do not specialize in religious aspects. Contributions by Prof. M. Lacko, who is known as an expert in the Cyrillo-Methodian period and the articles by Prof. J. Papin, bishop M. Rusnak and I. Kondratovic are valuable especially from the Slovak point of view. Not all the contributions are of equal scholarly value and the volume is marked by the difficulty to edit a multi-lingual book: not only typographical errors but also linguistic deficiencies appear in the book quite frequently. This does not make, however, the volume without interest or value. Slavists might find it challenging in various aspects and by the same token worth reading. �SLOVAKIA U.3 The editors as well as the Slovak Institute and those who in other ways made the publication of the volume possible, deserve recognition for not allowing pass the 11th centenary of Slovak civilization without a written document. J. P. Jan Kollar-Slovak Poet of Panslavism, J. M. Kirschbaum, LL.D., Ph.D., Published by the Slovak Institute, Cleveland, 1966, 48pp., Ed. J . B. Rudnyc'kyj , Slavistica, LVI(56). Perhaps for the first time the ideas and their practical application in the Pan Slav movement of Jan Kollar, Slovak romantic poet and political philosopher, are presented in understandable language by the prolific historical and political writer, Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum. All students of history of the Slavic nations in central, southern and eastern Europe welcome this clear-cut view and analysis of one of the most complex characters in the Pan Slav movement in the first half of the 19th century. Kollar, the celebrated poet whose 'Slavy dcera' (Daughter of Slava) sonnets made him immortal in Slavdom, for personal and unknown reasons rejected the official central Slovak literary language of Stur and wrote in his own Slovak-Czech dialect he called 'stara slovencina' (the ancient language of the Slovaks). He was, therefore, in some respects both the forerunner of the political union of the Czechs and Slovaks who formed Czecho-Slovakia in 1918 and of the futile attempts of the Czechs to fuse the Slovak language into a synthetic Czechoslovak tongue. Nevertheless, in his day he was an outspoken champion of the Slovak colony in Budapest for many years. Although at first glance, Kollar's views on Panslavism calling for unity among all Slavs may appear to be a basis for a political union of all Slavic nations, a more careful look reveals that he regarded each to be but a tribe, nevertheless an individual ethnic entity with a right to its own language, state, etc., in a family of tribes belonging to one Slav nation! As a poet (Kollar's lyric and romantic works may be criticized from many angles by the experts), he excels in idealism, which is somewhat dimmed by the stark realism and cruelty of Slava, the goddess, who from her golden throne watches demons torturing the enemies and persecutors of the Slavs . . . a la Dante's Inferno. In Canto III of his Sonnet CX, Kollar turned prophet and a mighty good one, for he predicted the expansion of the Slavs like 'a mighty flood' and foresaw the day when the language of the Slavs would be spoken by their foes, and their sciences become manifest, as also their customs, dress and music on both sides of the Seine and the Danube. In the light of current history, we cannot, of course, rejoice in the modern Soviet imperialism that has reached the acme of Slavic power and prestige but only at the price of the enslavement of hundreds of millions of Slavs and non-Slavs, alike. Even for Kollar, who voices his wish to raise from his grave to behold the glory of the Slavs, the present would not be a glorious experience for the Slovak poet who envisioned a far different emergence of the Slavs would have sorrow and regret, not joy, in his heart were he a witness of the sad fate of Slavic nations today. �144 SLOVAKIA Dr. Kirschbaum shows that Kollar's Panslavism was hailed by the Russians, Czechs, Slovaks and the southern Slavs but was not at all acceptable to the Poles or Ukrainians who saw in it a form of Panrussianism . . . and as it has developed, they were right in their suspicions. On the national level, Kollar, writes Dr. Kirschbaum, played an important role in Slovak national revival by his linguistic theories, his poetry, publication of Slovak songs and his ideals of freedom. Undoubtedly, Jan Kollar will be the subject of many studies on the question of his political and linguistic theories, but despite efforts to make him a Czech poet because he wrote in his own pre-fabricated 'stara slovencina' medium which was his own personal invention in an attempt to arrive at a common language, and in spite of his rejection of Stu.r's central Slovak that was destined to become the official language of the Slovak nation, he was a Slovak poet in his own right. If his image as a Slovak poet is not altogether in focus, it is both because he moved in so many directions at one and the same time so that his picture is somewhat distorted, and the disturbing circumstances of his time, his condition, etc. At best, he was an erratic genius, and therefore, very difficult, if not impossible, to fully understand and appreciate. Nevertheless, his stature as a great Slovak poet continues to remain unimpaired. A. P. Frantisek Vnuk, Sedemnast' neurodnych rokov - Nacrt dejin slovenskej literatury v rokoch 1945-62, (Seventeen barren years -A Survey of Slovak Literature 1945-1962), Published by Slovak v Amerike, Middletown, Pa., 1965, p. 304, English summary. Slavists at various universities in the free world will receive in the present volume a first concise look at the postwar Slovak literature, and since there has been nothing published on the subject in English except a few articles in Slavic Studies and the anthology Linden Tree , which is in many ways a biased and unobjective presentation, the volume is longtime overdue. The English summary will make the book accessible also to those who do not read Slovak, which makes it even more welcome. The Slovak part of the book contains a rich source of information and remarkably well written aesthetic judgments on the literary value and ideological regimentation of the Slovak literature since the end of the Second World War. Vnuk places the works of Slovak poets and writers into the context of Slovakia's post-war upheavals, unprecedented persecutions for ideological deviations, censorship and social changes, and measures them against the moral and intellectual duties toward the Slovak people among whom writers and poets were always fighting for justice and national goals. The method used by the author does not follow the usual detached and impersonal ways of literary history and criticism, but it does not make this book less valuable for scholars or anyone interested in Slovak literature under Communism. On the contrary. The book presents a fresh, well written, scholarly sound and sincere look at the literary works and their authors and it is understandable that he condemned his country's deceit and desertion by her poets and writers who were always looked upon as intellectual leaders. �145 SLOVAKIA The seventeen barren years, as the author calls the post-war period in Slovak literature, are divided into four parts: The period of struggles (1945-1948), the period of the victory of socialism (19491951), the period of schematism and dogmatism , and the period of lost years (1956-1962) , In each of these periods Slovak literature was at the mercy of political commissars, who silenced the best writers and dictated literary subjects and criteria, and therefore one cannot but agree with the author that "these years will stand for a period for unheared of degradation in Slovak literary history - a veritable " temps du mepris" - with an unprecented decline in artistic values both qualitatively and quantitatively, when the writer became a stateemployed "engineer of human souls" and his standard was measured by the degree of his dedication to the political party line". (p. 259) . Since 1963, when the Slovak writers finall y dared to " rebel" against the straitjacket of regime's supervision and regimentation, Vnuk's harsh judgments were confirmed even in Slovak literary reviews, and therefore there is no reason to suspect him of "parti pris". Slovak literature was not only cut off the free world, but went also through the worst period of literary history in Slovakia and Vnuk's book intelligently mirrors all the tribulations, struggles, deficiences and intellectual dishonesty of some writers and the positive value of others. Vnuk reviewed in a short addition to his book also the literary works of the Slovak emigre writers and poets which will fill a gap in surveys of Slavic literatures in the free world. If the whole Slovak literature is a sort of "terra incognita" to many people in the West, the literary works of the Slovak emigre writers could not fare much better, though there are exceptions and in some instances Slovakia and her literature became known only through the writings of Slovak exiles. With regard to Slovakia, the author is maybe right when he says that "the 50 odd Slovak men of letters living on this side of the Iron Curtain kept the lights of Slovak culture burning while they went out in the writers' native country. This may sound emotional or sentimental, yet it is a sad truth that in the years 1950-55 there hardly appeared in Slovakia a single book worthy of reading. In those years indeed the emigre literature was the contemporary Slovak literature." The value of the volume is enhanced by a register of names, short bibliography and a brief note on the writer. It is to be regreted that the title of the book does not indicate that it is a survey of Slovak literature, but it is a minor shortcoming and can be repaired in distributing the English summary under a proper title. J . M. K irsc hbaum D ie Slow akei als Mittel europaisches Problem i n Geschichte und Gegenwart, (Slovakia as Central European Problem in the Past and Present) , Lectures at Collegium Carolinum, Verlag Robert Lerche, Mtinchen, 1965, p. 240. The prominent German institution Collegium Carolinum in Munich organized in August 1962 a series of lectures on Slovakia's past and present place in Central Europe, and published six of them in the present volume as a contribution to the research on problems of �146 SLOVAKIA Central Europe. The lectures cover over eleven centuries of Slovakia's history and while they are not of equal scholarly value, they are all shedding a new light on various periods of Slovak history, including the present one under Communism. Three of the lectures were given by Slovak intellectuals living in Western Europe: Prof. F. f>urcansky deals with Pan-Slavism and the role of Slovakia in this movement; Prof. Milan Stan. f>urica of the University of Padova gives the results of his scholarly research into the crisis of March 1939 and on the basis of documents he corrects various misconceptions about the origin of the Slovak republic; Ctibor Pokorny writes about the attitude of Slovaks towards Communism. The lectures by Prof. f>urcansky and Prof. Durica are well documented and scholarly written contributions to two controversial topics of historiography on Slovakia. Abundance of sources referred to, and logical conclusions which characterize both contributions, will perhaps help to clear at least partly the controversy and misconceptions of some Western historians. For students of Central European problems two other lectures might be of great interest: von Gogolak's lecture on Slovakia's social and constitutional history and Kurt Wessely's learned analysis of Slovakia's economic and social problems since World War I. Both authors are experts in their fields, but their contributions are bound to lead to a controversy either from the Slovak or from the Czech side. While Slovaks could be hurt by some of Gogolak's harsh judgements of their leaders in the remote or recent past, the Czechs might oppose the picture which Prof. Wessely has drawn about Slovakia's economic development under the Czech tutelage. The well documented account of the development of the national consciousness among Slovaks by Prof. Gogolak somehow contrasts in his conclusions not only with his previous works on Slovakia, but it also seems to be in clash with the requirements of scholarly impartiality. Except for a few Slovaks of the "Czechoslovak" orientation hardly any educated Slovak would leave unchallenged certain parts of Prof. Gogolak's picture of modern Slovak history. Unfortunately, this is not the place to go into detail or to show where Prof. Gogolak's lecture is marked rather by emotional than by objective analysis, and where the historian wandered into politics. While this is to be regretted, this reviewer is of the opinion that the scholarly lecture might serve on the other hand a very useful purpose, if Slovak intellectuals will properly react. The introductory lecture by Karl Bosl on the mission of Sts. Cyril and Methodius and its place in Rome's Church organization is a learned summary of the older and the most recent research into the GreatMoravian period, with some new hypotheses. Scholarly sound and without bias, the lecture will remain as a tribute from the German side to the 11th centenary of the Cyrillo-Methodian mission among the ancestors of today's Slovakia, which was commemorated in 1963 by Slovaks on both sides of the Iron Curtain. The volume was edited with great care and should be welcome as a valuable contribution to the research into and solution of the unsolved Slovak problem in Central European area. J. M. Kirschbaum �SLOVAKIA 147 National Slovak Society Almanac for the year 1966 - Narodny Americko-Slovensky Kalendar na rok 1966, Vol. 74, Pittsburgh, Pa., 240 pp., Edited by Jan Mihal. The first 70 pages of this year's National Slovak Society annual are in the English language . . . the rest in Slovak. This, then, is an edition designed for both young and old readers in one or both languages. In addition to their duties as members of the NSS Literary Committee, headed by Dr. Peter Hletko, M.D. as president, which compiled the bi-lingual almanac, all (Msgr. M. K. Mlynarovic, K. Belohlavek, John Pankuch [NSS President, and the editor, Jan Mihal] contributed informative and inspiring articles to this year's publication of the oldest Slovak fraternal group in America. Tribute is paid to Peter Rovnianek (1867-1933), NSS founder, on the eve of the centennial of his birth as a great American Slovak humanitarian. The following contributors are found in the English section: John Pankuch, Jan Mihal, Mary Burns, Dr. Peter Hletko, M.D., Dr. Stephen Hletko, DDS., Rosalie Gona, S. Ullman and Karol Kuzmany. Although a major part of the section is devoted to a review of NSS activities, particularly bowling, the rest gives the reader an idea of the possibilities of expanding the subject matter into a more serious sphere for better comprehension of vital issues in American Slovak life. While members of the NSS Literary Committee were called upon to do double duty by contributing articles to the Slovak section, too, the following writers made their contributions of interesting articles to the 1966 NSS Almanac: John Pankuch, E. Vesnin, Lado Demeter, Jozef Steller, Msgr. M. K. Mlynarovic, Dr. Peter Hletko, M.D., K. Holicsky, Peter Klas, Rev. Andrej Rolik, Dr. A. P. Slabey, 0. M. Debnarkin, A. Rybiansky, Dr. Jan Fabianek, Rosalie Gona, Stefan Hassik, Jozo Trnavcan, J. Horsky, J. T. Sulovsky, K. Belohlavek. In some respects the tone of the current Almanac is an ecumenical one, e.g., Dr. Slabey's article on Jan Hus. Hus' successful bid to reverse the 3-1 German preponderance in voting at Charles University to a domestic Czech 3-1 majority was confirmed by royal decree ... this democratic procedure is the only one that will finally bring peace and understanding between the Czech and Slovak nations, namely, the recognition of the right of the Slovak nation to self-rule, for the principle of human and natural rights to freedom is the same today as it was in Hus' time. A. P. Jednota Annual Furdek, 1966, Middletown, Pa., vol. 5, 160 pp., Joseph Krajsa, editor. Inaugurated by the late Philip A. Hrobak, editor of the Jednota weekly, five years ago in an effort to reach the younger generation of American Slovaks, the FURDEK annual is continuing under his successor, Mr. Joseph C. Krajsa. It is a worthwhile effort, inasmuch as our Slovak youth would otherwise lose all interest in its heritage because �148 SLOVAKIA the third and fourth generation no longer speaks or reads the Slovak language. The contents of the current issue cover a variety of subjects from the following writers: Bishop Andrew Grutka, D.D., Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., J. C. Krajsa, J. Pfeiffer, A. Sarisky, Dr. J. Kirschbaum, Ph.D., LL.D., Very Rev. Theodoric Zubek, O.F.M., S.T.D., C. Petrasek, J . J. Konus, A. Koto, and S. Sencik, S.J. Feature article is 'The Joe Lapchick Story' about the great basketball player and coach from Yonkers, N. Y. The ex-Celtic star and successful coach at St. John's University ranks among the greatest American Slovak athletes. Lead-off review of the Jednota's diamond jubilee in 1965 is given in capsule form by Dr. Jozef Pauco, Ph.D., author of the 560-page history of the First Catholic Slovak Union (75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty: 1890-1965) is supplemented by pictorial highlights of the jubilee observance, particularly the celebration in Washington, D. C. Oldtimers such as Dr. M. v_ Simko and Rev. A. Pier, O.S.B. have a number of contributions in this 5th issue of the Jednota annual, the Furdek, in the English language. A brief historical review of the Slovak Benedictines in the U. S. and the Slovak Jesuits in Canada completes the 1966 edition of the Furdek. Both foundations constitute only part of the story of the Slovak Religious Orders in the new world. Future issues of this novel publication will undoubtedly cover the history of the others, namely, the Slovak Franciscans, as well as the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, the Franciscan Sisters, the Dominican Sisters, the Benedictine Sisters, the Sisters of the Most Holy Saviour, the Consolers of the Sacred Heart, and the Vincentian Sisters. A. P. PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED Rekem John, Stefan Dubnicay - Slovak Polemist and Historian (1675-1725), Middletown, Pa., 1966, p. 80. Slovak Literature and National Consciousness before Anton Bernolcik, Jednota Printery, Middletown, Pa. 1964. Kirschbaum, J. M., Jcin Kollar-Slovak Poet of Panslavism, Stavistica No. 56, Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1966, p. 48. The Role of the Cyrillo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak National and Political Life, An Offprint from Slovak Studies Ill. Rome, 1965 La Litterature de la period CyrilLo-Methodienne et la Slovaquie, An Offprint from Slovak Studies III, Rome, 1965. Vnuk, Frantisek, Sedemncist' neurodnych rokov (Ncicrt slov enskej A Survey of Slovak Literature 1945-1962, literatury 1945-1962) Published by Slovak v Amerike, Middletown, Pa., p. 304, English summary, register. �SLOVAKIA 149 CONTRIIBUTORS Prof. Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum. Born in a small Slovak village on March 25, 1913 and lost his father in the First World War. Dr. J. Kirschbaum is a prominent representative of the new Slovak educated class, whose many members made a long way from the Slovak villages to European and American capitals, forei gn universities, diplomatic posts and teaching positions by their own diligence, capabilities and perseverance, fighting against many odds and staunch and unscrupulous adversaries of the Slovak cause. Educated at several European universities, Dr. Kirschbaum attained national prominence already during his university studies as leader of the Slovak student's organizations, Vice-President of the world-wide Catholic organization Pax Romana and speaker for the autonomy of Slovakia on behalf of the young Slovak generation. When only 26 years old, he was appointed by the President of the Slovak Republic and later elected to the responsible post of Secretary-General of the People's Party, founded by Msgr. A. Hlinka . After opposing the introduction of National Socialism into Slovakia, he was ousted in 1940 from Slovak politics and for 18 months kept in military service. In 1941 he was, however, back in public life and, as the youngest head of diplomatic mission, he served his country in Switzerland as Charge d'Affaires of the Slovak Republic. In that capacity he represented Slovakia until the end of the war, fighting relentlessly for Slovakia's right to independence and against the false propaganda of the Czech exiles and their anti-Slovak aspirations. After the war Dr. Kirschbaum very soon became one of the leading personalities of the Slovak movement for a free and independent Slovakia . He moved to Canada , for a short time to the United States and again to Canada , where he dedicated his time and energy to teaching at Canadian Universities writing and fighting for the Slovak cause. Besides a book in Slovak Nas boj o samostatnost' Slovenska, Dr. Kirschbaum published in exile the first scholarly English book on political history and cultural background of Slovakia under the title: Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe (New York, 1960) . The book was r ~viewed by the foremost academic periodicals in England, U.S.A., Canada and Europe and mostly favorably received by the critics. On cultural problems Dr. Kirschbaum published a series of studies in French and English, four of them (on Bernolak, St11r, Safarik and Kollar) were published in the series Slavistica, edited by the known slavist Prof. J . B. Rudnyckyj from the University of Manitoba. His essays on Slovak language and literature were published in French and English first by University periodicals and later in offprint form . His political writings appeared in English, French , German and Spanish. Altogether Dr. Kirschbaum published 15 writings in foreign languages either in book form or as reprints, and contributed larger articles to Canadian Slavonic Papers (Univ. of Toronto) , Etudes slaves et esteuropeennes (Univ. of Montreal ), Rivista de Estudios politicos (Madrid) , Slovakia (Middletown, Pa.), Slowakei (Munich, Germany). Most ( Cleveland, Ohio) , to various symposia, encyclopedias and newspapers. All the writings of Dr. Kirschbaum are marked, according to the critics, by clarity of style, logic, scholarly objectivity and solid knowledge as well as his �150 SLOVAKIA firm belief in the rightness and victory of the Slovak cause. Once an excellent student of internat• ional law and political science, Dr. Kirschbaum turned in exile to his• tory and culture of his country and Central Europe and defends the right of the Slovak people to independence on account of their old culture and civilization. He presents Slovakia to the free world in a new light and always within a new, democratic organization of Central Europe. For his uncompromising stand towards those who tried or try to deny equal rights to the Slovak people, Dr. Kirsch b a u m was persecuted already during his uni• versity years. A Czech rector of the University of Bratislava refus• ed to give him, for political reasons, the doctor's diploma, even though Kirschbaum finished all his exams with excellent results. The Germans turned against the young Secretary-General as soon as they noticed that he opposed German interference in Slovak politics, and Berlin asked the Slovak Government not only to remove Dr. Kirschbaum from Slovak politics, but his name was not supposed to appear in any newspaper. "If it does", wrote the German Ambassador to Slovakia in 1940, "I shall ask to forbid the publication of the newspaper." ialist newspapers. A new smear campaign was organized against Dr. Kirschbaum when he moved to the United States. The most un• scrupulous and immoral campaign was, however, unleashed against him by Communist Prague and some Czech exiles in Canada dur· ing the Spring and Summer of 1962. In all those smear campaigns, not only in serious Slovak circles, but also the authorities of the countries he lived in, clergy and many newspapers and politicians were on the side of Dr. Kirschbaum, and he was fully vindicated. munist adversaries of the Slovak struggle for independence and de• mocracy turned, however, against Dr. Kirschbaum, especially after the Second World War. Even though he spent the war years in neutral Switzerland and was known to oppose Nazism, the Communist government of Prague requested his extradition from Switzerland. When the Swiss Government refused , the Czech diplomats and propagandists tried to compromise Dr. Kirschbaum by publishing smear and ludicrous accusations in the Swiss Communist and Soc• and Methodius, whose motherhouse is in Danville, Pennsylvania, was a graduate of St. Cyril Academy and obtained her B.A. degree from Marywood College, Scranton, Pa. , and her M.A. from Villanova University, Villanova, Pa. She is the author of two books : Dr. Kirschbaum is married to Magdalena Danihel, daughter of the late Slovak politician and member of Parliament Stefan Danihel, has four children of whom two graduated at Canadian universities and one of them, Stanislav, works on his Ph.D. at the Sorbon• ne, Paris, on scholarship. Dr. Kirschbaum has been since the war leading figure of the Slovak Nat• ional Council Abroad, Slovak Li• beration Council, member of many Slovak cultural and civic organiz. ations in the U.S.A. and Canada, member or officer of leading social clubs and academic organizat• ions and editorial boards. Martina Tybor, Si ster M., B.A., M.A. , of the Sisters of SS. Cyril The furor of the Czech and Com• SS. Cyril and Methodius, the Glory of the Slav s, for young adults, and SS. Cyril and Methodius , Apostles of Great Moravia, for children. She has done outstanding work in Slo• vak-English translations, notably of Slovak classic poetry. Her own poems have appeared in Spirit, �SLOVAKIA publication of the National Catholic Poetry Society. Her odes, written for various Jubilee occasions, have appeared in Fialky, St. Cyril Academy annual. At present Sister M. Martina is head of the English department at Andrean High School, Gary, Indiana. Zatko, James J., Ph.D .., Rev., received an M.A. and Ph.D. from the University of Notre Dame. Under sponsorship of Ford Fellowships he studied at Harvard in 1954-1955 and at the Catholic University of Lublin in 1958. He was also the recipient of an Association of Middle Eastern Studies Fellowship in 1962. He is assistant professor of history at the University of Notre Dame. His book Descent Into Darkness - The Destruction of the Roman Catholic Church in Russia 1917-1923, was published by Notre Dame University. Joseph Pauco, born in 1914 in Slovakia. At the Slovak University in Bratislava he received his Ph.D. in 1942. A journalist by profession, he worked with the influential daily SLOVAK from 1938 to 1945, serving as editor-in-chief from 1942 to 1945. In 1945 fled with his wife and son to Austria, then to West Germany; and finally made his way to New York City in 1950. J. Pauco is serving since 1950 as assistant editor of the weekly JEDNOTA and from 1964 he is the publisher of the oldest Slovak newspaper in this country: SLOVAK V AMERIKE. He is serving for third term as the secretary of the Slovak League of America. J. Pauco is associated with American Academy of Political and Social Science, with Institute of Ethnic Studies at Georgetown University, is a member of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, 0. 151 and of the Slovak Writers and Artists Association in the USA. He is the author of some 1000 articles, published in Slovakia and in the USA. Dr. Joseph Pauco is the author of these books and studies: .Cudovychova u sturovcov (Stur's Movement - Popular Education ). Matica slovenska. Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1943. Pp. 151. Co po komunizme? (After Communism What?) . Jednota , Middletown, Pa., 1952. Pp. 29. Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe (Dr. Joseph Tiso About Himself) . Slovensky Katolicky Sokol, Passaic, N. J., 1952. Pp. 359. (Ed.) Tisov odkaz (Tiso's Message). Jednota. Middletown, Pa., 1953. Pp. 89. Stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo ( Stefan Furdek and Slovak Immigration) . Jednota, Middletown, Pa., 1955. Pp. 190. Slovaci a komunizmus (The Slovaks and Communism) . Rev. Jan Lach. Whiting, Ind., 1957. Pp. 318. Pod zastavou krest'anskej demokracie (Under the Banner of the Christian Democracy) . Slovenski krest'anski demokrati v Spojenych Statoch. Middletown, Pa., 1957. Pp. 30. Slovenskd re hol'a Sestier sv. Cyrila a Metoda (Slovak Order of the Sisters of Ss. Cyril and Methodius) . Slovensky .Zensky Spolok Sv. Anny. Wyoming Valley, Pa., 1957. Pp. 32. Unconquerables. Vantage Press, New York, N. Y., 1958. Pp. 225. Matus Jankola - knaz a narodovec (Matus Jankola - A Priest and Patriot) . Rad Sestier sv. Cyrila a Metoda. Danville, Pa., 1959. Pp. 174. Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike (Literary Almanac of the " Slovak in America") . Middletown, Pa., 1959, 1960, 1961, 1962, 1963, 1964, 1965, 1966. Pp. 160 each, last one pp. 168. (Ed.) �152 SLOVAKIA Christian Slovakia Under ComDr. Victor R. Greene, Professor munism. The Slovak Catholic Fede- of American History at the Kan- ration. Valparaiso, Indiana, 1959. sas State University, Manhattan, Pp. 31. Kansas, received his B.A. degree Pamiatke Jozefa Cigra Hronske- from the University of Harvard in ho (In Memoriam Jozef Ciger 1955; his M.A. degree from the Hronsky) . Literarny Almanach Slo- University of Rochester in 1960; vaka v Amerike. Middletown, Pa., and his Ph.D. from the University of Pennsylvania in 1963. His dis1960. Pp. 46. (Ed.) sertation for his Ph.D. was: A HisLaicky apostol Martin Kopunek tory of East European Immigrants (Lay Apostle - Martin Kop(mek). in the Anthracite Area before Vychodna oblast' Sdruzenia Slo- 1903. It is a study of the contribvenskych Katolikov. Bethlehem, ution Slovaks and others made to Pa., 1961. Pp. 67 (Ed.) the unions in the coal fields and Karol Sidor - politik, novinar, the aid to President Johnny Mitspisovatel' (Karol Sidor - Politi- chell and the United Mine Workers cian, Newspaperman, and Writer). of America. Dr. Greene in his Literarny Almanach Slovaka v thesis elaborates that it was beAmerike. Middletown, Pa., 1962. cause of the loyalty and sacrifice of Slovak mine workers that the Pp. 148 (Ed.) union was permanently establishPat'desiatnik Dr. Jozef Kirsched in the hard coal fields. baum (Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum In his present research, ProfesFifty Years Old). Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike. Middle- sor Greene is making a study of the origins of Slovak and East town, Pa., 1963. Pp. 171. (Ed.) European American self-consciousFlight to Wonderland. Robert ness and why by World War I Speller and Sons, New York, N. Y., every Slovak immigrant realized 1963. Pp. 334. such a strong feeling of his ethnic 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slo- heritage. Dr. Greene, who · has learned to venskej Jednoty (75 Years of the First Catholic Slovak Union). Prva read and understand Slovak, is Katolicka Slovenska Jednota, Cle- familiar with the cultural and hisveland, 0., 1965. Pp. 560 & XIV. torical material available at the Jankola Library in Danville, Pa., 80 pages of pictures. the Slovak Institute Library in Slovakia. Slovak League of AmerCleveland, Ohio, and the facilities ica. Middletown, Pa., 1965, 1966. Pp. in Pittsburgh, Pa. and Chicago, 160. (Ed.) Illinois. Joseph R . Kristofik received his B.S. in Science from the University of Pittsburgh in 1949. His education includes several years at the United States Merchant Marine Academy in Kings · Point, N. Y., and at the Detroit College of Law. Mr. Kristofik is presently the Slovak Democratic Chairman for the State of Michigan with the Michigan Democratic Nationalities Division. At its 40th Convention at Youngstown, Ohio, he was elected to the executive committee of the Slovak League of America. Tino Berko was born in Slovakia, fled to the West in 1952. He studied philosophy and the history of music and art at Munich University; is a writer and lecturer; resides in Munich, Germany. Very Rev . Theodoric J. Zubek, O.F.M., S.T.D., Slovak by birth, American by adoption, is presently Delegate Provincial of the Franciscans of the Most Holy Savior Commissariat, popularly known as the Slovak Franciscans. �SLOVAKIA He resides at the motherhouse of the Commissariat, Holy Family Friary, 232 S. Home Avenue, Pittsburgh, Penna. 15202. 153 jects were published during this time in various Slovak periodicals, such as "Serafinsky svet" (The Seraphic World), "Slovensky ucitel'" (The Slovak Teacher), "Smer" Father Theodoric was born in ( Direction), and "Nova praca " Malacky, Slovakia, April 4, 1914, (New Work) . and came to the United States on February 21, 1952; he became an This activity came to an end on American citizen on June 5, 1957. April 13, 1950, when the ComHe received his primary education munist government of Czecho-Sloin the schools of his native Ma- vakia supressed all monasteries. lacky while his secondary studies Father Theodoric was confined were taken at the Gymnasium of with his Franciscan confreres in Bratislava, 1925-1929, and Skalica, the concentration monastery of 1930-1934, in Slovakia. He entered Svaty Benadik nad Hronom. After the Franciscan Order in 1929 and escaping from the concentration made his novitiate in Trnava. He monastery, he remained in hiding took his theological studies at the in Slovakia until February 1951, Seminaries in Zagreb, Croatia, and when he secretly crossed the borin his native Slovakia at Brati- der into Austria. In February, slava. He was ordained to the 1952, he joined his Slovak Amepriesthood in Bratislava on June rican brethren of the Most Holy 26, 1938. After his ordination, Fa- Savior Commissariat, the American ther Theodoric began his studies foundation of the mother province for the doctorate in sacred theo- in Slovakia. logy at the Catholic University of After a short sojourn in TrauFribourg, Switzerland. On October 28, 1940, the Fribourg University ger, Penna., Father Theodoric was conferred on him the degree of stationed for seven years at the Doctor of Sacred Theology with Franciscan parish of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Clifton, New Jersey. the mark "magna cum laude". From 1956 to 1960 he taught SacUpon his return to his home- red Theology at the Newark and land and Franciscan Province in Jersey City divisions of Seton Hall Slovakia, Father Theodoric was University. In 1960 he was named named to the faculty of the Fran- pastor of the Franciscan parish of ciscan Theological Seminary at 2i- St. Rita in Buffalo, N. York, where lina in 1941, a post he held until he stayed till 1964. In 1961, he 1950. During this time he also serv- became Councillor to the Delegate ed at intervals as the Rector of Provincial of the Most Holy Savthe seminary, a Definitor of the ior Commissariat, and in 1964 the Franciscan Province, and Guard- Delegate Provincial of the said ian of the Franciscan Friary in Commissariat. 2ilina. In 1942, he published his doctoral thesis, "Joseph II and the In America, Father Zubek freFriars Minor in Slovakia". In 1945, quently spoke on the persecuted he translated E. Neubert's "Mon Church in Slovakia to various ideal Jesus, fils de Marie" (Moj groups in Slovak and American ideal Jezis, Syn Mariin) into Slo- parishes. He made an appearance vak. With Father Celestin Lepa- before the House Committee on cek, O.F.M., he co-authored a book Un-American Activities conceron the Assumption of the BL Vir- ning the operations of the Comgin, "Nanebevzata" (Mary Assum- munists in Slovakia. In 1956, his ed into Heaven), published in scholarly and well-documented 1947. Numerous articles of his on book on the systematic persecutboth theological and ascetical sub- ion of the Church in Slovakia was �154 SLOVAKIA published by Rev. John Lach. It is entitled "The Church of Silence in Slovakia". Since 1954 he began to contribute articles to leading national Catholic magazines such as "The Homiletic and Pastoral Review", "The American Ecclesiastical Review", "The Jurist, Unitas", "The Catholic Educator" and "The Marian Era". In these articles, he dealt with a variety of subjects, such as, the Communist persecution of the Church in Slovakia and other lands, the theory of Darwin, the morality of nuclear warfare, the possibility of living creatures on other planets, the Blessed Mother and Vatican II. Some of these articles attracted wide attention. In addition, he has contributed articles to such Slovak papers and magazines as "Most" (The Bridge ), "Dobry Pastier" (The Good Shepherd), "Jednota" (The Union), "Katolicky Sokol" (The Catholic Sokol) , "Slovak v Amerike" (The Slovak in America), "Kanadsky Slovak" (The Canadian Slovak) and "Literarny almanach Slovaka v Amerike" (The Literary Almanac of the Slovak in America) . He is a regular writer for the Slovak Franciscan Magazine "Listy sv. Franfilka" (The Leaflets of St. Francis) , for which he served as editor from 1958 to 1962. In 1963 he published a booklet entitled "The Slovak Bishops - Martyrs of Christ", and in 1965, " Rozjimania o tajomstvach sv. ruzenca" (Meditations on the Mysteries of the Holy Rosary) . The Commissariat of the Most Holy Savior, headed presently by Father Theodoric, has fifty members stationed in five monasteries and two parishes. be appropriate to present the views of an American university graduate of Slovak descent. Very Rev. Msgr. John Rekem, S.T .D. , Born December 13, 1917 in Trencianska Tepla, Msgr. John Rekem receited his early education in Trencin rand Nitra. For his philosophical and theological studies he ,w ent to Olomouc in Moravia. This was followed by four years at the Bratislava Istropolitana University. He was ordained in 1941 and two years later he received his doctorate in Sacred Theology. As curate he served in Hricove, Vel'ke Chlievany, Trencin, Pruske, and Varin; in the last named parish he was also administrator. In 1945 he was imprisoned by the Communists for almost eight months in a concentration camp in Trencin. He was released by an order of the People's court (No. T. 29/ 45) in December 1945. Two years later his name was registered for the so-called September liquidations, but he emigrated to Austria, leaving Slovakia on the feast of Our Mother of Sorrows, September 15, 1947. In Salzburg he was spiritual director of the Slovak Catholic refugees, for whom he established the Federation of Slovak Catholics and organized ia series of eight retreats in various cities of Austria. He was spiritual advisor of the League of Slovak Catholic Students in Exile. At home and abro,ad he h e l d Suzanna Mikula is a graduate of membership in leading Slovak or- the University of Detroit, specializing in history of Europe. Since last year not only Slovaks but also slavists of various countries commemorated the 150th birthday of L'udovit Stur, we thought it would ganizations: Society of St. Adalbert and its Literary Division; Matica Slovenska at home and abroad; the First Catholic Slovak Union; Society of Slovak Catholic Intellec- �155 SLOVAKIA tuals in Rome; and for a time he was a member of the Slovak National Council in Exile and of the Liberiation Oommittee. Msgr. Rekem crune to Winnipeg, Canada, in 1949, where he established a Slovak Catholic parish. With the help of his ever-faithful parishioners he built a church, a rectory and a hall in 1952, which were free of debt by 1965. Active in Canadi an public life he has long been associated with the New Canadians Council and the Citizenship Council. He served as chaplain to the Fourth Degree Assembly Tache, St. Boniface, Manitoba, in 1958. At present he is a member and a faithful friar of the Miles McDonnell Fourth Degree Assembly in Winnipeg. In Trencin he was co-editor of Trencan, 1942-1945. He contributed articles to: Slovak, Slovenska Pravda; Trencan; Misijne Hlasy; the Misijny Kalendar of the Society of the Divine Word. He was a contributor also to the periodicals: Smer; 1 Kultura; Duchovny Pastier; Katolicke Kazne; Nova Praca. In Amer- ica his works have appeared in Jednota; Zenska Jednota; Sloven- sky Katolicky Sokol; Slovak v Amerike; Slovenska Obrana; Slo-vaki a; Kalendar Jednota; Literarny Almanach; Rim; Hlasy z Rima; Ave Maria; Kanadsky Slovak; Most; etc. In Canada he wrote for the Manitoba Ensign; Western Sunday Visitor; Sunday Herald; St. Joseph's Residence News. In Winni- peg in 1949 he compiled and issued an English syndicated news and information service twice a week for the local English press. Many of his releases on the Slovaks were printed in the Ensign, Winnipeg Free Press, Winnipeg Citizen, and W i nnipeg Tribune. He is the author of twenty-five short studies on the history of Slovak cultural events of the past, and noteworthy and scholarly works depicting the evolution and growth of the Slovak language. He is a member of the Slovak Institute of Cleveland and th e Bernolak Foundation, and serves as a committee member in each. He was elevated to the rank of Monsignor on March 11, 1964 by His Holiness, Pope Paul VI and is now resident pastor of the Church of the Visitation in Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada. WHO'S WHO AMONG SLOVAIKiS ]N U.S.A. Rt. Rev. Msgr. Francis J. Dubosh, tion in June to September, 1916, P . A ., was born in Cleveland, Ohio, on September 27, 1890, a son of Charles and Mary Dubosh. There are no close surviving relatives, except for cousins in Cleveland, Pittsburgh, and New York. He was ordained on June 3, 1916 at St. John's Cathedral by the Most Rev. John P. Farrelly. He was in the last class to be ordained which received its complete seminary training at Old St. Mary's Seminary on 1800 Lakeside. Assignments: - From ordina- on temporary assignments; September, 1916, Assistant at St. Wendelin Parish, Cleveland, Ohio; December, 1917, Pastor, Holy Name Parish, Youngstown, Ohio; February, 1922, Pastor, Our Lady of Mercy Parish, Cleveland, 0 hi o; October, 1927, Pastor, SS. Cyril and Methodius Church, Lakewood, Ohio. Positions: - Named a Domestic Prelate with the rank of Rt. Rev. Msgr., on November 11, 1934 the first American-Slovak priest in the United States so honored; October 16, 1955, given rank of �156 SLOVAKIA Protonotary Apostolic - also the first American-Slovak Msgr. in the United States so honored; 19341938, Diocesan Prosynodal Judge; 1938 to date, Diocesan Consultor; 1952 to date, Diocesan Cemetery Board; and 1944-1951, Diocesan Buildin g Commission. Extra parochial and diocesan accomplishments:-Supreme Chaplain of the First Catholic Slovak Union (Jednota), 1932-1937 ; President of the Slovak League of America, 1943-1945; Member of Executive Board of Slovak League of America since 1945; President of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America, 1937-1938; one of the founders of: - Cleveland Slovak Radio Club, Slovak Professional and Businessmen's Association, member of Executive Committee to establish Slovak Culture Garden in Cleveland, Ohio, and instrumental in establishing SS. Cyril and Methodius Parish in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, in 1935; chairman of fund-raising committee for the establishment of Benedictine High School, Cleveland, Ohio; and worked with Catholic Resettlement Council for placing displaced persons in Diocese of Cleveland after post-war years. John Sabol is executive secretary of the First Catholic Slovak Union of the U.S.A. To Slovaks the First Catholic Slovak Union is familiarly known as "Jednota." That means union. Sabol is "Mr. Jednota" to the Jednotars. He has been executive secretary for 40 years. Previously, he served s e v e n years as supreme auditor. Said he: "This has been my career. " Sabol, son of a railroad section hand forman, was born in a shanty in Hillsboro, Pa., on part of what is now the Pennsylvania Turnpike. He received most of his schooling at Lyndora, Pa. At 15 he carried water when the Ft. Wheel Works was built. Later, he was a railroad car builder at McKees Rocks, Pa. He studied accounting at night at Duquesne University, became auditor for the society and was elected secretary in 1926. Sabol and his wife, Elizabeth, had f o u r children: Mrs. Helen Wells of Barberton, O.; Mrs. Joan Lang; Betty, deceased, and John J., a Medical Doctor. Judge John J . Sirotnak, born in Olyphant, Pa., October 12, 1901, of parents Michael and Susanna Sirotnak. Moved to Throop, Pa., in 1903, where he attended public schools and was graduated in June 1917. Worked in coal mines from 1917 to 1919. Attended Mansfield State Teachers' College, Sept. 1919, and graduated in 1921. He taught in Borough Schools of Throop 1921- 1928. Resigned as principal of the Jefferson School to enter University of Illinois in 1928, where he obtained his B. A. degree in 1930 and his Law Degree in 1932. Successfully completed Bar examination on October 24, 1932 and has practiced law in Scranton, Pa. , since. County Solicitor of Lackawanna County Institution District from 1938 to 1960, the first Slovak Attorney to be so honored. General Counsel of the First Catholic Slovak Union from 1944 to 1960. Judge Orphans' Court of Lackawanna County since June 17, 1960, Wife: Susan. Sons: Joseph and John, Medical Doctor and Attorney-at-Law. Member of Executive Committee of the Slovak League of America for several years. �157 SLOVAKIA 'DHE SLOVAK INSTITUTE ]N OI.,EVEILAIN1D, OHIO A cultural society, known as ibhe Slovruk Institute, was foll'l1ded an Ma:roh 4, 1952. Oha,rter memibers of the organization ,w ere: Rt. Rev. Abbot 'Dheodore G. Kojis, O.S.B., iPres,ident, Rev. Mrkulas Sprilil'c, !Rev. Andrej Pir, O.S.iB. , Dr. Fra,ncis Hriusovsky, Dr. Jozef Oindk, and Karol Strmen. The ,President named iDr. Hvusovsky, eminent Slovaik historian, as tJhe fiTst DiTector of the Institute. One of the first duties of tihe .:Institute was ito assume care of tJhe Slovak lilbrary anid museum estalblished at St. Andrew's AJbbey by the coordinated eflforts of the Matica Sioveniska, w'hich donll!ted 1.hrundreds of invaJluable hodkis to the Clevela,nd Slova:ks dUTing the ,M. S. delegation'1s visit to the United States in 1935, and 1:Jhe Slovaik League of Ameriica, which founded 1:Jhe obeginnin1gs of the &lova:k Museum at the Abbey in the Spring of 1943. Besides f'l.Ulfilling its rp rimary function of be1ng a centre of cultural endeavO'I'S for the :Silovalks in America, and t>he free world, the Slovalk Institute ihiais not onily preserved many SlovaJk 'books in i1Js ,Iilbrary but has pulJliShed a 'OJU1JI1iber of wo11k's of its own, notably, tlhe !history of Slovaik Religious institutions in America lb y the laite Dr. Francis Hrusovsky (died on Sept. 9, 1956). In Rome an affiliate of 1:Jhe Slovaik Inis titute wais established a num1ber of yearis ago. lbs main punpose is to sponsor religious a,nd cultura:l ipulblicaitionrs in the free world. The Roman tbranoh of the origin8.!l Olev~land foundation maintains olose contruct wiitJh the American parent orgainization which was ori ginally est8.!blished to carry on bhe work of the Slovaik naition's Matica Slovenska tlhait was swppr~ssed by the communist regime in tlhe ,postwar era. Another ibrancih of t h e Institute is in MuniC'h, Ge11many. Perhrups the most rpopuilar work of tJhe Slovak lnstitwte was the 1publitc1ation of a detailed mrurp of Slovrukia under the direction ()(f Dr. Hrusovsky. Mem1bershilp in the Slovark Institute reaiohes around the world, for leaiding Sfovalk writers and poets, as well. as cultural wor.kers, have been enrolled in this unique American association for tihe Slovarks in the free wonM. A:11 iing,uiries rubout Slovark history and culbure are to be arddressed to: Slovark Institute, 2900 Eia'St Boulevard, Cleveland, Ohio. 1 �158 SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America - is an AMERICAN INSTITUTION; it was organized May 26, 1907, at Cleveland, 0., by the Rev. Stephen Furdek; is a CULTURAL and CIVIC organi2:ation of Americans of Slovak descent; is interested primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the United States of America; represents an overwhelming majority of organized Americans of Slovak descent; actively affiliated with it are the largest Slovak fraternals, religious organizations, Slovak Clubs and Slovak civic organizations in the United States; is dedicated to American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate manuals and brochures in Slovak and English; is dedicated to works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks, here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns and other American charitable projects; wants to help Americans of Slovak descent in American political life, in business or professions, in social standing, and along educational lines; through its Ladies Auxiliary, the "VCIELKY" (Bees) , sponsors Slovak cultural displays, concerts, lectures, art exhibits, folk festivals, social evenings, etc. Our aim is to have a "Hive" of our "Vcielky" in every large Slovak community; promotes a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation, its history, culture, traditions, achievements and its long, hard struggle for freedom and independence; firmly believes in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation, whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the right of every nation to freely choose its own form of government and freely elect persons of its own choice by whom it shall be governed; �SLOVAKIA - 159 condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America has always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth. firmly believes that the national existence and welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own independent Slovak Republic; as a Christian and democratic organization, is resolutely against the domination and exploitation of the Slovak nation by any other nation or political state; the Slovaks did not want to be ruled over by the Magyars and, today, do not want to be subservient to the Czech nation ; heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and or ganizations who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism promoted by t he Soviet Union; stands for :honesty, integrity, industry and justice in government. Join the Local Assembly in your town or contact the Secretary of the Slovak League. Membership dues are only $1.50 per year. Gentlemen : I ----------------- - -------------------- ------Address --------------------- - ----------- - ----Town ----------------------- - ---------- -- ----Desire to join SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Endosed find check $---------- �]60 SLOVAKIA Contents The Slovak Language and its Place Among the Slavic Languages - J. M. Kirschbaum - 1 Father of American Slovaks - Sister M. Martina Tybor, 25 SS.C.M. - James J. Zatko, Ph.D. - Slovaks in the U.S. A. - 41 American Slovaks and the Beginning of Czecho-Slovakia - Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. - 63 Joseph R. Kristofik - The Slovak Image - 76 " Sons of Hunkies: Men with a Past?"-Victor R. Greene A Glimpse of Gothic Slovakia Heroic Slovak Bishop - O.F.M. - Tino Berko - Mikula, B.A. - Victim of Communism - Suzanna Dr. John Rekem - 124 Current Issues As Others See It - Contributors - T. J. Zubek, 104 Martin Szentivanyi, S.J. - Book Reviews - 87 99 Eudovit Stur and the Panslavic Movement - 138 142 149 Who's Who Among Slovaks in U. S. A. The Slovak Institute in Cleveland, Ohio The Slovak League of America - 158 155 157 80 116 �PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1966, Vol. 16 Description An account of the resource Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 124 SLOVAKIA CURRENT ISSUES ADDRESS of the Honorable Michael A. Feighan, United States Representative, Before the Slovak League of Ameri ca, Voyager Motel In n, Youngstown, Ohio, Sunday, May 15, 1966 I have been priviledged many times over the past decades to speak about the history of the Slovak people; to speak about the true facts behind your struggles for independence; and to speak about the present determination of Slovaks all over the world to return freedom and independence once again to their native land. My long interest in, and association with, the inspirations and the aspirations of the Slovak people has brought me to appreciate, and to respect, not only the individual Slovak, but the efforts of such organizations as represented in Slovak League of America. The Slovak,s are a people who have made a continuous struggle for national independence for over unremitting and From the Brother Saints, Cyril and Meyears. thousand one Andrew Hlinka and General Monsignor through thodius, Stefanik, the Slovak history is replete with patriots unswerving in their dedication to God, to freedom and to individual liberty. The Slovaks are a people who are more than one hundred years into the second millenium of Christianity in Slovakia. The Slovaks are a people who, even after more than one thousand years of domination, have not lost their language, their national identity, or their determination for independence; an independence which in this century, was born of democratic principles, weaned all too prematurely by the r avages of war, and all but destroyed by the tyranny of Russian Communism. Slovaks know as well as anyone else the path from freedom to oppression, the path from an independent to a captive nation, and the path from a native people to an exiled people - exiled by communist design from their own country and its inherent rights to freedom. But at the same time, they know that these paths need SLOVAKIA 125 not be irreversible. They know that the spirit of resistance to tyranny never dies. They know that dedication to freedom and justice is unfettered by geographical boundaries, national origin, race, creed, or circumstance. And it is their knowledge and faith in these ideals which has given the Slovak people the determination never to give up in their goals - as is so aptly proved by the fact that the Slovaks today continue to oppose collectivization more effectively than anyone else in the communist orbit. In this universality of conviction the Slovak League of America is strong and unyielding. And so it is today that I want especially to commend the Slovaks for their efforts to promote dedicated citizenship and to build protectors of American democracy ; for their service to this great country rin public and in private life ; for their works of charity; and for their undiminished opposition to all forms of tyranny in the world. As a large Slovak civic and cultural organization in America the Slovak League can be proud of the spiritual, cultural, social, and charitable contributions it has made to the building of our great nation. The nationally known home for orphans in Middletown, Pennsylvania stands as a tribute to the work of the First Catholic Slovak Union. Homes for the aged in various parts of the country, such as the beautiful home at Beachwood, Ohio, which is a tribute to the work of the First Catholic Slovak Ladies' Union. The internationally famous , Saints Cyril and Methodius Institute at Rome, Italy was made possible by the combined efforts of all Slovak Catholic organizations and parishes throughout the country. Bishop Andrew Grutka with the able assistance of Right Reverend Theodore Kojis and all the clergy of Slovak parishes provided inspiring leadership to create this spiritual center for the preservation of the true Slovak spirit. Churches, elementary schools, convents and high schools, too numerous to recall are future monuments to the faith of Slovaks in America. Within the past year a magnificent chapel to Our Lady of Sorrows - Patron saint of Slovakia - was dedicated in the National Shrine of the Immaculate Conception, in our 126 SLOVAKIA nation's capital. This stands as still another great achievement by the First Catholic Slovak Union. American Slovaks have not ignored the plights of others, but have provided a forum to urge the cause of self-determination for all peoples. Every nation has the right to chart its own destiny through self-determination. This is among the most basic American beliefs. Just as the Slovak people hav•e a dedication to the universal principles of freedom and justice - not limited just to their now oppressed native land - so I and our United States of America have a similar dedication to these same universal principles. To this end I recently introduced a resolution on the floor of the United States House of Representatives calling for the establishment of a seven member House Select Committee on Basic Human Rights and Peaceful World Order. It is all too clear that the official and organized denial of basic human rights and freedom by any government to peoples under its control creates international tensions which can prevent the development of a peaceful world order. Such suppression of national and individual identity is tied hand-in-hand with Russian imperialism, and is a matter of official policy aga,inst the many nations federated by force to the Soviet Union. Of all people, we know, that the spread of this doctrine to other lands beyond the Soviet Union has already begun, and unless it is checked, and reversed, it can well plunge the world into a holocaust. I am confident that if and when this select committee ,is established by Congress, it will provide yet another public forum to develop public opinion on an international scale that these vital issues deserve. Such a public forum will complement and up-date such work as that of the Select Committee to investigate communist aggression of the 83rd Congress, and of which I was privileged to be a member. This committee was able to document and to underscore for all the world to see, such tragic stories as the loss of Slovakia's national independence following World War II and its enslavement by imperial Russia. And such a public forum will also complement the contmued work of the Slovak League of America both here and abroad. While the evil hand of Russian Communism continues its attempts to destroy the very spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius and to reduce the Slovak people to a state of SLOVAKIA 127 complete servility, the Slovak people refuse to surr,ender that which, over a thousand years, they have continued to fight for - their spirit of independence, of justice and of freedom. To help this spirit in Slovakia, I am also directing my efforts not only just toward expanding the public forum against communistic tyranny, but also toward expanding the coverage of the Voice of America broadcasts in news and information to the Slovaks living under this communist tyranny. It is my hope to see a Slovak desk established in the Voice of America and to thus improve and increase the effectiveness of this communication behind the Iron Curtain. I hav,e been working toward that goal for some years and will not cease my efforts until it is won. In this way, we as a nation can more effectively demonstrate our encouragement and support for the Slovaks now living under virtual foreign occupation in their native land. For I am convinced that one of the best ways to demonstrate friendship for the people of any foreign country is to speak to them in their own language, to recognize their cultural values and to encourage them in their just aspirations for self-government. The God-fearing people of the free world will not fail in this our struggle to preserve human freedom and to erase despotic slavery. We shall not fail in restoring individual liberty and self-determination to a peaceful world. We shall not fail for we shall not falter in our efforts until our goals are won - and so long as a Slovak is alive anywhere in the world, I know that the spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius shall prevail. To this I add my personal conviction that as the free world approaches these goals, the Slovak nation will once again join the independent and free nations of the world. SIWVAKS HAVE HIGH More than 70 languages are listDEJGREE IN EDUCATION ed. The fi "ures range all the way A 38-page report on the mother tongue of the 9,738,155 persons listed as foreign born in the 1960 Census has just been published by the U.S. Bureau of the Census. The study is based on a question as to what language was spoken in his home before an immigrant came to the United States. from 16 persons whose mother tongue was Tibetan to over a million persons each for those reporting English, German or Italian. A breakdown on the basis of the areas within the United States shows that nearly half of the total foreign born here reside in the northeast part of the country, SLOVAKIA 128 nearly a 1/4 in the north central states, 10% in the south and 20 % in the west. Other tables show age and the number of years in school for different groups. Schooling completed by the foreign born shows that the English speaking and Japanese had the highest degree of education with an average of about 10 years of school for each. Scandinavian and German along with Chinese, Rumanian , SLOVAK, Yiddish and Arabic all range in the eight year category. While essentiall y statistical , the Report contains valuable information for those interested iFI or working with nationalit y or ethnic groups. It is on sale by the Superintendent of Documen ts, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402, for 35 cents a copy. - American Council for Nationalities Service Release. NATION .ALISiM To many people, here in the United States, Nationali sm is an ugly word. These people are either ashamed of their national origin or ridicule others for trying to retain the language , customs and traditions that were brought to this country by their forefathe rs. It is true that there are many people today, who can not honestly claim one national origin or the other. Because the marriages of their ancestors were between many different nationalit ies, they may be a mixture of four, five, six, or more nationalit ies and can not truly say they are one or the other. Of these people I do not speak, but in some cases these same persons will not be tolerant of another who knows his national origin and is proud of it. The percentag e of people who have come here to the United States and know what their national origin is, but deny it, is very small. However the children of these people are the main offend- ers, by not taking pride in their nationalit y. As an example, I would like to take the Slovak people. When the Slovak people first started to come to the United States, they were at a disadvant age because they did not know English like some of the other people who migrated here from other European countries which were English speaking. Because of this they found it hard to secure jobs and places to live. At that time there was no television or radio to cover the persecuti on these people endured, both mental and physical. They did not have any organizat ions boycottin g or protesting for them. These people proved themselve s in their place of employm ent by their ability to work and produce. They rented apartmen ts, kept a clean house, spent their money wisely and supported their church. Their accomplishments are many but unsung, because Slovakia and its' people was not well known because it was and still is a nation that is living under foreign rule and tyranny. I have had the experienc e of meeting many young people with Slovak names. Some are college students, ordinary workers and people in profession s. They say "My parents are Slovak or my father is Slovak, but I am an American, not a Slovak." Another excuse for denying their origin is that they say being called a Slovak is putting them in a "ghetto". These and other excuses are all meaningle ss. America is a land made up of many nationalit ies, so in order to be a good American you must be proud of your nationality which helped to build this country. The real American s are the American Indians and there is even doubt as to where they migrated from. The term "ghetto" has been misused in recent years and now is a good excuse for those who are ashamed of their nationality. The term is really being used by those who are too lazy to im- 129 SLOVAKIA prove their own conditions where they now live, and then, try to move elsewhere. Being proud of your Slovak customs, folksongs, language, newspapers, etc., is not to be classified as being in a "ghetto". Rather, it is being a good American in the true sense of the word. The meals, customs, and culture of many lands have gone into making America great. Why shouldn't the Slovaks, who have contributed a lot to America, and continue to do so be proud of themselves. Other groups have their parades and celebrate their saints and hero days'. They are not ashamed to say "I am Irish, Italian or other." Why then are some of the Slovak People tongue-tied, so that they flounder around for every excuse, rather than saying with pride and dignity, "I am an American Slovak!!" We are not trying to prove that we are better than anyone else, but it is about time that some people recognize the fact that we are just as good as another and there is nothing to be ashamed of. If you are weak kneed and ashamed because some donkey is ignorant enough to ridicule you, then you aren't worth much as a Slovak or an American. My father told me that his brother, my late uncle, Rev. John Kuba~ek, pastor of Most Holy Trinity Church in Yonkers, used to say this about those who were ashamed of being known as a Slovak, "It's a poor bird who dirtys his own nest." Think about this and you will see its meaning. The parents of those attending our Slovak schools should insist that Slovak be taught and taught well enough so that the pupil can carry on a conversation by the time he finishes eighth grade. In too many cases our Slovak people give in to the non-Slovaks of the parish , who voice their objections to this. This is a good case where we can be strong. It was our an- cestors hard earned money that built these schools. I am sure that if the diocese ruled that every pupil had to learn Spanish or French, e very o n e would jump. Let's jump and make sure our children in Slovak schools learn to SPEAK Slovak and not just memorize a few words. All of the above ties into our hope that someday Slovakia will be free . When this happens there will be many Slovaks who will come to this country. Will they have to go through the sarrie hardships that the early Slovak immigrants did? What is worse yet, will they have to suffer because their own Slovak brethren here in the United States are too lazy to teach and learn the Slovak language and keep up the customs? If for no other reason, this should be a motive for us to keep our spirit alive, so that we may help our people when the time comes to adjust to the United States and find employment and housing. This can only be done by waking up now. Let's not commit national suicide!! Steve Kubasek, Jr. St. Procopius College Lisle, Illinois Ll!MITED GAINS SOORED IN RENEWED DRINE FOR SLOVAK INDEJPENiDENCE Slovak national aspirations have been staging a come-back in the <".:SSR. This upsurge is not the work of individual writers. It is now supported by higher ranking party functionaries. The impetus for vocalizing these strivings which aim at complete equality with the Czechs, was the 150th birthday of :Cudovit Stur, a man honored in his native land not only as an opponent of Hungarian supremacy but as the father of the Slovak literary language, consummation of which made the separat- 130 SLOVAKIA ion of the Slovaks from the Czechs complete. For the first time well-known personalities like the former land governor Gustav Husak (sentenced to life imprisonment in 1954 as a "bourgeois nationalist" but rehabilitated in 1962) and the historian Daniel Rapant, publicly presented theses condemning the ideas of Marx and Engels from 1848 although these opinions of the fathers of socialism have actually been tabu thus far in all Communist countries. Husak, to whom the Prague government had several times offered a ministerial post in recent years, now accused Marx of having assumed a position of Hungarian nationalism and - without any more profound knowledge of the revolution of 1848 - of having developed an anti-Slovak attitude in which his "German arrogance" was a determining factor. Apart from Prague's and Moscow's still expected reply, Budapest will also have something to say, inasmuch as Rapant described the Kossuth revolution as "tyranny, and not a struggle for internationalism and emancipation". The various articles in Slovak newspapers commemorating Stur ended with the unequivocal demand for genuine equality of the Slovaks with the Czechs. The writer, Vladimir Minac, expressed the thought that if Czech-Slovak coexistence were considered historically necessary, the fate of both peoples must be seen in its "truly dramatic form". Husak even went so far as to call for the creation of state institutions designed to protect the Slovaks - who make up but one-third of the entire population - against "oppression by the privileged and hegemonist nation". About a month after the Stur jubilee the effects of Slovak unrest began to be noticeable. The Prague parliament approved a re- solution providing for the Slovak National Council in Bratislava " in cooperation with the other parliamentary bodies" to concentrate their efforts on increasing Slovak participation in the overall development of the CSSR. Although the Czechs could not bring themselves to empower the Slovak National Council with the competency it once held, they did concede to a certain amount of codetermination of the Slovaks on all-state level. It is to be realized by establishing closer contact in the future between the committees of the Prague National Assembly and the Bratislava National Council. The Slovak land governor, Michal Chudik, in a frank talk before the Prague parliament, pointed out that there were people among the Czechs who saw in the Slovak National Council only a " binding link" betweeen Prague and Bratislava that simply complicated the situation, while among the Slovaks, he claimed, there were trends toward a federalization of the CSSR. Although allying himself with neither of these trends, Chudik obviously felt the centralistic threat emanating from Prague to be the greater danger. This feeling prompted him to say to the Czech side that the Slovak National Council would henceforth appear as the representative of the "Slovak people's independence" and perform within Slovakia the functions of an all-state administrative body. Chudik's criticism that the National Council had so far not succeeded in fulfilling its "norm-establishing" function, was recently supported by an almost revolutionary move on the part of the Slovaks. The juridicial commission of the Bratislava National Council drafted a law proposing the introduction of so-called cooperative apartments. To date there has been SLOVAKIA only home construction of the state and cooperative type, or building permits for single family houses with limited dwelling space. This new measure would allow ownership of dwellings even in buildings housing several families. They are designed for later sale, including right to inheritance or other type legal transfer to others for tenancy. There would also be opportunity for older dwellings to pass into private ownership. w. o. A STUDY OF ~HiE COMMUNIST PARTY By the end of the war, the Soviet Union and its Communist allies had gained virtually de facto control of Czechoslovakia. The Soviet armies conquered Slovakia (and as in the case of Poland refused to give military aid to an uprising of anti-German Slovak citizens) ; by Allied agreement the Soviets were permitted to liberate Prague; and they annexed SubCarpathian Ruthenia to the Soviet Union, an act formalized in June 1945. Communist-dominated People's Committees controlled the borderlands, and in the interior Communists had more than their share of power in the Committees' apparatus. According to SetonWatson, "The Communist Party could have seized complete power in 1945 had it so wished. It deliberately chose not to do so." In May 1945, Benes and the London Government-in-exile returned to Czechoslovakia, but stopping first at Moscow where further concessions were made to the Czechoslovak Communists whereby they were given key posts in the government. According to Prof. Curt Beck, a specialist on Czechoslovak affairs, these concessions were partly due to the realization that the Allies had already decided that Czechoslovakia would be in the Soviet military zone. 131 Agreements reached by Benes and the Communists in discussions during 1943 and 1945 formed the basis for the Kosice Program, ostensibly an agreement among members of the National Front coalition on polices to be adopted by the new postwar Czechoslovak Government. The most important features of the agreement were the creation of a National Front Coalition government and the formation of People's Committees that were to assume local and regional administrative responsibilities and functions . The Kosice program, proclaimed by the new Czechoslovak Government on March 22, 1945, restored the republic. On April 4, 1945, Benes, as President, named a new government headed by the left-wing Social Democrat Zdenek Fierlinger. The National Front which formed the government was a coalition of independent parties, consisting of the Czechoslovak Communist Parties, the Social Democrats, the National Socialists, the People's Party (Catholic) and the Slovak Democratic Party. Communists held 8 cabinet posts in the new government among which were the important Ministry of Interior (giving them control of the nation's police and security forces ), the Ministry of Agriculture, and the Ministries of Education and Information. In addition to their strength in the cabinet, the Communists controlled the People's Committees; General Ludwig Svoboda, trained in the Soviet Union, led the Army as Minister of Defense; the General Staff and its Intelligence Department were a Communist stronghold ; and in the border regions especially in areas from where the Germans had been expelled, the Communists, as Seton-Watson wrote, created "a party state within the state." According to Professor Beck, by 1947 Communists held 57 percent 132 SLOVAKIA of the chairmanships of local People's Committees, 80 percent of district People's Committees, and 100 percent of Provincial People's Committees. - Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Washington, D.C., 1966. sr...ovA!K LANGUAGE LABORATORY OOUR'SE A modern language course, Slovak Language Laboratory Course, by an illustrious member of the Slovak Franciscan Order and a recognized professor of languages, Fr. Bonaventure S. Bue, O.F.M., Ph. D., is in the process of being published. This Slovak Language Course is patterned according to the modern language series of other languages prepared by Georgetown University. When put into book form it will be on par with the most modern method of teaching a language. For laboratory work, the lessons have already been correlated on tapes and can be purchased from the Slovak Franciscans, 232 South Home Ave., Pittsburgh, Pa., 15202. The 40 minute tapes of 12 lessons can be used on a tape recorder or in a language laboratory. The complete set costs $30.00. Dr. Bue, a man of many talents, has taught Slovak, French, German, and Russian in schools and colleges in Europe, Canada, and the United States. He is also the author of several books. With the Franciscan Order, he taught in Malacky, Slovakia, and received his Ph. D. from the University of Bratislava. He also studied in Munich and Cologne in Germany, and in Paris, France. He held various posts in Canada and the United States and also taught at Duquesne University and Notre Dame High School, Easton, Pa. In 1957, Dr. Bue received a Master's Degree in Political Science at the University of Pittsburgh and wrote as his thesis Slovak Nationalism. It was published by Slovak League of America in 1960. He was working extensively on the contributions Msgr. Andrew Hlinka and Msgr. Joseph Tiso made to the Slovak nation at the time of his death on April 22, 1966. Fr. Bue was not only the pastor of St. Rita's Church in Buffalo, N. Y., but found time to teach Russian at the Calasanctius College Preparatory School. His "Slovak Language Laboratory Course" will be a monument to his greatness. J.C. K. YOU'DH OONFERENCE OF THE SLOVAK LffiAGUE OF AMERICA As a representative of St. Cyril Academy for Girls, Danville, Pa., I was privileged to attend the 40th Congress of the Slovak League of America in Youngstown, Ohio, in May of 1966. The primary reason for my presence at the Congress was to participate in the Youth Conference. Previous to the conference, I was very curious just what would be on the agenda and how many socalled youths would be present. Since I was a new-comer at these affairs in connection with the Slovak League, I thought I would be a 99 % observer, but my estimated statistics had a change of course. The moderator of the Conference was Dr. Peter Hletko of Chicago, Ill., the Honorary President of the League and a recognized American-Slovak leader, whom I had met previously. Attorney Edward Behuncik, Vice President of the League from Bridgeport, Conn., prefaced the discussion with an excellent presentation on the background of the Slovaks as a whole, and their marked status and contribution to the American character. He had a wealth of reference material which he used SLOVAKIA in his presentation and the noteworthy thing was that his sources were all other than Slovak. A question and answer period followed the initial presentation and there were many interesting topics discussed. The one question that interested me most was, "What is the difference between the Slovaks and Czechs and why don't they just conceive the idea of a Czechoslovak nationality and state?" I must admit I felt and wanted to answer the question myself since at the Academy I had learned the answers through my courses on Slovak history. I knew the many struggles and tribulations of the Slovak people for over eleven centuries and their guest for independence and a position of honor in the family of nations. I knew of their few moments of freedom and what it has meant to them. However, wise and logical answers came swiftly from the members of the panel. Attorney Behuncik was first in line to state various facts and figures from a wide range of books and writers, other than Slovak, that substantiated the Slovak's claim and cause. Fr. Andrew Pier, O.S.B., a prolific writer in this field, spoke in defense of the human rights of the Slovaks. And, the Rt. Rev. Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., Abbot of St. Andrew's Abbey, Cleveland, Ohio, concluded the responses and put a 'clincher' on the topic that was being discussed. The one who asked the question responded, "I certainly did not know all these points and I must say that I will leave this conference with a different impression and much more informed. " Truth prevailed! Before the Conference had terminated , Dr. Hletko asked if I would comment on how the youth could become more interested and participate in different activities 133 concerning the Slovaks. My response was that the initial promotion of interest must come from the home-the parents must be the ones to talk about their great heritage; they should speak the language more if possible; encourage reading the Slovak newspapers and periodicals; participate in Slovak affairs; continue practicing and cherishing the many Slovak customs ; and most of all, be proud of our ethnic identity. I then continued and mentioned my background which is a loyal Slovak one attributed to my parents. My attitude has been moulded toward the Slovak people-their language, culture, their religious, social, civic, and fraternal activities-as being one of honor and sincere dedication. Concerning my knowledge of the Slovaks, I could not help but mention St. Cyril Academy. I was just finishing my second year of the four-year course in Slovak offered by the Academy. We are not only taught the Slovak language, but we are exposed to and learn Slovak history, culture, and traditions. The famous men in Slovak history are familiar to me like Samo, Rastislav, Svatopluk, SS. Cyril and Methodius, Bernolak, Stur, Hlinka , Furdek, Murgas, Jankola, Tiso, Sidor, and a host of others. I already have experienced the fact that some of the girls who are taking Slovak at St. Cyril's are of non-Slovak families . They want to learn the language and the history because they know they will not have the opportunity at other institutions. These students, indeed, are aware of the potential in the Slovak language and culture. In summation, I repeat that in order to get the youth interested, the parents must set the example as they do for anything else that must be developed in the home. Only there can the love and in- 134 SLOVAKIA terest in the Slovak heritage begin to flourish. My attendance at the Youth Conference of the 40th Congress of the Slovak League of America was very beneficial. In my heart I wished that every youth could have witnessed and taken part in the educational session. This experience was truly one that I will never forget. - Maryagnes Krajsa, '68 St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pennsylvania. " ... BY THEIR FRUITS YE SHA!LL KNOW THEM." In the Gospel according to St. Matthew we find the words of Our Lord, " ... by their fruit ye shall know them" (7:20). These words summarize a scientific truth. They express a Law that is evidenced in the lives of men and in the lives of nations. A nation is a group of men of psychological affinity, sharing a common heritage and common aspirations. When a nation represents a unity of men under God, to the detriment of no man, it is a vehicle for good. But when a nation covets that which belongs to its neighbors, rejecting the positive teachings of Christ, it becomes a negative vehicle with atrophy of its moral fibre as an inevitable consequence. This consequence is seen clearly by scientific observation, through objective examination of results. An illustration is provided by comparing two neighboring nations in Europe, the Czech and the Slovak. The majority of the Czechs are nominally Catholic. The Slovaks are predominantly, and devotedly, Catholic. No criticism of the Mother Church is intended by this comparison, nor is it for us to judge any man. A comparison of the moral situation in the two nations is the sole intent. The Czechs have developed an overhelming, almost psychotic, de- sire to not only dominate the Slovaks but to absorb them within an artificial entity they call "Czechoslovakia". A "Czechoslovak" nation never existed in the past, does not exist in the present, and cannot be imposed in the future. The Czechs and the Slovaks each have a different heritage and different aspirations. The Slovaks, the challenged, have maintained their faith while defending their identity. The Czechs, as the challengers, have sunk into a spiritual vacuum. In Slovakia the Church has maintained its life, even, where necessary, underground. As in the days of the catacombs, priests are ordained and bishops are consecrated, unknown to the eyes of the new Communist Caesars but known to the Omniscient eye of God. Bishop Paul Hnilica, S.J., is but one example of many Slovak shepherds who have been daily showing the devotion of the earliest disciples of Our Savior. Performing their pastoral duties at the greatest of personal risk and with the greatest of personal sacrifice, the Slovak clergy are fulfilling the Word of Christ, inspiring the Slovak people to meet the challenge which faces them. Through the example set by the Catholic majority in Slovakia the Protesttant Slovak community has also risen to the challenge, :as they share the devotion to the Slovak national heritage and to the Slovak n a ti o n a 1 aspirations. Such spiritual leaders as Bishop Hnilica transcend denominational boundaries. He is a spiritual leader in Christ for Catholic and Protestant Slovaks alike, representing true ecumenical spirit. U n f o rt u n a t e 1 y, among the Czechs one looks for this moral strength in vain. Due to their psychological obsession of attempting to destroy the Slovak national identity they have developed almost a castration complex concerning their own national herit- SLOVAKIA age. This psychological sickness is a negation of Christianity. It has afflicted Czech Catholics and Protestants alike. Some symptoms of the illness are seen in the words and deeds of Josef Cardinal Ber an, the Czech Archbishop of Prague. Cardinal Beran calls himself a "Czechoslovak", but the Cat ho 1 i c Church in Slovakia was never, and is not now, in any way under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Prague. The Slovak Protestants have also rejected any administrative claims of Czech Protestants over their communities. Cardinal Beran and some of his Czech Catholic colleagues, with a number of Czech Protestant clergymen being equally cu 1 pa b 1 e, have chosen to give away their Czech national heritage in exchange for the pottage of unchristian covetousness of that which belongs to their Slovak neighbor. The illness is manifested in many ways: The same Cardinal Beran once signed a declaration stating that "Under the protection of our brother nation, Russia, a happy future is being opened to all Slavs." The only freedom Communist Russia has left the Czechs is the power to enslave the Slovaks. Is that a happy future? The same Cardinal Beran justified the forced expulsion after World War II of over three million Sudeten Germans. During this f o r c e d expulsion over 400,000 men, women and children were reported killed. Can a minister of the Gospel justify such bestiality? The same Cardinal Beran gave solemn "Te Deum" services in Prague's St. Vitus Cathedral in honor of the inauguration of Communist President Gottwald at the same time that the clergy in Slovakia were under the severest of Communist persecution and the Slovak people were fighting the Communist troops with their bare hands. Is that Christian brotherhood? 135 All of these actions by Cardinal Beran exemplify a negative thinking that is multiplied a thousandfold among his fellow Czech Catholic and Protestant clergy. It has borne its fruit. Among all Czech children only 3 % are reported to have received Baptism, the first of Christian sacraments. In Slovakia, the true Christian leadership of such as Bishop Hnilica has also borne its fruit. Approximately 98 % of all Slovak children are baptized, despite the Czech Communist persecutions. These nondenominational figures serve as one among many indices of the moral situation in the two nations. When we compare the fruits of the practice of Christianity among the Slovaks with the fruits of the m e n t a l malpractice among the Czechs we see the attitudes of many individuals projected as the concensus of a larger group. It is up to each of us, as an individual, to direct his thoughts positively_ When we do not, we abdicate our futures , as individuals and as nations. The results cannot be hidden for "by their fruits ye shall know them." - The Reverend Jon P. Speller, D.D., Scientific Prayer Ministry, New York, New York. THE OHRISTIAN OHURCH IN BOHEMIA AND SLOVAKIA When the Communists came to power in Czecho-Slovakia in 1948, there were 8.75 million Roman and 300,000 Greek Catholics in a population of 12.5 million. Since then, about one million Catholics have officially left the church, but this figure gives little idea of the actual leakage which has been caused by persecution and discrimination in every degree - and by disloyalty among the ranks of the priesthood. All church property was confiscated by the state in 1948, and the 136 SLOVAKIA church is not permitted to own anything whatever. Thus, collections taken during Mass have to be handed over to the local branch of the government department for church affairs, and only a bare minimum is returned to the priest for his own requirements and for the upkeep of the church fabric. Voluntary outside contributions are not permitted. And only "reliable" priests who have sworn an oath of loyalty to the Communist state, are allowed to hold office in parishes. Outwardly speaking, such religious life as there is, is confined to the church itself; off the premises it is simply not in evidence. R e 1 i g i o u s instruction in the schools has in practice ceased in Prague and in most towns in Bohemia, and in most of the villages as well, though it survives here and there in Slovakia. But instruction outside school is forbidden and subject to severe sanctions: this throws the whole responsibility on the parents, the majority of whom are not well qualified to give their children any substantial instruction. Any attempt from any quarter to influence young people toward religion is severly frowned on and those who are suspected of such activity or of religious learning will not receive advancement. And where would the parents find books to teach their children, when there are no religious publications? Little or nothing has been published, not even missals, since 1948; what has been issued has a strongly tendentious flavor. In 1948 there were 5,779 secular priests and 1,163 priests in religious orders; now there are about 2,500 in the whole country in 1951 about 3,000 priests were held in various degrees of confinement, from labor camps to "concentration monasteries." By 1958 the number had dropped to below 500, and in 1963 the majority were released, but have to earn their living as best they can, usually in unskilled labor, and are forbidden to work as priests. Today there are still about 15 priests in prison. There are theological students in training, though their number is of course inadequate. What weighs more heavily than numbers is the quality of the future priesthood, as there is an incredible lack of modern theological works available to them. Seminarians, together with the rest of the population, are "sheltered" from all contact with contemporary thought in the Catholic Church today, and in particular have no knowledge of the deliberations of the Vatican Council. They are held back in a nineteenth century climate of thought which has no relevance to the realities of life around them. The only religious periodical available to priesthood and laity is "The Spiritual Shepherd" which an authority on Czecho-Slovak affairs describes as "a mixture of timidity and weakness, full of self-deception and delusion." The reason for this-on the face of it, extraordinary-contrast between Poland and Czecho-Slovakia, is not hard to find. Today, owing to comparative religious indifferentism of the people which is very marked in Bohemia, less so in Slovakia, the Communist regime has no need to respect public opinion. Stella Musulin, correspondent for the London Herald and the St. Louis Review POLICE SEAROH RESIDENCE OF TWO BISHOPS Police searched the residences of two bishops in Czecho-Slovakia after they had been visited by tourists from the West, but found no "subversive material", accord- SLOVAKIA ing to KNA, German Catholic news agency. The prelates are Auxiliary Bisshop Kajetan Matousek of Prague and Bishop Karel Otcenasek, apostolic administrator of Hradec Kralove, who had been released from confinement in 1963. KNA reported that all bishops who have been confined are under surveillance after their release. The news agency reported also that there are still 16 priests imprisoned in Czecho-Slovakia and that an unknown number of laymen are still in jail there because of their faith and religious activities. It was reported that 25 priests were imprisoned about six months ago. - (NCWC News Service ) HIGH TEENAGE DIVORCE According to a broadcast heard via Radio Prague, too many married couples, especially teenaged ones, are filing for divorce in Czecho-Slovakia. To stem the tide of divorce-seeking couples, a state commission has proposed establishing marriage advisory offices. The lack of savings and the scarcity of housing are given as the chief causes of early marriages ending in failure . In Prague, 28 % of all marriages end in divorce, while one in four goes on the rocks in the industrialized area of Northern Bohemia. In predominantly Catholic Slovakia, the divorce rate is less than 8% . - (NCWC New s Service) liN MiIDMORIAM Mother M . Pius, third Superior General of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, who died on Sunday, May 15, 1966, was laid to rest in the community cemetery on Wednesday, May 18. Officiating at the funeral Mass was the Rt. Rev. Abbot Theodore 137 Kojis, O.S.B., M.A., Abbot of St. Andrew's Slovak Benedictine Abbey, Cleveland, Ohio. Mother M. Pius, during whose administration as Superior General of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa. was opened in 1922, passed away in her sleep on Sunday, May 15, at Maria Joseph Manor. Born in 1894 in Blakely, Pa., and b a p t i z e d in Holy Ghost Church, Olyphant, Pa., Mother M. Pius answered the call of Christ to follow Him in the religious life when she entered M a r y w o o d, Scranton, for the prescribed training. The Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius was only two years old at the time of her entrance and its pioneer Sisters received their religious training under the direction of the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary in Scranton. Mother M. Pius made her first profession of vows at Marywood in 1913. In the early struggling years of the Congregation, Mother M. Pius held important positions which she discharged with rare wisdom and charm. Despite her youth she was superior of the Jednota Home for orphans in Middletown in the early years when it also served as motherhouse for the Congregation. In 1922, shortly after the purchase of the Castle Grove estate in Danville, Mother M. Pius was elected third Superior General of the Congregation and served in that capacity for 12 years. That same year Villa Sacred Heart opened its doors as a boarding school for girls, known then as the First Catholic Slovak Girls High School. By 1930 it became necessary to expand. The beautiful St. 138 SLOVADA Cyril Academy on the hill was erected and its lofty tower has become a landmark in the montour area. During the administration of Mother M. Pius, St. Cyril Academy was accredited by the State Department of Education and its first commencement in 1926 were honored by the presence of five bishops, four of them from Slovakia. Meanwhile also the Congregation increased in membership and many new schools were opened. In the years that followed Mother M. Pius was principal and teacher in parish schools in New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania. Before her retirement last year Mother M. Pius was again superior at Jednota Home where she celebrated her Golden Jubilee in 1963. I Mother M. Pius was preceded in death by her sister, Sister M. I Philomena, who died at Jednota in 1920 and lies buried in the Community cemetery in Danville. She is mourned by three sisters, Mrs. Margaret Prokopovitsh and Cecile Yakubov, Washington, D.C. and Sister M. Constance, SS.C.M., music instructor at Andrean High School, Gary, Indiana, and many nieces and nephews. What Mother M. Pius has meant to the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius is written not only in stone, but also, and more importantly, in the solid foundation of progress in the Congregation and in countless human hearts, both within the Community and without. Her deeds are recorded in history, the history of the Congregation, of the Church, and of the Slovak nation. May her great soul rest in peace. AS OTHERS SEE IT It was Monsignor Hlinka, who founded the Slovak People's Party and encouraged the Slovaks to strive for national recognition. Slovakia had long been submerged by foreign rule, but the spirit of the nation was preserved by the inspiring work of dedicated men. Monsignor Hlinka rose to prominence in Europe as a leading advocate of selfgovernment for Slovakia and all the other nations of Central-East Europe. The Wilsonian principle of self-determination provided a powerful stimulant to his work and for the cause of the Slovak people. It was in that spirit that he journied to Paris in 1919 with the hope of seeing President Wilson to plead the case of his people. While Monsignor Hlinka's hopes were not realized, his dedication and determination left an indelible mark on the life of the Slovak Congressman Michael nation. Feighan. The long-disputed Prague Pittsburgh Pact of May, 1918, which played a role in the creation of the Republic of Czechoslovakia after World War I, is no longer a political issue per se but the old hostility between Czechs and Slovaks, reflecting in part an alleged invalidation of the pact, continues under communism. The pact was agreed upon by representatives of the Slovak and Czech organizations in this country which met in the Moose Temple on Penn Avenue with T. G. Masaryk, who became the republic's first president. In the 47 years since the Czechoslovak Republic was proclaimed on Oct. 28, 1918, the Slovaks have SLOVAIIA argued consistently that the terms of the pact were never fulfilled and that they have been unequaled partners in an unhappy political marriage. Of the 14 million people in this country, the Czechs outnumber the Slovaks more than two to one. But, of course, it does the Slovaks no good to complain. For now they are melded with the Czechs in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, which is a communist state and a full-fledged member of the Soviet bloc. And the Reds have not the slightest concern for any agreement negotiated in capitalist Pittsburgh. - Frank Hawkins PostGazete, Pittsburgh, Nov. 6, 1965. Czechs drink beer. Slovaks drink wine. And that's one of the instances where your connoisseur touring Slovakia would say, "Viva la difference!" - John F . McLeod, The Washington Daily News, June 15, 1965. It was shocking-three border gates, fences with double barbed wire, guns, brick cubicles and women in officer's uniforms checking cars. The landscape is bleak, devoid of trees, houses, cars. Prague is a gray city. The hotel where we stayed is their pride and joy-it's like a communal concentration camp. Those who protest the war against Communism should come here, and if they find it The Slovaks historically have agreeable, let them stay. - Candy looked of any Prague government Bergen, by Hedda Hopper, Daily with fishy eyes. - Ted Princiotto , News, November 16, 1965. The Plain Dealer, Cleveland, OctAfter the aborted Hungarian ober 17, 1965. Revolution of 1956, things seem to have simmered down in Russia's Zakamenny Klin, Slovakia "You took him away from us alive satelites and one could easily get . . . you have returned him to us the impression that most of the dead. The day of reckoning will anti-Communist yen to revolt has come. Then justice shall prevail." gone. The truth is that it seems quiescent only because it hasn't These were the words of a young found an outlet with any promise "Communist" at the grave of Bish- of success. op Jan Vojtassak and proved a fitIt took years to discover in the ting and dramatic climax in the West to what degree the Poles life and death of the venerated Slo- were ready to cut loose in October, vak warrior for justice, freedom, 1956, a few days before the Hunand truth. garians made their shots heard This unexpected tribute was around the world. Czechoslovakia, heard by 10,000 of Bishop Vojtas- at the time, was supposed to be sak's fellow countrymen. The youth plotting something which misfired. was supposed to list the prelate's Much later we learn that where"crimes." as the Czechs didn't make much of The Communist regime had plan- a fuss at the time, Slovak partisans ned to make the burial service raised Cain. The nation's four milquiet and private - instead, when lions Slovaks represent about one the word got out that the Slovak third of Czechoslovakia's 12 milprelate was to be buried from his lions Slavs. Slovak partisans battled Soviet native village church, the news spread like wildfire and overnight forces near Presov. Slovak partisans fought by the more than 10,000 gathered from all sides to pay their final respects to side of the Hungarian rebels. The C om mu n i s ts suppressed a national martyr who had remained unbowed to the end. - The news of all this at the time. If and Register, October 24, 1965. when the State Department ever 140 SLOVAKIA caught up with it, U. S. spokesmen - always considerate of Red sensibilities never bothered to mention it or rub it in. - Guy Richards, New York Journal-American, July 3, 1965. Mrs. Sloboda comes from Slovakia, which is the Church's stronghold in Czecho-Slovakia and which has shown the greatest resistance to the regime. There 60 per cent of the land is still in private hands, as compared to only 10 per cent in other regions. There, too, church attendance is still strong and there is an active religious tradition. Largely agricultural and mountainous, the remoteness has been an asset to the Church. A Communist functionary from Slovakia recently admitted in despair, "In Prague, they think Catholicism is finished. But in Slovakia, we see things differently. The faith is still strong there. We have to show much more tolerance to the Church. We can't work actively against it. " "You know, " Mrs. Sloboda explained to me, with an apology to her husband, "the Slovaks are quite d i f f e r e n t from the easy-going Czechs, who would rather accommodate themselves to the status quo than get into trouble. The Slovaks are toughened by the hard life in the mountains. " " Oh, yeah," protested her husband , "but don't forget how we threw the bottle-tossing hooligans out of church last Christmas, here in Prague! " Nevertheless, even in Slovakia, interest in religion is beginning to wane, and there has been a decline in church attendance among the youth. The rapid industrialization of the area will inevitably contribute to the secularization and estrangement from a predominantly peasant-orientated Catholicism. "In every village, just as in the rest of Czecho-Slovakia," said Mrs. Sloboda, "there are loudspeakers hanging over the square which are used for p r op a g a n d a purposes." - Adolph Schalk, The Sign, Decem- ber, 1965. Grim , tough, friendless Antonin Novotny of Czecho-Slovakia, detested by many Communists and by the population at large, especially in the chronically restless Slovak region, was already a ranking Party ogre in Stalin's day. He is a prime candidate for de-Stalinization at the first wrong move. Hal Lehrman, before The Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, 89th Congress, 1st Session. Planned extermination is facing Slovakia and other captive nations? In Slovakia all their leaders were either hanged, imprisoned, or exiled. 85,000 Slovak citizens were placed in labor and concentration camps. 20,000 known Slovaks were deported to the Soviet Union as slaves. Over 100,000 Slovak citizens of German ancestry were expelled to the Soviet Union. Over 120,000 Slovak citizens of Hungarian ancestry were expatriated. Over 600,000 Slovaks were forced to leave Slovakia and live in Bohemia and Moravia. - Alfred Korn, Jr., President, Americans to Free Captive Nations, Inc. New York, November 27, 1965. I frequently wonder what the people of the captive nations think of what the United States contemplates on doing. Do they sometimes begin to feel that we are abandoning them and that we do not care-that we want them to be subjects of the communists. There is a very interesting aspect about the Slovaks. In 1946 when the first vote was taken in Slovakia as to what type of government they should have, up in the mountain areas and in the land of the Slovaks the vote was about 65 % against the communists. They were the only group in the whole country of Czecho-Slovakia that voted against it. So I say that today you have given voice which should SLOVAKIA be broadcast by the Voice of America. And the broadcast should be made in the Slovak language so that the Slovaks in the mountains and in the valleys will understand what is happening. We are challenged by the communists. We unhappily and unfortunately have in our midst many who say they are not a challenge to us, but the Slovaks know that they are. There is in the Old Testament in the Bible in the Book of Kings the story of the King who wanted the vineyard of one of his subjects. It is in Chapter 21 and this is how it reads: "And after these things, Naboth the Jezrahelite, who was in J ezrahel, had at that time a vineyard near the palace of Achab, the king of Samaria. And Achab the king spoke unto Naboth saying: Give me thy vineyard, that I may have me a garden of herbs, because it is near to my house, and I will give thee for it a better vineyard : or if you think it more good to thee, I will give thee the worth of it in money. And Naboth the subject said to Achab the king : The Lord forbith me that I should give the inheritance of my fathers unto thee." The Lord forbid that we should give the inheritance of our country and the United States on to the communists. And the Lord forbid the land of the Slovaks should pass unto the communists that now rule in Slovakia. - U.S. Senator Frank 141 freedom is restored to these valiant people and the other captive nations under communism. We must not only observe the historic national days on the floor of the House, but we should establish a Special Committee on Captive Nations to more forcibly bring the present plight of these unfortunate people to world attention. Another effective step the U.S. Government could take to show our interest in the Slovak people and their aspirations for freedom from communism would be lengthier and more effective broadcasts by the Voice of America which would pierce the wall of Communist propaganda and deliver the truth to the Slovak people. In recent years, Mr. Speaker, the Voice of America has cut back both its hours of broadcast in the Slovak language and the nature of these broadcasts. The VOA now has only straight news programs because of the present administration's fear of offending the Soviet Union. The Voice of America should instead be a vehicle for delivering the message of truth to the Slovak people so that they can resist the brainwashing of the constant propaganda from the tyrannical Moscow oppressors. - Edward J. Derwinski on the floor of the House of Representatives, March 14, 1966. Lausche. Mr. Speaker, today is the 27th anniversary of Slovak Independence Day, and on this historic occasion, I would like to pay tribute to the brave Slovak people who suffer today under the yoke of Communist tyranny. They are not permitted by their Red tyrants to publicly celebrate their national holiday. Therefore, we must rededicate ourselves to our efforts to see that Annual SLOVAKIA is published by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue, Middletown, Pennsylvania. Subscription $2.00. Editor: Dr. Joseph Pauco. 142 SLOVAXIA BOOK REVIEWS SLOVAK STUDIES III - CYRILLO-METHODIANA, Published by Slovak Institute, Rome, 1965, p. 224. The eleventh centenary of the arrival of the scholarly missionaries St. Cyril and Methodius among the Slavic tribes, called Sclavi Marahenses in Latin sources and Slovene or Sklavinoj in Eastern sources, was an occasion for Slavs to publish scores of studies in various languages. Slovaks, who claim to be among the heirs of the CyrilloMethodian tradition, were especially active on both sides of the Iron Curtain. Besides organizing huge celebrations in Rome, Canada and the U.S.A. and archeological exhibitions, Slovak scholars took part at the international Cyrillo-Methodian Conference in Salzburg, Austria, and contributed to various symposia either in Slovak or in foreign languages. The symposium under review contains contributions by Slovak scholars and writers who live in the free world. Expecting that the writings in Slovakia will necessary be subject to marxist criteria and political restriction, they undertook the task to present the Cyrillo-Methodian period to the Western scholars as they see it on the basis of Slovak pre-communist and foreign sources. The contributions written in English, French and German, deal with history (F. Hrusovsky, M. Lacko, J . Papin, A. Grebert, liturgy (M. Lacko and M. Rusnak), literature (J. M. Kirschbaum) and with the role of the CyrilloMethodian tradition in Slovak national and political life (J. M. Kirschbaum) . Since the Slovak erudities from the XVIIth century claimed great-Moravia and the activities of the scholarly missionaries for Slovaks and Moravians, the contributions in the symposium not only follow that tradition, but apparently try to substantiate the Slovak claims to the Cyrillo-Methodian heritage by compiling supporting evidence from the works of renown and less known slavists of many nations. The tendency to prove the "slovacity" of the Cyrillo-Methodian period or to defend the Slovak claims to the Great-Moravian heritage is common to all contributors to this third volume of Slovak Studies, but it is mainly the well documented account on the relations of the rulers of Great Moravia with Rome, written by the late Prof. F. Hru!iovsky, the German contribution on the ethnic composition of Great Moravia by A. Grebert and the French and English contribution by Prof. J . M. Kirschbaum on the Cyrillo-Methodian literature and tradition which may be of interest for Slavist who do not specialize in religious aspects. Contributions by Prof. M. Lacko, who is known as an expert in the Cyrillo-Methodian period and the articles by Prof. J. Papin, bishop M. Rusnak and I. Kondratovic are valuable especially from the Slovak point of view. Not all the contributions are of equal scholarly value and the volume is marked by the difficulty to edit a multi-lingual book: not only typographical errors but also linguistic deficiencies appear in the book quite frequently. This does not make, however, the volume without interest or value. Slavists might find it challenging in various aspects and by the same token worth reading. SLOVAKIA U.3 The editors as well as the Slovak Institute and those who in other ways made the publication of the volume possible, deserve recognition for not allowing pass the 11th centenary of Slovak civilization without a written document. J. P. Jan Kollar-Slovak Poet of Panslavism, J. M. Kirschbaum, LL.D., Ph.D., Published by the Slovak Institute, Cleveland, 1966, 48pp., Ed. J . B. Rudnyc'kyj , Slavistica, LVI(56). Perhaps for the first time the ideas and their practical application in the Pan Slav movement of Jan Kollar, Slovak romantic poet and political philosopher, are presented in understandable language by the prolific historical and political writer, Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum. All students of history of the Slavic nations in central, southern and eastern Europe welcome this clear-cut view and analysis of one of the most complex characters in the Pan Slav movement in the first half of the 19th century. Kollar, the celebrated poet whose 'Slavy dcera' (Daughter of Slava) sonnets made him immortal in Slavdom, for personal and unknown reasons rejected the official central Slovak literary language of Stur and wrote in his own Slovak-Czech dialect he called 'stara slovencina' (the ancient language of the Slovaks). He was, therefore, in some respects both the forerunner of the political union of the Czechs and Slovaks who formed Czecho-Slovakia in 1918 and of the futile attempts of the Czechs to fuse the Slovak language into a synthetic Czechoslovak tongue. Nevertheless, in his day he was an outspoken champion of the Slovak colony in Budapest for many years. Although at first glance, Kollar's views on Panslavism calling for unity among all Slavs may appear to be a basis for a political union of all Slavic nations, a more careful look reveals that he regarded each to be but a tribe, nevertheless an individual ethnic entity with a right to its own language, state, etc., in a family of tribes belonging to one Slav nation! As a poet (Kollar's lyric and romantic works may be criticized from many angles by the experts), he excels in idealism, which is somewhat dimmed by the stark realism and cruelty of Slava, the goddess, who from her golden throne watches demons torturing the enemies and persecutors of the Slavs . . . a la Dante's Inferno. In Canto III of his Sonnet CX, Kollar turned prophet and a mighty good one, for he predicted the expansion of the Slavs like 'a mighty flood' and foresaw the day when the language of the Slavs would be spoken by their foes, and their sciences become manifest, as also their customs, dress and music on both sides of the Seine and the Danube. In the light of current history, we cannot, of course, rejoice in the modern Soviet imperialism that has reached the acme of Slavic power and prestige but only at the price of the enslavement of hundreds of millions of Slavs and non-Slavs, alike. Even for Kollar, who voices his wish to raise from his grave to behold the glory of the Slavs, the present would not be a glorious experience for the Slovak poet who envisioned a far different emergence of the Slavs would have sorrow and regret, not joy, in his heart were he a witness of the sad fate of Slavic nations today. 144 SLOVAKIA Dr. Kirschbaum shows that Kollar's Panslavism was hailed by the Russians, Czechs, Slovaks and the southern Slavs but was not at all acceptable to the Poles or Ukrainians who saw in it a form of Panrussianism . . . and as it has developed, they were right in their suspicions. On the national level, Kollar, writes Dr. Kirschbaum, played an important role in Slovak national revival by his linguistic theories, his poetry, publication of Slovak songs and his ideals of freedom. Undoubtedly, Jan Kollar will be the subject of many studies on the question of his political and linguistic theories, but despite efforts to make him a Czech poet because he wrote in his own pre-fabricated 'stara slovencina' medium which was his own personal invention in an attempt to arrive at a common language, and in spite of his rejection of Stu.r's central Slovak that was destined to become the official language of the Slovak nation, he was a Slovak poet in his own right. If his image as a Slovak poet is not altogether in focus, it is both because he moved in so many directions at one and the same time so that his picture is somewhat distorted, and the disturbing circumstances of his time, his condition, etc. At best, he was an erratic genius, and therefore, very difficult, if not impossible, to fully understand and appreciate. Nevertheless, his stature as a great Slovak poet continues to remain unimpaired. A. P. Frantisek Vnuk, Sedemnast' neurodnych rokov - Nacrt dejin slovenskej literatury v rokoch 1945-62, (Seventeen barren years -A Survey of Slovak Literature 1945-1962), Published by Slovak v Amerike, Middletown, Pa., 1965, p. 304, English summary. Slavists at various universities in the free world will receive in the present volume a first concise look at the postwar Slovak literature, and since there has been nothing published on the subject in English except a few articles in Slavic Studies and the anthology Linden Tree , which is in many ways a biased and unobjective presentation, the volume is longtime overdue. The English summary will make the book accessible also to those who do not read Slovak, which makes it even more welcome. The Slovak part of the book contains a rich source of information and remarkably well written aesthetic judgments on the literary value and ideological regimentation of the Slovak literature since the end of the Second World War. Vnuk places the works of Slovak poets and writers into the context of Slovakia's post-war upheavals, unprecedented persecutions for ideological deviations, censorship and social changes, and measures them against the moral and intellectual duties toward the Slovak people among whom writers and poets were always fighting for justice and national goals. The method used by the author does not follow the usual detached and impersonal ways of literary history and criticism, but it does not make this book less valuable for scholars or anyone interested in Slovak literature under Communism. On the contrary. The book presents a fresh, well written, scholarly sound and sincere look at the literary works and their authors and it is understandable that he condemned his country's deceit and desertion by her poets and writers who were always looked upon as intellectual leaders. 145 SLOVAKIA The seventeen barren years, as the author calls the post-war period in Slovak literature, are divided into four parts: The period of struggles (1945-1948), the period of the victory of socialism (19491951), the period of schematism and dogmatism , and the period of lost years (1956-1962) , In each of these periods Slovak literature was at the mercy of political commissars, who silenced the best writers and dictated literary subjects and criteria, and therefore one cannot but agree with the author that "these years will stand for a period for unheared of degradation in Slovak literary history - a veritable " temps du mepris" - with an unprecented decline in artistic values both qualitatively and quantitatively, when the writer became a stateemployed "engineer of human souls" and his standard was measured by the degree of his dedication to the political party line". (p. 259) . Since 1963, when the Slovak writers finall y dared to " rebel" against the straitjacket of regime's supervision and regimentation, Vnuk's harsh judgments were confirmed even in Slovak literary reviews, and therefore there is no reason to suspect him of "parti pris". Slovak literature was not only cut off the free world, but went also through the worst period of literary history in Slovakia and Vnuk's book intelligently mirrors all the tribulations, struggles, deficiences and intellectual dishonesty of some writers and the positive value of others. Vnuk reviewed in a short addition to his book also the literary works of the Slovak emigre writers and poets which will fill a gap in surveys of Slavic literatures in the free world. If the whole Slovak literature is a sort of "terra incognita" to many people in the West, the literary works of the Slovak emigre writers could not fare much better, though there are exceptions and in some instances Slovakia and her literature became known only through the writings of Slovak exiles. With regard to Slovakia, the author is maybe right when he says that "the 50 odd Slovak men of letters living on this side of the Iron Curtain kept the lights of Slovak culture burning while they went out in the writers' native country. This may sound emotional or sentimental, yet it is a sad truth that in the years 1950-55 there hardly appeared in Slovakia a single book worthy of reading. In those years indeed the emigre literature was the contemporary Slovak literature." The value of the volume is enhanced by a register of names, short bibliography and a brief note on the writer. It is to be regreted that the title of the book does not indicate that it is a survey of Slovak literature, but it is a minor shortcoming and can be repaired in distributing the English summary under a proper title. J . M. K irsc hbaum D ie Slow akei als Mittel europaisches Problem i n Geschichte und Gegenwart, (Slovakia as Central European Problem in the Past and Present) , Lectures at Collegium Carolinum, Verlag Robert Lerche, Mtinchen, 1965, p. 240. The prominent German institution Collegium Carolinum in Munich organized in August 1962 a series of lectures on Slovakia's past and present place in Central Europe, and published six of them in the present volume as a contribution to the research on problems of 146 SLOVAKIA Central Europe. The lectures cover over eleven centuries of Slovakia's history and while they are not of equal scholarly value, they are all shedding a new light on various periods of Slovak history, including the present one under Communism. Three of the lectures were given by Slovak intellectuals living in Western Europe: Prof. F. f>urcansky deals with Pan-Slavism and the role of Slovakia in this movement; Prof. Milan Stan. f>urica of the University of Padova gives the results of his scholarly research into the crisis of March 1939 and on the basis of documents he corrects various misconceptions about the origin of the Slovak republic; Ctibor Pokorny writes about the attitude of Slovaks towards Communism. The lectures by Prof. f>urcansky and Prof. Durica are well documented and scholarly written contributions to two controversial topics of historiography on Slovakia. Abundance of sources referred to, and logical conclusions which characterize both contributions, will perhaps help to clear at least partly the controversy and misconceptions of some Western historians. For students of Central European problems two other lectures might be of great interest: von Gogolak's lecture on Slovakia's social and constitutional history and Kurt Wessely's learned analysis of Slovakia's economic and social problems since World War I. Both authors are experts in their fields, but their contributions are bound to lead to a controversy either from the Slovak or from the Czech side. While Slovaks could be hurt by some of Gogolak's harsh judgements of their leaders in the remote or recent past, the Czechs might oppose the picture which Prof. Wessely has drawn about Slovakia's economic development under the Czech tutelage. The well documented account of the development of the national consciousness among Slovaks by Prof. Gogolak somehow contrasts in his conclusions not only with his previous works on Slovakia, but it also seems to be in clash with the requirements of scholarly impartiality. Except for a few Slovaks of the "Czechoslovak" orientation hardly any educated Slovak would leave unchallenged certain parts of Prof. Gogolak's picture of modern Slovak history. Unfortunately, this is not the place to go into detail or to show where Prof. Gogolak's lecture is marked rather by emotional than by objective analysis, and where the historian wandered into politics. While this is to be regretted, this reviewer is of the opinion that the scholarly lecture might serve on the other hand a very useful purpose, if Slovak intellectuals will properly react. The introductory lecture by Karl Bosl on the mission of Sts. Cyril and Methodius and its place in Rome's Church organization is a learned summary of the older and the most recent research into the GreatMoravian period, with some new hypotheses. Scholarly sound and without bias, the lecture will remain as a tribute from the German side to the 11th centenary of the Cyrillo-Methodian mission among the ancestors of today's Slovakia, which was commemorated in 1963 by Slovaks on both sides of the Iron Curtain. The volume was edited with great care and should be welcome as a valuable contribution to the research into and solution of the unsolved Slovak problem in Central European area. J. M. Kirschbaum SLOVAKIA 147 National Slovak Society Almanac for the year 1966 - Narodny Americko-Slovensky Kalendar na rok 1966, Vol. 74, Pittsburgh, Pa., 240 pp., Edited by Jan Mihal. The first 70 pages of this year's National Slovak Society annual are in the English language . . . the rest in Slovak. This, then, is an edition designed for both young and old readers in one or both languages. In addition to their duties as members of the NSS Literary Committee, headed by Dr. Peter Hletko, M.D. as president, which compiled the bi-lingual almanac, all (Msgr. M. K. Mlynarovic, K. Belohlavek, John Pankuch [NSS President, and the editor, Jan Mihal] contributed informative and inspiring articles to this year's publication of the oldest Slovak fraternal group in America. Tribute is paid to Peter Rovnianek (1867-1933), NSS founder, on the eve of the centennial of his birth as a great American Slovak humanitarian. The following contributors are found in the English section: John Pankuch, Jan Mihal, Mary Burns, Dr. Peter Hletko, M.D., Dr. Stephen Hletko, DDS., Rosalie Gona, S. Ullman and Karol Kuzmany. Although a major part of the section is devoted to a review of NSS activities, particularly bowling, the rest gives the reader an idea of the possibilities of expanding the subject matter into a more serious sphere for better comprehension of vital issues in American Slovak life. While members of the NSS Literary Committee were called upon to do double duty by contributing articles to the Slovak section, too, the following writers made their contributions of interesting articles to the 1966 NSS Almanac: John Pankuch, E. Vesnin, Lado Demeter, Jozef Steller, Msgr. M. K. Mlynarovic, Dr. Peter Hletko, M.D., K. Holicsky, Peter Klas, Rev. Andrej Rolik, Dr. A. P. Slabey, 0. M. Debnarkin, A. Rybiansky, Dr. Jan Fabianek, Rosalie Gona, Stefan Hassik, Jozo Trnavcan, J. Horsky, J. T. Sulovsky, K. Belohlavek. In some respects the tone of the current Almanac is an ecumenical one, e.g., Dr. Slabey's article on Jan Hus. Hus' successful bid to reverse the 3-1 German preponderance in voting at Charles University to a domestic Czech 3-1 majority was confirmed by royal decree ... this democratic procedure is the only one that will finally bring peace and understanding between the Czech and Slovak nations, namely, the recognition of the right of the Slovak nation to self-rule, for the principle of human and natural rights to freedom is the same today as it was in Hus' time. A. P. Jednota Annual Furdek, 1966, Middletown, Pa., vol. 5, 160 pp., Joseph Krajsa, editor. Inaugurated by the late Philip A. Hrobak, editor of the Jednota weekly, five years ago in an effort to reach the younger generation of American Slovaks, the FURDEK annual is continuing under his successor, Mr. Joseph C. Krajsa. It is a worthwhile effort, inasmuch as our Slovak youth would otherwise lose all interest in its heritage because 148 SLOVAKIA the third and fourth generation no longer speaks or reads the Slovak language. The contents of the current issue cover a variety of subjects from the following writers: Bishop Andrew Grutka, D.D., Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., J. C. Krajsa, J. Pfeiffer, A. Sarisky, Dr. J. Kirschbaum, Ph.D., LL.D., Very Rev. Theodoric Zubek, O.F.M., S.T.D., C. Petrasek, J . J. Konus, A. Koto, and S. Sencik, S.J. Feature article is 'The Joe Lapchick Story' about the great basketball player and coach from Yonkers, N. Y. The ex-Celtic star and successful coach at St. John's University ranks among the greatest American Slovak athletes. Lead-off review of the Jednota's diamond jubilee in 1965 is given in capsule form by Dr. Jozef Pauco, Ph.D., author of the 560-page history of the First Catholic Slovak Union (75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty: 1890-1965) is supplemented by pictorial highlights of the jubilee observance, particularly the celebration in Washington, D. C. Oldtimers such as Dr. M. v_ Simko and Rev. A. Pier, O.S.B. have a number of contributions in this 5th issue of the Jednota annual, the Furdek, in the English language. A brief historical review of the Slovak Benedictines in the U. S. and the Slovak Jesuits in Canada completes the 1966 edition of the Furdek. Both foundations constitute only part of the story of the Slovak Religious Orders in the new world. Future issues of this novel publication will undoubtedly cover the history of the others, namely, the Slovak Franciscans, as well as the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, the Franciscan Sisters, the Dominican Sisters, the Benedictine Sisters, the Sisters of the Most Holy Saviour, the Consolers of the Sacred Heart, and the Vincentian Sisters. A. P. PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED Rekem John, Stefan Dubnicay - Slovak Polemist and Historian (1675-1725), Middletown, Pa., 1966, p. 80. Slovak Literature and National Consciousness before Anton Bernolcik, Jednota Printery, Middletown, Pa. 1964. Kirschbaum, J. M., Jcin Kollar-Slovak Poet of Panslavism, Stavistica No. 56, Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1966, p. 48. The Role of the Cyrillo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak National and Political Life, An Offprint from Slovak Studies Ill. Rome, 1965 La Litterature de la period CyrilLo-Methodienne et la Slovaquie, An Offprint from Slovak Studies III, Rome, 1965. Vnuk, Frantisek, Sedemncist' neurodnych rokov (Ncicrt slov enskej A Survey of Slovak Literature 1945-1962, literatury 1945-1962) Published by Slovak v Amerike, Middletown, Pa., p. 304, English summary, register. SLOVAKIA 149 CONTRIIBUTORS Prof. Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum. Born in a small Slovak village on March 25, 1913 and lost his father in the First World War. Dr. J. Kirschbaum is a prominent representative of the new Slovak educated class, whose many members made a long way from the Slovak villages to European and American capitals, forei gn universities, diplomatic posts and teaching positions by their own diligence, capabilities and perseverance, fighting against many odds and staunch and unscrupulous adversaries of the Slovak cause. Educated at several European universities, Dr. Kirschbaum attained national prominence already during his university studies as leader of the Slovak student's organizations, Vice-President of the world-wide Catholic organization Pax Romana and speaker for the autonomy of Slovakia on behalf of the young Slovak generation. When only 26 years old, he was appointed by the President of the Slovak Republic and later elected to the responsible post of Secretary-General of the People's Party, founded by Msgr. A. Hlinka . After opposing the introduction of National Socialism into Slovakia, he was ousted in 1940 from Slovak politics and for 18 months kept in military service. In 1941 he was, however, back in public life and, as the youngest head of diplomatic mission, he served his country in Switzerland as Charge d'Affaires of the Slovak Republic. In that capacity he represented Slovakia until the end of the war, fighting relentlessly for Slovakia's right to independence and against the false propaganda of the Czech exiles and their anti-Slovak aspirations. After the war Dr. Kirschbaum very soon became one of the leading personalities of the Slovak movement for a free and independent Slovakia . He moved to Canada , for a short time to the United States and again to Canada , where he dedicated his time and energy to teaching at Canadian Universities writing and fighting for the Slovak cause. Besides a book in Slovak Nas boj o samostatnost' Slovenska, Dr. Kirschbaum published in exile the first scholarly English book on political history and cultural background of Slovakia under the title: Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe (New York, 1960) . The book was r ~viewed by the foremost academic periodicals in England, U.S.A., Canada and Europe and mostly favorably received by the critics. On cultural problems Dr. Kirschbaum published a series of studies in French and English, four of them (on Bernolak, St11r, Safarik and Kollar) were published in the series Slavistica, edited by the known slavist Prof. J . B. Rudnyckyj from the University of Manitoba. His essays on Slovak language and literature were published in French and English first by University periodicals and later in offprint form . His political writings appeared in English, French , German and Spanish. Altogether Dr. Kirschbaum published 15 writings in foreign languages either in book form or as reprints, and contributed larger articles to Canadian Slavonic Papers (Univ. of Toronto) , Etudes slaves et esteuropeennes (Univ. of Montreal ), Rivista de Estudios politicos (Madrid) , Slovakia (Middletown, Pa.), Slowakei (Munich, Germany). Most ( Cleveland, Ohio) , to various symposia, encyclopedias and newspapers. All the writings of Dr. Kirschbaum are marked, according to the critics, by clarity of style, logic, scholarly objectivity and solid knowledge as well as his 150 SLOVAKIA firm belief in the rightness and victory of the Slovak cause. Once an excellent student of internat• ional law and political science, Dr. Kirschbaum turned in exile to his• tory and culture of his country and Central Europe and defends the right of the Slovak people to independence on account of their old culture and civilization. He presents Slovakia to the free world in a new light and always within a new, democratic organization of Central Europe. For his uncompromising stand towards those who tried or try to deny equal rights to the Slovak people, Dr. Kirsch b a u m was persecuted already during his uni• versity years. A Czech rector of the University of Bratislava refus• ed to give him, for political reasons, the doctor's diploma, even though Kirschbaum finished all his exams with excellent results. The Germans turned against the young Secretary-General as soon as they noticed that he opposed German interference in Slovak politics, and Berlin asked the Slovak Government not only to remove Dr. Kirschbaum from Slovak politics, but his name was not supposed to appear in any newspaper. "If it does", wrote the German Ambassador to Slovakia in 1940, "I shall ask to forbid the publication of the newspaper." ialist newspapers. A new smear campaign was organized against Dr. Kirschbaum when he moved to the United States. The most un• scrupulous and immoral campaign was, however, unleashed against him by Communist Prague and some Czech exiles in Canada dur· ing the Spring and Summer of 1962. In all those smear campaigns, not only in serious Slovak circles, but also the authorities of the countries he lived in, clergy and many newspapers and politicians were on the side of Dr. Kirschbaum, and he was fully vindicated. munist adversaries of the Slovak struggle for independence and de• mocracy turned, however, against Dr. Kirschbaum, especially after the Second World War. Even though he spent the war years in neutral Switzerland and was known to oppose Nazism, the Communist government of Prague requested his extradition from Switzerland. When the Swiss Government refused , the Czech diplomats and propagandists tried to compromise Dr. Kirschbaum by publishing smear and ludicrous accusations in the Swiss Communist and Soc• and Methodius, whose motherhouse is in Danville, Pennsylvania, was a graduate of St. Cyril Academy and obtained her B.A. degree from Marywood College, Scranton, Pa. , and her M.A. from Villanova University, Villanova, Pa. She is the author of two books : Dr. Kirschbaum is married to Magdalena Danihel, daughter of the late Slovak politician and member of Parliament Stefan Danihel, has four children of whom two graduated at Canadian universities and one of them, Stanislav, works on his Ph.D. at the Sorbon• ne, Paris, on scholarship. Dr. Kirschbaum has been since the war leading figure of the Slovak Nat• ional Council Abroad, Slovak Li• beration Council, member of many Slovak cultural and civic organiz. ations in the U.S.A. and Canada, member or officer of leading social clubs and academic organizat• ions and editorial boards. Martina Tybor, Si ster M., B.A., M.A. , of the Sisters of SS. Cyril The furor of the Czech and Com• SS. Cyril and Methodius, the Glory of the Slav s, for young adults, and SS. Cyril and Methodius , Apostles of Great Moravia, for children. She has done outstanding work in Slo• vak-English translations, notably of Slovak classic poetry. Her own poems have appeared in Spirit, SLOVAKIA publication of the National Catholic Poetry Society. Her odes, written for various Jubilee occasions, have appeared in Fialky, St. Cyril Academy annual. At present Sister M. Martina is head of the English department at Andrean High School, Gary, Indiana. Zatko, James J., Ph.D .., Rev., received an M.A. and Ph.D. from the University of Notre Dame. Under sponsorship of Ford Fellowships he studied at Harvard in 1954-1955 and at the Catholic University of Lublin in 1958. He was also the recipient of an Association of Middle Eastern Studies Fellowship in 1962. He is assistant professor of history at the University of Notre Dame. His book Descent Into Darkness - The Destruction of the Roman Catholic Church in Russia 1917-1923, was published by Notre Dame University. Joseph Pauco, born in 1914 in Slovakia. At the Slovak University in Bratislava he received his Ph.D. in 1942. A journalist by profession, he worked with the influential daily SLOVAK from 1938 to 1945, serving as editor-in-chief from 1942 to 1945. In 1945 fled with his wife and son to Austria, then to West Germany; and finally made his way to New York City in 1950. J. Pauco is serving since 1950 as assistant editor of the weekly JEDNOTA and from 1964 he is the publisher of the oldest Slovak newspaper in this country: SLOVAK V AMERIKE. He is serving for third term as the secretary of the Slovak League of America. J. Pauco is associated with American Academy of Political and Social Science, with Institute of Ethnic Studies at Georgetown University, is a member of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, 0. 151 and of the Slovak Writers and Artists Association in the USA. He is the author of some 1000 articles, published in Slovakia and in the USA. Dr. Joseph Pauco is the author of these books and studies: .Cudovychova u sturovcov (Stur's Movement - Popular Education ). Matica slovenska. Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1943. Pp. 151. Co po komunizme? (After Communism What?) . Jednota , Middletown, Pa., 1952. Pp. 29. Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe (Dr. Joseph Tiso About Himself) . Slovensky Katolicky Sokol, Passaic, N. J., 1952. Pp. 359. (Ed.) Tisov odkaz (Tiso's Message). Jednota. Middletown, Pa., 1953. Pp. 89. Stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo ( Stefan Furdek and Slovak Immigration) . Jednota, Middletown, Pa., 1955. Pp. 190. Slovaci a komunizmus (The Slovaks and Communism) . Rev. Jan Lach. Whiting, Ind., 1957. Pp. 318. Pod zastavou krest'anskej demokracie (Under the Banner of the Christian Democracy) . Slovenski krest'anski demokrati v Spojenych Statoch. Middletown, Pa., 1957. Pp. 30. Slovenskd re hol'a Sestier sv. Cyrila a Metoda (Slovak Order of the Sisters of Ss. Cyril and Methodius) . Slovensky .Zensky Spolok Sv. Anny. Wyoming Valley, Pa., 1957. Pp. 32. Unconquerables. Vantage Press, New York, N. Y., 1958. Pp. 225. Matus Jankola - knaz a narodovec (Matus Jankola - A Priest and Patriot) . Rad Sestier sv. Cyrila a Metoda. Danville, Pa., 1959. Pp. 174. Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike (Literary Almanac of the " Slovak in America") . Middletown, Pa., 1959, 1960, 1961, 1962, 1963, 1964, 1965, 1966. Pp. 160 each, last one pp. 168. (Ed.) 152 SLOVAKIA Christian Slovakia Under ComDr. Victor R. Greene, Professor munism. The Slovak Catholic Fede- of American History at the Kan- ration. Valparaiso, Indiana, 1959. sas State University, Manhattan, Pp. 31. Kansas, received his B.A. degree Pamiatke Jozefa Cigra Hronske- from the University of Harvard in ho (In Memoriam Jozef Ciger 1955; his M.A. degree from the Hronsky) . Literarny Almanach Slo- University of Rochester in 1960; vaka v Amerike. Middletown, Pa., and his Ph.D. from the University of Pennsylvania in 1963. His dis1960. Pp. 46. (Ed.) sertation for his Ph.D. was: A HisLaicky apostol Martin Kopunek tory of East European Immigrants (Lay Apostle - Martin Kop(mek). in the Anthracite Area before Vychodna oblast' Sdruzenia Slo- 1903. It is a study of the contribvenskych Katolikov. Bethlehem, ution Slovaks and others made to Pa., 1961. Pp. 67 (Ed.) the unions in the coal fields and Karol Sidor - politik, novinar, the aid to President Johnny Mitspisovatel' (Karol Sidor - Politi- chell and the United Mine Workers cian, Newspaperman, and Writer). of America. Dr. Greene in his Literarny Almanach Slovaka v thesis elaborates that it was beAmerike. Middletown, Pa., 1962. cause of the loyalty and sacrifice of Slovak mine workers that the Pp. 148 (Ed.) union was permanently establishPat'desiatnik Dr. Jozef Kirsched in the hard coal fields. baum (Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum In his present research, ProfesFifty Years Old). Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike. Middle- sor Greene is making a study of the origins of Slovak and East town, Pa., 1963. Pp. 171. (Ed.) European American self-consciousFlight to Wonderland. Robert ness and why by World War I Speller and Sons, New York, N. Y., every Slovak immigrant realized 1963. Pp. 334. such a strong feeling of his ethnic 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slo- heritage. Dr. Greene, who · has learned to venskej Jednoty (75 Years of the First Catholic Slovak Union). Prva read and understand Slovak, is Katolicka Slovenska Jednota, Cle- familiar with the cultural and hisveland, 0., 1965. Pp. 560 & XIV. torical material available at the Jankola Library in Danville, Pa., 80 pages of pictures. the Slovak Institute Library in Slovakia. Slovak League of AmerCleveland, Ohio, and the facilities ica. Middletown, Pa., 1965, 1966. Pp. in Pittsburgh, Pa. and Chicago, 160. (Ed.) Illinois. Joseph R . Kristofik received his B.S. in Science from the University of Pittsburgh in 1949. His education includes several years at the United States Merchant Marine Academy in Kings · Point, N. Y., and at the Detroit College of Law. Mr. Kristofik is presently the Slovak Democratic Chairman for the State of Michigan with the Michigan Democratic Nationalities Division. At its 40th Convention at Youngstown, Ohio, he was elected to the executive committee of the Slovak League of America. Tino Berko was born in Slovakia, fled to the West in 1952. He studied philosophy and the history of music and art at Munich University; is a writer and lecturer; resides in Munich, Germany. Very Rev . Theodoric J. Zubek, O.F.M., S.T.D., Slovak by birth, American by adoption, is presently Delegate Provincial of the Franciscans of the Most Holy Savior Commissariat, popularly known as the Slovak Franciscans. SLOVAKIA He resides at the motherhouse of the Commissariat, Holy Family Friary, 232 S. Home Avenue, Pittsburgh, Penna. 15202. 153 jects were published during this time in various Slovak periodicals, such as "Serafinsky svet" (The Seraphic World), "Slovensky ucitel'" (The Slovak Teacher), "Smer" Father Theodoric was born in ( Direction), and "Nova praca " Malacky, Slovakia, April 4, 1914, (New Work) . and came to the United States on February 21, 1952; he became an This activity came to an end on American citizen on June 5, 1957. April 13, 1950, when the ComHe received his primary education munist government of Czecho-Sloin the schools of his native Ma- vakia supressed all monasteries. lacky while his secondary studies Father Theodoric was confined were taken at the Gymnasium of with his Franciscan confreres in Bratislava, 1925-1929, and Skalica, the concentration monastery of 1930-1934, in Slovakia. He entered Svaty Benadik nad Hronom. After the Franciscan Order in 1929 and escaping from the concentration made his novitiate in Trnava. He monastery, he remained in hiding took his theological studies at the in Slovakia until February 1951, Seminaries in Zagreb, Croatia, and when he secretly crossed the borin his native Slovakia at Brati- der into Austria. In February, slava. He was ordained to the 1952, he joined his Slovak Amepriesthood in Bratislava on June rican brethren of the Most Holy 26, 1938. After his ordination, Fa- Savior Commissariat, the American ther Theodoric began his studies foundation of the mother province for the doctorate in sacred theo- in Slovakia. logy at the Catholic University of After a short sojourn in TrauFribourg, Switzerland. On October 28, 1940, the Fribourg University ger, Penna., Father Theodoric was conferred on him the degree of stationed for seven years at the Doctor of Sacred Theology with Franciscan parish of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Clifton, New Jersey. the mark "magna cum laude". From 1956 to 1960 he taught SacUpon his return to his home- red Theology at the Newark and land and Franciscan Province in Jersey City divisions of Seton Hall Slovakia, Father Theodoric was University. In 1960 he was named named to the faculty of the Fran- pastor of the Franciscan parish of ciscan Theological Seminary at 2i- St. Rita in Buffalo, N. York, where lina in 1941, a post he held until he stayed till 1964. In 1961, he 1950. During this time he also serv- became Councillor to the Delegate ed at intervals as the Rector of Provincial of the Most Holy Savthe seminary, a Definitor of the ior Commissariat, and in 1964 the Franciscan Province, and Guard- Delegate Provincial of the said ian of the Franciscan Friary in Commissariat. 2ilina. In 1942, he published his doctoral thesis, "Joseph II and the In America, Father Zubek freFriars Minor in Slovakia". In 1945, quently spoke on the persecuted he translated E. Neubert's "Mon Church in Slovakia to various ideal Jesus, fils de Marie" (Moj groups in Slovak and American ideal Jezis, Syn Mariin) into Slo- parishes. He made an appearance vak. With Father Celestin Lepa- before the House Committee on cek, O.F.M., he co-authored a book Un-American Activities conceron the Assumption of the BL Vir- ning the operations of the Comgin, "Nanebevzata" (Mary Assum- munists in Slovakia. In 1956, his ed into Heaven), published in scholarly and well-documented 1947. Numerous articles of his on book on the systematic persecutboth theological and ascetical sub- ion of the Church in Slovakia was 154 SLOVAKIA published by Rev. John Lach. It is entitled "The Church of Silence in Slovakia". Since 1954 he began to contribute articles to leading national Catholic magazines such as "The Homiletic and Pastoral Review", "The American Ecclesiastical Review", "The Jurist, Unitas", "The Catholic Educator" and "The Marian Era". In these articles, he dealt with a variety of subjects, such as, the Communist persecution of the Church in Slovakia and other lands, the theory of Darwin, the morality of nuclear warfare, the possibility of living creatures on other planets, the Blessed Mother and Vatican II. Some of these articles attracted wide attention. In addition, he has contributed articles to such Slovak papers and magazines as "Most" (The Bridge ), "Dobry Pastier" (The Good Shepherd), "Jednota" (The Union), "Katolicky Sokol" (The Catholic Sokol) , "Slovak v Amerike" (The Slovak in America), "Kanadsky Slovak" (The Canadian Slovak) and "Literarny almanach Slovaka v Amerike" (The Literary Almanac of the Slovak in America) . He is a regular writer for the Slovak Franciscan Magazine "Listy sv. Franfilka" (The Leaflets of St. Francis) , for which he served as editor from 1958 to 1962. In 1963 he published a booklet entitled "The Slovak Bishops - Martyrs of Christ", and in 1965, " Rozjimania o tajomstvach sv. ruzenca" (Meditations on the Mysteries of the Holy Rosary) . The Commissariat of the Most Holy Savior, headed presently by Father Theodoric, has fifty members stationed in five monasteries and two parishes. be appropriate to present the views of an American university graduate of Slovak descent. Very Rev. Msgr. John Rekem, S.T .D. , Born December 13, 1917 in Trencianska Tepla, Msgr. John Rekem receited his early education in Trencin rand Nitra. For his philosophical and theological studies he ,w ent to Olomouc in Moravia. This was followed by four years at the Bratislava Istropolitana University. He was ordained in 1941 and two years later he received his doctorate in Sacred Theology. As curate he served in Hricove, Vel'ke Chlievany, Trencin, Pruske, and Varin; in the last named parish he was also administrator. In 1945 he was imprisoned by the Communists for almost eight months in a concentration camp in Trencin. He was released by an order of the People's court (No. T. 29/ 45) in December 1945. Two years later his name was registered for the so-called September liquidations, but he emigrated to Austria, leaving Slovakia on the feast of Our Mother of Sorrows, September 15, 1947. In Salzburg he was spiritual director of the Slovak Catholic refugees, for whom he established the Federation of Slovak Catholics and organized ia series of eight retreats in various cities of Austria. He was spiritual advisor of the League of Slovak Catholic Students in Exile. At home and abro,ad he h e l d Suzanna Mikula is a graduate of membership in leading Slovak or- the University of Detroit, specializing in history of Europe. Since last year not only Slovaks but also slavists of various countries commemorated the 150th birthday of L'udovit Stur, we thought it would ganizations: Society of St. Adalbert and its Literary Division; Matica Slovenska at home and abroad; the First Catholic Slovak Union; Society of Slovak Catholic Intellec- 155 SLOVAKIA tuals in Rome; and for a time he was a member of the Slovak National Council in Exile and of the Liberiation Oommittee. Msgr. Rekem crune to Winnipeg, Canada, in 1949, where he established a Slovak Catholic parish. With the help of his ever-faithful parishioners he built a church, a rectory and a hall in 1952, which were free of debt by 1965. Active in Canadi an public life he has long been associated with the New Canadians Council and the Citizenship Council. He served as chaplain to the Fourth Degree Assembly Tache, St. Boniface, Manitoba, in 1958. At present he is a member and a faithful friar of the Miles McDonnell Fourth Degree Assembly in Winnipeg. In Trencin he was co-editor of Trencan, 1942-1945. He contributed articles to: Slovak, Slovenska Pravda; Trencan; Misijne Hlasy; the Misijny Kalendar of the Society of the Divine Word. He was a contributor also to the periodicals: Smer; 1 Kultura; Duchovny Pastier; Katolicke Kazne; Nova Praca. In Amer- ica his works have appeared in Jednota; Zenska Jednota; Sloven- sky Katolicky Sokol; Slovak v Amerike; Slovenska Obrana; Slo-vaki a; Kalendar Jednota; Literarny Almanach; Rim; Hlasy z Rima; Ave Maria; Kanadsky Slovak; Most; etc. In Canada he wrote for the Manitoba Ensign; Western Sunday Visitor; Sunday Herald; St. Joseph's Residence News. In Winni- peg in 1949 he compiled and issued an English syndicated news and information service twice a week for the local English press. Many of his releases on the Slovaks were printed in the Ensign, Winnipeg Free Press, Winnipeg Citizen, and W i nnipeg Tribune. He is the author of twenty-five short studies on the history of Slovak cultural events of the past, and noteworthy and scholarly works depicting the evolution and growth of the Slovak language. He is a member of the Slovak Institute of Cleveland and th e Bernolak Foundation, and serves as a committee member in each. He was elevated to the rank of Monsignor on March 11, 1964 by His Holiness, Pope Paul VI and is now resident pastor of the Church of the Visitation in Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada. WHO'S WHO AMONG SLOVAIKiS ]N U.S.A. Rt. Rev. Msgr. Francis J. Dubosh, tion in June to September, 1916, P . A ., was born in Cleveland, Ohio, on September 27, 1890, a son of Charles and Mary Dubosh. There are no close surviving relatives, except for cousins in Cleveland, Pittsburgh, and New York. He was ordained on June 3, 1916 at St. John's Cathedral by the Most Rev. John P. Farrelly. He was in the last class to be ordained which received its complete seminary training at Old St. Mary's Seminary on 1800 Lakeside. Assignments: - From ordina- on temporary assignments; September, 1916, Assistant at St. Wendelin Parish, Cleveland, Ohio; December, 1917, Pastor, Holy Name Parish, Youngstown, Ohio; February, 1922, Pastor, Our Lady of Mercy Parish, Cleveland, 0 hi o; October, 1927, Pastor, SS. Cyril and Methodius Church, Lakewood, Ohio. Positions: - Named a Domestic Prelate with the rank of Rt. Rev. Msgr., on November 11, 1934 the first American-Slovak priest in the United States so honored; October 16, 1955, given rank of 156 SLOVAKIA Protonotary Apostolic - also the first American-Slovak Msgr. in the United States so honored; 19341938, Diocesan Prosynodal Judge; 1938 to date, Diocesan Consultor; 1952 to date, Diocesan Cemetery Board; and 1944-1951, Diocesan Buildin g Commission. Extra parochial and diocesan accomplishments:-Supreme Chaplain of the First Catholic Slovak Union (Jednota), 1932-1937 ; President of the Slovak League of America, 1943-1945; Member of Executive Board of Slovak League of America since 1945; President of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America, 1937-1938; one of the founders of: - Cleveland Slovak Radio Club, Slovak Professional and Businessmen's Association, member of Executive Committee to establish Slovak Culture Garden in Cleveland, Ohio, and instrumental in establishing SS. Cyril and Methodius Parish in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, in 1935; chairman of fund-raising committee for the establishment of Benedictine High School, Cleveland, Ohio; and worked with Catholic Resettlement Council for placing displaced persons in Diocese of Cleveland after post-war years. John Sabol is executive secretary of the First Catholic Slovak Union of the U.S.A. To Slovaks the First Catholic Slovak Union is familiarly known as "Jednota." That means union. Sabol is "Mr. Jednota" to the Jednotars. He has been executive secretary for 40 years. Previously, he served s e v e n years as supreme auditor. Said he: "This has been my career. " Sabol, son of a railroad section hand forman, was born in a shanty in Hillsboro, Pa., on part of what is now the Pennsylvania Turnpike. He received most of his schooling at Lyndora, Pa. At 15 he carried water when the Ft. Wheel Works was built. Later, he was a railroad car builder at McKees Rocks, Pa. He studied accounting at night at Duquesne University, became auditor for the society and was elected secretary in 1926. Sabol and his wife, Elizabeth, had f o u r children: Mrs. Helen Wells of Barberton, O.; Mrs. Joan Lang; Betty, deceased, and John J., a Medical Doctor. Judge John J . Sirotnak, born in Olyphant, Pa., October 12, 1901, of parents Michael and Susanna Sirotnak. Moved to Throop, Pa., in 1903, where he attended public schools and was graduated in June 1917. Worked in coal mines from 1917 to 1919. Attended Mansfield State Teachers' College, Sept. 1919, and graduated in 1921. He taught in Borough Schools of Throop 1921- 1928. Resigned as principal of the Jefferson School to enter University of Illinois in 1928, where he obtained his B. A. degree in 1930 and his Law Degree in 1932. Successfully completed Bar examination on October 24, 1932 and has practiced law in Scranton, Pa. , since. County Solicitor of Lackawanna County Institution District from 1938 to 1960, the first Slovak Attorney to be so honored. General Counsel of the First Catholic Slovak Union from 1944 to 1960. Judge Orphans' Court of Lackawanna County since June 17, 1960, Wife: Susan. Sons: Joseph and John, Medical Doctor and Attorney-at-Law. Member of Executive Committee of the Slovak League of America for several years. 157 SLOVAKIA 'DHE SLOVAK INSTITUTE ]N OI.,EVEILAIN1D, OHIO A cultural society, known as ibhe Slovruk Institute, was foll'l1ded an Ma:roh 4, 1952. Oha,rter memibers of the organization ,w ere: Rt. Rev. Abbot 'Dheodore G. Kojis, O.S.B., iPres,ident, Rev. Mrkulas Sprilil'c, !Rev. Andrej Pir, O.S.iB. , Dr. Fra,ncis Hriusovsky, Dr. Jozef Oindk, and Karol Strmen. The ,President named iDr. Hvusovsky, eminent Slovaik historian, as tJhe fiTst DiTector of the Institute. One of the first duties of tihe .:Institute was ito assume care of tJhe Slovak lilbrary anid museum estalblished at St. Andrew's AJbbey by the coordinated eflforts of the Matica Sioveniska, w'hich donll!ted 1.hrundreds of invaJluable hodkis to the Clevela,nd Slova:ks dUTing the ,M. S. delegation'1s visit to the United States in 1935, and 1:Jhe Slovaik League of Ameriica, which founded 1:Jhe obeginnin1gs of the &lova:k Museum at the Abbey in the Spring of 1943. Besides f'l.Ulfilling its rp rimary function of be1ng a centre of cultural endeavO'I'S for the :Silovalks in America, and t>he free world, the Slovalk Institute ihiais not onily preserved many SlovaJk 'books in i1Js ,Iilbrary but has pulJliShed a 'OJU1JI1iber of wo11k's of its own, notably, tlhe !history of Slovaik Religious institutions in America lb y the laite Dr. Francis Hrusovsky (died on Sept. 9, 1956). In Rome an affiliate of 1:Jhe Slovaik Inis titute wais established a num1ber of yearis ago. lbs main punpose is to sponsor religious a,nd cultura:l ipulblicaitionrs in the free world. The Roman tbranoh of the origin8.!l Olev~land foundation maintains olose contruct wiitJh the American parent orgainization which was ori ginally est8.!blished to carry on bhe work of the Slovaik naition's Matica Slovenska tlhait was swppr~ssed by the communist regime in tlhe ,postwar era. Another ibrancih of t h e Institute is in MuniC'h, Ge11many. Perhrups the most rpopuilar work of tJhe Slovak lnstitwte was the 1publitc1ation of a detailed mrurp of Slovrukia under the direction ()(f Dr. Hrusovsky. Mem1bershilp in the Slovark Institute reaiohes around the world, for leaiding Sfovalk writers and poets, as well. as cultural wor.kers, have been enrolled in this unique American association for tihe Slovarks in the free wonM. A:11 iing,uiries rubout Slovark history and culbure are to be arddressed to: Slovark Institute, 2900 Eia'St Boulevard, Cleveland, Ohio. 1 158 SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America - is an AMERICAN INSTITUTION; it was organized May 26, 1907, at Cleveland, 0., by the Rev. Stephen Furdek; is a CULTURAL and CIVIC organi2:ation of Americans of Slovak descent; is interested primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the United States of America; represents an overwhelming majority of organized Americans of Slovak descent; actively affiliated with it are the largest Slovak fraternals, religious organizations, Slovak Clubs and Slovak civic organizations in the United States; is dedicated to American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate manuals and brochures in Slovak and English; is dedicated to works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks, here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns and other American charitable projects; wants to help Americans of Slovak descent in American political life, in business or professions, in social standing, and along educational lines; through its Ladies Auxiliary, the "VCIELKY" (Bees) , sponsors Slovak cultural displays, concerts, lectures, art exhibits, folk festivals, social evenings, etc. Our aim is to have a "Hive" of our "Vcielky" in every large Slovak community; promotes a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation, its history, culture, traditions, achievements and its long, hard struggle for freedom and independence; firmly believes in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation, whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the right of every nation to freely choose its own form of government and freely elect persons of its own choice by whom it shall be governed; SLOVAKIA - 159 condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America has always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth. firmly believes that the national existence and welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own independent Slovak Republic; as a Christian and democratic organization, is resolutely against the domination and exploitation of the Slovak nation by any other nation or political state; the Slovaks did not want to be ruled over by the Magyars and, today, do not want to be subservient to the Czech nation ; heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and or ganizations who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism promoted by t he Soviet Union; stands for :honesty, integrity, industry and justice in government. Join the Local Assembly in your town or contact the Secretary of the Slovak League. Membership dues are only $1.50 per year. Gentlemen : I ----------------- - -------------------- ------Address --------------------- - ----------- - ----Town ----------------------- - ---------- -- ----Desire to join SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Endosed find check $---------- ]60 SLOVAKIA Contents The Slovak Language and its Place Among the Slavic Languages - J. M. Kirschbaum - 1 Father of American Slovaks - Sister M. Martina Tybor, 25 SS.C.M. - James J. Zatko, Ph.D. - Slovaks in the U.S. A. - 41 American Slovaks and the Beginning of Czecho-Slovakia - Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. - 63 Joseph R. Kristofik - The Slovak Image - 76 " Sons of Hunkies: Men with a Past?"-Victor R. Greene A Glimpse of Gothic Slovakia Heroic Slovak Bishop - O.F.M. - Tino Berko - Mikula, B.A. - Victim of Communism - Suzanna Dr. John Rekem - 124 Current Issues As Others See It - Contributors - T. J. Zubek, 104 Martin Szentivanyi, S.J. - Book Reviews - 87 99 Eudovit Stur and the Panslavic Movement - 138 142 149 Who's Who Among Slovaks in U. S. A. The Slovak Institute in Cleveland, Ohio The Slovak League of America - 158 155 157 80 116 PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 16 (No. 39) Description An account of the resource includes Current Issues; As Others See It; Book Reviews; Contributors; Who’s Who Among Slovaks in U.S.A.; The Slovak Institute in Cleveland, Ohio; The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/adf8fc0cc0e4ac0070b8246305efb9af.pdf 20e1dd0a422ba59d9ba8b7ce36e3c7f5 PDF Text Text 116 SLOVAKIA MARTIN SZENTIVANYI, S.J. (1633-1705 ) SLOVAK PHILOSOPHER, POLEMICIST, HISTORIAN B y Dr. John Rekem In previous English studies on the pre-Bernolak period 1 of the Slovak literature, I devoted considerable attention to the Slovak authors, writing either in Latin or Slovak, whose aim it was to arouse and sustain the spirit of Slovak nationalism. Included in these studies were the works of Romuald Hadbavny (Syllabus dictionarii Latino-Slavonicus 1763; Translation of Holy Scriptures into Slovak, 1756-1759) In my analysis of the voluminous publications of the historian, Samuel Timon (1675-1736) special attention was directed to the Slovak nationalism underlying his comprehensive works, his grasp of Slovak history, and specifically the period of the Great Moravian empire. I noted that even his accounts of the Cyril-Methodian era se·r ved to revivify Slovak national consciousness. I pointed out the eminent position of Stephen Dubnicay in religious history and Slovak literature. This author, writing both in Slovak and in Latin, won recognition far beyond the boundaries of Slovakia. His books were read and appreciated not only at home, but in Bohemia and Poland as well, and his work is proof that already in the early 18th century unprejudiced foreigners recognized the Slovaks as an independent national entity, distinct from the Czechs, the Poles, the Moravians and the Silesians. Finally, I analyzed the Apologia of John Balthasar Magin (1682-1735) written by him at the request of the Trencin nobility in defense of the Slovak nation and its political, social, and cultural rights in the territory of Hungary. Furthermore, I singled out for consideration other outstanding Slovak writers, members of the Pazmany Circle of the University of Trnava and of the Camaldolese Society. Both of these organizations were tireless in their efforts to augment Slovak inteUectual life, on both the religious and the national levels. To this select group belonged the Jesuit, Martin Szen- �SLOVAKIA 117 tivanyi (1633-1705) who is rightly considered not only the most prolific, but also the most learned and versatile writer of his time. M. Szentivanyi came from a family of the landed gentry (lower nobility) in Liptov, a family which originally bore the Slovak name of Svatojansky. When the Magyar regime issued orders compelling notaries and registrars to magyarize the names of non-magyar lesser gentry (Madocansky-Madocsanyi, Kubinsky-Kubinyi, Dubnicky-Dubniczay) the name of Svatojansky2 was changed to Szentivanyi, for some families the change of name meant also a reversal in national allegiance. However, in many cases also the original Slovak spirit endured despite the change in name. This is evident in the works of certain authors, among whom Martin Svatojansky-Szentivanyi was outstanding. The name may have been magyarized, but the Slovak spirit remained unbeaten, unsubdued. Martin studied at universities in Vienna and TrnaV1a, both of which exercised a favorable influence upon the national spirit of Slovak students. The Pazmaneum in Vienna reared the finest of Slovak patriots, beginning with Dubnicay and Magin all the way down to the President of the Slovak Republic, Msgr. Joseph Tiso, the diplomat Francis Tiso, etc. In the atmosphere of the University of Trnava (16351777) Szentivanyi's Slovak patriotism was intensified. Later, as teacher and writer, he was to have a great influence on the attitudes and national aspirations of others at the University, notably, S. Timon, S. Dubnicay, J. B. Magin, and others. In the history of Slovak literature and culture, M. Szentivanyi played a threefold role: that of philosopher, historian, and religious controversial writer. 3 He was professor of philosophy and polemics at the Universities in Kosice, Styrsky Hradec (Steier Graz) and Vienna. For a time he was director of the University of Trnava. After 1688 he became the chief censor of books in Hungary. The basic framework of Szentivanyi's philosophical theories was a moderate realism. The universe is a reflection of the ideas of God, which, concretized in creation, were brought into existence for the glory of God. Among the vary- �118 SLOVAKIA ing degrees of creatures on earth man holds the prime position because of his spiritual faculties of intellect and free will, and from these two divine qualities man derives his great natural dignity, which is enhanced by his escalation to the eminently superior dignity of adoption as a child of God. From this basic concept of the dignity of man in the plan of God and in the order of supernatural religion flows that deep appreciation and love of Christ's teachings, which Szentivanyi defended so effectively in his religious literature. In the fiield of natural philosophy also he is a follower of scholasticism. He examines in all its myriad aspects and seeks to probe its meaning. He does not ignore or isolate himself from the world, but takes note of ev•e rything in it and carefully studies the natural sciences. He informs hrimself on the most modern methods of scientific research (systematization, experimentation) , studies the outstanding later philosophers, like Francis Bacon, and does not rest content only with experimentation and the verification of dry facts, but here also, according to speculative Thomistic thought, he delves down deep to the roots of things. He directs his thoughts to the philosophic grasp and underlaying meaning of motion, the transfer of activity from one mode of being to another, the philosophic grasp of corporeal substance, the delineation of living organisms, from vegetative and sensient life to human life and its mysteries. It is necessary to mention that like the majority of his contemporaries he was opposed to the heliocentric theory. As to his vi,ews on human society, one might say that he was thoroughly familiar with Aquinas' teaching on the political community. Like Aquinas he is an advocate of responsible government which directs its efforts toward the common good. He treats various political theories of government, including democracy, however assigning his preference to the monarchy as being the most suitable, and by his view shows himself a child of his age.4 As a speculative theologian, Martin Szentivanyi utilized his theological knowledge for the spreading and stabilizing of God's kingdom in the chaotic y.ears of the Reformation. Using four languages - Latin, Slovak, Magyar, German he preached and wrote in defense of the Catholic faith. His publications comprised a whole library of polemical and apo- �SLOVAKIA 119 logetic works, which achieved great popularity. Even after his death they appeared in repeated editions either as monographs or collectively under the title Opuscula Polemica (Trnava I, 1718; II, 1730; Turris Babel, 1731 ... ) A polemical book of his on Christian dogma, published in Trnava in 1700, was written in Slovak and entitled Cztyri a Dwadcet Pochybovanij. (Twenty-four Hypotheses). It may well be said that in his polemical writings he covered the entire range of Catholic dogma as it was drawn up in the Council of Trent and he endeavored to boil it down to the small coins of simple language for easier comprehension and acceptance by his read,ers. In his work one often encounters evidence that Catholics and non-Catholics followed liturgical practices current today in certain Christian denominations. For example, from his work Lutheranicum, Nihil ad rem, Nihil ad Propositum,5 it is evident that the modern movement of some Protestant denominations to allow women to act as ministers is not so new after all, because, according to Szentivanyi, Lutheran women in various places acted as readers of Holy Scripture in church. He refers to a case in Levoca, where a certain Lutheran woman, who later became a convert to Catholicism, delivered a sermon and celebrated the "Eucharist", or, as she regarded it, "the Lord's Supper". M. Szentivanyi has performed an invaluable service as a historian by furnishing incidental information on Slovakia for Slovak Oatholic scholars. In his Miscellanea he makes frequent references to the topography of Slovakia and presents Slovak history as an integral part of the history of Hungary.6 Thus several references to the exploits of Svatopluk in Great Moravia ,a ppears in his Miscellanea (Decade I. 3. p. x3a. Decade II. 3. p. 265, 277-9). Furthermore, he makes frequent allusions and references to the activities of SS. Cyril and Methodius among the Slovaks (Decade I. 3. p.Hh3a, Decade II. p. 277. Decade III. 1. p. 152, 178.). According to A. A. Banik, it was Szentivanyi who proposed the first known theory in literature about the origin of the Slovaks. This versatile and learned scholar maintains that the Slovak inhabitants of northern Hungary sprang from the ancient Jazygs. He bases his assertion on the geographical boundaries of both nations as well as on the apparently com- �120 SLOVAKIA mon etymological identity of their name: Jazyk (tongue), rec (speech), slovo (word). Moreover, from the fact that the Germans also refer to the Slovaks as Vinden or Venden (e.g. in the names of places: Windirsh Prona, Windschacht, Windschendorf, etc.) Szentivanyi was inclined to believe that the reference was to the descendants of the ancient Slavic Vandals. 7 Concerning the interrelationship between the various Slavic languages and their diffusion throughout the world, he accepts the observation of P. Rewa, namely, that of all languages the Slavic idiom is today the most widespread, inasmuch as in its various branches its use extends from the Adriatic Sea to the Arctic Ocean and that it is spoken by the Istrians, Dalmatians, Croatians, Czechs, Silesians, Lusatians, Poles, Latvfans, Prussians, the inhabitants of Scandinavia, the Russians throughout their vast territory, the Bulgarians and other neighboring countries as far as Constantinople ... 8 In regard to the earliest inhabitants of Hungary, M. Szentivanyi held that the first historically identifiable nation to inhabit the territory of Hungary were a people known as the Pannonians, who spoke the Slovak language. Following the Roman occupation, this territory was again inhabited by Slovaks, the descendants of the Vandali, the Goths, and the Jazygs. 9 Because of the recognized authority of Szentivanyi, subsequent Slovak and Latin historians of Slovak origin accepted his views and often quoted him in their works. For example, J. B. Magin in his Apologia - Defense of the Slovak nation. 10 How could the students have remained immune to their enthusiasm and influence under the capable Jesuit instructors, who imbued them with a keen appreciation of the glorious history of Slovakia and the vast extent of the Slavic world and its culture? Quite the contrary, for gradually and steadily the teachings of M. Szentivanyi and S. Timon fanned into life, a latent national consciousness among their students, and notably among the clerics, which eventually found an outlet in the famous Bernolak movement. It 1-ed the Slovaks to assert themselves and to identify their national individuality in the framework of the Slavic nations. Boldly and without fear of contradiction one is led to assert that the real initiators of the Bernolak movement were �SLOVAKIA 121 Jesuit professors, scholars, and writers. The Bernolak movement received its impetus directly and indirectly from the immense intellectual, moral and cultural resources of the Jesuit scholars of the Universities of Trnava, and to a lesser degree, of Kosice. The following observations will confirm this: 1. Only in its final stages was the education of the rising Bernolak generation received at the general Seminary in Bratislava. The formativ,e years of their training were spent in Trnava, in the Vienna Pazmaneum and at the University of Kosice. This in itself linked them with a powerful Jesuit tradition. 11 2. When they emerged, the Bernolakians already manifested a well-developed tradition of Slovak nationalism. They clung steadfastly to a sense of history, identifying themselves with its cultural rhythm and accepting its logical course. 3. The Bernolakians revived the Cyril-Methodian tradition, impregnating all their activities with it. 4. After the suppression of the Jesuit Order in 1773, many ex-Jesuits extended their sphere of influence by undertaking pastoral duties in Slovak parishes and registering for membership in the Bernolak Association. The Bernolak movement was not in a position at that time openly and expressly to acknowledge any direct affiliation with the Jesuit tradition and its efforts to arouse the Slovaks to national consciousness. Prudenoe and tact would not allow it. The prevailing spirit of Josephinism was strongly prejudiced against the Jesuits and there was danger that such an admission would have been detrimental to the activity of the Bemolak Association. Wisely, therefore, the members decided to remain silent, while they unobtrusively went on developing it: that is, they carried on the work initiated by the Jesuits in the heart and bloodstream of the Slovak nation. FOOTNOTES 1. J. Rekem, The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language. Middletown, Pa. 1962. Slovak Literature and National Consciousness before Bernol<ik (1762-1813). Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1964. 2. Joseph Skultety, Sketches from Slovak History. FCSU, Middletown, Pa., 1930. 99p. �122 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. SLOVAKIA Stanislav Jurovsky, The Philosophy of Martin Szentivanyi. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1944. His views on philosophy, nature, and history are incorporated in his encyclopedic masterpiece, which was issued in Trnava in the decades from 1689 to 1709 under the title ,Curiosaria et Selectiora Variarum Scientiarum Miscellanea, Tyrnaviae, 1689-1709. (Curiosities Compiled from Various Scientific Sources) Trnava, 1703, p. 212. Cf. A. A. Banik, Jan Magin, 1936, p. 251. Miscellanea, Decadis secundae pars prima, 1691, Trnava, p. 344: "Slavos" Qui Vagum et Carpaticorum montium radices incolunt, existimo eundem esse populum, quos antiqui Jazyges Medanastas vocabant, nam et eosdem terminos et limites habent, quos Strabo et veteres Geographi, Jazygitis Metanastis adscribunt. Et utramque nationem Sarmatiae populum fuisse constat. Sarmatici autem populi omnes comprehendebantur sub Slavorum genere. Sed et denominationis ·utriusque idem est fundamentum . Jazyges enim denominabantur a Jazek hoc est lingua, et Slavi a Slovo, hoc est verbum, quod nimirum Slavicorum idioma, et facile pronunciatu sit, et eloqui possit, et ingentem habent copiam verborum, et nullum magis idioma per orbem diffusum sit. Idem sentio de Jazibus, tractum inter Tibiscum et Danubium incolentibus, nam et hos, ex Jazygum Medanastarum gentibus fuisse Geographi testantur, et habuisse proprium idioma, ab Hungarico plane diversum, quod utique aliud non erat, quam Slavonicum. Reliquos vero Slavos, per Hungariam dispersos verisimile est, esse Vandalorum reliquias; nemini enim dubium esse potest, Vandalos Slavonici generis fuisse ... " P. Rewa: De Monarchia et Sacra Corona Regni Hungariae Centuriae Septem . . . quas emendatas et auctas publicabat Comes Franciscus de Nadasd. 1659. Francofurti. The seventh century, p. 146-7: " ... . ac lingua Slavonica seu Illyrica, hodie omnium latissime patet, utpote quae a mari Adriatico, ad Oceanum usque ad Septemtrionalem se extendere videatur: nam ea utuntur lstrii, Dalmatae, Croatae, Bosnenses, Bohemi, Silesii, Lusatii, Polonii, Lithuani, Prutenti, Scandinaviae incolae, et Russi longe lateque imperantes, Bulgari item et multae aliae vicinae regiones, Constantinopolim fere usque : adeo ut toto orbe terrarum sit lingua Slavica qua plurimas gentes alloqui, mutatis tantum dialectis, ob vicinitatem aliorum populorum aliquid peregrini habentibus, licet, ut sit linguarum gloria ab usu, familiaritate et latitudine petenda esset, ipsa Slavonica cum Latina caeteris palmarium eriperet, cujus adminiculo, prope dimidia Europae pars, nonnulla etiam Asiae peragrari potest ... " Miscellanea. First book of the 3rd Decade. Trnava, 1699., p. 204, 206, 234-5. J . B. Magin, Murices , Puchov, 1728., p. 15, 68, etc. J . K. Smalov, Mons. Sti. Martini. Ruzomberok, 1947., p. 66. BIBLIOGRAPHY A. A. Banik, Jan Baltazar Magin a jeho politicka, narodna i kulturna obrana Slovakov roku 1728. SSV., Trnava, 1936. �SLOVAKIA 123 Novsie udaje na poznanie Jana Baltazara Magina, jeho diela a doby, LVO, SSV, Trnava, 1937. J. M. Kirschbaum, Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. New York, 1960. J . Kutnik-Smalov, Zastoj katolickej hierarchie v slovenskom narodnom a kulturnom zivote, in Mons Sti. Martini, Ruzomberok, 1947. J . B. Magin, Murices Nobilissimae et Novissimae Diaetae Posoniensis Scriptori sparsi Sive Apologia pro Inclyto Comitatu Trenchiniensi ... , Puchovii, 1728. J . Rekem, Stefan Dubnicay a jeho doba. Trencin, 1944. Z kulturnych dejin trencianskeho Povazia, Trencin, 1943. The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language. Middletown, Pa., 1962. Slovak Literature and National Consciou.sness Before Anton Bernolak (1762-1813) , Cleveland, Ohio, 1964. 1675-1725, Stefan Dubnicay, slovensky polemik a historik - a Slovak Polemist and Historian - polemiste et historien slovaque, Middletown, Pa. 1966. Chronological Table of Bishops of the Diocese of Nitra, Slovakia, Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1966. P. Rewa, De Monarchia et Sacra Corona Regni Hungariae Centuriae Septem . . . quas emendatas et auctas publicabat Comes Franciscus de Nadasd. 1659. Francofurti. Sommervogel C., Dictionaires des orages Anonymes et pseudonymes publie par des religieux de la Campagnie de Jesus. Paris, 1884. Szentivanyi M., Cztyri a Dwadcet Pochibowanj. Tyrnaviae, 1700. Curiosiora et selectiora Variarum Scientiarum Miscellanea. Tyrnaviae, 1689-1709. Lutheranicum Nihil ad Rem Nihil ad Propositum, Tyrnaviae, 1703. Fii.nfzig Ursachen und Bewegungen. Tyrnau, 1702. Dissertatio haeresiologico polemica. Tyrnaviae, 1701. Lutheranicum numquam et nusquam. Tyrnaviae, 1702. .Solutiones non solutiones cujusdam pastoris augustani viginti quatuor dubiorum Catholicorum. Tyrnaviae, 1703. Privata et amica disceptatio. Tyrnaviae, 1704. Forum scrutarium antiquarum haeresum. Tyrnaviae, 1707. Dissertatio theologico polemica. Tyrnaviae, 1730. Motiva Quinguaginta ad praedicandam Romano-Catholicam Religionem. Agriae, 1756. Magnum Chaos, Tyrnaviae, 1704. Turris Babel, Tyrnaviae, 1731. S. Jurovsky, Filozofia Martina Szentivanyiho. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1944. Slovenskej literatury dejiny. Osveta, Bratislava, 1962. Joseph Skultety, Sketches from Slovak History , Middletown, Pa., 1930. A. Zellinger, Pantheon Tyrnaviense, Tyrnaviae, 1931. � 116 SLOVAKIA MARTIN SZENTIVANYI, S.J. (1633-1705 ) SLOVAK PHILOSOPHER, POLEMICIST, HISTORIAN B y Dr. John Rekem In previous English studies on the pre-Bernolak period 1 of the Slovak literature, I devoted considerable attention to the Slovak authors, writing either in Latin or Slovak, whose aim it was to arouse and sustain the spirit of Slovak nationalism. Included in these studies were the works of Romuald Hadbavny (Syllabus dictionarii Latino-Slavonicus 1763; Translation of Holy Scriptures into Slovak, 1756-1759) In my analysis of the voluminous publications of the historian, Samuel Timon (1675-1736) special attention was directed to the Slovak nationalism underlying his comprehensive works, his grasp of Slovak history, and specifically the period of the Great Moravian empire. I noted that even his accounts of the Cyril-Methodian era se·r ved to revivify Slovak national consciousness. I pointed out the eminent position of Stephen Dubnicay in religious history and Slovak literature. This author, writing both in Slovak and in Latin, won recognition far beyond the boundaries of Slovakia. His books were read and appreciated not only at home, but in Bohemia and Poland as well, and his work is proof that already in the early 18th century unprejudiced foreigners recognized the Slovaks as an independent national entity, distinct from the Czechs, the Poles, the Moravians and the Silesians. Finally, I analyzed the Apologia of John Balthasar Magin (1682-1735) written by him at the request of the Trencin nobility in defense of the Slovak nation and its political, social, and cultural rights in the territory of Hungary. Furthermore, I singled out for consideration other outstanding Slovak writers, members of the Pazmany Circle of the University of Trnava and of the Camaldolese Society. Both of these organizations were tireless in their efforts to augment Slovak inteUectual life, on both the religious and the national levels. To this select group belonged the Jesuit, Martin Szen- �SLOVAKIA 117 tivanyi (1633-1705) who is rightly considered not only the most prolific, but also the most learned and versatile writer of his time. M. Szentivanyi came from a family of the landed gentry (lower nobility) in Liptov, a family which originally bore the Slovak name of Svatojansky. When the Magyar regime issued orders compelling notaries and registrars to magyarize the names of non-magyar lesser gentry (Madocansky-Madocsanyi, Kubinsky-Kubinyi, Dubnicky-Dubniczay) the name of Svatojansky2 was changed to Szentivanyi, for some families the change of name meant also a reversal in national allegiance. However, in many cases also the original Slovak spirit endured despite the change in name. This is evident in the works of certain authors, among whom Martin Svatojansky-Szentivanyi was outstanding. The name may have been magyarized, but the Slovak spirit remained unbeaten, unsubdued. Martin studied at universities in Vienna and TrnaV1a, both of which exercised a favorable influence upon the national spirit of Slovak students. The Pazmaneum in Vienna reared the finest of Slovak patriots, beginning with Dubnicay and Magin all the way down to the President of the Slovak Republic, Msgr. Joseph Tiso, the diplomat Francis Tiso, etc. In the atmosphere of the University of Trnava (16351777) Szentivanyi's Slovak patriotism was intensified. Later, as teacher and writer, he was to have a great influence on the attitudes and national aspirations of others at the University, notably, S. Timon, S. Dubnicay, J. B. Magin, and others. In the history of Slovak literature and culture, M. Szentivanyi played a threefold role: that of philosopher, historian, and religious controversial writer. 3 He was professor of philosophy and polemics at the Universities in Kosice, Styrsky Hradec (Steier Graz) and Vienna. For a time he was director of the University of Trnava. After 1688 he became the chief censor of books in Hungary. The basic framework of Szentivanyi's philosophical theories was a moderate realism. The universe is a reflection of the ideas of God, which, concretized in creation, were brought into existence for the glory of God. Among the vary- �118 SLOVAKIA ing degrees of creatures on earth man holds the prime position because of his spiritual faculties of intellect and free will, and from these two divine qualities man derives his great natural dignity, which is enhanced by his escalation to the eminently superior dignity of adoption as a child of God. From this basic concept of the dignity of man in the plan of God and in the order of supernatural religion flows that deep appreciation and love of Christ's teachings, which Szentivanyi defended so effectively in his religious literature. In the fiield of natural philosophy also he is a follower of scholasticism. He examines in all its myriad aspects and seeks to probe its meaning. He does not ignore or isolate himself from the world, but takes note of ev•e rything in it and carefully studies the natural sciences. He informs hrimself on the most modern methods of scientific research (systematization, experimentation) , studies the outstanding later philosophers, like Francis Bacon, and does not rest content only with experimentation and the verification of dry facts, but here also, according to speculative Thomistic thought, he delves down deep to the roots of things. He directs his thoughts to the philosophic grasp and underlaying meaning of motion, the transfer of activity from one mode of being to another, the philosophic grasp of corporeal substance, the delineation of living organisms, from vegetative and sensient life to human life and its mysteries. It is necessary to mention that like the majority of his contemporaries he was opposed to the heliocentric theory. As to his vi,ews on human society, one might say that he was thoroughly familiar with Aquinas' teaching on the political community. Like Aquinas he is an advocate of responsible government which directs its efforts toward the common good. He treats various political theories of government, including democracy, however assigning his preference to the monarchy as being the most suitable, and by his view shows himself a child of his age.4 As a speculative theologian, Martin Szentivanyi utilized his theological knowledge for the spreading and stabilizing of God's kingdom in the chaotic y.ears of the Reformation. Using four languages - Latin, Slovak, Magyar, German he preached and wrote in defense of the Catholic faith. His publications comprised a whole library of polemical and apo- �SLOVAKIA 119 logetic works, which achieved great popularity. Even after his death they appeared in repeated editions either as monographs or collectively under the title Opuscula Polemica (Trnava I, 1718; II, 1730; Turris Babel, 1731 ... ) A polemical book of his on Christian dogma, published in Trnava in 1700, was written in Slovak and entitled Cztyri a Dwadcet Pochybovanij. (Twenty-four Hypotheses). It may well be said that in his polemical writings he covered the entire range of Catholic dogma as it was drawn up in the Council of Trent and he endeavored to boil it down to the small coins of simple language for easier comprehension and acceptance by his read,ers. In his work one often encounters evidence that Catholics and non-Catholics followed liturgical practices current today in certain Christian denominations. For example, from his work Lutheranicum, Nihil ad rem, Nihil ad Propositum,5 it is evident that the modern movement of some Protestant denominations to allow women to act as ministers is not so new after all, because, according to Szentivanyi, Lutheran women in various places acted as readers of Holy Scripture in church. He refers to a case in Levoca, where a certain Lutheran woman, who later became a convert to Catholicism, delivered a sermon and celebrated the "Eucharist", or, as she regarded it, "the Lord's Supper". M. Szentivanyi has performed an invaluable service as a historian by furnishing incidental information on Slovakia for Slovak Oatholic scholars. In his Miscellanea he makes frequent references to the topography of Slovakia and presents Slovak history as an integral part of the history of Hungary.6 Thus several references to the exploits of Svatopluk in Great Moravia ,a ppears in his Miscellanea (Decade I. 3. p. x3a. Decade II. 3. p. 265, 277-9). Furthermore, he makes frequent allusions and references to the activities of SS. Cyril and Methodius among the Slovaks (Decade I. 3. p.Hh3a, Decade II. p. 277. Decade III. 1. p. 152, 178.). According to A. A. Banik, it was Szentivanyi who proposed the first known theory in literature about the origin of the Slovaks. This versatile and learned scholar maintains that the Slovak inhabitants of northern Hungary sprang from the ancient Jazygs. He bases his assertion on the geographical boundaries of both nations as well as on the apparently com- �120 SLOVAKIA mon etymological identity of their name: Jazyk (tongue), rec (speech), slovo (word). Moreover, from the fact that the Germans also refer to the Slovaks as Vinden or Venden (e.g. in the names of places: Windirsh Prona, Windschacht, Windschendorf, etc.) Szentivanyi was inclined to believe that the reference was to the descendants of the ancient Slavic Vandals. 7 Concerning the interrelationship between the various Slavic languages and their diffusion throughout the world, he accepts the observation of P. Rewa, namely, that of all languages the Slavic idiom is today the most widespread, inasmuch as in its various branches its use extends from the Adriatic Sea to the Arctic Ocean and that it is spoken by the Istrians, Dalmatians, Croatians, Czechs, Silesians, Lusatians, Poles, Latvfans, Prussians, the inhabitants of Scandinavia, the Russians throughout their vast territory, the Bulgarians and other neighboring countries as far as Constantinople ... 8 In regard to the earliest inhabitants of Hungary, M. Szentivanyi held that the first historically identifiable nation to inhabit the territory of Hungary were a people known as the Pannonians, who spoke the Slovak language. Following the Roman occupation, this territory was again inhabited by Slovaks, the descendants of the Vandali, the Goths, and the Jazygs. 9 Because of the recognized authority of Szentivanyi, subsequent Slovak and Latin historians of Slovak origin accepted his views and often quoted him in their works. For example, J. B. Magin in his Apologia - Defense of the Slovak nation. 10 How could the students have remained immune to their enthusiasm and influence under the capable Jesuit instructors, who imbued them with a keen appreciation of the glorious history of Slovakia and the vast extent of the Slavic world and its culture? Quite the contrary, for gradually and steadily the teachings of M. Szentivanyi and S. Timon fanned into life, a latent national consciousness among their students, and notably among the clerics, which eventually found an outlet in the famous Bernolak movement. It 1-ed the Slovaks to assert themselves and to identify their national individuality in the framework of the Slavic nations. Boldly and without fear of contradiction one is led to assert that the real initiators of the Bernolak movement were �SLOVAKIA 121 Jesuit professors, scholars, and writers. The Bernolak movement received its impetus directly and indirectly from the immense intellectual, moral and cultural resources of the Jesuit scholars of the Universities of Trnava, and to a lesser degree, of Kosice. The following observations will confirm this: 1. Only in its final stages was the education of the rising Bernolak generation received at the general Seminary in Bratislava. The formativ,e years of their training were spent in Trnava, in the Vienna Pazmaneum and at the University of Kosice. This in itself linked them with a powerful Jesuit tradition. 11 2. When they emerged, the Bernolakians already manifested a well-developed tradition of Slovak nationalism. They clung steadfastly to a sense of history, identifying themselves with its cultural rhythm and accepting its logical course. 3. The Bernolakians revived the Cyril-Methodian tradition, impregnating all their activities with it. 4. After the suppression of the Jesuit Order in 1773, many ex-Jesuits extended their sphere of influence by undertaking pastoral duties in Slovak parishes and registering for membership in the Bernolak Association. The Bernolak movement was not in a position at that time openly and expressly to acknowledge any direct affiliation with the Jesuit tradition and its efforts to arouse the Slovaks to national consciousness. Prudenoe and tact would not allow it. The prevailing spirit of Josephinism was strongly prejudiced against the Jesuits and there was danger that such an admission would have been detrimental to the activity of the Bemolak Association. Wisely, therefore, the members decided to remain silent, while they unobtrusively went on developing it: that is, they carried on the work initiated by the Jesuits in the heart and bloodstream of the Slovak nation. FOOTNOTES 1. J. Rekem, The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language. Middletown, Pa. 1962. Slovak Literature and National Consciousness before Bernol<ik (1762-1813). Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1964. 2. Joseph Skultety, Sketches from Slovak History. FCSU, Middletown, Pa., 1930. 99p. �122 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. SLOVAKIA Stanislav Jurovsky, The Philosophy of Martin Szentivanyi. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1944. His views on philosophy, nature, and history are incorporated in his encyclopedic masterpiece, which was issued in Trnava in the decades from 1689 to 1709 under the title ,Curiosaria et Selectiora Variarum Scientiarum Miscellanea, Tyrnaviae, 1689-1709. (Curiosities Compiled from Various Scientific Sources) Trnava, 1703, p. 212. Cf. A. A. Banik, Jan Magin, 1936, p. 251. Miscellanea, Decadis secundae pars prima, 1691, Trnava, p. 344: "Slavos" Qui Vagum et Carpaticorum montium radices incolunt, existimo eundem esse populum, quos antiqui Jazyges Medanastas vocabant, nam et eosdem terminos et limites habent, quos Strabo et veteres Geographi, Jazygitis Metanastis adscribunt. Et utramque nationem Sarmatiae populum fuisse constat. Sarmatici autem populi omnes comprehendebantur sub Slavorum genere. Sed et denominationis ·utriusque idem est fundamentum . Jazyges enim denominabantur a Jazek hoc est lingua, et Slavi a Slovo, hoc est verbum, quod nimirum Slavicorum idioma, et facile pronunciatu sit, et eloqui possit, et ingentem habent copiam verborum, et nullum magis idioma per orbem diffusum sit. Idem sentio de Jazibus, tractum inter Tibiscum et Danubium incolentibus, nam et hos, ex Jazygum Medanastarum gentibus fuisse Geographi testantur, et habuisse proprium idioma, ab Hungarico plane diversum, quod utique aliud non erat, quam Slavonicum. Reliquos vero Slavos, per Hungariam dispersos verisimile est, esse Vandalorum reliquias; nemini enim dubium esse potest, Vandalos Slavonici generis fuisse ... " P. Rewa: De Monarchia et Sacra Corona Regni Hungariae Centuriae Septem . . . quas emendatas et auctas publicabat Comes Franciscus de Nadasd. 1659. Francofurti. The seventh century, p. 146-7: " ... . ac lingua Slavonica seu Illyrica, hodie omnium latissime patet, utpote quae a mari Adriatico, ad Oceanum usque ad Septemtrionalem se extendere videatur: nam ea utuntur lstrii, Dalmatae, Croatae, Bosnenses, Bohemi, Silesii, Lusatii, Polonii, Lithuani, Prutenti, Scandinaviae incolae, et Russi longe lateque imperantes, Bulgari item et multae aliae vicinae regiones, Constantinopolim fere usque : adeo ut toto orbe terrarum sit lingua Slavica qua plurimas gentes alloqui, mutatis tantum dialectis, ob vicinitatem aliorum populorum aliquid peregrini habentibus, licet, ut sit linguarum gloria ab usu, familiaritate et latitudine petenda esset, ipsa Slavonica cum Latina caeteris palmarium eriperet, cujus adminiculo, prope dimidia Europae pars, nonnulla etiam Asiae peragrari potest ... " Miscellanea. First book of the 3rd Decade. Trnava, 1699., p. 204, 206, 234-5. J . B. Magin, Murices , Puchov, 1728., p. 15, 68, etc. J . K. Smalov, Mons. Sti. Martini. Ruzomberok, 1947., p. 66. BIBLIOGRAPHY A. A. Banik, Jan Baltazar Magin a jeho politicka, narodna i kulturna obrana Slovakov roku 1728. SSV., Trnava, 1936. �SLOVAKIA 123 Novsie udaje na poznanie Jana Baltazara Magina, jeho diela a doby, LVO, SSV, Trnava, 1937. J. M. Kirschbaum, Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. New York, 1960. J . Kutnik-Smalov, Zastoj katolickej hierarchie v slovenskom narodnom a kulturnom zivote, in Mons Sti. Martini, Ruzomberok, 1947. J . B. Magin, Murices Nobilissimae et Novissimae Diaetae Posoniensis Scriptori sparsi Sive Apologia pro Inclyto Comitatu Trenchiniensi ... , Puchovii, 1728. J . Rekem, Stefan Dubnicay a jeho doba. Trencin, 1944. Z kulturnych dejin trencianskeho Povazia, Trencin, 1943. The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language. Middletown, Pa., 1962. Slovak Literature and National Consciou.sness Before Anton Bernolak (1762-1813) , Cleveland, Ohio, 1964. 1675-1725, Stefan Dubnicay, slovensky polemik a historik - a Slovak Polemist and Historian - polemiste et historien slovaque, Middletown, Pa. 1966. Chronological Table of Bishops of the Diocese of Nitra, Slovakia, Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1966. P. Rewa, De Monarchia et Sacra Corona Regni Hungariae Centuriae Septem . . . quas emendatas et auctas publicabat Comes Franciscus de Nadasd. 1659. Francofurti. Sommervogel C., Dictionaires des orages Anonymes et pseudonymes publie par des religieux de la Campagnie de Jesus. Paris, 1884. Szentivanyi M., Cztyri a Dwadcet Pochibowanj. Tyrnaviae, 1700. Curiosiora et selectiora Variarum Scientiarum Miscellanea. Tyrnaviae, 1689-1709. Lutheranicum Nihil ad Rem Nihil ad Propositum, Tyrnaviae, 1703. Fii.nfzig Ursachen und Bewegungen. Tyrnau, 1702. Dissertatio haeresiologico polemica. Tyrnaviae, 1701. Lutheranicum numquam et nusquam. Tyrnaviae, 1702. .Solutiones non solutiones cujusdam pastoris augustani viginti quatuor dubiorum Catholicorum. Tyrnaviae, 1703. Privata et amica disceptatio. Tyrnaviae, 1704. Forum scrutarium antiquarum haeresum. Tyrnaviae, 1707. Dissertatio theologico polemica. Tyrnaviae, 1730. Motiva Quinguaginta ad praedicandam Romano-Catholicam Religionem. Agriae, 1756. Magnum Chaos, Tyrnaviae, 1704. Turris Babel, Tyrnaviae, 1731. S. Jurovsky, Filozofia Martina Szentivanyiho. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1944. Slovenskej literatury dejiny. Osveta, Bratislava, 1962. Joseph Skultety, Sketches from Slovak History , Middletown, Pa., 1930. A. Zellinger, Pantheon Tyrnaviense, Tyrnaviae, 1931. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1966, Vol. 16 Description An account of the resource Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 116 SLOVAKIA MARTIN SZENTIVANYI, S.J. (1633-1705 ) SLOVAK PHILOSOPHER, POLEMICIST, HISTORIAN B y Dr. John Rekem In previous English studies on the pre-Bernolak period 1 of the Slovak literature, I devoted considerable attention to the Slovak authors, writing either in Latin or Slovak, whose aim it was to arouse and sustain the spirit of Slovak nationalism. Included in these studies were the works of Romuald Hadbavny (Syllabus dictionarii Latino-Slavonicus 1763; Translation of Holy Scriptures into Slovak, 1756-1759) In my analysis of the voluminous publications of the historian, Samuel Timon (1675-1736) special attention was directed to the Slovak nationalism underlying his comprehensive works, his grasp of Slovak history, and specifically the period of the Great Moravian empire. I noted that even his accounts of the Cyril-Methodian era se·r ved to revivify Slovak national consciousness. I pointed out the eminent position of Stephen Dubnicay in religious history and Slovak literature. This author, writing both in Slovak and in Latin, won recognition far beyond the boundaries of Slovakia. His books were read and appreciated not only at home, but in Bohemia and Poland as well, and his work is proof that already in the early 18th century unprejudiced foreigners recognized the Slovaks as an independent national entity, distinct from the Czechs, the Poles, the Moravians and the Silesians. Finally, I analyzed the Apologia of John Balthasar Magin (1682-1735) written by him at the request of the Trencin nobility in defense of the Slovak nation and its political, social, and cultural rights in the territory of Hungary. Furthermore, I singled out for consideration other outstanding Slovak writers, members of the Pazmany Circle of the University of Trnava and of the Camaldolese Society. Both of these organizations were tireless in their efforts to augment Slovak inteUectual life, on both the religious and the national levels. To this select group belonged the Jesuit, Martin Szen- SLOVAKIA 117 tivanyi (1633-1705) who is rightly considered not only the most prolific, but also the most learned and versatile writer of his time. M. Szentivanyi came from a family of the landed gentry (lower nobility) in Liptov, a family which originally bore the Slovak name of Svatojansky. When the Magyar regime issued orders compelling notaries and registrars to magyarize the names of non-magyar lesser gentry (Madocansky-Madocsanyi, Kubinsky-Kubinyi, Dubnicky-Dubniczay) the name of Svatojansky2 was changed to Szentivanyi, for some families the change of name meant also a reversal in national allegiance. However, in many cases also the original Slovak spirit endured despite the change in name. This is evident in the works of certain authors, among whom Martin Svatojansky-Szentivanyi was outstanding. The name may have been magyarized, but the Slovak spirit remained unbeaten, unsubdued. Martin studied at universities in Vienna and TrnaV1a, both of which exercised a favorable influence upon the national spirit of Slovak students. The Pazmaneum in Vienna reared the finest of Slovak patriots, beginning with Dubnicay and Magin all the way down to the President of the Slovak Republic, Msgr. Joseph Tiso, the diplomat Francis Tiso, etc. In the atmosphere of the University of Trnava (16351777) Szentivanyi's Slovak patriotism was intensified. Later, as teacher and writer, he was to have a great influence on the attitudes and national aspirations of others at the University, notably, S. Timon, S. Dubnicay, J. B. Magin, and others. In the history of Slovak literature and culture, M. Szentivanyi played a threefold role: that of philosopher, historian, and religious controversial writer. 3 He was professor of philosophy and polemics at the Universities in Kosice, Styrsky Hradec (Steier Graz) and Vienna. For a time he was director of the University of Trnava. After 1688 he became the chief censor of books in Hungary. The basic framework of Szentivanyi's philosophical theories was a moderate realism. The universe is a reflection of the ideas of God, which, concretized in creation, were brought into existence for the glory of God. Among the vary- 118 SLOVAKIA ing degrees of creatures on earth man holds the prime position because of his spiritual faculties of intellect and free will, and from these two divine qualities man derives his great natural dignity, which is enhanced by his escalation to the eminently superior dignity of adoption as a child of God. From this basic concept of the dignity of man in the plan of God and in the order of supernatural religion flows that deep appreciation and love of Christ's teachings, which Szentivanyi defended so effectively in his religious literature. In the fiield of natural philosophy also he is a follower of scholasticism. He examines in all its myriad aspects and seeks to probe its meaning. He does not ignore or isolate himself from the world, but takes note of ev•e rything in it and carefully studies the natural sciences. He informs hrimself on the most modern methods of scientific research (systematization, experimentation) , studies the outstanding later philosophers, like Francis Bacon, and does not rest content only with experimentation and the verification of dry facts, but here also, according to speculative Thomistic thought, he delves down deep to the roots of things. He directs his thoughts to the philosophic grasp and underlaying meaning of motion, the transfer of activity from one mode of being to another, the philosophic grasp of corporeal substance, the delineation of living organisms, from vegetative and sensient life to human life and its mysteries. It is necessary to mention that like the majority of his contemporaries he was opposed to the heliocentric theory. As to his vi,ews on human society, one might say that he was thoroughly familiar with Aquinas' teaching on the political community. Like Aquinas he is an advocate of responsible government which directs its efforts toward the common good. He treats various political theories of government, including democracy, however assigning his preference to the monarchy as being the most suitable, and by his view shows himself a child of his age.4 As a speculative theologian, Martin Szentivanyi utilized his theological knowledge for the spreading and stabilizing of God's kingdom in the chaotic y.ears of the Reformation. Using four languages - Latin, Slovak, Magyar, German he preached and wrote in defense of the Catholic faith. His publications comprised a whole library of polemical and apo- SLOVAKIA 119 logetic works, which achieved great popularity. Even after his death they appeared in repeated editions either as monographs or collectively under the title Opuscula Polemica (Trnava I, 1718; II, 1730; Turris Babel, 1731 ... ) A polemical book of his on Christian dogma, published in Trnava in 1700, was written in Slovak and entitled Cztyri a Dwadcet Pochybovanij. (Twenty-four Hypotheses). It may well be said that in his polemical writings he covered the entire range of Catholic dogma as it was drawn up in the Council of Trent and he endeavored to boil it down to the small coins of simple language for easier comprehension and acceptance by his read,ers. In his work one often encounters evidence that Catholics and non-Catholics followed liturgical practices current today in certain Christian denominations. For example, from his work Lutheranicum, Nihil ad rem, Nihil ad Propositum,5 it is evident that the modern movement of some Protestant denominations to allow women to act as ministers is not so new after all, because, according to Szentivanyi, Lutheran women in various places acted as readers of Holy Scripture in church. He refers to a case in Levoca, where a certain Lutheran woman, who later became a convert to Catholicism, delivered a sermon and celebrated the "Eucharist", or, as she regarded it, "the Lord's Supper". M. Szentivanyi has performed an invaluable service as a historian by furnishing incidental information on Slovakia for Slovak Oatholic scholars. In his Miscellanea he makes frequent references to the topography of Slovakia and presents Slovak history as an integral part of the history of Hungary.6 Thus several references to the exploits of Svatopluk in Great Moravia ,a ppears in his Miscellanea (Decade I. 3. p. x3a. Decade II. 3. p. 265, 277-9). Furthermore, he makes frequent allusions and references to the activities of SS. Cyril and Methodius among the Slovaks (Decade I. 3. p.Hh3a, Decade II. p. 277. Decade III. 1. p. 152, 178.). According to A. A. Banik, it was Szentivanyi who proposed the first known theory in literature about the origin of the Slovaks. This versatile and learned scholar maintains that the Slovak inhabitants of northern Hungary sprang from the ancient Jazygs. He bases his assertion on the geographical boundaries of both nations as well as on the apparently com- 120 SLOVAKIA mon etymological identity of their name: Jazyk (tongue), rec (speech), slovo (word). Moreover, from the fact that the Germans also refer to the Slovaks as Vinden or Venden (e.g. in the names of places: Windirsh Prona, Windschacht, Windschendorf, etc.) Szentivanyi was inclined to believe that the reference was to the descendants of the ancient Slavic Vandals. 7 Concerning the interrelationship between the various Slavic languages and their diffusion throughout the world, he accepts the observation of P. Rewa, namely, that of all languages the Slavic idiom is today the most widespread, inasmuch as in its various branches its use extends from the Adriatic Sea to the Arctic Ocean and that it is spoken by the Istrians, Dalmatians, Croatians, Czechs, Silesians, Lusatians, Poles, Latvfans, Prussians, the inhabitants of Scandinavia, the Russians throughout their vast territory, the Bulgarians and other neighboring countries as far as Constantinople ... 8 In regard to the earliest inhabitants of Hungary, M. Szentivanyi held that the first historically identifiable nation to inhabit the territory of Hungary were a people known as the Pannonians, who spoke the Slovak language. Following the Roman occupation, this territory was again inhabited by Slovaks, the descendants of the Vandali, the Goths, and the Jazygs. 9 Because of the recognized authority of Szentivanyi, subsequent Slovak and Latin historians of Slovak origin accepted his views and often quoted him in their works. For example, J. B. Magin in his Apologia - Defense of the Slovak nation. 10 How could the students have remained immune to their enthusiasm and influence under the capable Jesuit instructors, who imbued them with a keen appreciation of the glorious history of Slovakia and the vast extent of the Slavic world and its culture? Quite the contrary, for gradually and steadily the teachings of M. Szentivanyi and S. Timon fanned into life, a latent national consciousness among their students, and notably among the clerics, which eventually found an outlet in the famous Bernolak movement. It 1-ed the Slovaks to assert themselves and to identify their national individuality in the framework of the Slavic nations. Boldly and without fear of contradiction one is led to assert that the real initiators of the Bernolak movement were SLOVAKIA 121 Jesuit professors, scholars, and writers. The Bernolak movement received its impetus directly and indirectly from the immense intellectual, moral and cultural resources of the Jesuit scholars of the Universities of Trnava, and to a lesser degree, of Kosice. The following observations will confirm this: 1. Only in its final stages was the education of the rising Bernolak generation received at the general Seminary in Bratislava. The formativ,e years of their training were spent in Trnava, in the Vienna Pazmaneum and at the University of Kosice. This in itself linked them with a powerful Jesuit tradition. 11 2. When they emerged, the Bernolakians already manifested a well-developed tradition of Slovak nationalism. They clung steadfastly to a sense of history, identifying themselves with its cultural rhythm and accepting its logical course. 3. The Bernolakians revived the Cyril-Methodian tradition, impregnating all their activities with it. 4. After the suppression of the Jesuit Order in 1773, many ex-Jesuits extended their sphere of influence by undertaking pastoral duties in Slovak parishes and registering for membership in the Bernolak Association. The Bernolak movement was not in a position at that time openly and expressly to acknowledge any direct affiliation with the Jesuit tradition and its efforts to arouse the Slovaks to national consciousness. Prudenoe and tact would not allow it. The prevailing spirit of Josephinism was strongly prejudiced against the Jesuits and there was danger that such an admission would have been detrimental to the activity of the Bemolak Association. Wisely, therefore, the members decided to remain silent, while they unobtrusively went on developing it: that is, they carried on the work initiated by the Jesuits in the heart and bloodstream of the Slovak nation. FOOTNOTES 1. J. Rekem, The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language. Middletown, Pa. 1962. Slovak Literature and National Consciousness before Bernol<ik (1762-1813). Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1964. 2. Joseph Skultety, Sketches from Slovak History. FCSU, Middletown, Pa., 1930. 99p. 122 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. SLOVAKIA Stanislav Jurovsky, The Philosophy of Martin Szentivanyi. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1944. His views on philosophy, nature, and history are incorporated in his encyclopedic masterpiece, which was issued in Trnava in the decades from 1689 to 1709 under the title ,Curiosaria et Selectiora Variarum Scientiarum Miscellanea, Tyrnaviae, 1689-1709. (Curiosities Compiled from Various Scientific Sources) Trnava, 1703, p. 212. Cf. A. A. Banik, Jan Magin, 1936, p. 251. Miscellanea, Decadis secundae pars prima, 1691, Trnava, p. 344: "Slavos" Qui Vagum et Carpaticorum montium radices incolunt, existimo eundem esse populum, quos antiqui Jazyges Medanastas vocabant, nam et eosdem terminos et limites habent, quos Strabo et veteres Geographi, Jazygitis Metanastis adscribunt. Et utramque nationem Sarmatiae populum fuisse constat. Sarmatici autem populi omnes comprehendebantur sub Slavorum genere. Sed et denominationis ·utriusque idem est fundamentum . Jazyges enim denominabantur a Jazek hoc est lingua, et Slavi a Slovo, hoc est verbum, quod nimirum Slavicorum idioma, et facile pronunciatu sit, et eloqui possit, et ingentem habent copiam verborum, et nullum magis idioma per orbem diffusum sit. Idem sentio de Jazibus, tractum inter Tibiscum et Danubium incolentibus, nam et hos, ex Jazygum Medanastarum gentibus fuisse Geographi testantur, et habuisse proprium idioma, ab Hungarico plane diversum, quod utique aliud non erat, quam Slavonicum. Reliquos vero Slavos, per Hungariam dispersos verisimile est, esse Vandalorum reliquias; nemini enim dubium esse potest, Vandalos Slavonici generis fuisse ... " P. Rewa: De Monarchia et Sacra Corona Regni Hungariae Centuriae Septem . . . quas emendatas et auctas publicabat Comes Franciscus de Nadasd. 1659. Francofurti. The seventh century, p. 146-7: " ... . ac lingua Slavonica seu Illyrica, hodie omnium latissime patet, utpote quae a mari Adriatico, ad Oceanum usque ad Septemtrionalem se extendere videatur: nam ea utuntur lstrii, Dalmatae, Croatae, Bosnenses, Bohemi, Silesii, Lusatii, Polonii, Lithuani, Prutenti, Scandinaviae incolae, et Russi longe lateque imperantes, Bulgari item et multae aliae vicinae regiones, Constantinopolim fere usque : adeo ut toto orbe terrarum sit lingua Slavica qua plurimas gentes alloqui, mutatis tantum dialectis, ob vicinitatem aliorum populorum aliquid peregrini habentibus, licet, ut sit linguarum gloria ab usu, familiaritate et latitudine petenda esset, ipsa Slavonica cum Latina caeteris palmarium eriperet, cujus adminiculo, prope dimidia Europae pars, nonnulla etiam Asiae peragrari potest ... " Miscellanea. First book of the 3rd Decade. Trnava, 1699., p. 204, 206, 234-5. J . B. Magin, Murices , Puchov, 1728., p. 15, 68, etc. J . K. Smalov, Mons. Sti. Martini. Ruzomberok, 1947., p. 66. BIBLIOGRAPHY A. A. Banik, Jan Baltazar Magin a jeho politicka, narodna i kulturna obrana Slovakov roku 1728. SSV., Trnava, 1936. SLOVAKIA 123 Novsie udaje na poznanie Jana Baltazara Magina, jeho diela a doby, LVO, SSV, Trnava, 1937. J. M. Kirschbaum, Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. New York, 1960. J . Kutnik-Smalov, Zastoj katolickej hierarchie v slovenskom narodnom a kulturnom zivote, in Mons Sti. Martini, Ruzomberok, 1947. J . B. Magin, Murices Nobilissimae et Novissimae Diaetae Posoniensis Scriptori sparsi Sive Apologia pro Inclyto Comitatu Trenchiniensi ... , Puchovii, 1728. J . Rekem, Stefan Dubnicay a jeho doba. Trencin, 1944. Z kulturnych dejin trencianskeho Povazia, Trencin, 1943. The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language. Middletown, Pa., 1962. Slovak Literature and National Consciou.sness Before Anton Bernolak (1762-1813) , Cleveland, Ohio, 1964. 1675-1725, Stefan Dubnicay, slovensky polemik a historik - a Slovak Polemist and Historian - polemiste et historien slovaque, Middletown, Pa. 1966. Chronological Table of Bishops of the Diocese of Nitra, Slovakia, Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1966. P. Rewa, De Monarchia et Sacra Corona Regni Hungariae Centuriae Septem . . . quas emendatas et auctas publicabat Comes Franciscus de Nadasd. 1659. Francofurti. Sommervogel C., Dictionaires des orages Anonymes et pseudonymes publie par des religieux de la Campagnie de Jesus. Paris, 1884. Szentivanyi M., Cztyri a Dwadcet Pochibowanj. Tyrnaviae, 1700. Curiosiora et selectiora Variarum Scientiarum Miscellanea. Tyrnaviae, 1689-1709. Lutheranicum Nihil ad Rem Nihil ad Propositum, Tyrnaviae, 1703. Fii.nfzig Ursachen und Bewegungen. Tyrnau, 1702. Dissertatio haeresiologico polemica. Tyrnaviae, 1701. Lutheranicum numquam et nusquam. Tyrnaviae, 1702. .Solutiones non solutiones cujusdam pastoris augustani viginti quatuor dubiorum Catholicorum. Tyrnaviae, 1703. Privata et amica disceptatio. Tyrnaviae, 1704. Forum scrutarium antiquarum haeresum. Tyrnaviae, 1707. Dissertatio theologico polemica. Tyrnaviae, 1730. Motiva Quinguaginta ad praedicandam Romano-Catholicam Religionem. Agriae, 1756. Magnum Chaos, Tyrnaviae, 1704. Turris Babel, Tyrnaviae, 1731. S. Jurovsky, Filozofia Martina Szentivanyiho. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1944. Slovenskej literatury dejiny. Osveta, Bratislava, 1962. Joseph Skultety, Sketches from Slovak History , Middletown, Pa., 1930. A. Zellinger, Pantheon Tyrnaviense, Tyrnaviae, 1931.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Martin Szentiványi, S.J. (1633-1705): Slovak Philosopher, Polemicist, Historian Description An account of the resource Dr. John Rekem Slovakia, Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966 pp. 116-123 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Rekem, Ján, 1917-1989 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/4b70563c26e3df62ff5e179b48253864.pdf f720ff9f14720f917cb2336afd39bb5e PDF Text Text 104 SLOVAKIA UUDOVfT STUR AND THE PANSLAVIC MOVEMENT By Suzanna Mikula, B.A. Slovaks have long recognized the achievements of Uudovit Stur (1815-1856) in promoting Slovak unity, culture, and independence. He is a great national figure, revered as the "Father of Modern Slovak Nationa1ism". Stur was a man of many talents, literary, pedagogical, and political. He was an ardent patriot among people who had been without a nation for a thousand years, a Protestant in an area predominantly Catholic. Stur was also the author of a number of books, poems, and pamphlets, all in a strong patriotic vein. His most famous work even though not the best is Slavdom and the World of the Future, wrUten in the early 1850's in the German language, but not published until 1867 in Russia. Stur's contributions to the Slovak nation are quite known. But what of his place in the history of Slavs at his time? The third, fourth, and fifth decades of the 19th century saw a · tremendous national revival of the Slavic world. This revival led to a Panslavic movement, received enthusiastically by the Slavic world and fearfully by western Europe. Stur had an active role in the Panslavic Movement, and with his work at the Prague Congress of 1848 as well as with his book, Slavdom and the World of the Future, introduced the concept of poHtical panslavism. Slovakia can be called the mother of the Panslavic Movement, for a Slovak writer named John Herkel first used the word "panslavic" in a Latin treatise published in 1826. Furthermore the main leaders and writers of the Panslavic Movement of the 19th century were Slovaks; the poet Jan Kollar and scholar P. J. Safarik may even be regarded as the fathers of Panslavism. 1 The success of panslavism among the Slovaks was due to the fact that the Slovaks occupy the central position (geographically) in the Slavic world. Also since the Slovak language is the purest of the Slavic tongues, they believed they were the original Slav nation. In fact, the Slovaks seem to have some resemblance to nearly all of the Slavic nations, further strengthening the "mother-of-the-Slavs" concept which the Slovaks cherish. Thus it seems that from the heart �SLOVAKIA 105 of Slavdom, the Slovaks were chosen to lead the separated brothers. 2 Furthermore, the Slovaks had been dominated by other nations for nearly a thousand years; now the activities of the panslavists gave leadership and direction to the long suppressed desires of the Slovaks for their own nation.3 These factors help explain why Slovakia became "the classic country of the Slavic idea." 4 However, the Panslavic Movement was not limited to Slovakia, but spread throughout the Slavic world, taking deeper root in some areas than in others. There had been an early attempt at achieving some type of Slavic unity in the 17th century. Juraj Krizanic (1618-1683), a Croatian, was a forerunner of Panslavism in that he sought the adoption of a single Slavic language for all Slavic nations. He also advocated agreement to political unity under Russia, but little attention was paid to him.5 The idea of Slavic unity had no success in the 17th century, but by the 19th century, events in Europe offered more hope for its acceptance. The French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars caused a political awakening of intellectuals in central and Eastern Europe. 6 Jin Austria, the enlightened reigns of Maria Theresa, Joseph II and Leopold II improved the economic and social conditions of the Slav subjects, who now for the first time found opportunity for education and intellectual activity. And finally, the great success and power of Russia offered a shining example to the downtrodden Slavic nations of what a brother nation could achieve. A far greater influence on the intellectual thought leading to Panslavism was linguistic and political Pangermanism, especially as interpreted by Johann Herder. According to Herder, the national language was regarded as a determining factor for men's loyalty. 7 But even more than this, Herder believed, and proclaimed in his writings, that the Slavic race was the future leader of Europe. The decadent8 Romanic and Germanic tribes would of nesessity yield to the peace-loving, moral, and primitively democratic Slavs. He urged them not to abandon their language, but to cultivate it carefully and consistently, for it was a precious g,ift from their fathers. Thus Panslavism rested on the two principles of a common language and a kind nebulous unity created by the existence of a widespread, primitive, but untainted Slavic civilization. �106 SLOVAJOA Panslavism was a sign of the national awakening of central and eastern Europe, and as such its primary emphasis was on language, literature, and culture. Having been subjugated for so many centuries, the Slavic people needed support in formulating a national consciousness, a national vernacular literature, and they sought this support in each other. Panslavism arose at first more as a defensive movement among the western Slavs than as a political movement with the aim of replacing western dominance in Europe. However for many years, even to this day, the word panslavism has a political connotation for the Romance and Germanic nations, implying a belligerent attempt to replace their civilization with the Slavic civilization.!) This connotation was attached to the Panslavic movement from the very beginning, largely because of a slight resemblanc e to a pangerman movement, but also because of the subjugated position of the various Slavic nations. This gave rise to the fear that they would attempt to recover their former independen ce, and thus disturb the surface-peace of Europe. Individual Slavic nations could hardly create a problem for the rest of Europe, except Russia. But once unified, the Slavic race far outnumbered the other two, and could quite possibly overpower them. This fear never materialized. Panslavism , throughout the 19th century, remained the primary concern of poets, newspaper writers, literary scholars, philologists , and historians.10 Unlike western European nations, where national awakening came as a result of the activities of politicians and statesmen, Slavic nationalism was removed from the political plan and situated in the literary field . The panslavic poets and writers expressed, in a period when such feelings were dominant, an optomistic belief in man's inevitable progress, in a great spiritual rejuvenatio n, which would result in the establishme nt of liberty, peace, and happiness.11 The Slavs were far removed from the conflicts of the older nations ; perhaps they were the heralds of this new era? Certainly the Slavic writers offered promises that this was so. The Panslavic movement was also used as a protest against the dominant position of the German and Magyar tongues within the Slavic world. The Slavs used the appeal of ethnograph ic nationality, so much a part of the thinking of this age that it was regarded as a national right, against their two major oppressors. �SLOVAKIA 107 There were three stages in the Panslavic movement: literary, scientific, and political, with literary panslavism being the primary and most successful. The Slovak poet Jan Kollar was the spokesman for literary panslavism. His chief goal was the literary and cultural union of Slavic nations. According to Kollar, there is only one Slavic nation, and only one Slavric language. He did not feel that a single political state was necessary, nor even a single spoken language. The various dialects were to be respected, but in literature, only the one common Slavic language should prevail. 12 Kollar was against political union of Slavric nations because he felt agitation for such union would result in disorder and catastrophe for the Slavs. 13 What Kollar hoped to attain was a state of literary reciprocity, whereby the writings of one nation would be the property and treasure of every other Slav nation. Kollar tried to awaken within the Slavs their sense of unity, their glorsious destiny and bright future. He stressed the need of self-recognition and inter-communication, but without any conflicts with existing political structures. Yet in spite of his dislike of political agitation, it was his impassioned and imaginative writing which led the Slavic people to action. Scientific panslavism was chiefly the result of the efforts of Pavel Jozef Safarik, who was the first to pursue a scholarly and systematic study of the background and origins of the Slavic nations and language. He provided the foundation upon which the panslavists might build Slavic unity and destiny, and his work gave authenticity to the poems of Kollar and the writings of Stur. His book Slavic Antiquities became famous throughout Europe, stimu}ating an interest in the early history and culture of the Slav peoples. Safarik may be regarded as the founder of a whole school of scientific writers, and his book had a very direct influence on subsequent developments in the Slav world. 14 His studies of the Slavic languages substantiated the early belief that all the Slavic languages were quite closely related; Safarik provided a rational foundation for the emotional appeal of Kollar. The literary and scientif,ic panslavism of Kollar and Safarik succeeded in creating a strong national spirit among the Slavs, the Czechs and Slovaks in particular. It is only natural that this cry for national unity and for self-recognition should be heard and taken to its logical conclusion, namely �108 SLOVAKIA political panslavism. And this had been done by Uudovit Stur, who saw in which direction panslavism must now go. Literary and cultural unity was not enough. To achieve their glorious destiny, the destiny to which both Kollar and Safari.k alluded, the Slavic peoples had to attain a measure of political unity. There were two paths that political panslavism could follow: Austroslavism, which meant maintaining a form of Austrian political influence, and which Stur advocated at the Prague Congress of 1848, the first great manifestation of Panslavism, and Pan-Russianism, which Stur adopted after the failure of the Prague Congress. The Prague Congress of 1848 was the natural result of the Panslavic movement. It was apparent that a true spirit of panslavism would necessitate a dialog between the Slavs, a dialog not only literary but political as well. Several events which occured in the years 1846-1848 made such a meeting desireable. The Polish uprisings in Galicia and Cracow in 1846, the national agitation in Italy when Cardinal Terretto became Pope, the United Landtag in Prussia, the elections to the Hungarian Diet in 1847, to which Stur was elected, and most immediately, the February, 1848, Revolution in Paris, and the Congress of Germ,an deputies (members of Parliament) in Frankfurt discussing the unification of an Germans, all these events served to stir the Slavic people to action. The spirit of revolution and nationalism was in the arir, dominating the writings and conversations of the year. 15 The Czechs and Slovaks, especially felt that immediate action of some sort was necessary. In Austria, there was the threat of German expansion under the leadership of Prussia. Hungary, under the leadership of Louis Kossuth was pursuing a policy of complete magyarization. The Slovak language was to be suppressed, with Magyar the official language of education and government. It seemed almost paradoxical that the Magyars sought to suppress the national spirit of the Slovaks in order to achieve the same for themselves. Stur saw this paradox, and said in this respect: "Each nation is only one pa1t of humanity and no nation can claim for itself that it alone has comprehended the best human evolution and possible perfection. Therefore, no nation has a right to force upon another nation its way of life when that nation wants to move itself and educate itself as it sees fit. 16 The time seemed opportune for action on the part of �SLOVAKIA 109 the Slavs as well. Stur offered the idea of proclaiming a Slavic Congress, 17 and on May 31, 1848, it was called by Stur and the Czech writers. Prague was chosen for the Congress, and a total of 362 delegates from the various Slavic nations arrived. The delegates were largely from among the Slavs under the Hapsburg rule, but the Poles and Russians also were represented. The avowed objective of the meeting was the establishment of periodic relations between the Slav peoples and the drawing up of a program of action for such peoples subject to Austrian and/ or Hungarian domination. 18 At the Congress Stur offered a program for federalizing Central Europe. In spite of his antagonism to the idea that a non-Slav nation should have any say in the affairs of a Slav nation, he realized that total independence was impossible. The Czechs, being far more realistic than the Slovaks, had realized this, and were consistent supporters of Austroslavism. Thus at the conference the problem narrowed down to a definition of terms: the objective of the Congress was either to save Austria, for with her lay the best chances of maintaining Slavic identity, or the primary concern were the needs of the Slavic people living under Austria. 19 Stur passionately declared at the Congress: Our aim should be to save ourselves, not to save Austria. First we must work for ourselves, then for others. Thus far Austria has been existing but we have been perishing. What wo.u ld the world say to us if we stood for nothing but the preservation of Austria? Let us say that we want to stand as independent Slavonic communities under the government of Austria . . . this will give our work a Slavonic accent.20 Stur felt the program of the congress should be: (1) the creation of independent Slavic united states within Austria, and (2) prompt agreement to this, so that the Austrian armies might destroy Magyar encroachments into Slovakia. 21 Stur could not place enough stress on the need for Slavic independence: "So that we might take over the spot in history which belongs to us according to our strength and abilities, we must once and for all time free ourselves from this unbearable foreign thraldom and gain state independence for ourselves." 22 Stur fully understood the necessity of remaining within the Austrian framework. But his Austroslavism was very �110 SLOVAKIA tepid, and he carefully pointed out that it (Austroslavism) existed only because of sheer necessity. Stur made no attempt to hide his distrust of Austria and his distaste with certain features of the regime. It was otherwise with the Czechs. They had not suffered the same suppressions under the Austrians as the Slovaks had under the Magyars. Hence they were ready to accept the vague promises of the Austrian Emperor that Slavic rights would be recognized and respected. In return, the delegates of the Congress decided to give Austria full support in helping to subdue the Magyars. Futhermore, they adopted a "Manifesto to the European Nations" which called for the following objectives: 1. 2. 3. 4. The freeing of the Slavic people under Turkish rule. That the Magyars acknowledge the rights of the Slovak nation, including the right to its own language. That Croatian autonomy be maintained. That the Slovenians be permitted to possess their land. 23 It would seem then, that the Prague Congress reduced the Panslavic movement to an attempt to reorganize Austria so as to satisfy the nationalism of the Slavs.24 So it must have seemed to Stur, for he felt that the Congress had been a failure. Then too the attempted insurrection in 1848 against the Magyars also failed. Stur was greatly despondent. He had had great faith in the panslavic movement and felt Slavic independence was not an impossible goal. Yet the two expressions of this political panslavism certainly did not succeed. In his despair and disillusionment, Stur concluded that a small nation could not seek its freedom alone, or in the frame of Austroslavism. There was only one alternative left: Russia, for Russia alone of the Slavic nations was powerful enough to lead others to independence. This was the basic idea expressed throughout his book SLavdom and the World of the Future, an exceptional tribute to the cultural, moral, and political forces of the Russian Empire. It also presented a detailed and complete program for the union of Slavs with Russia. Stu.r's book had little impact on his own people. The book was published for the Congress of 1867, when a group of Russians discovered it and translated it. It was the major �SLOVAKIA 111 work studied and examined at the Congress, and was regarded as a complete and perfect program of panrussianism. Stur set out to accomplish four basic tasks in his book. First of all he wished to determine whether the Slavs had a role of their own to fulfill in world history. 25 A close review of the Slavic past ought to yield the answer. Stur of course, was certain of the answer even before he began his examination, for this belief had been the basic reason for the entire panslavic movement. The Slavs were to be the leaders of a "new" Europe. They were at this point in no position to do anything, but history was a progression of spent nations being replaced by young ones, and Slavic emancipation and self-realization would eventually occur. The second task of the book is to describe the Slavic mission in universal history against the background of the cultural difference between Western and Eastern Europe.26 In the west, Stur could see only moral, political, and social dissolution, the ruination of the peasants (true guardians of democracy), and finally the schism between religion and daily life. It was no use looking to the West for salvation, when they were already on the downward path. Nor was there any use in imitating the society and institutions of the West since they were contributing to the very decline of the West. The Western civilization had deteriorated; the Slavs could only look to themselves for help. In the third part Stur presents a highly romantic picture of the Slavic people. The Slavs are people of extraordinary virtue; their only vices were those which had crept in from the influence of the west. The Slavs were naturally good of heart, patient, humble, kind, and democratic. These virtues were the characteristic of all Slavs, but especially the Russians. The Russians were the embodiment of all the best and noble features of the entire Slav nation. Stur had never been in Russia, nor had any prolonged contact with Russians. He based his notion merely on the fact that this had to be logically so, for of the Russians were to be the leaders of the Slavs, they had to be the best among the Slavs. The last section of Slavdom and the World of the Future deals with the problems of Slavic political unification. Unity was an absolute necessity if the Slavs were to achieve their historic mission. But what type of unity? �112 SLOVAKIA There were three possibilities. The first one that he considered was a Slavic Federation without Russia. This he rejected because such a federation could never succeed due to internal dissention among the various Slavic peoples. So union of so many Slavic nations of about equal strength would destroy the possibility of the emergence of a leader. Yet a leader was absolutely necessary if the Slavs were to jointly work for their destiny. A second possibility was the transformation of Austria into a Slavic Empire. Any type of unity with Austria was an illusion that could never gain substance. Attempts at cooperation with Austria had failed once before, and Stur believed Austria was doomed to destruction ; Austroslavism should not even be considered. The only remaining alternative was union with Russia. Russia was powerful enough to unite all the Slavic nations ; she was the leader the Slavs needed . Stur was proud of Russia's vastness and power, but it was a Slavic pride. Should the Slavic peoples unite under Russia, their equal could not be found in all of Europe. This is an amazing document to come from the hands of I..:udovit Stur. And yet, given the circumstances he faced in the 1850's, it is not so hard to understand. Stur's primary goal, for which he had worked all his life, was a Slavic nationalism, a Slavic unity. Austroslavism had failed; there was only one place left to turn: to Russia. Stur did not reject independence for the individual Slavic nations; he was not willing to replace Austrian domination with Russian. He hoped for the creation of a federation of independent Slavic states under Russian leadership, substantially the same as he urged in 1848 under Austrian leadership. Stur's book was greatly praised by the Russian Slavophils, for it was so closely atuned to their ideas. However, the book was an expression of Stur's ideas which he arrived at independently of any noticeable influence from the Russians.27 Stur died in 1856, and hence, having never set foot in Russia, had little contact with the Slavophils. He did carry on a correspondence with several Russians, but not enough to permit the statement that his book was an expression of their views. Stur was interested in panslavism, in unity for �SLOVAKIA 113 all Slavic nations; his interest in Russia came only as a result of this. The Panslavic Movement did not, during Stu.r's time, achieve any notable results. In fact, by the time of his death, the whole movement was pretty much a failure. Panslavism failed because the very nationalism that it promoted led to its defeat. By urging Slavic national consciousness, panslavism created dissent among the various Slav nations. The more the people became aware of their individuality, their historical traditions, and their own language, the less they wanted to sacrifice them for a non-existent Slav federation. Secondly, the centuries-old and traditional antagonism between various Slavic nations, such as Poles and Russians, Czechs and Slovaks, Croatians and Serbians, prevented any success for a plan that would unite them. These two factors prevented Panslavism from exercising any dominant or stable influence on European political thought at that time. Yet Panslavism has an inherent value in that it revealed for the first time to the rest of Europe the Slavic mind. This is especially important in the light of the present role which the Slavs play in Europe. The Prague Congress too, could be regarded as a failure, for there was little change in the situation of the Slavic people after it. But the Prague Congress was the first expression of Slavic unity, of Slavic identity, separate from the Hapsburg rule. As such, it gave the Slavs confidence and a guide for future actions. Slavdom and the World of the Future is relatively unknown, even in the Slavic world. Yet it had a strong influence on Russian thinking in the 1870's and was in fact a forerunner of their program and goals. :Cudovit Stur was the author of political panslavism. He initiated the Prague Congress of 1848, and through his book, spread his influence beyond the confines of the Austrian Empire. He revealed to the West the Slavic mind and the Slavic desires ; he deserves a place in the 19th century intellectual and national thought and doctrine. FOOTNOTES 1. Hans Kohn, Panslavism, Notre Dame University Press, p. 18. 2. Ernest Denis, Les Slovaques, Paris, p. 14. 3. As Jan Kollar, great Slovak poet, stated: "The Tatra Slavs had �SLOVAKIA 114 so far almost no literature of their own, therefore they first opened their arms to embrace all Slavs . . . the Tatra mountains are the nest and cradle of all Slavs. Therefore the idea of solidarity ... took root there faster and deeper than anywhere else." (Kohn, p. 17) 4. Ibid., p. 44. 5. Jozef Kirschbaum, Nas boj o samostatnost' Slovenska, Slovak Institute, p. 233. 6. Kohn, p. 1. 7. Ibid., 8. It is hard to say why the west was considered to be decadent. Possibly because, after the nationalistic hopes aroused by Napoleon, Europe was successfully forced to return to the status quo ante Napoleon, to the despair of liberals and nationalists. Even with the political panslavism of Stur, the aim was Slavic independence, not Slavic control of Europe in the immediate future. 10. Kirschbaum, Nas boj, p. 231, and Jan Kollar - Slovak Poet of Panslavism, Slavistica, No. 56, Slovak Institute, Cleveland, 0., 1965. 11. Kohn, p. 18. 12. Kirschbaum, p. 235. 13. Ibid. 14. H. Seton-Watson, A History of the Czechs and Slovaks, p. 175, and Kirschbaum, Pavol J. Safarik and His Contribution to Slavic Studies, Slavistica No. 43, Cleveland, 0., 1962. 15. Kohn, p. 62. 16. Marian 2iar, " Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism", Slovakia, Vol. VI, March 1956, Middletown, Pa., p. 9. 17. Zdenek Tobolka, Slovanskii Sjezd v Praze roku 1848, Prague, p. 51. 18. A. Mouset, Le Monde Slave, Paris, p. 14. 9. 19. Karol Galan, " Sturove reci na slovanskom sjazde roku 1848", Slovenske pohl'ady, cislo 8-9, aug.-sept. 1936, p. 422. The difference in the two positions lay mostly in their emphasis; the one put Austria first, the other put the Slavs first. Stur of course, was in favor of the second phraseology. 20. Ibid. 21. Ibid., p. 423. 22. Jozef Kirschbaum, Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, Robert Speller Co., p. 73. 23. Kirschbaum, N<is boj, pp. 247-48. 24. Waclaw Lednicki, "Panslavism". European Ideologies, ed. Felix Gross, New York, p. 869. 25. M. Petrovich, "I:udovit Stur and Russian Panslavism", Journal of Central European Affairs, Vol. 12, April 1952, p. 6. 26. Ibid., p. 9. �SLOVAKIA 27. 115 Jozef Kirschbaum, "Uudovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World", Slavistica, No. 32, 1958, Slovak Institute p. 12. BIBLIOGRAPHY Denis, Ernest, La Question d'Autriche Delagrave: Paris) , 1917. Les Slovaques. (Librairie Galan, Karol, "Sturove reci na slovanskom sjazde roku 1848". Slovenske pohi'ady, cislo 8-9, aug.-sept. 1936, Bratislava. Kirschbaum, Jozef, Nas boj o samostatnosf Slovenska. (Slovak Institute: Cleveland, Ohio), 1958. Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. (Robert Speller and Sons Co.: New York), 1960. "Uudovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World". siavistica No .32, (Slovak Institute: Cleve1and), 1958. Kohn, Hans, Pansfovism. (University of Notre Dame Press: South Bend, Ind.), 1953. Lednicki, Waclaw, "Panslavism" European Ideologies. ed. Feliks Gross (Philosophical Library: New York), 1948. Miku~. Joseph, Slovakia, a Political History . (Marquette University Press: Milwaukee, Wis.), 1963. Mousset, Albert, Le Monde siave. Paris, 1946. Oddo, Gilbert, Slovakia and Its People . (Robert Speller and Sons Co.: New York), 1960. Pauco, Jozef, r.udovychova u sturovcov. Matiea slovenska, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1943. Petrovich, Michael, "Uudovit Stur and Russian Panslavism" Journal of Central European Affairs, Vol. 12, April, 1952. Seton-Watson, R. H., A History of the Czechs and Slovaks. London: 1943. Stur, L'udovit, Listy I?.udovita Stura, ed. Dr. Jozef Ambru~ (Slovenska Akademia Vied: Bratislava), 1956. Tobolka, Zdenek, Slovansky sjezd v Praze roku 1848. (F. Simacek Co.: Prague), 1901. Vlcek, Jaroslav, Dejiny literatury slovenskej (Matica slovenska: Turciansky Sv. Martin), 1923. 2iar, Marian, "Stur: Father of Modem Slovak Nationalism". Slovakia, Vol. VI, March 1956, (Jednota Press: Middletown, Pa.) � 104 SLOVAKIA UUDOVfT STUR AND THE PANSLAVIC MOVEMENT By Suzanna Mikula, B.A. Slovaks have long recognized the achievements of Uudovit Stur (1815-1856) in promoting Slovak unity, culture, and independence. He is a great national figure, revered as the "Father of Modern Slovak Nationa1ism". Stur was a man of many talents, literary, pedagogical, and political. He was an ardent patriot among people who had been without a nation for a thousand years, a Protestant in an area predominantly Catholic. Stur was also the author of a number of books, poems, and pamphlets, all in a strong patriotic vein. His most famous work even though not the best is Slavdom and the World of the Future, wrUten in the early 1850's in the German language, but not published until 1867 in Russia. Stur's contributions to the Slovak nation are quite known. But what of his place in the history of Slavs at his time? The third, fourth, and fifth decades of the 19th century saw a · tremendous national revival of the Slavic world. This revival led to a Panslavic movement, received enthusiastically by the Slavic world and fearfully by western Europe. Stur had an active role in the Panslavic Movement, and with his work at the Prague Congress of 1848 as well as with his book, Slavdom and the World of the Future, introduced the concept of poHtical panslavism. Slovakia can be called the mother of the Panslavic Movement, for a Slovak writer named John Herkel first used the word "panslavic" in a Latin treatise published in 1826. Furthermore the main leaders and writers of the Panslavic Movement of the 19th century were Slovaks; the poet Jan Kollar and scholar P. J. Safarik may even be regarded as the fathers of Panslavism. 1 The success of panslavism among the Slovaks was due to the fact that the Slovaks occupy the central position (geographically) in the Slavic world. Also since the Slovak language is the purest of the Slavic tongues, they believed they were the original Slav nation. In fact, the Slovaks seem to have some resemblance to nearly all of the Slavic nations, further strengthening the "mother-of-the-Slavs" concept which the Slovaks cherish. Thus it seems that from the heart �SLOVAKIA 105 of Slavdom, the Slovaks were chosen to lead the separated brothers. 2 Furthermore, the Slovaks had been dominated by other nations for nearly a thousand years; now the activities of the panslavists gave leadership and direction to the long suppressed desires of the Slovaks for their own nation.3 These factors help explain why Slovakia became "the classic country of the Slavic idea." 4 However, the Panslavic Movement was not limited to Slovakia, but spread throughout the Slavic world, taking deeper root in some areas than in others. There had been an early attempt at achieving some type of Slavic unity in the 17th century. Juraj Krizanic (1618-1683), a Croatian, was a forerunner of Panslavism in that he sought the adoption of a single Slavic language for all Slavic nations. He also advocated agreement to political unity under Russia, but little attention was paid to him.5 The idea of Slavic unity had no success in the 17th century, but by the 19th century, events in Europe offered more hope for its acceptance. The French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars caused a political awakening of intellectuals in central and Eastern Europe. 6 Jin Austria, the enlightened reigns of Maria Theresa, Joseph II and Leopold II improved the economic and social conditions of the Slav subjects, who now for the first time found opportunity for education and intellectual activity. And finally, the great success and power of Russia offered a shining example to the downtrodden Slavic nations of what a brother nation could achieve. A far greater influence on the intellectual thought leading to Panslavism was linguistic and political Pangermanism, especially as interpreted by Johann Herder. According to Herder, the national language was regarded as a determining factor for men's loyalty. 7 But even more than this, Herder believed, and proclaimed in his writings, that the Slavic race was the future leader of Europe. The decadent8 Romanic and Germanic tribes would of nesessity yield to the peace-loving, moral, and primitively democratic Slavs. He urged them not to abandon their language, but to cultivate it carefully and consistently, for it was a precious g,ift from their fathers. Thus Panslavism rested on the two principles of a common language and a kind nebulous unity created by the existence of a widespread, primitive, but untainted Slavic civilization. �106 SLOVAJOA Panslavism was a sign of the national awakening of central and eastern Europe, and as such its primary emphasis was on language, literature, and culture. Having been subjugated for so many centuries, the Slavic people needed support in formulating a national consciousness, a national vernacular literature, and they sought this support in each other. Panslavism arose at first more as a defensive movement among the western Slavs than as a political movement with the aim of replacing western dominance in Europe. However for many years, even to this day, the word panslavism has a political connotation for the Romance and Germanic nations, implying a belligerent attempt to replace their civilization with the Slavic civilization.!) This connotation was attached to the Panslavic movement from the very beginning, largely because of a slight resemblanc e to a pangerman movement, but also because of the subjugated position of the various Slavic nations. This gave rise to the fear that they would attempt to recover their former independen ce, and thus disturb the surface-peace of Europe. Individual Slavic nations could hardly create a problem for the rest of Europe, except Russia. But once unified, the Slavic race far outnumbered the other two, and could quite possibly overpower them. This fear never materialized. Panslavism , throughout the 19th century, remained the primary concern of poets, newspaper writers, literary scholars, philologists , and historians.10 Unlike western European nations, where national awakening came as a result of the activities of politicians and statesmen, Slavic nationalism was removed from the political plan and situated in the literary field . The panslavic poets and writers expressed, in a period when such feelings were dominant, an optomistic belief in man's inevitable progress, in a great spiritual rejuvenatio n, which would result in the establishme nt of liberty, peace, and happiness.11 The Slavs were far removed from the conflicts of the older nations ; perhaps they were the heralds of this new era? Certainly the Slavic writers offered promises that this was so. The Panslavic movement was also used as a protest against the dominant position of the German and Magyar tongues within the Slavic world. The Slavs used the appeal of ethnograph ic nationality, so much a part of the thinking of this age that it was regarded as a national right, against their two major oppressors. �SLOVAKIA 107 There were three stages in the Panslavic movement: literary, scientific, and political, with literary panslavism being the primary and most successful. The Slovak poet Jan Kollar was the spokesman for literary panslavism. His chief goal was the literary and cultural union of Slavic nations. According to Kollar, there is only one Slavic nation, and only one Slavric language. He did not feel that a single political state was necessary, nor even a single spoken language. The various dialects were to be respected, but in literature, only the one common Slavic language should prevail. 12 Kollar was against political union of Slavric nations because he felt agitation for such union would result in disorder and catastrophe for the Slavs. 13 What Kollar hoped to attain was a state of literary reciprocity, whereby the writings of one nation would be the property and treasure of every other Slav nation. Kollar tried to awaken within the Slavs their sense of unity, their glorsious destiny and bright future. He stressed the need of self-recognition and inter-communication, but without any conflicts with existing political structures. Yet in spite of his dislike of political agitation, it was his impassioned and imaginative writing which led the Slavic people to action. Scientific panslavism was chiefly the result of the efforts of Pavel Jozef Safarik, who was the first to pursue a scholarly and systematic study of the background and origins of the Slavic nations and language. He provided the foundation upon which the panslavists might build Slavic unity and destiny, and his work gave authenticity to the poems of Kollar and the writings of Stur. His book Slavic Antiquities became famous throughout Europe, stimu}ating an interest in the early history and culture of the Slav peoples. Safarik may be regarded as the founder of a whole school of scientific writers, and his book had a very direct influence on subsequent developments in the Slav world. 14 His studies of the Slavic languages substantiated the early belief that all the Slavic languages were quite closely related; Safarik provided a rational foundation for the emotional appeal of Kollar. The literary and scientif,ic panslavism of Kollar and Safarik succeeded in creating a strong national spirit among the Slavs, the Czechs and Slovaks in particular. It is only natural that this cry for national unity and for self-recognition should be heard and taken to its logical conclusion, namely �108 SLOVAKIA political panslavism. And this had been done by Uudovit Stur, who saw in which direction panslavism must now go. Literary and cultural unity was not enough. To achieve their glorious destiny, the destiny to which both Kollar and Safari.k alluded, the Slavic peoples had to attain a measure of political unity. There were two paths that political panslavism could follow: Austroslavism, which meant maintaining a form of Austrian political influence, and which Stur advocated at the Prague Congress of 1848, the first great manifestation of Panslavism, and Pan-Russianism, which Stur adopted after the failure of the Prague Congress. The Prague Congress of 1848 was the natural result of the Panslavic movement. It was apparent that a true spirit of panslavism would necessitate a dialog between the Slavs, a dialog not only literary but political as well. Several events which occured in the years 1846-1848 made such a meeting desireable. The Polish uprisings in Galicia and Cracow in 1846, the national agitation in Italy when Cardinal Terretto became Pope, the United Landtag in Prussia, the elections to the Hungarian Diet in 1847, to which Stur was elected, and most immediately, the February, 1848, Revolution in Paris, and the Congress of Germ,an deputies (members of Parliament) in Frankfurt discussing the unification of an Germans, all these events served to stir the Slavic people to action. The spirit of revolution and nationalism was in the arir, dominating the writings and conversations of the year. 15 The Czechs and Slovaks, especially felt that immediate action of some sort was necessary. In Austria, there was the threat of German expansion under the leadership of Prussia. Hungary, under the leadership of Louis Kossuth was pursuing a policy of complete magyarization. The Slovak language was to be suppressed, with Magyar the official language of education and government. It seemed almost paradoxical that the Magyars sought to suppress the national spirit of the Slovaks in order to achieve the same for themselves. Stur saw this paradox, and said in this respect: "Each nation is only one pa1t of humanity and no nation can claim for itself that it alone has comprehended the best human evolution and possible perfection. Therefore, no nation has a right to force upon another nation its way of life when that nation wants to move itself and educate itself as it sees fit. 16 The time seemed opportune for action on the part of �SLOVAKIA 109 the Slavs as well. Stur offered the idea of proclaiming a Slavic Congress, 17 and on May 31, 1848, it was called by Stur and the Czech writers. Prague was chosen for the Congress, and a total of 362 delegates from the various Slavic nations arrived. The delegates were largely from among the Slavs under the Hapsburg rule, but the Poles and Russians also were represented. The avowed objective of the meeting was the establishment of periodic relations between the Slav peoples and the drawing up of a program of action for such peoples subject to Austrian and/ or Hungarian domination. 18 At the Congress Stur offered a program for federalizing Central Europe. In spite of his antagonism to the idea that a non-Slav nation should have any say in the affairs of a Slav nation, he realized that total independence was impossible. The Czechs, being far more realistic than the Slovaks, had realized this, and were consistent supporters of Austroslavism. Thus at the conference the problem narrowed down to a definition of terms: the objective of the Congress was either to save Austria, for with her lay the best chances of maintaining Slavic identity, or the primary concern were the needs of the Slavic people living under Austria. 19 Stur passionately declared at the Congress: Our aim should be to save ourselves, not to save Austria. First we must work for ourselves, then for others. Thus far Austria has been existing but we have been perishing. What wo.u ld the world say to us if we stood for nothing but the preservation of Austria? Let us say that we want to stand as independent Slavonic communities under the government of Austria . . . this will give our work a Slavonic accent.20 Stur felt the program of the congress should be: (1) the creation of independent Slavic united states within Austria, and (2) prompt agreement to this, so that the Austrian armies might destroy Magyar encroachments into Slovakia. 21 Stur could not place enough stress on the need for Slavic independence: "So that we might take over the spot in history which belongs to us according to our strength and abilities, we must once and for all time free ourselves from this unbearable foreign thraldom and gain state independence for ourselves." 22 Stur fully understood the necessity of remaining within the Austrian framework. But his Austroslavism was very �110 SLOVAKIA tepid, and he carefully pointed out that it (Austroslavism) existed only because of sheer necessity. Stur made no attempt to hide his distrust of Austria and his distaste with certain features of the regime. It was otherwise with the Czechs. They had not suffered the same suppressions under the Austrians as the Slovaks had under the Magyars. Hence they were ready to accept the vague promises of the Austrian Emperor that Slavic rights would be recognized and respected. In return, the delegates of the Congress decided to give Austria full support in helping to subdue the Magyars. Futhermore, they adopted a "Manifesto to the European Nations" which called for the following objectives: 1. 2. 3. 4. The freeing of the Slavic people under Turkish rule. That the Magyars acknowledge the rights of the Slovak nation, including the right to its own language. That Croatian autonomy be maintained. That the Slovenians be permitted to possess their land. 23 It would seem then, that the Prague Congress reduced the Panslavic movement to an attempt to reorganize Austria so as to satisfy the nationalism of the Slavs.24 So it must have seemed to Stur, for he felt that the Congress had been a failure. Then too the attempted insurrection in 1848 against the Magyars also failed. Stur was greatly despondent. He had had great faith in the panslavic movement and felt Slavic independence was not an impossible goal. Yet the two expressions of this political panslavism certainly did not succeed. In his despair and disillusionment, Stur concluded that a small nation could not seek its freedom alone, or in the frame of Austroslavism. There was only one alternative left: Russia, for Russia alone of the Slavic nations was powerful enough to lead others to independence. This was the basic idea expressed throughout his book SLavdom and the World of the Future, an exceptional tribute to the cultural, moral, and political forces of the Russian Empire. It also presented a detailed and complete program for the union of Slavs with Russia. Stu.r's book had little impact on his own people. The book was published for the Congress of 1867, when a group of Russians discovered it and translated it. It was the major �SLOVAKIA 111 work studied and examined at the Congress, and was regarded as a complete and perfect program of panrussianism. Stur set out to accomplish four basic tasks in his book. First of all he wished to determine whether the Slavs had a role of their own to fulfill in world history. 25 A close review of the Slavic past ought to yield the answer. Stur of course, was certain of the answer even before he began his examination, for this belief had been the basic reason for the entire panslavic movement. The Slavs were to be the leaders of a "new" Europe. They were at this point in no position to do anything, but history was a progression of spent nations being replaced by young ones, and Slavic emancipation and self-realization would eventually occur. The second task of the book is to describe the Slavic mission in universal history against the background of the cultural difference between Western and Eastern Europe.26 In the west, Stur could see only moral, political, and social dissolution, the ruination of the peasants (true guardians of democracy), and finally the schism between religion and daily life. It was no use looking to the West for salvation, when they were already on the downward path. Nor was there any use in imitating the society and institutions of the West since they were contributing to the very decline of the West. The Western civilization had deteriorated; the Slavs could only look to themselves for help. In the third part Stur presents a highly romantic picture of the Slavic people. The Slavs are people of extraordinary virtue; their only vices were those which had crept in from the influence of the west. The Slavs were naturally good of heart, patient, humble, kind, and democratic. These virtues were the characteristic of all Slavs, but especially the Russians. The Russians were the embodiment of all the best and noble features of the entire Slav nation. Stur had never been in Russia, nor had any prolonged contact with Russians. He based his notion merely on the fact that this had to be logically so, for of the Russians were to be the leaders of the Slavs, they had to be the best among the Slavs. The last section of Slavdom and the World of the Future deals with the problems of Slavic political unification. Unity was an absolute necessity if the Slavs were to achieve their historic mission. But what type of unity? �112 SLOVAKIA There were three possibilities. The first one that he considered was a Slavic Federation without Russia. This he rejected because such a federation could never succeed due to internal dissention among the various Slavic peoples. So union of so many Slavic nations of about equal strength would destroy the possibility of the emergence of a leader. Yet a leader was absolutely necessary if the Slavs were to jointly work for their destiny. A second possibility was the transformation of Austria into a Slavic Empire. Any type of unity with Austria was an illusion that could never gain substance. Attempts at cooperation with Austria had failed once before, and Stur believed Austria was doomed to destruction ; Austroslavism should not even be considered. The only remaining alternative was union with Russia. Russia was powerful enough to unite all the Slavic nations ; she was the leader the Slavs needed . Stur was proud of Russia's vastness and power, but it was a Slavic pride. Should the Slavic peoples unite under Russia, their equal could not be found in all of Europe. This is an amazing document to come from the hands of I..:udovit Stur. And yet, given the circumstances he faced in the 1850's, it is not so hard to understand. Stur's primary goal, for which he had worked all his life, was a Slavic nationalism, a Slavic unity. Austroslavism had failed; there was only one place left to turn: to Russia. Stur did not reject independence for the individual Slavic nations; he was not willing to replace Austrian domination with Russian. He hoped for the creation of a federation of independent Slavic states under Russian leadership, substantially the same as he urged in 1848 under Austrian leadership. Stur's book was greatly praised by the Russian Slavophils, for it was so closely atuned to their ideas. However, the book was an expression of Stur's ideas which he arrived at independently of any noticeable influence from the Russians.27 Stur died in 1856, and hence, having never set foot in Russia, had little contact with the Slavophils. He did carry on a correspondence with several Russians, but not enough to permit the statement that his book was an expression of their views. Stur was interested in panslavism, in unity for �SLOVAKIA 113 all Slavic nations; his interest in Russia came only as a result of this. The Panslavic Movement did not, during Stu.r's time, achieve any notable results. In fact, by the time of his death, the whole movement was pretty much a failure. Panslavism failed because the very nationalism that it promoted led to its defeat. By urging Slavic national consciousness, panslavism created dissent among the various Slav nations. The more the people became aware of their individuality, their historical traditions, and their own language, the less they wanted to sacrifice them for a non-existent Slav federation. Secondly, the centuries-old and traditional antagonism between various Slavic nations, such as Poles and Russians, Czechs and Slovaks, Croatians and Serbians, prevented any success for a plan that would unite them. These two factors prevented Panslavism from exercising any dominant or stable influence on European political thought at that time. Yet Panslavism has an inherent value in that it revealed for the first time to the rest of Europe the Slavic mind. This is especially important in the light of the present role which the Slavs play in Europe. The Prague Congress too, could be regarded as a failure, for there was little change in the situation of the Slavic people after it. But the Prague Congress was the first expression of Slavic unity, of Slavic identity, separate from the Hapsburg rule. As such, it gave the Slavs confidence and a guide for future actions. Slavdom and the World of the Future is relatively unknown, even in the Slavic world. Yet it had a strong influence on Russian thinking in the 1870's and was in fact a forerunner of their program and goals. :Cudovit Stur was the author of political panslavism. He initiated the Prague Congress of 1848, and through his book, spread his influence beyond the confines of the Austrian Empire. He revealed to the West the Slavic mind and the Slavic desires ; he deserves a place in the 19th century intellectual and national thought and doctrine. FOOTNOTES 1. Hans Kohn, Panslavism, Notre Dame University Press, p. 18. 2. Ernest Denis, Les Slovaques, Paris, p. 14. 3. As Jan Kollar, great Slovak poet, stated: "The Tatra Slavs had �SLOVAKIA 114 so far almost no literature of their own, therefore they first opened their arms to embrace all Slavs . . . the Tatra mountains are the nest and cradle of all Slavs. Therefore the idea of solidarity ... took root there faster and deeper than anywhere else." (Kohn, p. 17) 4. Ibid., p. 44. 5. Jozef Kirschbaum, Nas boj o samostatnost' Slovenska, Slovak Institute, p. 233. 6. Kohn, p. 1. 7. Ibid., 8. It is hard to say why the west was considered to be decadent. Possibly because, after the nationalistic hopes aroused by Napoleon, Europe was successfully forced to return to the status quo ante Napoleon, to the despair of liberals and nationalists. Even with the political panslavism of Stur, the aim was Slavic independence, not Slavic control of Europe in the immediate future. 10. Kirschbaum, Nas boj, p. 231, and Jan Kollar - Slovak Poet of Panslavism, Slavistica, No. 56, Slovak Institute, Cleveland, 0., 1965. 11. Kohn, p. 18. 12. Kirschbaum, p. 235. 13. Ibid. 14. H. Seton-Watson, A History of the Czechs and Slovaks, p. 175, and Kirschbaum, Pavol J. Safarik and His Contribution to Slavic Studies, Slavistica No. 43, Cleveland, 0., 1962. 15. Kohn, p. 62. 16. Marian 2iar, " Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism", Slovakia, Vol. VI, March 1956, Middletown, Pa., p. 9. 17. Zdenek Tobolka, Slovanskii Sjezd v Praze roku 1848, Prague, p. 51. 18. A. Mouset, Le Monde Slave, Paris, p. 14. 9. 19. Karol Galan, " Sturove reci na slovanskom sjazde roku 1848", Slovenske pohl'ady, cislo 8-9, aug.-sept. 1936, p. 422. The difference in the two positions lay mostly in their emphasis; the one put Austria first, the other put the Slavs first. Stur of course, was in favor of the second phraseology. 20. Ibid. 21. Ibid., p. 423. 22. Jozef Kirschbaum, Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, Robert Speller Co., p. 73. 23. Kirschbaum, N<is boj, pp. 247-48. 24. Waclaw Lednicki, "Panslavism". European Ideologies, ed. Felix Gross, New York, p. 869. 25. M. Petrovich, "I:udovit Stur and Russian Panslavism", Journal of Central European Affairs, Vol. 12, April 1952, p. 6. 26. Ibid., p. 9. �SLOVAKIA 27. 115 Jozef Kirschbaum, "Uudovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World", Slavistica, No. 32, 1958, Slovak Institute p. 12. BIBLIOGRAPHY Denis, Ernest, La Question d'Autriche Delagrave: Paris) , 1917. Les Slovaques. (Librairie Galan, Karol, "Sturove reci na slovanskom sjazde roku 1848". Slovenske pohi'ady, cislo 8-9, aug.-sept. 1936, Bratislava. Kirschbaum, Jozef, Nas boj o samostatnosf Slovenska. (Slovak Institute: Cleveland, Ohio), 1958. Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. (Robert Speller and Sons Co.: New York), 1960. "Uudovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World". siavistica No .32, (Slovak Institute: Cleve1and), 1958. Kohn, Hans, Pansfovism. (University of Notre Dame Press: South Bend, Ind.), 1953. Lednicki, Waclaw, "Panslavism" European Ideologies. ed. Feliks Gross (Philosophical Library: New York), 1948. Miku~. Joseph, Slovakia, a Political History . (Marquette University Press: Milwaukee, Wis.), 1963. Mousset, Albert, Le Monde siave. Paris, 1946. Oddo, Gilbert, Slovakia and Its People . (Robert Speller and Sons Co.: New York), 1960. Pauco, Jozef, r.udovychova u sturovcov. Matiea slovenska, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1943. Petrovich, Michael, "Uudovit Stur and Russian Panslavism" Journal of Central European Affairs, Vol. 12, April, 1952. Seton-Watson, R. H., A History of the Czechs and Slovaks. London: 1943. Stur, L'udovit, Listy I?.udovita Stura, ed. Dr. Jozef Ambru~ (Slovenska Akademia Vied: Bratislava), 1956. Tobolka, Zdenek, Slovansky sjezd v Praze roku 1848. (F. Simacek Co.: Prague), 1901. Vlcek, Jaroslav, Dejiny literatury slovenskej (Matica slovenska: Turciansky Sv. Martin), 1923. 2iar, Marian, "Stur: Father of Modem Slovak Nationalism". Slovakia, Vol. VI, March 1956, (Jednota Press: Middletown, Pa.) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1966, Vol. 16 Description An account of the resource Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 104 SLOVAKIA UUDOVfT STUR AND THE PANSLAVIC MOVEMENT By Suzanna Mikula, B.A. Slovaks have long recognized the achievements of Uudovit Stur (1815-1856) in promoting Slovak unity, culture, and independence. He is a great national figure, revered as the "Father of Modern Slovak Nationa1ism". Stur was a man of many talents, literary, pedagogical, and political. He was an ardent patriot among people who had been without a nation for a thousand years, a Protestant in an area predominantly Catholic. Stur was also the author of a number of books, poems, and pamphlets, all in a strong patriotic vein. His most famous work even though not the best is Slavdom and the World of the Future, wrUten in the early 1850's in the German language, but not published until 1867 in Russia. Stur's contributions to the Slovak nation are quite known. But what of his place in the history of Slavs at his time? The third, fourth, and fifth decades of the 19th century saw a · tremendous national revival of the Slavic world. This revival led to a Panslavic movement, received enthusiastically by the Slavic world and fearfully by western Europe. Stur had an active role in the Panslavic Movement, and with his work at the Prague Congress of 1848 as well as with his book, Slavdom and the World of the Future, introduced the concept of poHtical panslavism. Slovakia can be called the mother of the Panslavic Movement, for a Slovak writer named John Herkel first used the word "panslavic" in a Latin treatise published in 1826. Furthermore the main leaders and writers of the Panslavic Movement of the 19th century were Slovaks; the poet Jan Kollar and scholar P. J. Safarik may even be regarded as the fathers of Panslavism. 1 The success of panslavism among the Slovaks was due to the fact that the Slovaks occupy the central position (geographically) in the Slavic world. Also since the Slovak language is the purest of the Slavic tongues, they believed they were the original Slav nation. In fact, the Slovaks seem to have some resemblance to nearly all of the Slavic nations, further strengthening the "mother-of-the-Slavs" concept which the Slovaks cherish. Thus it seems that from the heart SLOVAKIA 105 of Slavdom, the Slovaks were chosen to lead the separated brothers. 2 Furthermore, the Slovaks had been dominated by other nations for nearly a thousand years; now the activities of the panslavists gave leadership and direction to the long suppressed desires of the Slovaks for their own nation.3 These factors help explain why Slovakia became "the classic country of the Slavic idea." 4 However, the Panslavic Movement was not limited to Slovakia, but spread throughout the Slavic world, taking deeper root in some areas than in others. There had been an early attempt at achieving some type of Slavic unity in the 17th century. Juraj Krizanic (1618-1683), a Croatian, was a forerunner of Panslavism in that he sought the adoption of a single Slavic language for all Slavic nations. He also advocated agreement to political unity under Russia, but little attention was paid to him.5 The idea of Slavic unity had no success in the 17th century, but by the 19th century, events in Europe offered more hope for its acceptance. The French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars caused a political awakening of intellectuals in central and Eastern Europe. 6 Jin Austria, the enlightened reigns of Maria Theresa, Joseph II and Leopold II improved the economic and social conditions of the Slav subjects, who now for the first time found opportunity for education and intellectual activity. And finally, the great success and power of Russia offered a shining example to the downtrodden Slavic nations of what a brother nation could achieve. A far greater influence on the intellectual thought leading to Panslavism was linguistic and political Pangermanism, especially as interpreted by Johann Herder. According to Herder, the national language was regarded as a determining factor for men's loyalty. 7 But even more than this, Herder believed, and proclaimed in his writings, that the Slavic race was the future leader of Europe. The decadent8 Romanic and Germanic tribes would of nesessity yield to the peace-loving, moral, and primitively democratic Slavs. He urged them not to abandon their language, but to cultivate it carefully and consistently, for it was a precious g,ift from their fathers. Thus Panslavism rested on the two principles of a common language and a kind nebulous unity created by the existence of a widespread, primitive, but untainted Slavic civilization. 106 SLOVAJOA Panslavism was a sign of the national awakening of central and eastern Europe, and as such its primary emphasis was on language, literature, and culture. Having been subjugated for so many centuries, the Slavic people needed support in formulating a national consciousness, a national vernacular literature, and they sought this support in each other. Panslavism arose at first more as a defensive movement among the western Slavs than as a political movement with the aim of replacing western dominance in Europe. However for many years, even to this day, the word panslavism has a political connotation for the Romance and Germanic nations, implying a belligerent attempt to replace their civilization with the Slavic civilization.!) This connotation was attached to the Panslavic movement from the very beginning, largely because of a slight resemblanc e to a pangerman movement, but also because of the subjugated position of the various Slavic nations. This gave rise to the fear that they would attempt to recover their former independen ce, and thus disturb the surface-peace of Europe. Individual Slavic nations could hardly create a problem for the rest of Europe, except Russia. But once unified, the Slavic race far outnumbered the other two, and could quite possibly overpower them. This fear never materialized. Panslavism , throughout the 19th century, remained the primary concern of poets, newspaper writers, literary scholars, philologists , and historians.10 Unlike western European nations, where national awakening came as a result of the activities of politicians and statesmen, Slavic nationalism was removed from the political plan and situated in the literary field . The panslavic poets and writers expressed, in a period when such feelings were dominant, an optomistic belief in man's inevitable progress, in a great spiritual rejuvenatio n, which would result in the establishme nt of liberty, peace, and happiness.11 The Slavs were far removed from the conflicts of the older nations ; perhaps they were the heralds of this new era? Certainly the Slavic writers offered promises that this was so. The Panslavic movement was also used as a protest against the dominant position of the German and Magyar tongues within the Slavic world. The Slavs used the appeal of ethnograph ic nationality, so much a part of the thinking of this age that it was regarded as a national right, against their two major oppressors. SLOVAKIA 107 There were three stages in the Panslavic movement: literary, scientific, and political, with literary panslavism being the primary and most successful. The Slovak poet Jan Kollar was the spokesman for literary panslavism. His chief goal was the literary and cultural union of Slavic nations. According to Kollar, there is only one Slavic nation, and only one Slavric language. He did not feel that a single political state was necessary, nor even a single spoken language. The various dialects were to be respected, but in literature, only the one common Slavic language should prevail. 12 Kollar was against political union of Slavric nations because he felt agitation for such union would result in disorder and catastrophe for the Slavs. 13 What Kollar hoped to attain was a state of literary reciprocity, whereby the writings of one nation would be the property and treasure of every other Slav nation. Kollar tried to awaken within the Slavs their sense of unity, their glorsious destiny and bright future. He stressed the need of self-recognition and inter-communication, but without any conflicts with existing political structures. Yet in spite of his dislike of political agitation, it was his impassioned and imaginative writing which led the Slavic people to action. Scientific panslavism was chiefly the result of the efforts of Pavel Jozef Safarik, who was the first to pursue a scholarly and systematic study of the background and origins of the Slavic nations and language. He provided the foundation upon which the panslavists might build Slavic unity and destiny, and his work gave authenticity to the poems of Kollar and the writings of Stur. His book Slavic Antiquities became famous throughout Europe, stimu}ating an interest in the early history and culture of the Slav peoples. Safarik may be regarded as the founder of a whole school of scientific writers, and his book had a very direct influence on subsequent developments in the Slav world. 14 His studies of the Slavic languages substantiated the early belief that all the Slavic languages were quite closely related; Safarik provided a rational foundation for the emotional appeal of Kollar. The literary and scientif,ic panslavism of Kollar and Safarik succeeded in creating a strong national spirit among the Slavs, the Czechs and Slovaks in particular. It is only natural that this cry for national unity and for self-recognition should be heard and taken to its logical conclusion, namely 108 SLOVAKIA political panslavism. And this had been done by Uudovit Stur, who saw in which direction panslavism must now go. Literary and cultural unity was not enough. To achieve their glorious destiny, the destiny to which both Kollar and Safari.k alluded, the Slavic peoples had to attain a measure of political unity. There were two paths that political panslavism could follow: Austroslavism, which meant maintaining a form of Austrian political influence, and which Stur advocated at the Prague Congress of 1848, the first great manifestation of Panslavism, and Pan-Russianism, which Stur adopted after the failure of the Prague Congress. The Prague Congress of 1848 was the natural result of the Panslavic movement. It was apparent that a true spirit of panslavism would necessitate a dialog between the Slavs, a dialog not only literary but political as well. Several events which occured in the years 1846-1848 made such a meeting desireable. The Polish uprisings in Galicia and Cracow in 1846, the national agitation in Italy when Cardinal Terretto became Pope, the United Landtag in Prussia, the elections to the Hungarian Diet in 1847, to which Stur was elected, and most immediately, the February, 1848, Revolution in Paris, and the Congress of Germ,an deputies (members of Parliament) in Frankfurt discussing the unification of an Germans, all these events served to stir the Slavic people to action. The spirit of revolution and nationalism was in the arir, dominating the writings and conversations of the year. 15 The Czechs and Slovaks, especially felt that immediate action of some sort was necessary. In Austria, there was the threat of German expansion under the leadership of Prussia. Hungary, under the leadership of Louis Kossuth was pursuing a policy of complete magyarization. The Slovak language was to be suppressed, with Magyar the official language of education and government. It seemed almost paradoxical that the Magyars sought to suppress the national spirit of the Slovaks in order to achieve the same for themselves. Stur saw this paradox, and said in this respect: "Each nation is only one pa1t of humanity and no nation can claim for itself that it alone has comprehended the best human evolution and possible perfection. Therefore, no nation has a right to force upon another nation its way of life when that nation wants to move itself and educate itself as it sees fit. 16 The time seemed opportune for action on the part of SLOVAKIA 109 the Slavs as well. Stur offered the idea of proclaiming a Slavic Congress, 17 and on May 31, 1848, it was called by Stur and the Czech writers. Prague was chosen for the Congress, and a total of 362 delegates from the various Slavic nations arrived. The delegates were largely from among the Slavs under the Hapsburg rule, but the Poles and Russians also were represented. The avowed objective of the meeting was the establishment of periodic relations between the Slav peoples and the drawing up of a program of action for such peoples subject to Austrian and/ or Hungarian domination. 18 At the Congress Stur offered a program for federalizing Central Europe. In spite of his antagonism to the idea that a non-Slav nation should have any say in the affairs of a Slav nation, he realized that total independence was impossible. The Czechs, being far more realistic than the Slovaks, had realized this, and were consistent supporters of Austroslavism. Thus at the conference the problem narrowed down to a definition of terms: the objective of the Congress was either to save Austria, for with her lay the best chances of maintaining Slavic identity, or the primary concern were the needs of the Slavic people living under Austria. 19 Stur passionately declared at the Congress: Our aim should be to save ourselves, not to save Austria. First we must work for ourselves, then for others. Thus far Austria has been existing but we have been perishing. What wo.u ld the world say to us if we stood for nothing but the preservation of Austria? Let us say that we want to stand as independent Slavonic communities under the government of Austria . . . this will give our work a Slavonic accent.20 Stur felt the program of the congress should be: (1) the creation of independent Slavic united states within Austria, and (2) prompt agreement to this, so that the Austrian armies might destroy Magyar encroachments into Slovakia. 21 Stur could not place enough stress on the need for Slavic independence: "So that we might take over the spot in history which belongs to us according to our strength and abilities, we must once and for all time free ourselves from this unbearable foreign thraldom and gain state independence for ourselves." 22 Stur fully understood the necessity of remaining within the Austrian framework. But his Austroslavism was very 110 SLOVAKIA tepid, and he carefully pointed out that it (Austroslavism) existed only because of sheer necessity. Stur made no attempt to hide his distrust of Austria and his distaste with certain features of the regime. It was otherwise with the Czechs. They had not suffered the same suppressions under the Austrians as the Slovaks had under the Magyars. Hence they were ready to accept the vague promises of the Austrian Emperor that Slavic rights would be recognized and respected. In return, the delegates of the Congress decided to give Austria full support in helping to subdue the Magyars. Futhermore, they adopted a "Manifesto to the European Nations" which called for the following objectives: 1. 2. 3. 4. The freeing of the Slavic people under Turkish rule. That the Magyars acknowledge the rights of the Slovak nation, including the right to its own language. That Croatian autonomy be maintained. That the Slovenians be permitted to possess their land. 23 It would seem then, that the Prague Congress reduced the Panslavic movement to an attempt to reorganize Austria so as to satisfy the nationalism of the Slavs.24 So it must have seemed to Stur, for he felt that the Congress had been a failure. Then too the attempted insurrection in 1848 against the Magyars also failed. Stur was greatly despondent. He had had great faith in the panslavic movement and felt Slavic independence was not an impossible goal. Yet the two expressions of this political panslavism certainly did not succeed. In his despair and disillusionment, Stur concluded that a small nation could not seek its freedom alone, or in the frame of Austroslavism. There was only one alternative left: Russia, for Russia alone of the Slavic nations was powerful enough to lead others to independence. This was the basic idea expressed throughout his book SLavdom and the World of the Future, an exceptional tribute to the cultural, moral, and political forces of the Russian Empire. It also presented a detailed and complete program for the union of Slavs with Russia. Stu.r's book had little impact on his own people. The book was published for the Congress of 1867, when a group of Russians discovered it and translated it. It was the major SLOVAKIA 111 work studied and examined at the Congress, and was regarded as a complete and perfect program of panrussianism. Stur set out to accomplish four basic tasks in his book. First of all he wished to determine whether the Slavs had a role of their own to fulfill in world history. 25 A close review of the Slavic past ought to yield the answer. Stur of course, was certain of the answer even before he began his examination, for this belief had been the basic reason for the entire panslavic movement. The Slavs were to be the leaders of a "new" Europe. They were at this point in no position to do anything, but history was a progression of spent nations being replaced by young ones, and Slavic emancipation and self-realization would eventually occur. The second task of the book is to describe the Slavic mission in universal history against the background of the cultural difference between Western and Eastern Europe.26 In the west, Stur could see only moral, political, and social dissolution, the ruination of the peasants (true guardians of democracy), and finally the schism between religion and daily life. It was no use looking to the West for salvation, when they were already on the downward path. Nor was there any use in imitating the society and institutions of the West since they were contributing to the very decline of the West. The Western civilization had deteriorated; the Slavs could only look to themselves for help. In the third part Stur presents a highly romantic picture of the Slavic people. The Slavs are people of extraordinary virtue; their only vices were those which had crept in from the influence of the west. The Slavs were naturally good of heart, patient, humble, kind, and democratic. These virtues were the characteristic of all Slavs, but especially the Russians. The Russians were the embodiment of all the best and noble features of the entire Slav nation. Stur had never been in Russia, nor had any prolonged contact with Russians. He based his notion merely on the fact that this had to be logically so, for of the Russians were to be the leaders of the Slavs, they had to be the best among the Slavs. The last section of Slavdom and the World of the Future deals with the problems of Slavic political unification. Unity was an absolute necessity if the Slavs were to achieve their historic mission. But what type of unity? 112 SLOVAKIA There were three possibilities. The first one that he considered was a Slavic Federation without Russia. This he rejected because such a federation could never succeed due to internal dissention among the various Slavic peoples. So union of so many Slavic nations of about equal strength would destroy the possibility of the emergence of a leader. Yet a leader was absolutely necessary if the Slavs were to jointly work for their destiny. A second possibility was the transformation of Austria into a Slavic Empire. Any type of unity with Austria was an illusion that could never gain substance. Attempts at cooperation with Austria had failed once before, and Stur believed Austria was doomed to destruction ; Austroslavism should not even be considered. The only remaining alternative was union with Russia. Russia was powerful enough to unite all the Slavic nations ; she was the leader the Slavs needed . Stur was proud of Russia's vastness and power, but it was a Slavic pride. Should the Slavic peoples unite under Russia, their equal could not be found in all of Europe. This is an amazing document to come from the hands of I..:udovit Stur. And yet, given the circumstances he faced in the 1850's, it is not so hard to understand. Stur's primary goal, for which he had worked all his life, was a Slavic nationalism, a Slavic unity. Austroslavism had failed; there was only one place left to turn: to Russia. Stur did not reject independence for the individual Slavic nations; he was not willing to replace Austrian domination with Russian. He hoped for the creation of a federation of independent Slavic states under Russian leadership, substantially the same as he urged in 1848 under Austrian leadership. Stur's book was greatly praised by the Russian Slavophils, for it was so closely atuned to their ideas. However, the book was an expression of Stur's ideas which he arrived at independently of any noticeable influence from the Russians.27 Stur died in 1856, and hence, having never set foot in Russia, had little contact with the Slavophils. He did carry on a correspondence with several Russians, but not enough to permit the statement that his book was an expression of their views. Stur was interested in panslavism, in unity for SLOVAKIA 113 all Slavic nations; his interest in Russia came only as a result of this. The Panslavic Movement did not, during Stu.r's time, achieve any notable results. In fact, by the time of his death, the whole movement was pretty much a failure. Panslavism failed because the very nationalism that it promoted led to its defeat. By urging Slavic national consciousness, panslavism created dissent among the various Slav nations. The more the people became aware of their individuality, their historical traditions, and their own language, the less they wanted to sacrifice them for a non-existent Slav federation. Secondly, the centuries-old and traditional antagonism between various Slavic nations, such as Poles and Russians, Czechs and Slovaks, Croatians and Serbians, prevented any success for a plan that would unite them. These two factors prevented Panslavism from exercising any dominant or stable influence on European political thought at that time. Yet Panslavism has an inherent value in that it revealed for the first time to the rest of Europe the Slavic mind. This is especially important in the light of the present role which the Slavs play in Europe. The Prague Congress too, could be regarded as a failure, for there was little change in the situation of the Slavic people after it. But the Prague Congress was the first expression of Slavic unity, of Slavic identity, separate from the Hapsburg rule. As such, it gave the Slavs confidence and a guide for future actions. Slavdom and the World of the Future is relatively unknown, even in the Slavic world. Yet it had a strong influence on Russian thinking in the 1870's and was in fact a forerunner of their program and goals. :Cudovit Stur was the author of political panslavism. He initiated the Prague Congress of 1848, and through his book, spread his influence beyond the confines of the Austrian Empire. He revealed to the West the Slavic mind and the Slavic desires ; he deserves a place in the 19th century intellectual and national thought and doctrine. FOOTNOTES 1. Hans Kohn, Panslavism, Notre Dame University Press, p. 18. 2. Ernest Denis, Les Slovaques, Paris, p. 14. 3. As Jan Kollar, great Slovak poet, stated: "The Tatra Slavs had SLOVAKIA 114 so far almost no literature of their own, therefore they first opened their arms to embrace all Slavs . . . the Tatra mountains are the nest and cradle of all Slavs. Therefore the idea of solidarity ... took root there faster and deeper than anywhere else." (Kohn, p. 17) 4. Ibid., p. 44. 5. Jozef Kirschbaum, Nas boj o samostatnost' Slovenska, Slovak Institute, p. 233. 6. Kohn, p. 1. 7. Ibid., 8. It is hard to say why the west was considered to be decadent. Possibly because, after the nationalistic hopes aroused by Napoleon, Europe was successfully forced to return to the status quo ante Napoleon, to the despair of liberals and nationalists. Even with the political panslavism of Stur, the aim was Slavic independence, not Slavic control of Europe in the immediate future. 10. Kirschbaum, Nas boj, p. 231, and Jan Kollar - Slovak Poet of Panslavism, Slavistica, No. 56, Slovak Institute, Cleveland, 0., 1965. 11. Kohn, p. 18. 12. Kirschbaum, p. 235. 13. Ibid. 14. H. Seton-Watson, A History of the Czechs and Slovaks, p. 175, and Kirschbaum, Pavol J. Safarik and His Contribution to Slavic Studies, Slavistica No. 43, Cleveland, 0., 1962. 15. Kohn, p. 62. 16. Marian 2iar, " Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism", Slovakia, Vol. VI, March 1956, Middletown, Pa., p. 9. 17. Zdenek Tobolka, Slovanskii Sjezd v Praze roku 1848, Prague, p. 51. 18. A. Mouset, Le Monde Slave, Paris, p. 14. 9. 19. Karol Galan, " Sturove reci na slovanskom sjazde roku 1848", Slovenske pohl'ady, cislo 8-9, aug.-sept. 1936, p. 422. The difference in the two positions lay mostly in their emphasis; the one put Austria first, the other put the Slavs first. Stur of course, was in favor of the second phraseology. 20. Ibid. 21. Ibid., p. 423. 22. Jozef Kirschbaum, Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, Robert Speller Co., p. 73. 23. Kirschbaum, N<is boj, pp. 247-48. 24. Waclaw Lednicki, "Panslavism". European Ideologies, ed. Felix Gross, New York, p. 869. 25. M. Petrovich, "I:udovit Stur and Russian Panslavism", Journal of Central European Affairs, Vol. 12, April 1952, p. 6. 26. Ibid., p. 9. SLOVAKIA 27. 115 Jozef Kirschbaum, "Uudovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World", Slavistica, No. 32, 1958, Slovak Institute p. 12. BIBLIOGRAPHY Denis, Ernest, La Question d'Autriche Delagrave: Paris) , 1917. Les Slovaques. (Librairie Galan, Karol, "Sturove reci na slovanskom sjazde roku 1848". Slovenske pohi'ady, cislo 8-9, aug.-sept. 1936, Bratislava. Kirschbaum, Jozef, Nas boj o samostatnosf Slovenska. (Slovak Institute: Cleveland, Ohio), 1958. Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. (Robert Speller and Sons Co.: New York), 1960. "Uudovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World". siavistica No .32, (Slovak Institute: Cleve1and), 1958. Kohn, Hans, Pansfovism. (University of Notre Dame Press: South Bend, Ind.), 1953. Lednicki, Waclaw, "Panslavism" European Ideologies. ed. Feliks Gross (Philosophical Library: New York), 1948. Miku~. Joseph, Slovakia, a Political History . (Marquette University Press: Milwaukee, Wis.), 1963. Mousset, Albert, Le Monde siave. Paris, 1946. Oddo, Gilbert, Slovakia and Its People . (Robert Speller and Sons Co.: New York), 1960. Pauco, Jozef, r.udovychova u sturovcov. Matiea slovenska, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1943. Petrovich, Michael, "Uudovit Stur and Russian Panslavism" Journal of Central European Affairs, Vol. 12, April, 1952. Seton-Watson, R. H., A History of the Czechs and Slovaks. London: 1943. Stur, L'udovit, Listy I?.udovita Stura, ed. Dr. Jozef Ambru~ (Slovenska Akademia Vied: Bratislava), 1956. Tobolka, Zdenek, Slovansky sjezd v Praze roku 1848. (F. Simacek Co.: Prague), 1901. Vlcek, Jaroslav, Dejiny literatury slovenskej (Matica slovenska: Turciansky Sv. Martin), 1923. 2iar, Marian, "Stur: Father of Modem Slovak Nationalism". Slovakia, Vol. VI, March 1956, (Jednota Press: Middletown, Pa.)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ľudovít Štúr and the Panslavic Movement Description An account of the resource Suzanna Mikula, B.A. Slovakia, Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966 pp. 104-115 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mikula, Suzanna Maria, 1943- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/4ee8bccf87776b5436ecb3ea05c0ef6a.pdf e39480df46c62f5715cc2298fe8e25e9 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA HEROIC SLOVAK B]SiHiOP - 99 WiCT]M OF COMMUNISM When 'One talks rubout Catholic bishops behind ·t he Iron Ountain - victims of Communist ,persecution - tJhe names of Cardinals Aloysius Stepinac, Joseph Mindszenty amd Joseph Berran usually come to our mind. But there is qruiite an imposing number of other heroic bishops in Communist jails and labor camps, hidden from the eyes of the world. They are som~how forigotten even in the Catholic press, but certia:inly not in t:he eyers orf God for Wlhom they are suffering. One orf these heroic victims of Communism was John Vojrba;sM1,k, bishop of rtilie Sipis Diocese in Slovakia, who died on August 4, 1965, after fifiteen years of imprisonment and confinement. He was the most ,beloved amd revered Slova,k bishop whose martyrdom is a source of inspiraition to t:he WJhole Slova;k nation. Vojtassruk's position in Slovrukia cam be compared to tJhat of Cardinal Stepi:nac in Croaitia. Bishop Vojtassak was !born on November 14, 1877, in Zaikmnenne in Orava, the poorest district orf Slovakia, from poor peasant parenrts. Among tJhe S-Eovak people, to have a son in the priesthood was considered trhe highest ideal and distincti'(){n. To attain that goal they did nOlt hesitate to make it:Jhe greatest sacrifices 0,nd undergo 1:Jhe greatest hardsihiips. To the overwhelmiJng joy of his p3irents Jahn Vojtassaik was ordained a priest on July 1, 1901. It was at a time when Slovakia was suffering under rbhe burden orf imposed magyarization. It was considered harmful and daingerous to one's career t'O ,s how his 1Sfovaik patriotism . .Patriotic priests were l8ibeled by Magyar civil a;nd ecclesiastica:l authorities as Pam-Slavs, and their priestly ,l ives would be spent in 1:lhe poorest and remotest parishes of rbhe diocese. John Vojtassak knew this very well, ibut lhe did not waver. He always remained fairthful to tJhe Slovak people. After working as assistant pastor in several small parishes, he became, in 1911, ,p astor in Veli:cna, a poor vi-llag,e orf Orava, where he stayed until 1919. As a ,p riest, John Vojta;ssak exoolied in pastoral zeal. Besides his regular priesitily duties he wrote articles in Slovak ma:gazines, particularly for the "SVATA RODINA" ('Dhe Holy Family), of whioh he became ediitor. In his articles, Vojtassaik tried to bolster the nationa:l and religious conscientiousness of the Slovruk people. He acquired a nationltl renown throughout all of S'lovrukia. 1 1 �SLOVAKIA His generosity toward Slovak national caiuses was ibotmdless. When as a young ,p riest he did not have any money to contribute for ithe estaiblishment of the Sfovaik National Museum, lhe g,ave his most va,lued treasur,e, his go'lden wa•tclh 01nd -ohain, wlhioh he received a;s a gift ifor his priestly oroinaUon. Tihis gesture became a legendary iHustr,aition of his ardent 'love for his nation. T,he end of World WaT I mea:nt the end of the old Austro-Hungarian Monarchy •a nd the fo11maition of the new Czecho~Slovak Republic. It was aJ1so the end of the imposed ma,gayairization of tJhe Slovak nation. In the Czeoho-Slovaik Republic, the apostolic zeai and work done by John Vojt•a ssak i.for the welfare of the Slova,k people were rewaroed. He W8Js named rector of the Diocesan Seminary in Spisska Kapituila in 1919, and a year later he W8JS arppoiinted bishop of the Spis Diocese by tihe Holy See. With great enthusiasm ihe plunged info the work of reforming his diocese. His primary preoccupation was the Catholirc education of yoUlbh. He founded a Te8ic'her's A:cademy for men in Spisska Kaipitwl.ia and another for women in Levoca. In Levioca he a!1so est8Jbliished a Minor Seminary. The Major Seminary at Spisska KapitJula became a model for a11 other seminaries in Slova!kia. To pr,omote viarious apostolaJtes rbishop Vojt8Jssak supported the religious orders and congregations in his diocese. He ail so iinrkoduced into his diocese School Brotheris as well as Missionaries of the DiviM Word. At the same time Vojtassfuk's concern wiitJh Slovak nrationa1 affairs did not diminish. As his stature among the Slovak !hierarchy grew, so did ,his influence in the political ilife of Slo-vakia. After the war, the Czechs came to Sfovrukia to help in its -administrative a,nd cultural tasks. But from the -beginnin.g the Czechs manifested a certain· a'loofness towaird the S:lovaks. With the ove11t:hrow of the Haibsburg Catholic Monarchy, chauvinistic Czechs tried to overthrow the Crutholic Church in the new Republic and return ito Hu.ssitism. 'I1he Czechs in Slovaikia did not respect Slovak tra,ditions nor their aJttaohment to their priests rand their Catholic reli!gion. Furthermore, bhe S1ov.aks soon realized that Czecih intentiOIJl.S toward · Slovakia in other respects were not the best·eirther. The Ozeoh:s in Slovwkia oocrupied not only positions for. .which -there was not enoug,h q,ua,l ified Slovaik per- �SLOVAKIA 101 soninel, -but even petty clerica:l jobs for which tlhere was more than enough Slovia:k mam,power. Tihe Prague government did not care to develop ·Slovruk industria!l caipacitty, but rather J-iindered it. 'Dhe Czechs did not respect tihe Slovwk language, and tried to engulf the Slovalk s under ,f oe guise of so-called Czechoslovak nation. This irritated Sloviak .p atriots. Msgr. Andrew Hlinka, who during the Magya,r regime ,s uffered prison terms for his Slovak patri<otism, now became the staunohest fighter :rgainst Czech encrooohments ilil 1Sfovakia. The program of his Peoples' Party was the ,culitura!l ,and administrative autonomy of Slovrukia in ithe framework of the Czeoho-S'lovak Republic. 'Dhls •policy was based on 1:Jhe Pittsbu~g,h Pact, conoll\lded between the American Slovaks aind Czechs in P1Usburg,h, ,P a., on May 30, 1918, and signed by Prof. 'Ilhomas G. Masaryk, the first president of the Republic. But Masruryk reneged on Jij,s own words and pursued a ,p olicy of strict centralism toward Slovakia directed from Prague. In the struggle for Slovak autonomy bishop Vojtassak was a dose co-worker of Msgr. Hlinlka. Jin 1939 Adolf Hitler occupied the Czech territories (Bohemia •amd Moravia), and Slovakia ,b ecame independent. After tJhe deait:Jh of :Msgr. Andrew Hlilllka on August 16, 1938, Msgr. Joseph Tiso became •t he head of Hlinlka's SlovaJk Peoples' Party. He was elected president of the Slovak Republic on October 26, 1939. Slova:kia, being in Gemnany's sphere orf influence, could not pur,s ue an independent foreign policy. Neveritheless, in internal a:Hiairs the regi<me of Msgr. Tiso was relatively free and democratic. German efforts to nazi!fy Slovakia were thwarted by Msgr. Tiso. Even the Jewish question, despite German pressure, was solved in a mi'lder manner than in other countries under Germ.'8JI1 influence. During the S<lovak R epublic B1shop Vojtassak brought his diocese to fu:11 blossom. 'Ilhe Retreat Movement, which spread tlhroug,hoUJt Slovakia during the war, was most flourishing in the Spis diocese. Bishop Vojtassak was ,prominent in aH tlhe nationia!l Catholic enterpdses. Through his efforts the S:lovaik Cait:Jholic Oharities was organized on a national basis. He was instrumental in founding the Catholic Press Bureau and the ,Slovia:k Catholic Academy, comprising aU 8-lova,k soholars of distinction. Bishop Vojtassak became the �102 SLOVAKIA first military bishop of the .Slova:k Republi-c and a member of the State Council, an advisory body to ,bhe .President of the Republic. 'I'he Slov'8Jk Republic was of a shor.t duration. In the spring of 1945 the Russian a:rmies ovel"I"an SlovaJkia. 'Dhe Allied Power.s agreed to the restoration of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. By the Ya.'lta Agreement, the new Cz.oohoSlovarkia was to be under Soviet _politioal influence. The communi:uation of Czecho-Slovaiki!a began to some degree immediately after the Second World War. fu the new Ozeoho..:Slovaik Republic thou.sands of Slovak patriots were sentenced to long terms of imprisonment for alleged c0Ha1boration witJh the Nazis. iMsgr. Joseph Tiso and scores of others were executed. Bishop Vojtassak was imprisoned for the firist time in May, 1945, and was confined for seven months. Further trirbulatio:ns for the S1ovruk nation were to come after February 25, 1948, when the Commuinists took full control of 0:uedho-Slovakia. Since June 1949, all the bishops were under constant police surveillance and detained in their residences. Those considered as most opposed to the Conummist regime were imprisoned. Bi<Slhop Vojtassaik was i,mprisoned in Braitislav,a in September 1950. After months of brainwashing in the Bratislava police prison, on Janua:ry 15, 1951, togetfuer with Paul Gojdic, bishop of the Presov Byzantine rite Diocese, and Michael Buzalk!a, auxiliary ,bishop of the Trnava Apostolic Admiinistratu~e, ihe was sentenced to 24 yeacrs of imprisonment, his properties were confiscated, and he was deprived of aU civil. rights. Bishop Vojta,ssaik was 73 years old at the time of hi!s triral. Conspiracy and treason against the Czecho-Slova:k Republic were 'his alleged crimes. Only those witnesses who testified against him were admitted to the trirul. The ·l awyer assigned for •his defense by the Communist regime made no plea for his client. The whole trial hinged on the "confession" of the defendant which had been extorted by the weH-known methods of Communist police mvestigation. We do not know all the detJails of the torments Bishop Vojtassak ,s uffered in various prisons where he spent more than seven years. Prison life is ·h ar.sh in any cir.cumstances, parti•c ularly irn Communi!st dungeons. 'Db.ere acre reports, smuggled through the Iron Curta:irn, tJhat in the case of Bish- �103 SLOVAKIA op Vojtassivk there were instances of s•adistic torture. Brutal Communist jaHers occasionally poured out their hatred of God on the aged Bishop. They .malig:ned him in the presence of other ,prisoners. At one time, they kept him in a cell witlh a feeble-minded inmate. At other times they assigned him the most repulsive jobs. Yet, Bishop Vojtassivk never lost ,h is composure and dignity, being always aware of the fact that he was suffering for Christ at the hands of his cruellest enemies. The rea:l reason for sentencing Bishop Vojtassivk was his unoompromi,sing loyalty to God, the Church and the Slovaik people. 'Dhe Communists were aware of Bishop VojtJassak's unique position in tihe '8'1-0vak nation. By destroying him tJhey intended to destroy t:Jhe resistance of the priests and the Slovak Catholic to their regime. But they achieved just the opposite reslrlrts. The Slovak people regard their imprisoned bishops and priests a,s martyrs of Christ. The heroic resistance of these witnesses of Obrist serves as Ml inspiration to them in t:Jhei,r resistamce to Communism. Wihen Bishop Vojitassak was about 80 yeairs old, the Communists released 1him from prison. BUit they kept him under constant surveillance in the 'house of detention in Bohemia. His .p leas to be permitted to live in Slovrukia wiit:Jh his relaitives were rejected. He died in exile, in Seno'hraby in Bohemia, on August 4, 1965, . almost 88 years old. His funeral at hi,s native viliage of Zakamenne was a maiss demonstraJtion of the Slovaik people for the beloved Bishop and a protest against Communist brutality. It is reported from Slova:kia that even a young 'SlovaJk Communist who was Sl\.l!pposed to ta.1!k at the ifuneraJl aibout the alleged "crimes" of the deceased Bishop spoke aJbout the injustice committed on an innocent man amd a,boUJt an imminent accounting for this crime. T. J. Zubek, O.F.M. LITERATURE Joseph M. Kirschbaum, Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe . New York, 1960. Joseph A. Mikus, Slovakia - A political History (1918-1950). Milwaukee, Wis., 1963. Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovakia and Its People. Cleveland, Ohio, 1960. T. J . Zubek, O.F.M. , The Church of Silence in Slovakia, Whiting, Ind., 1956. T. J . Zubek, O.F.M., Slovak Bishops - Martyrs of Christ. Toronto, Ont., 1963. � SLOVAKIA HEROIC SLOVAK B]SiHiOP - 99 WiCT]M OF COMMUNISM When 'One talks rubout Catholic bishops behind ·t he Iron Ountain - victims of Communist ,persecution - tJhe names of Cardinals Aloysius Stepinac, Joseph Mindszenty amd Joseph Berran usually come to our mind. But there is qruiite an imposing number of other heroic bishops in Communist jails and labor camps, hidden from the eyes of the world. They are som~how forigotten even in the Catholic press, but certia:inly not in t:he eyers orf God for Wlhom they are suffering. One orf these heroic victims of Communism was John Vojrba;sM1,k, bishop of rtilie Sipis Diocese in Slovakia, who died on August 4, 1965, after fifiteen years of imprisonment and confinement. He was the most ,beloved amd revered Slova,k bishop whose martyrdom is a source of inspiraition to t:he WJhole Slova;k nation. Vojtassruk's position in Slovrukia cam be compared to tJhat of Cardinal Stepi:nac in Croaitia. Bishop Vojtassak was !born on November 14, 1877, in Zaikmnenne in Orava, the poorest district orf Slovakia, from poor peasant parenrts. Among tJhe S-Eovak people, to have a son in the priesthood was considered trhe highest ideal and distincti'(){n. To attain that goal they did nOlt hesitate to make it:Jhe greatest sacrifices 0,nd undergo 1:Jhe greatest hardsihiips. To the overwhelmiJng joy of his p3irents Jahn Vojtassaik was ordained a priest on July 1, 1901. It was at a time when Slovakia was suffering under rbhe burden orf imposed magyarization. It was considered harmful and daingerous to one's career t'O ,s how his 1Sfovaik patriotism . .Patriotic priests were l8ibeled by Magyar civil a;nd ecclesiastica:l authorities as Pam-Slavs, and their priestly ,l ives would be spent in 1:lhe poorest and remotest parishes of rbhe diocese. John Vojtassak knew this very well, ibut lhe did not waver. He always remained fairthful to tJhe Slovak people. After working as assistant pastor in several small parishes, he became, in 1911, ,p astor in Veli:cna, a poor vi-llag,e orf Orava, where he stayed until 1919. As a ,p riest, John Vojta;ssak exoolied in pastoral zeal. Besides his regular priesitily duties he wrote articles in Slovak ma:gazines, particularly for the "SVATA RODINA" ('Dhe Holy Family), of whioh he became ediitor. In his articles, Vojtassaik tried to bolster the nationa:l and religious conscientiousness of the Slovruk people. He acquired a nationltl renown throughout all of S'lovrukia. 1 1 �SLOVAKIA His generosity toward Slovak national caiuses was ibotmdless. When as a young ,p riest he did not have any money to contribute for ithe estaiblishment of the Sfovaik National Museum, lhe g,ave his most va,lued treasur,e, his go'lden wa•tclh 01nd -ohain, wlhioh he received a;s a gift ifor his priestly oroinaUon. Tihis gesture became a legendary iHustr,aition of his ardent 'love for his nation. T,he end of World WaT I mea:nt the end of the old Austro-Hungarian Monarchy •a nd the fo11maition of the new Czecho~Slovak Republic. It was aJ1so the end of the imposed ma,gayairization of tJhe Slovak nation. In the Czeoho-Slovaik Republic, the apostolic zeai and work done by John Vojt•a ssak i.for the welfare of the Slova,k people were rewaroed. He W8Js named rector of the Diocesan Seminary in Spisska Kapituila in 1919, and a year later he W8JS arppoiinted bishop of the Spis Diocese by tihe Holy See. With great enthusiasm ihe plunged info the work of reforming his diocese. His primary preoccupation was the Catholirc education of yoUlbh. He founded a Te8ic'her's A:cademy for men in Spisska Kaipitwl.ia and another for women in Levoca. In Levioca he a!1so est8Jbliished a Minor Seminary. The Major Seminary at Spisska KapitJula became a model for a11 other seminaries in Slova!kia. To pr,omote viarious apostolaJtes rbishop Vojt8Jssak supported the religious orders and congregations in his diocese. He ail so iinrkoduced into his diocese School Brotheris as well as Missionaries of the DiviM Word. At the same time Vojtassfuk's concern wiitJh Slovak nrationa1 affairs did not diminish. As his stature among the Slovak !hierarchy grew, so did ,his influence in the political ilife of Slo-vakia. After the war, the Czechs came to Sfovrukia to help in its -administrative a,nd cultural tasks. But from the -beginnin.g the Czechs manifested a certain· a'loofness towaird the S:lovaks. With the ove11t:hrow of the Haibsburg Catholic Monarchy, chauvinistic Czechs tried to overthrow the Crutholic Church in the new Republic and return ito Hu.ssitism. 'I1he Czechs in Slovaikia did not respect Slovak tra,ditions nor their aJttaohment to their priests rand their Catholic reli!gion. Furthermore, bhe S1ov.aks soon realized that Czecih intentiOIJl.S toward · Slovakia in other respects were not the best·eirther. The Ozeoh:s in Slovwkia oocrupied not only positions for. .which -there was not enoug,h q,ua,l ified Slovaik per- �SLOVAKIA 101 soninel, -but even petty clerica:l jobs for which tlhere was more than enough Slovia:k mam,power. Tihe Prague government did not care to develop ·Slovruk industria!l caipacitty, but rather J-iindered it. 'Dhe Czechs did not respect tihe Slovwk language, and tried to engulf the Slovalk s under ,f oe guise of so-called Czechoslovak nation. This irritated Sloviak .p atriots. Msgr. Andrew Hlinka, who during the Magya,r regime ,s uffered prison terms for his Slovak patri<otism, now became the staunohest fighter :rgainst Czech encrooohments ilil 1Sfovakia. The program of his Peoples' Party was the ,culitura!l ,and administrative autonomy of Slovrukia in ithe framework of the Czeoho-S'lovak Republic. 'Dhls •policy was based on 1:Jhe Pittsbu~g,h Pact, conoll\lded between the American Slovaks aind Czechs in P1Usburg,h, ,P a., on May 30, 1918, and signed by Prof. 'Ilhomas G. Masaryk, the first president of the Republic. But Masruryk reneged on Jij,s own words and pursued a ,p olicy of strict centralism toward Slovakia directed from Prague. In the struggle for Slovak autonomy bishop Vojtassak was a dose co-worker of Msgr. Hlinlka. Jin 1939 Adolf Hitler occupied the Czech territories (Bohemia •amd Moravia), and Slovakia ,b ecame independent. After tJhe deait:Jh of :Msgr. Andrew Hlilllka on August 16, 1938, Msgr. Joseph Tiso became •t he head of Hlinlka's SlovaJk Peoples' Party. He was elected president of the Slovak Republic on October 26, 1939. Slova:kia, being in Gemnany's sphere orf influence, could not pur,s ue an independent foreign policy. Neveritheless, in internal a:Hiairs the regi<me of Msgr. Tiso was relatively free and democratic. German efforts to nazi!fy Slovakia were thwarted by Msgr. Tiso. Even the Jewish question, despite German pressure, was solved in a mi'lder manner than in other countries under Germ.'8JI1 influence. During the S<lovak R epublic B1shop Vojtassak brought his diocese to fu:11 blossom. 'Ilhe Retreat Movement, which spread tlhroug,hoUJt Slovakia during the war, was most flourishing in the Spis diocese. Bishop Vojtassak was ,prominent in aH tlhe nationia!l Catholic enterpdses. Through his efforts the S:lovaik Cait:Jholic Oharities was organized on a national basis. He was instrumental in founding the Catholic Press Bureau and the ,Slovia:k Catholic Academy, comprising aU 8-lova,k soholars of distinction. Bishop Vojtassak became the �102 SLOVAKIA first military bishop of the .Slova:k Republi-c and a member of the State Council, an advisory body to ,bhe .President of the Republic. 'I'he Slov'8Jk Republic was of a shor.t duration. In the spring of 1945 the Russian a:rmies ovel"I"an SlovaJkia. 'Dhe Allied Power.s agreed to the restoration of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. By the Ya.'lta Agreement, the new Cz.oohoSlovarkia was to be under Soviet _politioal influence. The communi:uation of Czecho-Slovaiki!a began to some degree immediately after the Second World War. fu the new Ozeoho..:Slovaik Republic thou.sands of Slovak patriots were sentenced to long terms of imprisonment for alleged c0Ha1boration witJh the Nazis. iMsgr. Joseph Tiso and scores of others were executed. Bishop Vojtassak was imprisoned for the firist time in May, 1945, and was confined for seven months. Further trirbulatio:ns for the S1ovruk nation were to come after February 25, 1948, when the Commuinists took full control of 0:uedho-Slovakia. Since June 1949, all the bishops were under constant police surveillance and detained in their residences. Those considered as most opposed to the Conummist regime were imprisoned. Bi<Slhop Vojtassaik was i,mprisoned in Braitislav,a in September 1950. After months of brainwashing in the Bratislava police prison, on Janua:ry 15, 1951, togetfuer with Paul Gojdic, bishop of the Presov Byzantine rite Diocese, and Michael Buzalk!a, auxiliary ,bishop of the Trnava Apostolic Admiinistratu~e, ihe was sentenced to 24 yeacrs of imprisonment, his properties were confiscated, and he was deprived of aU civil. rights. Bishop Vojta,ssaik was 73 years old at the time of hi!s triral. Conspiracy and treason against the Czecho-Slova:k Republic were 'his alleged crimes. Only those witnesses who testified against him were admitted to the trirul. The ·l awyer assigned for •his defense by the Communist regime made no plea for his client. The whole trial hinged on the "confession" of the defendant which had been extorted by the weH-known methods of Communist police mvestigation. We do not know all the detJails of the torments Bishop Vojtassak ,s uffered in various prisons where he spent more than seven years. Prison life is ·h ar.sh in any cir.cumstances, parti•c ularly irn Communi!st dungeons. 'Db.ere acre reports, smuggled through the Iron Curta:irn, tJhat in the case of Bish- �103 SLOVAKIA op Vojtassivk there were instances of s•adistic torture. Brutal Communist jaHers occasionally poured out their hatred of God on the aged Bishop. They .malig:ned him in the presence of other ,prisoners. At one time, they kept him in a cell witlh a feeble-minded inmate. At other times they assigned him the most repulsive jobs. Yet, Bishop Vojtassivk never lost ,h is composure and dignity, being always aware of the fact that he was suffering for Christ at the hands of his cruellest enemies. The rea:l reason for sentencing Bishop Vojtassivk was his unoompromi,sing loyalty to God, the Church and the Slovaik people. 'Dhe Communists were aware of Bishop VojtJassak's unique position in tihe '8'1-0vak nation. By destroying him tJhey intended to destroy t:Jhe resistance of the priests and the Slovak Catholic to their regime. But they achieved just the opposite reslrlrts. The Slovak people regard their imprisoned bishops and priests a,s martyrs of Christ. The heroic resistance of these witnesses of Obrist serves as Ml inspiration to them in t:Jhei,r resistamce to Communism. Wihen Bishop Vojitassak was about 80 yeairs old, the Communists released 1him from prison. BUit they kept him under constant surveillance in the 'house of detention in Bohemia. His .p leas to be permitted to live in Slovrukia wiit:Jh his relaitives were rejected. He died in exile, in Seno'hraby in Bohemia, on August 4, 1965, . almost 88 years old. His funeral at hi,s native viliage of Zakamenne was a maiss demonstraJtion of the Slovaik people for the beloved Bishop and a protest against Communist brutality. It is reported from Slova:kia that even a young 'SlovaJk Communist who was Sl\.l!pposed to ta.1!k at the ifuneraJl aibout the alleged "crimes" of the deceased Bishop spoke aJbout the injustice committed on an innocent man amd a,boUJt an imminent accounting for this crime. T. J. Zubek, O.F.M. LITERATURE Joseph M. Kirschbaum, Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe . New York, 1960. Joseph A. Mikus, Slovakia - A political History (1918-1950). Milwaukee, Wis., 1963. Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovakia and Its People. Cleveland, Ohio, 1960. T. J . Zubek, O.F.M. , The Church of Silence in Slovakia, Whiting, Ind., 1956. T. J . Zubek, O.F.M., Slovak Bishops - Martyrs of Christ. Toronto, Ont., 1963. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1966, Vol. 16 Description An account of the resource Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA HEROIC SLOVAK B]SiHiOP - 99 WiCT]M OF COMMUNISM When 'One talks rubout Catholic bishops behind ·t he Iron Ountain - victims of Communist ,persecution - tJhe names of Cardinals Aloysius Stepinac, Joseph Mindszenty amd Joseph Berran usually come to our mind. But there is qruiite an imposing number of other heroic bishops in Communist jails and labor camps, hidden from the eyes of the world. They are som~how forigotten even in the Catholic press, but certia:inly not in t:he eyers orf God for Wlhom they are suffering. One orf these heroic victims of Communism was John Vojrba;sM1,k, bishop of rtilie Sipis Diocese in Slovakia, who died on August 4, 1965, after fifiteen years of imprisonment and confinement. He was the most ,beloved amd revered Slova,k bishop whose martyrdom is a source of inspiraition to t:he WJhole Slova;k nation. Vojtassruk's position in Slovrukia cam be compared to tJhat of Cardinal Stepi:nac in Croaitia. Bishop Vojtassak was !born on November 14, 1877, in Zaikmnenne in Orava, the poorest district orf Slovakia, from poor peasant parenrts. Among tJhe S-Eovak people, to have a son in the priesthood was considered trhe highest ideal and distincti'(){n. To attain that goal they did nOlt hesitate to make it:Jhe greatest sacrifices 0,nd undergo 1:Jhe greatest hardsihiips. To the overwhelmiJng joy of his p3irents Jahn Vojtassaik was ordained a priest on July 1, 1901. It was at a time when Slovakia was suffering under rbhe burden orf imposed magyarization. It was considered harmful and daingerous to one's career t'O ,s how his 1Sfovaik patriotism . .Patriotic priests were l8ibeled by Magyar civil a;nd ecclesiastica:l authorities as Pam-Slavs, and their priestly ,l ives would be spent in 1:lhe poorest and remotest parishes of rbhe diocese. John Vojtassak knew this very well, ibut lhe did not waver. He always remained fairthful to tJhe Slovak people. After working as assistant pastor in several small parishes, he became, in 1911, ,p astor in Veli:cna, a poor vi-llag,e orf Orava, where he stayed until 1919. As a ,p riest, John Vojta;ssak exoolied in pastoral zeal. Besides his regular priesitily duties he wrote articles in Slovak ma:gazines, particularly for the "SVATA RODINA" ('Dhe Holy Family), of whioh he became ediitor. In his articles, Vojtassaik tried to bolster the nationa:l and religious conscientiousness of the Slovruk people. He acquired a nationltl renown throughout all of S'lovrukia. 1 1 SLOVAKIA His generosity toward Slovak national caiuses was ibotmdless. When as a young ,p riest he did not have any money to contribute for ithe estaiblishment of the Sfovaik National Museum, lhe g,ave his most va,lued treasur,e, his go'lden wa•tclh 01nd -ohain, wlhioh he received a;s a gift ifor his priestly oroinaUon. Tihis gesture became a legendary iHustr,aition of his ardent 'love for his nation. T,he end of World WaT I mea:nt the end of the old Austro-Hungarian Monarchy •a nd the fo11maition of the new Czecho~Slovak Republic. It was aJ1so the end of the imposed ma,gayairization of tJhe Slovak nation. In the Czeoho-Slovaik Republic, the apostolic zeai and work done by John Vojt•a ssak i.for the welfare of the Slova,k people were rewaroed. He W8Js named rector of the Diocesan Seminary in Spisska Kapituila in 1919, and a year later he W8JS arppoiinted bishop of the Spis Diocese by tihe Holy See. With great enthusiasm ihe plunged info the work of reforming his diocese. His primary preoccupation was the Catholirc education of yoUlbh. He founded a Te8ic'her's A:cademy for men in Spisska Kaipitwl.ia and another for women in Levoca. In Levioca he a!1so est8Jbliished a Minor Seminary. The Major Seminary at Spisska KapitJula became a model for a11 other seminaries in Slova!kia. To pr,omote viarious apostolaJtes rbishop Vojt8Jssak supported the religious orders and congregations in his diocese. He ail so iinrkoduced into his diocese School Brotheris as well as Missionaries of the DiviM Word. At the same time Vojtassfuk's concern wiitJh Slovak nrationa1 affairs did not diminish. As his stature among the Slovak !hierarchy grew, so did ,his influence in the political ilife of Slo-vakia. After the war, the Czechs came to Sfovrukia to help in its -administrative a,nd cultural tasks. But from the -beginnin.g the Czechs manifested a certain· a'loofness towaird the S:lovaks. With the ove11t:hrow of the Haibsburg Catholic Monarchy, chauvinistic Czechs tried to overthrow the Crutholic Church in the new Republic and return ito Hu.ssitism. 'I1he Czechs in Slovaikia did not respect Slovak tra,ditions nor their aJttaohment to their priests rand their Catholic reli!gion. Furthermore, bhe S1ov.aks soon realized that Czecih intentiOIJl.S toward · Slovakia in other respects were not the best·eirther. The Ozeoh:s in Slovwkia oocrupied not only positions for. .which -there was not enoug,h q,ua,l ified Slovaik per- SLOVAKIA 101 soninel, -but even petty clerica:l jobs for which tlhere was more than enough Slovia:k mam,power. Tihe Prague government did not care to develop ·Slovruk industria!l caipacitty, but rather J-iindered it. 'Dhe Czechs did not respect tihe Slovwk language, and tried to engulf the Slovalk s under ,f oe guise of so-called Czechoslovak nation. This irritated Sloviak .p atriots. Msgr. Andrew Hlinka, who during the Magya,r regime ,s uffered prison terms for his Slovak patri<otism, now became the staunohest fighter :rgainst Czech encrooohments ilil 1Sfovakia. The program of his Peoples' Party was the ,culitura!l ,and administrative autonomy of Slovrukia in ithe framework of the Czeoho-S'lovak Republic. 'Dhls •policy was based on 1:Jhe Pittsbu~g,h Pact, conoll\lded between the American Slovaks aind Czechs in P1Usburg,h, ,P a., on May 30, 1918, and signed by Prof. 'Ilhomas G. Masaryk, the first president of the Republic. But Masruryk reneged on Jij,s own words and pursued a ,p olicy of strict centralism toward Slovakia directed from Prague. In the struggle for Slovak autonomy bishop Vojtassak was a dose co-worker of Msgr. Hlinlka. Jin 1939 Adolf Hitler occupied the Czech territories (Bohemia •amd Moravia), and Slovakia ,b ecame independent. After tJhe deait:Jh of :Msgr. Andrew Hlilllka on August 16, 1938, Msgr. Joseph Tiso became •t he head of Hlinlka's SlovaJk Peoples' Party. He was elected president of the Slovak Republic on October 26, 1939. Slova:kia, being in Gemnany's sphere orf influence, could not pur,s ue an independent foreign policy. Neveritheless, in internal a:Hiairs the regi<me of Msgr. Tiso was relatively free and democratic. German efforts to nazi!fy Slovakia were thwarted by Msgr. Tiso. Even the Jewish question, despite German pressure, was solved in a mi'lder manner than in other countries under Germ.'8JI1 influence. During the S<lovak R epublic B1shop Vojtassak brought his diocese to fu:11 blossom. 'Ilhe Retreat Movement, which spread tlhroug,hoUJt Slovakia during the war, was most flourishing in the Spis diocese. Bishop Vojtassak was ,prominent in aH tlhe nationia!l Catholic enterpdses. Through his efforts the S:lovaik Cait:Jholic Oharities was organized on a national basis. He was instrumental in founding the Catholic Press Bureau and the ,Slovia:k Catholic Academy, comprising aU 8-lova,k soholars of distinction. Bishop Vojtassak became the 102 SLOVAKIA first military bishop of the .Slova:k Republi-c and a member of the State Council, an advisory body to ,bhe .President of the Republic. 'I'he Slov'8Jk Republic was of a shor.t duration. In the spring of 1945 the Russian a:rmies ovel"I"an SlovaJkia. 'Dhe Allied Power.s agreed to the restoration of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. By the Ya.'lta Agreement, the new Cz.oohoSlovarkia was to be under Soviet _politioal influence. The communi:uation of Czecho-Slovaiki!a began to some degree immediately after the Second World War. fu the new Ozeoho..:Slovaik Republic thou.sands of Slovak patriots were sentenced to long terms of imprisonment for alleged c0Ha1boration witJh the Nazis. iMsgr. Joseph Tiso and scores of others were executed. Bishop Vojtassak was imprisoned for the firist time in May, 1945, and was confined for seven months. Further trirbulatio:ns for the S1ovruk nation were to come after February 25, 1948, when the Commuinists took full control of 0:uedho-Slovakia. Since June 1949, all the bishops were under constant police surveillance and detained in their residences. Those considered as most opposed to the Conummist regime were imprisoned. Bi<Slhop Vojtassaik was i,mprisoned in Braitislav,a in September 1950. After months of brainwashing in the Bratislava police prison, on Janua:ry 15, 1951, togetfuer with Paul Gojdic, bishop of the Presov Byzantine rite Diocese, and Michael Buzalk!a, auxiliary ,bishop of the Trnava Apostolic Admiinistratu~e, ihe was sentenced to 24 yeacrs of imprisonment, his properties were confiscated, and he was deprived of aU civil. rights. Bishop Vojta,ssaik was 73 years old at the time of hi!s triral. Conspiracy and treason against the Czecho-Slova:k Republic were 'his alleged crimes. Only those witnesses who testified against him were admitted to the trirul. The ·l awyer assigned for •his defense by the Communist regime made no plea for his client. The whole trial hinged on the "confession" of the defendant which had been extorted by the weH-known methods of Communist police mvestigation. We do not know all the detJails of the torments Bishop Vojtassak ,s uffered in various prisons where he spent more than seven years. Prison life is ·h ar.sh in any cir.cumstances, parti•c ularly irn Communi!st dungeons. 'Db.ere acre reports, smuggled through the Iron Curta:irn, tJhat in the case of Bish- 103 SLOVAKIA op Vojtassivk there were instances of s•adistic torture. Brutal Communist jaHers occasionally poured out their hatred of God on the aged Bishop. They .malig:ned him in the presence of other ,prisoners. At one time, they kept him in a cell witlh a feeble-minded inmate. At other times they assigned him the most repulsive jobs. Yet, Bishop Vojtassivk never lost ,h is composure and dignity, being always aware of the fact that he was suffering for Christ at the hands of his cruellest enemies. The rea:l reason for sentencing Bishop Vojtassivk was his unoompromi,sing loyalty to God, the Church and the Slovaik people. 'Dhe Communists were aware of Bishop VojtJassak's unique position in tihe '8'1-0vak nation. By destroying him tJhey intended to destroy t:Jhe resistance of the priests and the Slovak Catholic to their regime. But they achieved just the opposite reslrlrts. The Slovak people regard their imprisoned bishops and priests a,s martyrs of Christ. The heroic resistance of these witnesses of Obrist serves as Ml inspiration to them in t:Jhei,r resistamce to Communism. Wihen Bishop Vojitassak was about 80 yeairs old, the Communists released 1him from prison. BUit they kept him under constant surveillance in the 'house of detention in Bohemia. His .p leas to be permitted to live in Slovrukia wiit:Jh his relaitives were rejected. He died in exile, in Seno'hraby in Bohemia, on August 4, 1965, . almost 88 years old. His funeral at hi,s native viliage of Zakamenne was a maiss demonstraJtion of the Slovaik people for the beloved Bishop and a protest against Communist brutality. It is reported from Slova:kia that even a young 'SlovaJk Communist who was Sl\.l!pposed to ta.1!k at the ifuneraJl aibout the alleged "crimes" of the deceased Bishop spoke aJbout the injustice committed on an innocent man amd a,boUJt an imminent accounting for this crime. T. J. Zubek, O.F.M. LITERATURE Joseph M. Kirschbaum, Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe . New York, 1960. Joseph A. Mikus, Slovakia - A political History (1918-1950). Milwaukee, Wis., 1963. Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovakia and Its People. Cleveland, Ohio, 1960. T. J . Zubek, O.F.M. , The Church of Silence in Slovakia, Whiting, Ind., 1956. T. J . Zubek, O.F.M., Slovak Bishops - Martyrs of Christ. Toronto, Ont., 1963.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Heroic Slovak Bishop - Victim of Communism Description An account of the resource T. J. Zubek, O.F.M. Slovakia, Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966 pp. 99-103 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Zúbek, Teodorik J., 1914-1988 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/89fef06fff45e630883f6912b72e5997.pdf 686916407a14a21d309fc7be8b3da25d PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 87 A GLIM!PSE OF GOTHI'C SLOVA!KI:A By Tino Berko Every country has its hrilght side ,a s well as its shadows. '11he qualities that set it apart are rfatrly numerous, and !'Un the gamut :iirom tihe mrugniifiroent to the ·badkwa'l'.'ld aJilld booris'h . In the past, similar epithets a:lso aipplied to a land in the Carpathian Basin, - S'lovakra. Some of these adjectives are relatively new, having made thei-r appearance after 1918 when the Slovaks freed t!hemselves from the !Hungarian yoke and were a·b le to form Czeoho--lS'lovaki,a in common with tlhe Czeelhs. During the years from 1939-1945 when Slovakia ibecame a sovereign state, it acquired still other qualifying titles, good and not so good. Depending on whether they were to invest the Slovruk Republic with approval or lend it a false imruge, the words "fascist" or "nazi" were a'P'Plied. When Slovakia lost its political independence in 1945, it was reduced by the Ozeclhs to the status of an occupational province. Yet in the list of political epithets that we seek to recaH, there is no such name. On the contrary: '.Dhose in command of Slovakia today, the Czecihs, call the :plight of the enslaved Slovaks "people's democracy", "communistic"; since 1960, "socialistic" . The world is told by the voice of Czech propaganda that Slovakia did not win its independence until 1945 and that since then it has been a model of socialism. Out of "backward" Slovakia !has allegedly developed a " highly industria:lized" country. Thus another new epithet for Slova:kia. But in leafing baok through the catalog of Slovakia's a ttributes, the word "wonderful" still applies. Slovrukia today is still a -land that every nature-lover will readily endorse as " an immense natural park in Central Europe". In regard to its historic works of rurt, Slovakia is still a "ha:ribaric" country. But if we •b ear in mind 1:Jhat to the early Italian ear the word "Gothic" and "barbarian" were synonymous, the presence in Slovakia of many Gothic master-wo:riks of art makes thiat land indeed one replete with '~barbaric" treasures. This is just tJhe opposite to tlhe origina:l idea of Gothic meaning "uncivilized" (used in t!he ancient world to designate any person or thiJllg that was non-Greek �Gothic entrance to the fortress in Bratislava, Slovakia. (Photo Berka) �SLOVAKIA 89 or non-Roman), for the history of art has long since rehabilitated the Gothic style, 1:Jhe most perfect in unity and harrmony. Gothic Slovakia, which covers the entire country of 49,000 square kilometers, is a vast Eden of art where castles and !forts, churohes ,a nd chapels radiate a unique fascination. We know that this Gothic garden in Slovaikia was landscaped witJh the 1he}p of German settlers in the 13th and 14tJh Centuries; enlarged in the 15th Century and the beginning of the 16th, as ,a Late Gothic variation of the architectural style that lhad its birth in northern France. It is sad to reflect that it was not spared the ravages of war. Many of the forts crumbled in ruins when Hussit-es from Boihemi•a stormed Slovakia, or tJhe Turks, during the 16th Century, advanced as far as south and central Slovrukia and from their outposts struged wild plundering raids. 'Dhat is why today these Got!hic forts, once the a bode of counts and grandees, or places of asylum for the threatened populace in times of siege, are today in rack and ruin, looted and plundered and scarred by the raviages of time. Indeed, only a few of tJhe fortresses were spared this tragic fate. Slovakia's historic forts have been restored at great cost and rebuilt as museums of Sloviak history. Favored have ibeen the Gothic residences and forts of Bratislava, Nitra, Orava, Smolenke, Zvolen and, to some extent, Trencin. Very many, among them tJhe !fortresses of Strecno and Spis, see tJheir proud past reflected in wild ruins and twisted rocky ravines. They are documents in stone of the merciless inlI'oaJds 111pan their Gothic style, tJhe attack of re•a l barbarians. In contemplating Gothic Sloviakia, we must first mention tJhe numerous churcihes and sacred works of art, for they embody the strongest heritage of tJhe Slovak Gothic style, which has been preserved to this day, imparting to the faithful wibhin a sea of atheism, a theologica:l reply to the eternal "to be or not to lbe". Seen externally, the Gothic churches in Slovakia are not ostentatious, but plain. 'Dhey lack tJhe splendor and magnificent form reflected, for example, by the Cathedrals of Notre Dame in Chartres and Rheims. What one notes in pairticular is the imperrfect execution of the Gothic spires. Many cathedrals have towers that run counter to form or �Portal of the Cathedral in Kosice, Slovakia, seen from town-hall arcades. (Photo Berko > �SLOVAKIA 91 are in need of towers to conform in style. An example is tJhe Cathedrnl of Kosice. The upper parts have towers of Baroque or conkal roofs, but of different heights. At most, the parish cihurch in Spisska Nova Ves can he considered a prize in competition with other churc'hes in Slovakia. It suffered a disastrous fire in 1849 and acquired a tower 87 meters hi:gh, the highest in all Slovaki,a. The Gothic towers of Slovrukia form a contrast to t hose in Germany. For example, the spires of Regensburg are 105 and 107 meters, those of Fretburig Cathedral are 115 meters and those of the Cathedral at Ulm, 162 meters high. Again historical factors were responsiible for the lesser degree of magnificence and external form, as well as the inadequate execution of the Slovak church spires. It is quite understandable and excusable in '1i:g'ht of the turmoil that followed the Hussite and TurkiSlh wars. Furthermore, tihe churc!hes were often struck by disasters, such a:s floods , earthquaik es and fires, that had a hrurmful effect on the Got'hic beauty and style. Albeit the outer Gothic forms were somewhat inconsistent and frequently unfinished, especiaHy the steeples, the interiors possessed great riches. T•he Gothic tripty~hs, woodcarved statues and panei frescoes, a veritable feast for the eye, can claim for Slova•kia international primacy, for tihey merit the admiration of the most /fastidious fancier of art. Striking examples are to be found in: St. Martin's Cathedral and tihe Franciscan Church in Bratislava, the Bishop's Cathedrnls of Trnava, Banrska Bystrica and Spisska Kapitula; also the churches in Hronsky •B enadik, Zehra, Kezmarok, Spisska Sobota, Spissky Stvrtok, S'pisske Vlachy, L iptovsky Mikulas, Bardejov and Presov. A:11 are outstanding ecclesiastical edifices from the High and Late Got'hic periods 13th, 14th and 15th Centuries whose masters are not always known. Unique amonig tJhe Gothic structures of Slovakia, however, are the houses of worshiip in Levoca or Leutsdhau (•a n area settled by Germans in tihe 12th and 13th Centuries) in the northeastern part of Slovakia. They reach the zenitJh in the works of Master Paul .o f Levoca (1455-1530 ?) , principally in the main altar of St. James' Church, and in the metropolis of Kosice in East Slovakia, where the greatest �Gothic Cathedral of Kosice, Slovakia. Note Baroque roof on tower. (Photo Berka) �SLOVAKIA 93 Gothi,c structure in the country stands on a plot of giround 1,200 meters square. The main altar, 18.62 meters higih, is the largest altar, with ,s ide wings, in the Got:Jhic ,w orld. It is Paul of Levoca's masterpiece, erected in the mighty three-apse pseudo-'b asilica in 1508, lbut not completed until the end of 1,518. 'I'he altar is magnificent, not only because of its heig1ht, but due to the tectonic, composition and stylistic harmony. In creating this masterwork, Paul of Levoca merits a niche in the hall of fame alongside ot:Jher great Gothic architects and wood-carvers, that include Tilman Riemenschneider, Hans Multsclher, Veit Stoss, Hans Leinberger, Gregor Et1hart, Albrecht Dlirer, Lucas Crarnach, Hans Holbein and many other masters of the late Middle Ages. The altar with side wings of Paul of Levoca "is rooted in the familiar traditions of plastic art of the Sloviak historic landscape. If we put him with all his artistic and estJhetic qualities alongside similar works of other great masters of that period, we see that he forms a link in a chain extending across the peaks of European art of the XV and XVI Centuries.* 'Dhe bold execution of the ihigh altar in Lev,oca, is a work carved out of linden, or basswood, which made it susceptible early to worm damage. From 1952-54, it was treated and renovated to preserve it from further destructive forces, restoring the greatest specimen of Gothic art in Europe to manifest, in all its glory, the spirit of European solidarity and unity. Thus it mirrored the spirit of German-<8lavic cooperation, ,a s it was manifested in the Middle Ages in keeping with the Gothic spirit. In that same church of 'St. James, whose tower rburned down at the end of the 18th Century and was not rebuilt until 1858 - only 70 meters high this time and counter to style - there are six other Gothic altars with wings. They, too, are a creation of the famous Master Paul and his pupils, whose work was imitated throughout 1:Jhe Spis area and in fact, all of Slovrukia. Also, the wwks of Paul are the oarved figures of BetMehem on the altar of the Nativity in Levoca, and the statues of the Crucifixion in Lomnicka, of St. Barbar,a in Oko1i<cne, and the triptyclhs in tJhe churches of Banska Byst•rica, Sasova and Spisska Sdbota. Levoca a!lso has Gothic frescoes in the aforementioned sanctuary, datini5 �Largest Gothic Altar of its kind is this masterpiece by Paul of Levoca in the Church of St. James, Levoca, Slovakia. (Photo Berko) �SLOVAKIA from the 14th Century, plus several panel frescoes, a unique lava·bo and other art trea:sures that have made the town a verita,b le repository CYf superb sacred Gofilric art. Moving toward the Eaistern !Slovak cities of Bardejov and Kosice, one finds a verita:ble Gothic feast for t:Jhe eyes. Both these historic sites are proud of their ohurohes and many tripty~hs, woodca•r vings and panel frescoes that date from the 14tih and 1'5th Oenturies. In Bardejov is 1:Jhe Church of St. Aegidius, in the 12th Century the site of a Cistercian cloister, 1:Jhat invites the photographer's eye. The architects were Nicholas of Bardejov, Stefan L•apicid of Kosice, Master Urban and Franklin Stemraseg .CYf Ansba:ch who completed the steeple in 1486. This spire, too, was tfue victim of an earthquaJke, the la-st time in 1725, as weH as several fires in 1640, 1669 and 1836. Irts sp1re was but 78 meters h~gh and was not lb uilt in Gothic style. 'Dhe ohurch has pure lineation, crowned by an altar 17.5 meters hig,h in the main nave, wmoh is 24 meters high. Along with the otfuer side a1tars, 11 in all, one finds the famous triptych of the Nativity, tlhe work of an unknown artist from 1460, and the altar Vir dolorum, dating to 1505. No other cathedral in ,Slovakia can compare with that of Kosice, which enohants even the most fastidious eye with its grandeur •a nd ,b rilliance. 'Dhe cathedral's perfect Gobhic form, covering some 1,200 squaire meters ta:kes on gigantic proportions. It was bui'1t in the 14th and 151:Jh Centuries and practicaHy completed by 1436 as a 3-nave basilica. It is 60 meters long, 35.50 meters wide, 24 meters hi,g'h inside and 32.70 meters high outside, with a transept, whose interior length measures 42.20 meters. Several artists, among them the architect and stonecutter, Stefan Lapicid of Kosiice, and Mikulas Erom,pholz, were responsi<ble for the Gothic interior. The cathedral has 12 side-altars and a main altar 11 meters h ~gili. and 8 meters wide, and a triiptyoh from 1477. The 16 meter high pastoforium is ailso attri:buted to tlhat period. A unique stone sculpture of Master Stefan dating from the Late Gothic period. The crises that this CatJhedria:l CYf St. Eli'za!beth had to weather, come to the fore when one fooks at tfue spires. The four-sided one to the north, that becomes octagonal aJfter tlhree stories, is but 59 meters and runs counter to the general style, with a Baroque-Rococo roof from the �Apostle partaking of the "Last Supper", from the wood-carved Altar in St. James' Church , Levoca, Slovakia. (Photo Berko) �SLOVAKIA 97 yeair 1775. The second, or Matthew's spire, to the south, just about reaches 1Jhe roof of the nave. In 1902-04 it acquired a strange conical top. Tihe entire st11ucture laibors under the uneven proportions and varying roofs and seems to want in the fact tJhat the Kosicania (,t he people of Kosice) could lbe so neglectful and expeot the church to endure 1Jhis misshapen form so long. In other WOTds, if one may hold a brief for the cathedral of Kosice, it has not relinquished the hope that one day it will have Gothic spires of an aippropriate he1ght. We, too, !hope t!his dream will be fulfilled and that it will ·b ecome a concern of the city of Kosice and the experts on Slovak cultural edifices, especially since the "socialist regime" is very generous witJh funds for such purpose, and, where possible, provides ''highly developed" artistic workmen. * Meister P avol v on Levoca. Slowaki scher Ve rl ag der ,s chonen Liteiraitur, B raitislava 1964 , p. 165. We ,sirncerely cong;ratullate the 1Iargest and most ipopula'r Americain-61lovaJk newspaiper in America, J 1EDiNOTA (The Union), ofificia!l OTgan oif , tlhe First Ca<bholic S'1ovaJk Uniion (Jednoba) , whiclh celeJbrated itJs 75th Annivernairy on May 12, 1966. 'Dhe Crutholi,c Weekily waJs founded in Cleveland, Ohio, by the Rev. St~phern. Furxlek, who also founded the fraterna l society, and, be's ides F\t'I'idek, tbhere were suoh renowned editors and recognized leaJders of the American Slorvaikis as the Rev. Mait1:!h w Janikola, Joseph Husak, and Pihilip A. Hrobruk. 1 For orver the pa.1st two yearrs, Joseph C. Krajsa has been editor oft~ J·IDDiNOTA. The assistamt editor of 1:Jhe JIDDNOT A for the ,pa:st sixteen yearn i s the presenlt secreta,ry of tJhe Slova!k Leaigme of Ameriioa, Dr. Joseph Pa'lico. 1 The Fi,v st Catlho1ic SlorvaJk Union and its pwb1ication JEIDNOTA have s1U1pported the aims amd objectives of the Slovruk Lerugue of America since the League wa's foU111dedand they stm do today. Tihe JIDDNOTA hais /kept the Slovaik press al'ive and we wislh it continued success in its service to AmericaJn-Slovruk journaEsm. �The church and town-hall in Levoca, Spis, Slovakia. (Photo Berko) � SLOVAKIA 87 A GLIM!PSE OF GOTHI'C SLOVA!KI:A By Tino Berko Every country has its hrilght side ,a s well as its shadows. '11he qualities that set it apart are rfatrly numerous, and !'Un the gamut :iirom tihe mrugniifiroent to the ·badkwa'l'.'ld aJilld booris'h . In the past, similar epithets a:lso aipplied to a land in the Carpathian Basin, - S'lovakra. Some of these adjectives are relatively new, having made thei-r appearance after 1918 when the Slovaks freed t!hemselves from the !Hungarian yoke and were a·b le to form Czeoho--lS'lovaki,a in common with tlhe Czeelhs. During the years from 1939-1945 when Slovakia ibecame a sovereign state, it acquired still other qualifying titles, good and not so good. Depending on whether they were to invest the Slovruk Republic with approval or lend it a false imruge, the words "fascist" or "nazi" were a'P'Plied. When Slovakia lost its political independence in 1945, it was reduced by the Ozeclhs to the status of an occupational province. Yet in the list of political epithets that we seek to recaH, there is no such name. On the contrary: '.Dhose in command of Slovakia today, the Czecihs, call the :plight of the enslaved Slovaks "people's democracy", "communistic"; since 1960, "socialistic" . The world is told by the voice of Czech propaganda that Slovakia did not win its independence until 1945 and that since then it has been a model of socialism. Out of "backward" Slovakia !has allegedly developed a " highly industria:lized" country. Thus another new epithet for Slova:kia. But in leafing baok through the catalog of Slovakia's a ttributes, the word "wonderful" still applies. Slovrukia today is still a -land that every nature-lover will readily endorse as " an immense natural park in Central Europe". In regard to its historic works of rurt, Slovakia is still a "ha:ribaric" country. But if we •b ear in mind 1:Jhat to the early Italian ear the word "Gothic" and "barbarian" were synonymous, the presence in Slovakia of many Gothic master-wo:riks of art makes thiat land indeed one replete with '~barbaric" treasures. This is just tJhe opposite to tlhe origina:l idea of Gothic meaning "uncivilized" (used in t!he ancient world to designate any person or thiJllg that was non-Greek �Gothic entrance to the fortress in Bratislava, Slovakia. (Photo Berka) �SLOVAKIA 89 or non-Roman), for the history of art has long since rehabilitated the Gothic style, 1:Jhe most perfect in unity and harrmony. Gothic Slovakia, which covers the entire country of 49,000 square kilometers, is a vast Eden of art where castles and !forts, churohes ,a nd chapels radiate a unique fascination. We know that this Gothic garden in Slovaikia was landscaped witJh the 1he}p of German settlers in the 13th and 14tJh Centuries; enlarged in the 15th Century and the beginning of the 16th, as ,a Late Gothic variation of the architectural style that lhad its birth in northern France. It is sad to reflect that it was not spared the ravages of war. Many of the forts crumbled in ruins when Hussit-es from Boihemi•a stormed Slovakia, or tJhe Turks, during the 16th Century, advanced as far as south and central Slovrukia and from their outposts struged wild plundering raids. 'Dhat is why today these Got!hic forts, once the a bode of counts and grandees, or places of asylum for the threatened populace in times of siege, are today in rack and ruin, looted and plundered and scarred by the raviages of time. Indeed, only a few of tJhe fortresses were spared this tragic fate. Slovakia's historic forts have been restored at great cost and rebuilt as museums of Sloviak history. Favored have ibeen the Gothic residences and forts of Bratislava, Nitra, Orava, Smolenke, Zvolen and, to some extent, Trencin. Very many, among them tJhe !fortresses of Strecno and Spis, see tJheir proud past reflected in wild ruins and twisted rocky ravines. They are documents in stone of the merciless inlI'oaJds 111pan their Gothic style, tJhe attack of re•a l barbarians. In contemplating Gothic Sloviakia, we must first mention tJhe numerous churcihes and sacred works of art, for they embody the strongest heritage of tJhe Slovak Gothic style, which has been preserved to this day, imparting to the faithful wibhin a sea of atheism, a theologica:l reply to the eternal "to be or not to lbe". Seen externally, the Gothic churches in Slovakia are not ostentatious, but plain. 'Dhey lack tJhe splendor and magnificent form reflected, for example, by the Cathedrals of Notre Dame in Chartres and Rheims. What one notes in pairticular is the imperrfect execution of the Gothic spires. Many cathedrals have towers that run counter to form or �Portal of the Cathedral in Kosice, Slovakia, seen from town-hall arcades. (Photo Berko > �SLOVAKIA 91 are in need of towers to conform in style. An example is tJhe Cathedrnl of Kosice. The upper parts have towers of Baroque or conkal roofs, but of different heights. At most, the parish cihurch in Spisska Nova Ves can he considered a prize in competition with other churc'hes in Slovakia. It suffered a disastrous fire in 1849 and acquired a tower 87 meters hi:gh, the highest in all Slovaki,a. The Gothic towers of Slovrukia form a contrast to t hose in Germany. For example, the spires of Regensburg are 105 and 107 meters, those of Fretburig Cathedral are 115 meters and those of the Cathedral at Ulm, 162 meters high. Again historical factors were responsiible for the lesser degree of magnificence and external form, as well as the inadequate execution of the Slovak church spires. It is quite understandable and excusable in '1i:g'ht of the turmoil that followed the Hussite and TurkiSlh wars. Furthermore, tihe churc!hes were often struck by disasters, such a:s floods , earthquaik es and fires, that had a hrurmful effect on the Got'hic beauty and style. Albeit the outer Gothic forms were somewhat inconsistent and frequently unfinished, especiaHy the steeples, the interiors possessed great riches. T•he Gothic tripty~hs, woodcarved statues and panei frescoes, a veritable feast for the eye, can claim for Slova•kia international primacy, for tihey merit the admiration of the most /fastidious fancier of art. Striking examples are to be found in: St. Martin's Cathedral and tihe Franciscan Church in Bratislava, the Bishop's Cathedrnls of Trnava, Banrska Bystrica and Spisska Kapitula; also the churches in Hronsky •B enadik, Zehra, Kezmarok, Spisska Sobota, Spissky Stvrtok, S'pisske Vlachy, L iptovsky Mikulas, Bardejov and Presov. A:11 are outstanding ecclesiastical edifices from the High and Late Got'hic periods 13th, 14th and 15th Centuries whose masters are not always known. Unique amonig tJhe Gothic structures of Slovakia, however, are the houses of worshiip in Levoca or Leutsdhau (•a n area settled by Germans in tihe 12th and 13th Centuries) in the northeastern part of Slovakia. They reach the zenitJh in the works of Master Paul .o f Levoca (1455-1530 ?) , principally in the main altar of St. James' Church, and in the metropolis of Kosice in East Slovakia, where the greatest �Gothic Cathedral of Kosice, Slovakia. Note Baroque roof on tower. (Photo Berka) �SLOVAKIA 93 Gothi,c structure in the country stands on a plot of giround 1,200 meters square. The main altar, 18.62 meters higih, is the largest altar, with ,s ide wings, in the Got:Jhic ,w orld. It is Paul of Levoca's masterpiece, erected in the mighty three-apse pseudo-'b asilica in 1508, lbut not completed until the end of 1,518. 'I'he altar is magnificent, not only because of its heig1ht, but due to the tectonic, composition and stylistic harmony. In creating this masterwork, Paul of Levoca merits a niche in the hall of fame alongside ot:Jher great Gothic architects and wood-carvers, that include Tilman Riemenschneider, Hans Multsclher, Veit Stoss, Hans Leinberger, Gregor Et1hart, Albrecht Dlirer, Lucas Crarnach, Hans Holbein and many other masters of the late Middle Ages. The altar with side wings of Paul of Levoca "is rooted in the familiar traditions of plastic art of the Sloviak historic landscape. If we put him with all his artistic and estJhetic qualities alongside similar works of other great masters of that period, we see that he forms a link in a chain extending across the peaks of European art of the XV and XVI Centuries.* 'Dhe bold execution of the ihigh altar in Lev,oca, is a work carved out of linden, or basswood, which made it susceptible early to worm damage. From 1952-54, it was treated and renovated to preserve it from further destructive forces, restoring the greatest specimen of Gothic art in Europe to manifest, in all its glory, the spirit of European solidarity and unity. Thus it mirrored the spirit of German-<8lavic cooperation, ,a s it was manifested in the Middle Ages in keeping with the Gothic spirit. In that same church of 'St. James, whose tower rburned down at the end of the 18th Century and was not rebuilt until 1858 - only 70 meters high this time and counter to style - there are six other Gothic altars with wings. They, too, are a creation of the famous Master Paul and his pupils, whose work was imitated throughout 1:Jhe Spis area and in fact, all of Slovrukia. Also, the wwks of Paul are the oarved figures of BetMehem on the altar of the Nativity in Levoca, and the statues of the Crucifixion in Lomnicka, of St. Barbar,a in Oko1i<cne, and the triptyclhs in tJhe churches of Banska Byst•rica, Sasova and Spisska Sdbota. Levoca a!lso has Gothic frescoes in the aforementioned sanctuary, datini5 �Largest Gothic Altar of its kind is this masterpiece by Paul of Levoca in the Church of St. James, Levoca, Slovakia. (Photo Berko) �SLOVAKIA from the 14th Century, plus several panel frescoes, a unique lava·bo and other art trea:sures that have made the town a verita,b le repository CYf superb sacred Gofilric art. Moving toward the Eaistern !Slovak cities of Bardejov and Kosice, one finds a verita:ble Gothic feast for t:Jhe eyes. Both these historic sites are proud of their ohurohes and many tripty~hs, woodca•r vings and panel frescoes that date from the 14tih and 1'5th Oenturies. In Bardejov is 1:Jhe Church of St. Aegidius, in the 12th Century the site of a Cistercian cloister, 1:Jhat invites the photographer's eye. The architects were Nicholas of Bardejov, Stefan L•apicid of Kosice, Master Urban and Franklin Stemraseg .CYf Ansba:ch who completed the steeple in 1486. This spire, too, was tfue victim of an earthquaJke, the la-st time in 1725, as weH as several fires in 1640, 1669 and 1836. Irts sp1re was but 78 meters h~gh and was not lb uilt in Gothic style. 'Dhe ohurch has pure lineation, crowned by an altar 17.5 meters hig,h in the main nave, wmoh is 24 meters high. Along with the otfuer side a1tars, 11 in all, one finds the famous triptych of the Nativity, tlhe work of an unknown artist from 1460, and the altar Vir dolorum, dating to 1505. No other cathedral in ,Slovakia can compare with that of Kosice, which enohants even the most fastidious eye with its grandeur •a nd ,b rilliance. 'Dhe cathedral's perfect Gobhic form, covering some 1,200 squaire meters ta:kes on gigantic proportions. It was bui'1t in the 14th and 151:Jh Centuries and practicaHy completed by 1436 as a 3-nave basilica. It is 60 meters long, 35.50 meters wide, 24 meters hi,g'h inside and 32.70 meters high outside, with a transept, whose interior length measures 42.20 meters. Several artists, among them the architect and stonecutter, Stefan Lapicid of Kosiice, and Mikulas Erom,pholz, were responsi<ble for the Gothic interior. The cathedral has 12 side-altars and a main altar 11 meters h ~gili. and 8 meters wide, and a triiptyoh from 1477. The 16 meter high pastoforium is ailso attri:buted to tlhat period. A unique stone sculpture of Master Stefan dating from the Late Gothic period. The crises that this CatJhedria:l CYf St. Eli'za!beth had to weather, come to the fore when one fooks at tfue spires. The four-sided one to the north, that becomes octagonal aJfter tlhree stories, is but 59 meters and runs counter to the general style, with a Baroque-Rococo roof from the �Apostle partaking of the "Last Supper", from the wood-carved Altar in St. James' Church , Levoca, Slovakia. (Photo Berko) �SLOVAKIA 97 yeair 1775. The second, or Matthew's spire, to the south, just about reaches 1Jhe roof of the nave. In 1902-04 it acquired a strange conical top. Tihe entire st11ucture laibors under the uneven proportions and varying roofs and seems to want in the fact tJhat the Kosicania (,t he people of Kosice) could lbe so neglectful and expeot the church to endure 1Jhis misshapen form so long. In other WOTds, if one may hold a brief for the cathedral of Kosice, it has not relinquished the hope that one day it will have Gothic spires of an aippropriate he1ght. We, too, !hope t!his dream will be fulfilled and that it will ·b ecome a concern of the city of Kosice and the experts on Slovak cultural edifices, especially since the "socialist regime" is very generous witJh funds for such purpose, and, where possible, provides ''highly developed" artistic workmen. * Meister P avol v on Levoca. Slowaki scher Ve rl ag der ,s chonen Liteiraitur, B raitislava 1964 , p. 165. We ,sirncerely cong;ratullate the 1Iargest and most ipopula'r Americain-61lovaJk newspaiper in America, J 1EDiNOTA (The Union), ofificia!l OTgan oif , tlhe First Ca<bholic S'1ovaJk Uniion (Jednoba) , whiclh celeJbrated itJs 75th Annivernairy on May 12, 1966. 'Dhe Crutholi,c Weekily waJs founded in Cleveland, Ohio, by the Rev. St~phern. Furxlek, who also founded the fraterna l society, and, be's ides F\t'I'idek, tbhere were suoh renowned editors and recognized leaJders of the American Slorvaikis as the Rev. Mait1:!h w Janikola, Joseph Husak, and Pihilip A. Hrobruk. 1 For orver the pa.1st two yearrs, Joseph C. Krajsa has been editor oft~ J·IDDiNOTA. The assistamt editor of 1:Jhe JIDDNOT A for the ,pa:st sixteen yearn i s the presenlt secreta,ry of tJhe Slova!k Leaigme of Ameriioa, Dr. Joseph Pa'lico. 1 The Fi,v st Catlho1ic SlorvaJk Union and its pwb1ication JEIDNOTA have s1U1pported the aims amd objectives of the Slovruk Lerugue of America since the League wa's foU111dedand they stm do today. Tihe JIDDNOTA hais /kept the Slovaik press al'ive and we wislh it continued success in its service to AmericaJn-Slovruk journaEsm. �The church and town-hall in Levoca, Spis, Slovakia. (Photo Berko) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1966, Vol. 16 Description An account of the resource Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 87 A GLIM!PSE OF GOTHI'C SLOVA!KI:A By Tino Berko Every country has its hrilght side ,a s well as its shadows. '11he qualities that set it apart are rfatrly numerous, and !'Un the gamut :iirom tihe mrugniifiroent to the ·badkwa'l'.'ld aJilld booris'h . In the past, similar epithets a:lso aipplied to a land in the Carpathian Basin, - S'lovakra. Some of these adjectives are relatively new, having made thei-r appearance after 1918 when the Slovaks freed t!hemselves from the !Hungarian yoke and were a·b le to form Czeoho--lS'lovaki,a in common with tlhe Czeelhs. During the years from 1939-1945 when Slovakia ibecame a sovereign state, it acquired still other qualifying titles, good and not so good. Depending on whether they were to invest the Slovruk Republic with approval or lend it a false imruge, the words "fascist" or "nazi" were a'P'Plied. When Slovakia lost its political independence in 1945, it was reduced by the Ozeclhs to the status of an occupational province. Yet in the list of political epithets that we seek to recaH, there is no such name. On the contrary: '.Dhose in command of Slovakia today, the Czecihs, call the :plight of the enslaved Slovaks "people's democracy", "communistic"; since 1960, "socialistic" . The world is told by the voice of Czech propaganda that Slovakia did not win its independence until 1945 and that since then it has been a model of socialism. Out of "backward" Slovakia !has allegedly developed a " highly industria:lized" country. Thus another new epithet for Slova:kia. But in leafing baok through the catalog of Slovakia's a ttributes, the word "wonderful" still applies. Slovrukia today is still a -land that every nature-lover will readily endorse as " an immense natural park in Central Europe". In regard to its historic works of rurt, Slovakia is still a "ha:ribaric" country. But if we •b ear in mind 1:Jhat to the early Italian ear the word "Gothic" and "barbarian" were synonymous, the presence in Slovakia of many Gothic master-wo:riks of art makes thiat land indeed one replete with '~barbaric" treasures. This is just tJhe opposite to tlhe origina:l idea of Gothic meaning "uncivilized" (used in t!he ancient world to designate any person or thiJllg that was non-Greek Gothic entrance to the fortress in Bratislava, Slovakia. (Photo Berka) SLOVAKIA 89 or non-Roman), for the history of art has long since rehabilitated the Gothic style, 1:Jhe most perfect in unity and harrmony. Gothic Slovakia, which covers the entire country of 49,000 square kilometers, is a vast Eden of art where castles and !forts, churohes ,a nd chapels radiate a unique fascination. We know that this Gothic garden in Slovaikia was landscaped witJh the 1he}p of German settlers in the 13th and 14tJh Centuries; enlarged in the 15th Century and the beginning of the 16th, as ,a Late Gothic variation of the architectural style that lhad its birth in northern France. It is sad to reflect that it was not spared the ravages of war. Many of the forts crumbled in ruins when Hussit-es from Boihemi•a stormed Slovakia, or tJhe Turks, during the 16th Century, advanced as far as south and central Slovrukia and from their outposts struged wild plundering raids. 'Dhat is why today these Got!hic forts, once the a bode of counts and grandees, or places of asylum for the threatened populace in times of siege, are today in rack and ruin, looted and plundered and scarred by the raviages of time. Indeed, only a few of tJhe fortresses were spared this tragic fate. Slovakia's historic forts have been restored at great cost and rebuilt as museums of Sloviak history. Favored have ibeen the Gothic residences and forts of Bratislava, Nitra, Orava, Smolenke, Zvolen and, to some extent, Trencin. Very many, among them tJhe !fortresses of Strecno and Spis, see tJheir proud past reflected in wild ruins and twisted rocky ravines. They are documents in stone of the merciless inlI'oaJds 111pan their Gothic style, tJhe attack of re•a l barbarians. In contemplating Gothic Sloviakia, we must first mention tJhe numerous churcihes and sacred works of art, for they embody the strongest heritage of tJhe Slovak Gothic style, which has been preserved to this day, imparting to the faithful wibhin a sea of atheism, a theologica:l reply to the eternal "to be or not to lbe". Seen externally, the Gothic churches in Slovakia are not ostentatious, but plain. 'Dhey lack tJhe splendor and magnificent form reflected, for example, by the Cathedrals of Notre Dame in Chartres and Rheims. What one notes in pairticular is the imperrfect execution of the Gothic spires. Many cathedrals have towers that run counter to form or Portal of the Cathedral in Kosice, Slovakia, seen from town-hall arcades. (Photo Berko > SLOVAKIA 91 are in need of towers to conform in style. An example is tJhe Cathedrnl of Kosice. The upper parts have towers of Baroque or conkal roofs, but of different heights. At most, the parish cihurch in Spisska Nova Ves can he considered a prize in competition with other churc'hes in Slovakia. It suffered a disastrous fire in 1849 and acquired a tower 87 meters hi:gh, the highest in all Slovaki,a. The Gothic towers of Slovrukia form a contrast to t hose in Germany. For example, the spires of Regensburg are 105 and 107 meters, those of Fretburig Cathedral are 115 meters and those of the Cathedral at Ulm, 162 meters high. Again historical factors were responsiible for the lesser degree of magnificence and external form, as well as the inadequate execution of the Slovak church spires. It is quite understandable and excusable in '1i:g'ht of the turmoil that followed the Hussite and TurkiSlh wars. Furthermore, tihe churc!hes were often struck by disasters, such a:s floods , earthquaik es and fires, that had a hrurmful effect on the Got'hic beauty and style. Albeit the outer Gothic forms were somewhat inconsistent and frequently unfinished, especiaHy the steeples, the interiors possessed great riches. T•he Gothic tripty~hs, woodcarved statues and panei frescoes, a veritable feast for the eye, can claim for Slova•kia international primacy, for tihey merit the admiration of the most /fastidious fancier of art. Striking examples are to be found in: St. Martin's Cathedral and tihe Franciscan Church in Bratislava, the Bishop's Cathedrnls of Trnava, Banrska Bystrica and Spisska Kapitula; also the churches in Hronsky •B enadik, Zehra, Kezmarok, Spisska Sobota, Spissky Stvrtok, S'pisske Vlachy, L iptovsky Mikulas, Bardejov and Presov. A:11 are outstanding ecclesiastical edifices from the High and Late Got'hic periods 13th, 14th and 15th Centuries whose masters are not always known. Unique amonig tJhe Gothic structures of Slovakia, however, are the houses of worshiip in Levoca or Leutsdhau (•a n area settled by Germans in tihe 12th and 13th Centuries) in the northeastern part of Slovakia. They reach the zenitJh in the works of Master Paul .o f Levoca (1455-1530 ?) , principally in the main altar of St. James' Church, and in the metropolis of Kosice in East Slovakia, where the greatest Gothic Cathedral of Kosice, Slovakia. Note Baroque roof on tower. (Photo Berka) SLOVAKIA 93 Gothi,c structure in the country stands on a plot of giround 1,200 meters square. The main altar, 18.62 meters higih, is the largest altar, with ,s ide wings, in the Got:Jhic ,w orld. It is Paul of Levoca's masterpiece, erected in the mighty three-apse pseudo-'b asilica in 1508, lbut not completed until the end of 1,518. 'I'he altar is magnificent, not only because of its heig1ht, but due to the tectonic, composition and stylistic harmony. In creating this masterwork, Paul of Levoca merits a niche in the hall of fame alongside ot:Jher great Gothic architects and wood-carvers, that include Tilman Riemenschneider, Hans Multsclher, Veit Stoss, Hans Leinberger, Gregor Et1hart, Albrecht Dlirer, Lucas Crarnach, Hans Holbein and many other masters of the late Middle Ages. The altar with side wings of Paul of Levoca "is rooted in the familiar traditions of plastic art of the Sloviak historic landscape. If we put him with all his artistic and estJhetic qualities alongside similar works of other great masters of that period, we see that he forms a link in a chain extending across the peaks of European art of the XV and XVI Centuries.* 'Dhe bold execution of the ihigh altar in Lev,oca, is a work carved out of linden, or basswood, which made it susceptible early to worm damage. From 1952-54, it was treated and renovated to preserve it from further destructive forces, restoring the greatest specimen of Gothic art in Europe to manifest, in all its glory, the spirit of European solidarity and unity. Thus it mirrored the spirit of German-<8lavic cooperation, ,a s it was manifested in the Middle Ages in keeping with the Gothic spirit. In that same church of 'St. James, whose tower rburned down at the end of the 18th Century and was not rebuilt until 1858 - only 70 meters high this time and counter to style - there are six other Gothic altars with wings. They, too, are a creation of the famous Master Paul and his pupils, whose work was imitated throughout 1:Jhe Spis area and in fact, all of Slovrukia. Also, the wwks of Paul are the oarved figures of BetMehem on the altar of the Nativity in Levoca, and the statues of the Crucifixion in Lomnicka, of St. Barbar,a in Oko1i<cne, and the triptyclhs in tJhe churches of Banska Byst•rica, Sasova and Spisska Sdbota. Levoca a!lso has Gothic frescoes in the aforementioned sanctuary, datini5 Largest Gothic Altar of its kind is this masterpiece by Paul of Levoca in the Church of St. James, Levoca, Slovakia. (Photo Berko) SLOVAKIA from the 14th Century, plus several panel frescoes, a unique lava·bo and other art trea:sures that have made the town a verita,b le repository CYf superb sacred Gofilric art. Moving toward the Eaistern !Slovak cities of Bardejov and Kosice, one finds a verita:ble Gothic feast for t:Jhe eyes. Both these historic sites are proud of their ohurohes and many tripty~hs, woodca•r vings and panel frescoes that date from the 14tih and 1'5th Oenturies. In Bardejov is 1:Jhe Church of St. Aegidius, in the 12th Century the site of a Cistercian cloister, 1:Jhat invites the photographer's eye. The architects were Nicholas of Bardejov, Stefan L•apicid of Kosice, Master Urban and Franklin Stemraseg .CYf Ansba:ch who completed the steeple in 1486. This spire, too, was tfue victim of an earthquaJke, the la-st time in 1725, as weH as several fires in 1640, 1669 and 1836. Irts sp1re was but 78 meters h~gh and was not lb uilt in Gothic style. 'Dhe ohurch has pure lineation, crowned by an altar 17.5 meters hig,h in the main nave, wmoh is 24 meters high. Along with the otfuer side a1tars, 11 in all, one finds the famous triptych of the Nativity, tlhe work of an unknown artist from 1460, and the altar Vir dolorum, dating to 1505. No other cathedral in ,Slovakia can compare with that of Kosice, which enohants even the most fastidious eye with its grandeur •a nd ,b rilliance. 'Dhe cathedral's perfect Gobhic form, covering some 1,200 squaire meters ta:kes on gigantic proportions. It was bui'1t in the 14th and 151:Jh Centuries and practicaHy completed by 1436 as a 3-nave basilica. It is 60 meters long, 35.50 meters wide, 24 meters hi,g'h inside and 32.70 meters high outside, with a transept, whose interior length measures 42.20 meters. Several artists, among them the architect and stonecutter, Stefan Lapicid of Kosiice, and Mikulas Erom,pholz, were responsi<ble for the Gothic interior. The cathedral has 12 side-altars and a main altar 11 meters h ~gili. and 8 meters wide, and a triiptyoh from 1477. The 16 meter high pastoforium is ailso attri:buted to tlhat period. A unique stone sculpture of Master Stefan dating from the Late Gothic period. The crises that this CatJhedria:l CYf St. Eli'za!beth had to weather, come to the fore when one fooks at tfue spires. The four-sided one to the north, that becomes octagonal aJfter tlhree stories, is but 59 meters and runs counter to the general style, with a Baroque-Rococo roof from the Apostle partaking of the "Last Supper", from the wood-carved Altar in St. James' Church , Levoca, Slovakia. (Photo Berko) SLOVAKIA 97 yeair 1775. The second, or Matthew's spire, to the south, just about reaches 1Jhe roof of the nave. In 1902-04 it acquired a strange conical top. Tihe entire st11ucture laibors under the uneven proportions and varying roofs and seems to want in the fact tJhat the Kosicania (,t he people of Kosice) could lbe so neglectful and expeot the church to endure 1Jhis misshapen form so long. In other WOTds, if one may hold a brief for the cathedral of Kosice, it has not relinquished the hope that one day it will have Gothic spires of an aippropriate he1ght. We, too, !hope t!his dream will be fulfilled and that it will ·b ecome a concern of the city of Kosice and the experts on Slovak cultural edifices, especially since the "socialist regime" is very generous witJh funds for such purpose, and, where possible, provides ''highly developed" artistic workmen. * Meister P avol v on Levoca. Slowaki scher Ve rl ag der ,s chonen Liteiraitur, B raitislava 1964 , p. 165. We ,sirncerely cong;ratullate the 1Iargest and most ipopula'r Americain-61lovaJk newspaiper in America, J 1EDiNOTA (The Union), ofificia!l OTgan oif , tlhe First Ca<bholic S'1ovaJk Uniion (Jednoba) , whiclh celeJbrated itJs 75th Annivernairy on May 12, 1966. 'Dhe Crutholi,c Weekily waJs founded in Cleveland, Ohio, by the Rev. St~phern. Furxlek, who also founded the fraterna l society, and, be's ides F\t'I'idek, tbhere were suoh renowned editors and recognized leaJders of the American Slorvaikis as the Rev. Mait1:!h w Janikola, Joseph Husak, and Pihilip A. Hrobruk. 1 For orver the pa.1st two yearrs, Joseph C. Krajsa has been editor oft~ J·IDDiNOTA. The assistamt editor of 1:Jhe JIDDNOT A for the ,pa:st sixteen yearn i s the presenlt secreta,ry of tJhe Slova!k Leaigme of Ameriioa, Dr. Joseph Pa'lico. 1 The Fi,v st Catlho1ic SlorvaJk Union and its pwb1ication JEIDNOTA have s1U1pported the aims amd objectives of the Slovruk Lerugue of America since the League wa's foU111dedand they stm do today. Tihe JIDDNOTA hais /kept the Slovaik press al'ive and we wislh it continued success in its service to AmericaJn-Slovruk journaEsm. The church and town-hall in Levoca, Spis, Slovakia. (Photo Berko)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Glimpse of Gothic Slovakia Description An account of the resource Tino Berko Slovakia, Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966 pp. 87-98 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Berko, Tino Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 Type The nature or genre of the resource contains illustrations name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/029b05234f5a25049959a9fda8fc9c6b.pdf 230cc702cf86b348ecf193f160110b9a PDF Text Text 80 SLOVAKIA "SONS OF HUNKIES: MEN WITH A PAST?" A few years ago a book entitled The American Style appeared which attempted to analyze and define the cunent American temper. It was subtitled Essays in Value and Performance. Widely known scholars from a variety of fields, particularly history and anthropology, offered their impressions, or better, diagnoses of this nation's problems. While remedies varied, they all agreed that a general sickness had afflicted the American people. A feeling of uncertainty, loss of direction, and lack of purpose had controlled the behavior of the population for about the past decade. Agreeing in part with sociologist David Riesman, one of the participants, these students noted that the campaigns of old, the Armageddons of another day, the taming of the pioneer west, making the world safe for democracy in 1917, and the "Crusade in Europe", as General Eisenhower put it, had been won. In place of these challenges no new frontiers had appeared. America was trying to adjust to a new anxious era where old values were disappearing. Now the state was guaranteeing minimum security and abroad we were enduring a continual stalemate and compromise with our enemies. The exhilaration of clear victory was unattainable because there was no "solution" to our problems. Instead, as the discussants pointed to Korea and could well have done so later with Vietnam, our policy was not to vanquish our foes as before but merely contain them. The realization of this indecisive situation led to the present mood of confusion, frustration, and "drift." Even a commission begun to formulate and enunciate national goals under the Eisenhower administration was not able to dispell the agonizing transition; in fact, its ,e stablishment was evidence of it. Such a loss of commitment to ideals seems to apply particularly to descendants of this country's minority groups. Ethnic historians and sociologists can discern that same search for principles among our newer nationalities. As this writer sees it, present generation Slovak, Jewish, Italian and non-white Americans labor heavily not only under the general psychological malady but an additional, even more upsetting disability, an embarrassment over their past. Theirs is a history they are usually trying to dismiss, forget, and ignore. The few who do actively cultivate ethnic history really know �SLOVAKIA 81 only a small part, in any case a distorted and even fanciful version. The effect on the younger generation is unfortunate. Maturing East European Americans particularly are, as individuals, desperately striving to assimilate their way of life to the Anglo-American middle class stereotype. Such an overpowering acculturative urge is forcing far too rapid psychological changes for a well-balanced adjustment and instead has created a pervasive discomfort in the form of a massive inferiority. The feeling is entirely unwarranted as this paper will show. It is to this disturbed neurosis that trained nationality historians can supply a remedy-the needed measure of selfconfidence. While this therapeutic function of ethnic scholars will be stressed here, one should understand that the major task of historians of immigration and race is not sociological. They are not social workers. Immigration historians are generally concerned with analyzing American culture through its ,effects on its subgroups. Nevertheless, at the very same time that nationality group scholars are investigating our society, they will also assist in lifting the mental cross that minorities bear. By suggesting a sophisticated picture of subgroups' past, trained ethnic historians will offer a mo!'e comfortable position from which these people can base present life on past experience. Nevertheless, as of quite recently if history does not provide any foundation at all for what is, or supplies that very necessary continuity with the present, Catholics, Jews, Negroes, and especially Slovaks have not yet found it. Of course everyone of us has some idea of what has been as defective as our picture may be. No matter how much men try to forget yesterday, only the few amnesiacs can do it successfully and they, too, suffer psychologically. For the non-Anglo-American particularly the question of the past haunts his every activity. His recollections of foregoing generations are painful. To the modern descendant the status of the father or grandfather seems hardly one to ennoble progeny: the unskilled Slovak brutalized in the steel mill, coal mine, or slaughterhouse; the Italian ragpicker earning his bread by combing garbage dumps of our larger cities; the Jewish sweatshop worker slaving in an overcrowded, �82 SLOVAKIA filthy New York tenement fifteen hours a day; or the illiterate Negro sharecropper suffering from centuries of pellagra and persecution. Even if the present minority member has no first-hand contact with such figures, one can be sure that he knows them through images. Most Slovak Americans still live in Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Gary, Chicago, Youngstown, Bridgeport, and Detroit where they can see the smokestack that ordered their for,ebears to their job. If by chance personal recollection does not create a sense of inadequacy, the little historical work that has been done on these groups will. Such written profiles for the most part make descendants extremely self-conscious of their heritage. The published studies are products either of well-meaning advocat,es who want to list the group's achievements in terms of "contributions" or of ingroup writers who concentrate their attention on pre-1800 American origins or the cultural connection with medieval Europe. In either case the result has been to intensify the inferiority. What does it mean to a grandson trying hard to obtain an education that his heritage stems from the grandeur of Rome or that he and Toscannini have something in common; or to a descendant of a Polish peasant that his countryman Kosciuszko helped Washington win the American Revolution; or to today's Negro that Phillis Wheatley was writing good poetry in 1760? Such "history" only reminds readers of the extraordinary distance which they have to travel to be accepted as just another American. In essence such nationality "personalities" have little real connection with or relevance to their own circumstance. In fact, many celebrities have not associated with their group at all although some have. Of all this country's minorities it is likely that the Slovak Americans have the greatest difficulty in orientation. For what is there available to dispel their ignorance and describe the aotivity of their father and grandfather when they left Spis to come to Pittsburgh? Unfortunately not a great deal of literature. Certainly with almost a million inhabitants tracing their heritage back to the foothills of the Carpathians, it is tragic that there is not one complete history of what the emigrants did which their descendants can read. Of course, there are publications on Slovaks in the United States but these ar,e usually inaccessible to the young as well as non- �SLOVAKIA 83 Slavs. The many parish histories give a part of the tale and most of the other works are either hidden away as university theses, like Rev. Zatlm's "Social History of the Slovaks in America" or Rev. Buc's "Slovak Nationalism" or they are in Slovak, as Rovnianek's autobiography, Dr. Hrusovsky's history of the Slovak religious orders, Culen's history of American Slovaks, Hrobak's edited notes of Furdek, or the most complete study of all, Dr. Pauco's jubilee history of Jednota. Thus the dilemma in having to live in two worlds remains. Minorities members are the "marginal men, " as E. V. Stonequist described them, attempting to adjust to a majority culture yet never able to divest themselves of what they believe a foreign, un-American family life. It is my point that such a transition need not be uncomfortable and irritating and in fact American historians are just now providing a solvent. Very recently scholarly interest in our sub-cultures has heightened. Starting in the 1920's among social workers and a rare professional historian and quickened by the recent pressure of non-whites for equality, investigators of our society have begun to recognize the necessity of including Catholics, Jews, and non-whites in any generalization about our past. Late publications on the Negroes, Greeks, and Jews; the formation of an Immigration History Group; and the success of an immigrant archival collection at the University of Minnesota are tangible manifestations of the growing recognition of the subject. If the trend continues, Americans of minority descent will be major beneficiaries. The tale of their own forebears, not Benovsky, Bernolak, or Stur as great as these men were, will take a place along side that of Anglo-American life as a fit subject for scholarship. The as yet literally unknown period of the recent, mass immigration after 1870 will be illuminated. And when it is, the insecurity of the minority member over his heritage will disappear. He need not cower at the imagined tale of the slum, poverty, ignorance, and demoralization. Such a tradition was his background but only a part of it. From preliminary research this writer has done on all Slavic Americans, he would emphasize rather the surprising viability and substance of their immigrant �84 SLOVAKIA community. These newcomers, so-called greenhorns, culturally deprived, largely unlettered masses traveled thousands of miles to a vastly different environment and fashioned a complete social life, including parishes, social centers, fraternals, newspapers, even dramatic and musical societies. Such institutions may not have equalled their American counterpart in support or quality but these associations certainly represented a significant economic and cultural advance from what they had in the Old Country. To help ease the lot of maturing Slovak Americans and assist students of American culture some steps have already been taken, as Jednota's scholarship awards and the agreements made with the University of Minnesota. This writer would like to make an additional proposal. Actually this suggestion is a renewal of an appeal made by Rev. Mlynarovic several decades ago, the formation of a Slovak American Historical Association. Such a cultural society would offer permanent encouragement to those interested in the history of Slovaks in America. At the start it could interest and assist students to gather, organize and publish materials on the nationality. Anyone who has visited the Institute, Middletown, Pittsburgh, and Chicago realizes the necessity of ordering and preserving annuals, newspapers and manuscript collections. The Association would also communicate with other nationality historical societies which have proven their own value and keep in contact with immigrant historians in general. The major drawback to such an organization is the same that has plagued Slovak Americans as a whole-factionalism. Slovaks are of many persuasions, from Protestants to Orthodox, and these subdivisions have confounded and retarded any all-inclusive body. But such an obstacle may well be overcome by including all Slovak groups in its formation and as a r,esult of the urgency of the situation. This writer would like to initiate action by suggesting a Slovak American Newsletter and he solicits advice from readers. This paper, has been both an analysis of the problem and a suggestion for solution. It sees a process whereby other minorities will grow in self-confidence but fears that Slovak Americans may not have a recognizable past for some time to come unless action is taken soon. The call, however, �SLOVAKIA 85 does not seek to instill ethnic pride in the hearts and minds of disillusioned descendants. This identity-attachment will result and expand when more of the entire past is exposed. Any research subject, whether sensitive or not, should be encouraged to help explain the reality of a group's adjustment. Certainly out of this academic pursuit, sons will sense a more substantial basis for knowing themselves. One need not guess at the profound satisfaction that all minorities will experience when they form societies that deal with academicians. The recognition of scholarship can do much to ease an inferiority. With such a relationship ethnic leaders must be cautioned that encouraging historical scholarship will not pr,e vent assimilation, "drowning in an Anglo-American sea," as some have termed it. Most sociologists agree that homogenization is inevitable and amalgamation appears as an American trend. But this process of change will be less demoralizing for group members who really are interested in honoring their past. Maria Mrazik will change her name to Mary More and even marry a Robert Smith but the transition will not necessarily indicate a rejection of her Slovak heritage. She still will likely support the examination of the internal and external problems which her forebears encountered in building their institutions. Nevertheless the minority member's trauma is still the order of the day. The pervasive and depressing syndrome can be observed most closely by first-hand testimony, the lament of a young Halian boy, named John Fante, who sought to erase his heritage. The nationality here is really irrelevant; he could just as well have been a Slovak or of any other minority. As he says, he takes solace in his name as he could be mistaken for a more American nationality. Yet he could not escape his family where conflict was constant and tragic. His confession appeared several decades ago in a 1933 article entitled, "The Odyssey of a Wop," but his discomfort typifies that of a Hunlde's son as well: I enter the . .. school with an awful fear that I a Wop. As soon as I find out why people have such names, I match my own against such typically ltalian Bianci, Borello, Pacelli-the names of other students. I relieved by the comparison. After all, I think, people French. will be called things as surcognomens as am pleasantly will say I am �86 SLOVAKIA Doesn't my name sound French? Sure! So thereafter, when people ask me my nationality, I tell them I am French. A few boys begin calling me Frenchy. I like that. It feels fine. Thus I begin to loathe my heritage. I avoid Italian boys and girls who try to be friendly. I thank God for · my light skin and hair, and I choose my companions by the Anglo-Saxon ring of their names. If a boy's name is Whitney, Browne, or Smythe, then he's my pal; but I'm always a little breathless when I am with him; he may find me out. At the lunch hour I huddle over my lunch pail, for my mother doesn't wrap my sandwiches in wax paper, ... she makes them too large and the lettuce leaves protrude. Worse, the bread is home-made; not bakery bread, not "American" bread. I make a great fuss because I can't have mayonnaise and other "American" things ... I am nervous when I bring friends to my house; the place looks so Italian. Here hangs a picture of Victor Emmanuel, and over there is one of the cathedral of Milan, and next to it, one of St. Peter's, and on the buffet stands a wine-pitcher of medieval design; it's forever brimming, forever red and brilliant with wine. These things are heirlooms belonging to my father, and no matter who may come to our house, he likes to stand under them and brag. So I begin to shout at him. I tell him to cut out being a Wop and to be an American once in a while . Immediately he gets his razor-strap and whales hell out of me, clouting me from room to room and finally out the back door. I go into the woodshed and puH down my pants and stretch my neck to examine the blue slices across my rump. A Wop! that's what my father is! Nowhere is there an American father who beats his son this way. Well, he's not going to get away with it; some day I'll get even with him ... My grandmother has taught me to speak her native tongue. By seven, I know it pretty well, and I always address her in it. But when friends are with me, when I am twelve and thirteen, I pretend to ignorance of what she says, and smirk stiffly; my friends daren't know that I can speak any language but English. Sometimes this infuriates her. She bristles, the loose skin at her throat knits hard, and she blasphemes with a mighty blasphemy.• As Fante said, he was always a little breathless for he may have been found out. With more professional attention given to his group's history, the time will come when he and all minority members will catch their breath and assume their composure. In the process both minority and majority may then discover a new sense of compatibility. The omnipresent "drift" and purposeless will vanish as together they strive to attain the so-called Amerioan Dream. Victor R. Greene Kansas State University Manhattan, Kansas • The American Mercury, XXX (September, 1939), 91-93, quoted in Maurice Davie, World Immigration (New York, 1936), 279-279. � 80 SLOVAKIA "SONS OF HUNKIES: MEN WITH A PAST?" A few years ago a book entitled The American Style appeared which attempted to analyze and define the cunent American temper. It was subtitled Essays in Value and Performance. Widely known scholars from a variety of fields, particularly history and anthropology, offered their impressions, or better, diagnoses of this nation's problems. While remedies varied, they all agreed that a general sickness had afflicted the American people. A feeling of uncertainty, loss of direction, and lack of purpose had controlled the behavior of the population for about the past decade. Agreeing in part with sociologist David Riesman, one of the participants, these students noted that the campaigns of old, the Armageddons of another day, the taming of the pioneer west, making the world safe for democracy in 1917, and the "Crusade in Europe", as General Eisenhower put it, had been won. In place of these challenges no new frontiers had appeared. America was trying to adjust to a new anxious era where old values were disappearing. Now the state was guaranteeing minimum security and abroad we were enduring a continual stalemate and compromise with our enemies. The exhilaration of clear victory was unattainable because there was no "solution" to our problems. Instead, as the discussants pointed to Korea and could well have done so later with Vietnam, our policy was not to vanquish our foes as before but merely contain them. The realization of this indecisive situation led to the present mood of confusion, frustration, and "drift." Even a commission begun to formulate and enunciate national goals under the Eisenhower administration was not able to dispell the agonizing transition; in fact, its ,e stablishment was evidence of it. Such a loss of commitment to ideals seems to apply particularly to descendants of this country's minority groups. Ethnic historians and sociologists can discern that same search for principles among our newer nationalities. As this writer sees it, present generation Slovak, Jewish, Italian and non-white Americans labor heavily not only under the general psychological malady but an additional, even more upsetting disability, an embarrassment over their past. Theirs is a history they are usually trying to dismiss, forget, and ignore. The few who do actively cultivate ethnic history really know �SLOVAKIA 81 only a small part, in any case a distorted and even fanciful version. The effect on the younger generation is unfortunate. Maturing East European Americans particularly are, as individuals, desperately striving to assimilate their way of life to the Anglo-American middle class stereotype. Such an overpowering acculturative urge is forcing far too rapid psychological changes for a well-balanced adjustment and instead has created a pervasive discomfort in the form of a massive inferiority. The feeling is entirely unwarranted as this paper will show. It is to this disturbed neurosis that trained nationality historians can supply a remedy-the needed measure of selfconfidence. While this therapeutic function of ethnic scholars will be stressed here, one should understand that the major task of historians of immigration and race is not sociological. They are not social workers. Immigration historians are generally concerned with analyzing American culture through its ,effects on its subgroups. Nevertheless, at the very same time that nationality group scholars are investigating our society, they will also assist in lifting the mental cross that minorities bear. By suggesting a sophisticated picture of subgroups' past, trained ethnic historians will offer a mo!'e comfortable position from which these people can base present life on past experience. Nevertheless, as of quite recently if history does not provide any foundation at all for what is, or supplies that very necessary continuity with the present, Catholics, Jews, Negroes, and especially Slovaks have not yet found it. Of course everyone of us has some idea of what has been as defective as our picture may be. No matter how much men try to forget yesterday, only the few amnesiacs can do it successfully and they, too, suffer psychologically. For the non-Anglo-American particularly the question of the past haunts his every activity. His recollections of foregoing generations are painful. To the modern descendant the status of the father or grandfather seems hardly one to ennoble progeny: the unskilled Slovak brutalized in the steel mill, coal mine, or slaughterhouse; the Italian ragpicker earning his bread by combing garbage dumps of our larger cities; the Jewish sweatshop worker slaving in an overcrowded, �82 SLOVAKIA filthy New York tenement fifteen hours a day; or the illiterate Negro sharecropper suffering from centuries of pellagra and persecution. Even if the present minority member has no first-hand contact with such figures, one can be sure that he knows them through images. Most Slovak Americans still live in Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Gary, Chicago, Youngstown, Bridgeport, and Detroit where they can see the smokestack that ordered their for,ebears to their job. If by chance personal recollection does not create a sense of inadequacy, the little historical work that has been done on these groups will. Such written profiles for the most part make descendants extremely self-conscious of their heritage. The published studies are products either of well-meaning advocat,es who want to list the group's achievements in terms of "contributions" or of ingroup writers who concentrate their attention on pre-1800 American origins or the cultural connection with medieval Europe. In either case the result has been to intensify the inferiority. What does it mean to a grandson trying hard to obtain an education that his heritage stems from the grandeur of Rome or that he and Toscannini have something in common; or to a descendant of a Polish peasant that his countryman Kosciuszko helped Washington win the American Revolution; or to today's Negro that Phillis Wheatley was writing good poetry in 1760? Such "history" only reminds readers of the extraordinary distance which they have to travel to be accepted as just another American. In essence such nationality "personalities" have little real connection with or relevance to their own circumstance. In fact, many celebrities have not associated with their group at all although some have. Of all this country's minorities it is likely that the Slovak Americans have the greatest difficulty in orientation. For what is there available to dispel their ignorance and describe the aotivity of their father and grandfather when they left Spis to come to Pittsburgh? Unfortunately not a great deal of literature. Certainly with almost a million inhabitants tracing their heritage back to the foothills of the Carpathians, it is tragic that there is not one complete history of what the emigrants did which their descendants can read. Of course, there are publications on Slovaks in the United States but these ar,e usually inaccessible to the young as well as non- �SLOVAKIA 83 Slavs. The many parish histories give a part of the tale and most of the other works are either hidden away as university theses, like Rev. Zatlm's "Social History of the Slovaks in America" or Rev. Buc's "Slovak Nationalism" or they are in Slovak, as Rovnianek's autobiography, Dr. Hrusovsky's history of the Slovak religious orders, Culen's history of American Slovaks, Hrobak's edited notes of Furdek, or the most complete study of all, Dr. Pauco's jubilee history of Jednota. Thus the dilemma in having to live in two worlds remains. Minorities members are the "marginal men, " as E. V. Stonequist described them, attempting to adjust to a majority culture yet never able to divest themselves of what they believe a foreign, un-American family life. It is my point that such a transition need not be uncomfortable and irritating and in fact American historians are just now providing a solvent. Very recently scholarly interest in our sub-cultures has heightened. Starting in the 1920's among social workers and a rare professional historian and quickened by the recent pressure of non-whites for equality, investigators of our society have begun to recognize the necessity of including Catholics, Jews, and non-whites in any generalization about our past. Late publications on the Negroes, Greeks, and Jews; the formation of an Immigration History Group; and the success of an immigrant archival collection at the University of Minnesota are tangible manifestations of the growing recognition of the subject. If the trend continues, Americans of minority descent will be major beneficiaries. The tale of their own forebears, not Benovsky, Bernolak, or Stur as great as these men were, will take a place along side that of Anglo-American life as a fit subject for scholarship. The as yet literally unknown period of the recent, mass immigration after 1870 will be illuminated. And when it is, the insecurity of the minority member over his heritage will disappear. He need not cower at the imagined tale of the slum, poverty, ignorance, and demoralization. Such a tradition was his background but only a part of it. From preliminary research this writer has done on all Slavic Americans, he would emphasize rather the surprising viability and substance of their immigrant �84 SLOVAKIA community. These newcomers, so-called greenhorns, culturally deprived, largely unlettered masses traveled thousands of miles to a vastly different environment and fashioned a complete social life, including parishes, social centers, fraternals, newspapers, even dramatic and musical societies. Such institutions may not have equalled their American counterpart in support or quality but these associations certainly represented a significant economic and cultural advance from what they had in the Old Country. To help ease the lot of maturing Slovak Americans and assist students of American culture some steps have already been taken, as Jednota's scholarship awards and the agreements made with the University of Minnesota. This writer would like to make an additional proposal. Actually this suggestion is a renewal of an appeal made by Rev. Mlynarovic several decades ago, the formation of a Slovak American Historical Association. Such a cultural society would offer permanent encouragement to those interested in the history of Slovaks in America. At the start it could interest and assist students to gather, organize and publish materials on the nationality. Anyone who has visited the Institute, Middletown, Pittsburgh, and Chicago realizes the necessity of ordering and preserving annuals, newspapers and manuscript collections. The Association would also communicate with other nationality historical societies which have proven their own value and keep in contact with immigrant historians in general. The major drawback to such an organization is the same that has plagued Slovak Americans as a whole-factionalism. Slovaks are of many persuasions, from Protestants to Orthodox, and these subdivisions have confounded and retarded any all-inclusive body. But such an obstacle may well be overcome by including all Slovak groups in its formation and as a r,esult of the urgency of the situation. This writer would like to initiate action by suggesting a Slovak American Newsletter and he solicits advice from readers. This paper, has been both an analysis of the problem and a suggestion for solution. It sees a process whereby other minorities will grow in self-confidence but fears that Slovak Americans may not have a recognizable past for some time to come unless action is taken soon. The call, however, �SLOVAKIA 85 does not seek to instill ethnic pride in the hearts and minds of disillusioned descendants. This identity-attachment will result and expand when more of the entire past is exposed. Any research subject, whether sensitive or not, should be encouraged to help explain the reality of a group's adjustment. Certainly out of this academic pursuit, sons will sense a more substantial basis for knowing themselves. One need not guess at the profound satisfaction that all minorities will experience when they form societies that deal with academicians. The recognition of scholarship can do much to ease an inferiority. With such a relationship ethnic leaders must be cautioned that encouraging historical scholarship will not pr,e vent assimilation, "drowning in an Anglo-American sea," as some have termed it. Most sociologists agree that homogenization is inevitable and amalgamation appears as an American trend. But this process of change will be less demoralizing for group members who really are interested in honoring their past. Maria Mrazik will change her name to Mary More and even marry a Robert Smith but the transition will not necessarily indicate a rejection of her Slovak heritage. She still will likely support the examination of the internal and external problems which her forebears encountered in building their institutions. Nevertheless the minority member's trauma is still the order of the day. The pervasive and depressing syndrome can be observed most closely by first-hand testimony, the lament of a young Halian boy, named John Fante, who sought to erase his heritage. The nationality here is really irrelevant; he could just as well have been a Slovak or of any other minority. As he says, he takes solace in his name as he could be mistaken for a more American nationality. Yet he could not escape his family where conflict was constant and tragic. His confession appeared several decades ago in a 1933 article entitled, "The Odyssey of a Wop," but his discomfort typifies that of a Hunlde's son as well: I enter the . .. school with an awful fear that I a Wop. As soon as I find out why people have such names, I match my own against such typically ltalian Bianci, Borello, Pacelli-the names of other students. I relieved by the comparison. After all, I think, people French. will be called things as surcognomens as am pleasantly will say I am �86 SLOVAKIA Doesn't my name sound French? Sure! So thereafter, when people ask me my nationality, I tell them I am French. A few boys begin calling me Frenchy. I like that. It feels fine. Thus I begin to loathe my heritage. I avoid Italian boys and girls who try to be friendly. I thank God for · my light skin and hair, and I choose my companions by the Anglo-Saxon ring of their names. If a boy's name is Whitney, Browne, or Smythe, then he's my pal; but I'm always a little breathless when I am with him; he may find me out. At the lunch hour I huddle over my lunch pail, for my mother doesn't wrap my sandwiches in wax paper, ... she makes them too large and the lettuce leaves protrude. Worse, the bread is home-made; not bakery bread, not "American" bread. I make a great fuss because I can't have mayonnaise and other "American" things ... I am nervous when I bring friends to my house; the place looks so Italian. Here hangs a picture of Victor Emmanuel, and over there is one of the cathedral of Milan, and next to it, one of St. Peter's, and on the buffet stands a wine-pitcher of medieval design; it's forever brimming, forever red and brilliant with wine. These things are heirlooms belonging to my father, and no matter who may come to our house, he likes to stand under them and brag. So I begin to shout at him. I tell him to cut out being a Wop and to be an American once in a while . Immediately he gets his razor-strap and whales hell out of me, clouting me from room to room and finally out the back door. I go into the woodshed and puH down my pants and stretch my neck to examine the blue slices across my rump. A Wop! that's what my father is! Nowhere is there an American father who beats his son this way. Well, he's not going to get away with it; some day I'll get even with him ... My grandmother has taught me to speak her native tongue. By seven, I know it pretty well, and I always address her in it. But when friends are with me, when I am twelve and thirteen, I pretend to ignorance of what she says, and smirk stiffly; my friends daren't know that I can speak any language but English. Sometimes this infuriates her. She bristles, the loose skin at her throat knits hard, and she blasphemes with a mighty blasphemy.• As Fante said, he was always a little breathless for he may have been found out. With more professional attention given to his group's history, the time will come when he and all minority members will catch their breath and assume their composure. In the process both minority and majority may then discover a new sense of compatibility. The omnipresent "drift" and purposeless will vanish as together they strive to attain the so-called Amerioan Dream. Victor R. Greene Kansas State University Manhattan, Kansas • The American Mercury, XXX (September, 1939), 91-93, quoted in Maurice Davie, World Immigration (New York, 1936), 279-279. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1966, Vol. 16 Description An account of the resource Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 80 SLOVAKIA "SONS OF HUNKIES: MEN WITH A PAST?" A few years ago a book entitled The American Style appeared which attempted to analyze and define the cunent American temper. It was subtitled Essays in Value and Performance. Widely known scholars from a variety of fields, particularly history and anthropology, offered their impressions, or better, diagnoses of this nation's problems. While remedies varied, they all agreed that a general sickness had afflicted the American people. A feeling of uncertainty, loss of direction, and lack of purpose had controlled the behavior of the population for about the past decade. Agreeing in part with sociologist David Riesman, one of the participants, these students noted that the campaigns of old, the Armageddons of another day, the taming of the pioneer west, making the world safe for democracy in 1917, and the "Crusade in Europe", as General Eisenhower put it, had been won. In place of these challenges no new frontiers had appeared. America was trying to adjust to a new anxious era where old values were disappearing. Now the state was guaranteeing minimum security and abroad we were enduring a continual stalemate and compromise with our enemies. The exhilaration of clear victory was unattainable because there was no "solution" to our problems. Instead, as the discussants pointed to Korea and could well have done so later with Vietnam, our policy was not to vanquish our foes as before but merely contain them. The realization of this indecisive situation led to the present mood of confusion, frustration, and "drift." Even a commission begun to formulate and enunciate national goals under the Eisenhower administration was not able to dispell the agonizing transition; in fact, its ,e stablishment was evidence of it. Such a loss of commitment to ideals seems to apply particularly to descendants of this country's minority groups. Ethnic historians and sociologists can discern that same search for principles among our newer nationalities. As this writer sees it, present generation Slovak, Jewish, Italian and non-white Americans labor heavily not only under the general psychological malady but an additional, even more upsetting disability, an embarrassment over their past. Theirs is a history they are usually trying to dismiss, forget, and ignore. The few who do actively cultivate ethnic history really know SLOVAKIA 81 only a small part, in any case a distorted and even fanciful version. The effect on the younger generation is unfortunate. Maturing East European Americans particularly are, as individuals, desperately striving to assimilate their way of life to the Anglo-American middle class stereotype. Such an overpowering acculturative urge is forcing far too rapid psychological changes for a well-balanced adjustment and instead has created a pervasive discomfort in the form of a massive inferiority. The feeling is entirely unwarranted as this paper will show. It is to this disturbed neurosis that trained nationality historians can supply a remedy-the needed measure of selfconfidence. While this therapeutic function of ethnic scholars will be stressed here, one should understand that the major task of historians of immigration and race is not sociological. They are not social workers. Immigration historians are generally concerned with analyzing American culture through its ,effects on its subgroups. Nevertheless, at the very same time that nationality group scholars are investigating our society, they will also assist in lifting the mental cross that minorities bear. By suggesting a sophisticated picture of subgroups' past, trained ethnic historians will offer a mo!'e comfortable position from which these people can base present life on past experience. Nevertheless, as of quite recently if history does not provide any foundation at all for what is, or supplies that very necessary continuity with the present, Catholics, Jews, Negroes, and especially Slovaks have not yet found it. Of course everyone of us has some idea of what has been as defective as our picture may be. No matter how much men try to forget yesterday, only the few amnesiacs can do it successfully and they, too, suffer psychologically. For the non-Anglo-American particularly the question of the past haunts his every activity. His recollections of foregoing generations are painful. To the modern descendant the status of the father or grandfather seems hardly one to ennoble progeny: the unskilled Slovak brutalized in the steel mill, coal mine, or slaughterhouse; the Italian ragpicker earning his bread by combing garbage dumps of our larger cities; the Jewish sweatshop worker slaving in an overcrowded, 82 SLOVAKIA filthy New York tenement fifteen hours a day; or the illiterate Negro sharecropper suffering from centuries of pellagra and persecution. Even if the present minority member has no first-hand contact with such figures, one can be sure that he knows them through images. Most Slovak Americans still live in Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Gary, Chicago, Youngstown, Bridgeport, and Detroit where they can see the smokestack that ordered their for,ebears to their job. If by chance personal recollection does not create a sense of inadequacy, the little historical work that has been done on these groups will. Such written profiles for the most part make descendants extremely self-conscious of their heritage. The published studies are products either of well-meaning advocat,es who want to list the group's achievements in terms of "contributions" or of ingroup writers who concentrate their attention on pre-1800 American origins or the cultural connection with medieval Europe. In either case the result has been to intensify the inferiority. What does it mean to a grandson trying hard to obtain an education that his heritage stems from the grandeur of Rome or that he and Toscannini have something in common; or to a descendant of a Polish peasant that his countryman Kosciuszko helped Washington win the American Revolution; or to today's Negro that Phillis Wheatley was writing good poetry in 1760? Such "history" only reminds readers of the extraordinary distance which they have to travel to be accepted as just another American. In essence such nationality "personalities" have little real connection with or relevance to their own circumstance. In fact, many celebrities have not associated with their group at all although some have. Of all this country's minorities it is likely that the Slovak Americans have the greatest difficulty in orientation. For what is there available to dispel their ignorance and describe the aotivity of their father and grandfather when they left Spis to come to Pittsburgh? Unfortunately not a great deal of literature. Certainly with almost a million inhabitants tracing their heritage back to the foothills of the Carpathians, it is tragic that there is not one complete history of what the emigrants did which their descendants can read. Of course, there are publications on Slovaks in the United States but these ar,e usually inaccessible to the young as well as non- SLOVAKIA 83 Slavs. The many parish histories give a part of the tale and most of the other works are either hidden away as university theses, like Rev. Zatlm's "Social History of the Slovaks in America" or Rev. Buc's "Slovak Nationalism" or they are in Slovak, as Rovnianek's autobiography, Dr. Hrusovsky's history of the Slovak religious orders, Culen's history of American Slovaks, Hrobak's edited notes of Furdek, or the most complete study of all, Dr. Pauco's jubilee history of Jednota. Thus the dilemma in having to live in two worlds remains. Minorities members are the "marginal men, " as E. V. Stonequist described them, attempting to adjust to a majority culture yet never able to divest themselves of what they believe a foreign, un-American family life. It is my point that such a transition need not be uncomfortable and irritating and in fact American historians are just now providing a solvent. Very recently scholarly interest in our sub-cultures has heightened. Starting in the 1920's among social workers and a rare professional historian and quickened by the recent pressure of non-whites for equality, investigators of our society have begun to recognize the necessity of including Catholics, Jews, and non-whites in any generalization about our past. Late publications on the Negroes, Greeks, and Jews; the formation of an Immigration History Group; and the success of an immigrant archival collection at the University of Minnesota are tangible manifestations of the growing recognition of the subject. If the trend continues, Americans of minority descent will be major beneficiaries. The tale of their own forebears, not Benovsky, Bernolak, or Stur as great as these men were, will take a place along side that of Anglo-American life as a fit subject for scholarship. The as yet literally unknown period of the recent, mass immigration after 1870 will be illuminated. And when it is, the insecurity of the minority member over his heritage will disappear. He need not cower at the imagined tale of the slum, poverty, ignorance, and demoralization. Such a tradition was his background but only a part of it. From preliminary research this writer has done on all Slavic Americans, he would emphasize rather the surprising viability and substance of their immigrant 84 SLOVAKIA community. These newcomers, so-called greenhorns, culturally deprived, largely unlettered masses traveled thousands of miles to a vastly different environment and fashioned a complete social life, including parishes, social centers, fraternals, newspapers, even dramatic and musical societies. Such institutions may not have equalled their American counterpart in support or quality but these associations certainly represented a significant economic and cultural advance from what they had in the Old Country. To help ease the lot of maturing Slovak Americans and assist students of American culture some steps have already been taken, as Jednota's scholarship awards and the agreements made with the University of Minnesota. This writer would like to make an additional proposal. Actually this suggestion is a renewal of an appeal made by Rev. Mlynarovic several decades ago, the formation of a Slovak American Historical Association. Such a cultural society would offer permanent encouragement to those interested in the history of Slovaks in America. At the start it could interest and assist students to gather, organize and publish materials on the nationality. Anyone who has visited the Institute, Middletown, Pittsburgh, and Chicago realizes the necessity of ordering and preserving annuals, newspapers and manuscript collections. The Association would also communicate with other nationality historical societies which have proven their own value and keep in contact with immigrant historians in general. The major drawback to such an organization is the same that has plagued Slovak Americans as a whole-factionalism. Slovaks are of many persuasions, from Protestants to Orthodox, and these subdivisions have confounded and retarded any all-inclusive body. But such an obstacle may well be overcome by including all Slovak groups in its formation and as a r,esult of the urgency of the situation. This writer would like to initiate action by suggesting a Slovak American Newsletter and he solicits advice from readers. This paper, has been both an analysis of the problem and a suggestion for solution. It sees a process whereby other minorities will grow in self-confidence but fears that Slovak Americans may not have a recognizable past for some time to come unless action is taken soon. The call, however, SLOVAKIA 85 does not seek to instill ethnic pride in the hearts and minds of disillusioned descendants. This identity-attachment will result and expand when more of the entire past is exposed. Any research subject, whether sensitive or not, should be encouraged to help explain the reality of a group's adjustment. Certainly out of this academic pursuit, sons will sense a more substantial basis for knowing themselves. One need not guess at the profound satisfaction that all minorities will experience when they form societies that deal with academicians. The recognition of scholarship can do much to ease an inferiority. With such a relationship ethnic leaders must be cautioned that encouraging historical scholarship will not pr,e vent assimilation, "drowning in an Anglo-American sea," as some have termed it. Most sociologists agree that homogenization is inevitable and amalgamation appears as an American trend. But this process of change will be less demoralizing for group members who really are interested in honoring their past. Maria Mrazik will change her name to Mary More and even marry a Robert Smith but the transition will not necessarily indicate a rejection of her Slovak heritage. She still will likely support the examination of the internal and external problems which her forebears encountered in building their institutions. Nevertheless the minority member's trauma is still the order of the day. The pervasive and depressing syndrome can be observed most closely by first-hand testimony, the lament of a young Halian boy, named John Fante, who sought to erase his heritage. The nationality here is really irrelevant; he could just as well have been a Slovak or of any other minority. As he says, he takes solace in his name as he could be mistaken for a more American nationality. Yet he could not escape his family where conflict was constant and tragic. His confession appeared several decades ago in a 1933 article entitled, "The Odyssey of a Wop," but his discomfort typifies that of a Hunlde's son as well: I enter the . .. school with an awful fear that I a Wop. As soon as I find out why people have such names, I match my own against such typically ltalian Bianci, Borello, Pacelli-the names of other students. I relieved by the comparison. After all, I think, people French. will be called things as surcognomens as am pleasantly will say I am 86 SLOVAKIA Doesn't my name sound French? Sure! So thereafter, when people ask me my nationality, I tell them I am French. A few boys begin calling me Frenchy. I like that. It feels fine. Thus I begin to loathe my heritage. I avoid Italian boys and girls who try to be friendly. I thank God for · my light skin and hair, and I choose my companions by the Anglo-Saxon ring of their names. If a boy's name is Whitney, Browne, or Smythe, then he's my pal; but I'm always a little breathless when I am with him; he may find me out. At the lunch hour I huddle over my lunch pail, for my mother doesn't wrap my sandwiches in wax paper, ... she makes them too large and the lettuce leaves protrude. Worse, the bread is home-made; not bakery bread, not "American" bread. I make a great fuss because I can't have mayonnaise and other "American" things ... I am nervous when I bring friends to my house; the place looks so Italian. Here hangs a picture of Victor Emmanuel, and over there is one of the cathedral of Milan, and next to it, one of St. Peter's, and on the buffet stands a wine-pitcher of medieval design; it's forever brimming, forever red and brilliant with wine. These things are heirlooms belonging to my father, and no matter who may come to our house, he likes to stand under them and brag. So I begin to shout at him. I tell him to cut out being a Wop and to be an American once in a while . Immediately he gets his razor-strap and whales hell out of me, clouting me from room to room and finally out the back door. I go into the woodshed and puH down my pants and stretch my neck to examine the blue slices across my rump. A Wop! that's what my father is! Nowhere is there an American father who beats his son this way. Well, he's not going to get away with it; some day I'll get even with him ... My grandmother has taught me to speak her native tongue. By seven, I know it pretty well, and I always address her in it. But when friends are with me, when I am twelve and thirteen, I pretend to ignorance of what she says, and smirk stiffly; my friends daren't know that I can speak any language but English. Sometimes this infuriates her. She bristles, the loose skin at her throat knits hard, and she blasphemes with a mighty blasphemy.• As Fante said, he was always a little breathless for he may have been found out. With more professional attention given to his group's history, the time will come when he and all minority members will catch their breath and assume their composure. In the process both minority and majority may then discover a new sense of compatibility. The omnipresent "drift" and purposeless will vanish as together they strive to attain the so-called Amerioan Dream. Victor R. Greene Kansas State University Manhattan, Kansas • The American Mercury, XXX (September, 1939), 91-93, quoted in Maurice Davie, World Immigration (New York, 1936), 279-279.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource "Sons of Hunkies: Men with a Past?" Description An account of the resource Victor R. Greene Slovakia, Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966 pp. 80-86 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Greene, Victor R. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2a34a75b82806f8fb6c5ae06baf89887.pdf b5aa7b80770b815331f27df2848c047f PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 76 THE SILOVAK ~GE By Joseph R. Kristofik On March 26, 1966 a second wave of protest marchers demonstrated in some of the world's capitals and in major American cities protesting United States policy in Viet Nam. Among the demonstrators were college students expounding a belief in the principle of self determination for the Viet Namese people. To those who have studied the problems of the Slovak people and the Slovak nation, this statement appears to be most insincere. There have been many opportunities in the past to demonstrate this expressed interest in the self determination of nations in behalf of many Eastern European nations, notably Slovakia, but to date no tangible expression of interest in Eastern European self determination has been shown by these self same groups. 1 The Slovaks in America have for many years advocated and pursued the policy of self determination for the people of Slovakia. In striving to meet this objective, however, a very serious error was made by the American Slovaks as in their eagerness to help establish an independent Slovak state, they failed to establish and extend the vast limits of their Slovak culture in America, and as a result suffer today from this lack of a so called "Slovak Image". In an effort to overcome this deficiency of the past, an attempt is being made to make the Slovaks aware not only of the quickest way in achieving positive results in projecting this "Slovak image", in America, but also a means of obtaining quicker recognition of Slovak objectives on an international level. One of the more complex problems with which the Slovaks have been confronted since the turn of the century has been •the inability to project the distinctive S 1 o v a k character or influence in either the area of American politics, OT to any significant degree in civic affairs. This is a most regrettable situation, since there are many outst,anding leaders in industry, in the field of education, and in the arts and sciences who not only have a Slovaik background, but are proud of their Central European heritage. So the question that must be asked is why, despite thi,s wealth of competent, educated people throughout the United States, �SLOVAKIA 77 we have as an ethnic group, faHed to project this Slovak image. One of the basic answers to this prOiblem lies in the use of more effective public and press relations. Another answer lies in more active participation in civic affairs. But probably the most effective method in making rapid strides in projecting this Slovak image is through the field of partisan politics, where the wants, the needs, the desires, and the ambitions of an ethnic group are not only recognized, but evaluated on the basis of compatibility with our foreign policy and national interest. This year we are commemorating the 27th Anniversary of Slovak Independence. This is a very memorable diate in the history of the Slovak people, as it was on March 14, 1939 that the Slovaks as a united people , carved their own independent state, in the world of freedom loving and self governing nations. Yet it is disheartening, that despite the fact that we are here today, twenty seven years later, celebrating the anniversary of the birth of the modern Slova,k state, a majority of Americans do not even recognize Slovaks as an independent, separaJte, Central Europe ethnic group. Thi:s is not too surprising however, when one realizes that the average American really knows very little about Central European affairs, and is doubly confused when confronted with t:Jhe compounded problems presented by the Siovaks. Even as late as four weeks ago there a,ppeared in the Detroit News a column by the well known and wideily read columnist Bob Considine, whose coiumn I know many of you read regularly. Despite Mr. Considine's wehl versed baokground, despite his constant attention to world affairs, despite his periodic visits to the worltl''S capita•ls, he stiQiJ. refer,s to Czedho-S•lovalkia as the 1kiingdom of bhe SeI1biaJn s, the Croatians, and the Slovenes. And yet we all here know that Czeoho-SilovBJkia is a land inhabited principaH.y by the Slovaks and the Czeohs. It is no wonder then that the national ambitions of the Slovaks have been so high misconstrued over the years, and the road to ethnic recognition so difficult. A moment ago I expressed the opinion that the quickest, surest, and most direct route to recognition as an ethnic group is through partisan politics. Many of you may recall a statement made by Republioan National Chairman Ray C. Bliss, in which he stated that it was time for the 1 �78 SLOVAKIA Republican Party to realize that the American electorate was not composed solely of white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestants, but a mixture of all races, colors, and creeds. As a result of Mr. Bliss' conviction, more attention is being given to the ethnic groups, and thankfully also to the Slovak community. The DemoCTatic Party recogni~ed many years ago the need to evaluate the wants of the ethnic groups, and to respond accordingly. I would like to review briefly some of the recently accomplishments of your Michigan leaders in obtaining recognitions of the S,lovaks and for Slovak objectives not only here in Michigan, but throughout the United States. Within the past two years, in both major political parties, a complete separation has been made in the ethnic identification of the Czech and Slovak peoples. In each political party there exists a separate Siovak Division on the State Level, and in each political party there exists a Slovak Division on the National Level. We have in Michigan at the present time a Democratic Slovak Chaivman in almost every one of Michigan's nineteen congressional districts, and we expect before all programs are completed, to have a Slovak Chairman in each congressional district of every state in whic,h we have able, competent, and interested Slovak leadership. We want to express for once and for all time that there is a Slovak ethnic growp in America, that this ethnic group is interested in specific objectives such as an independent Slovak section at the Voice of America, that we are interested in the re-establishment of an independent Slovak state, and that we are not only interested in, and capable of, but desirous of holding elective offices. Every American President from Woodrow W i 1son through John F. Kennedy has reaffirmed the American conviction that all the people of the world have the right to their own self determination. Many of you will remember the words of the then Attorney General of the United States Robert Kennedy in Youngstown, Ohio on July 14, 1963 when he stated, "The President has asked me to tell you that the United States Government will continue to support the just aspirations of all people in the world for independence and liberty - aspirations which the Slovaks share today with many other of the captive nations." But in striving to meet any objectives we must never lose sight �SLOVAKIA 79 of the fact that there can be no accomplishment without the blessing of a power far greater than any here on earth. The Slova:ks have recognized this ever since the day,s of the Saints Cyril and Method}us, Patron Saints of Slovakia who first introduced Ohristi!anity to Central Europe over 1100 yeruris ago, and in the Sfavoniic rt01I1g1Ue. A!S ,a personal testimony to this deep Christian character of the Slovaks, I can recall that during my grade school days when a child, or even an adult first entered the home, the very firnt wo:ros to be spoken were "PochvMen bud' Pan Jezi s Kristus" (Praised Be Jesus Christ) . And I can recall a framed picture which hung on the wa11 in the kitohen of our home, and alongside the picture were inscribed these wOTlds, "Kde Boh hospodad, tam sa dobre dari" (Whe,r e God Rules, All is Well). And these words are just as true today as they were when I first had the good grace to read and understand their meaning. And I know that if we heed these words as we move forward, and work with tihese words as guidance, there will be no Slovak hope, there wHl be no Slovak desire, there will be no Slovak objective whioh will not be ultimately fulfilled. 1 There is throughout the United States a young, educated, and interested group of Slovaks who can be classif,i ed as a part of the army of 'angry young men'. Angry because of the failure to resolve Slovak problems which it appears should have been resolved over a quarter century ago. Angry because of the factionalism which has kept the Slovaks a house divided for too many years. Angry because of the loss of prestige suffered through failure to be associated with the culture of Slovak artists, professional and industrial people, social and economic leaders. It is hoped that this outlook on the Slovak problem will in some small way contribute to its eventual resolution. "After Benes concluded the 'Czechoslovak-Soviet Treaty' in Moscow, on December 12, 1943, the left-wing Slovak Agrarians (Lettrich's group) joined the Slovak communists (the Schmidke-Husak group) to conclude the 'Christmas Agreement' of 1943. They created a 'common political leadership' and declared 'eternal friendship' for each other." - Gilbert L. Oddo: Slovakia and Its People. � SLOVAKIA 76 THE SILOVAK ~GE By Joseph R. Kristofik On March 26, 1966 a second wave of protest marchers demonstrated in some of the world's capitals and in major American cities protesting United States policy in Viet Nam. Among the demonstrators were college students expounding a belief in the principle of self determination for the Viet Namese people. To those who have studied the problems of the Slovak people and the Slovak nation, this statement appears to be most insincere. There have been many opportunities in the past to demonstrate this expressed interest in the self determination of nations in behalf of many Eastern European nations, notably Slovakia, but to date no tangible expression of interest in Eastern European self determination has been shown by these self same groups. 1 The Slovaks in America have for many years advocated and pursued the policy of self determination for the people of Slovakia. In striving to meet this objective, however, a very serious error was made by the American Slovaks as in their eagerness to help establish an independent Slovak state, they failed to establish and extend the vast limits of their Slovak culture in America, and as a result suffer today from this lack of a so called "Slovak Image". In an effort to overcome this deficiency of the past, an attempt is being made to make the Slovaks aware not only of the quickest way in achieving positive results in projecting this "Slovak image", in America, but also a means of obtaining quicker recognition of Slovak objectives on an international level. One of the more complex problems with which the Slovaks have been confronted since the turn of the century has been •the inability to project the distinctive S 1 o v a k character or influence in either the area of American politics, OT to any significant degree in civic affairs. This is a most regrettable situation, since there are many outst,anding leaders in industry, in the field of education, and in the arts and sciences who not only have a Slovaik background, but are proud of their Central European heritage. So the question that must be asked is why, despite thi,s wealth of competent, educated people throughout the United States, �SLOVAKIA 77 we have as an ethnic group, faHed to project this Slovak image. One of the basic answers to this prOiblem lies in the use of more effective public and press relations. Another answer lies in more active participation in civic affairs. But probably the most effective method in making rapid strides in projecting this Slovak image is through the field of partisan politics, where the wants, the needs, the desires, and the ambitions of an ethnic group are not only recognized, but evaluated on the basis of compatibility with our foreign policy and national interest. This year we are commemorating the 27th Anniversary of Slovak Independence. This is a very memorable diate in the history of the Slovak people, as it was on March 14, 1939 that the Slovaks as a united people , carved their own independent state, in the world of freedom loving and self governing nations. Yet it is disheartening, that despite the fact that we are here today, twenty seven years later, celebrating the anniversary of the birth of the modern Slova,k state, a majority of Americans do not even recognize Slovaks as an independent, separaJte, Central Europe ethnic group. Thi:s is not too surprising however, when one realizes that the average American really knows very little about Central European affairs, and is doubly confused when confronted with t:Jhe compounded problems presented by the Siovaks. Even as late as four weeks ago there a,ppeared in the Detroit News a column by the well known and wideily read columnist Bob Considine, whose coiumn I know many of you read regularly. Despite Mr. Considine's wehl versed baokground, despite his constant attention to world affairs, despite his periodic visits to the worltl''S capita•ls, he stiQiJ. refer,s to Czedho-S•lovalkia as the 1kiingdom of bhe SeI1biaJn s, the Croatians, and the Slovenes. And yet we all here know that Czeoho-SilovBJkia is a land inhabited principaH.y by the Slovaks and the Czeohs. It is no wonder then that the national ambitions of the Slovaks have been so high misconstrued over the years, and the road to ethnic recognition so difficult. A moment ago I expressed the opinion that the quickest, surest, and most direct route to recognition as an ethnic group is through partisan politics. Many of you may recall a statement made by Republioan National Chairman Ray C. Bliss, in which he stated that it was time for the 1 �78 SLOVAKIA Republican Party to realize that the American electorate was not composed solely of white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestants, but a mixture of all races, colors, and creeds. As a result of Mr. Bliss' conviction, more attention is being given to the ethnic groups, and thankfully also to the Slovak community. The DemoCTatic Party recogni~ed many years ago the need to evaluate the wants of the ethnic groups, and to respond accordingly. I would like to review briefly some of the recently accomplishments of your Michigan leaders in obtaining recognitions of the S,lovaks and for Slovak objectives not only here in Michigan, but throughout the United States. Within the past two years, in both major political parties, a complete separation has been made in the ethnic identification of the Czech and Slovak peoples. In each political party there exists a separate Siovak Division on the State Level, and in each political party there exists a Slovak Division on the National Level. We have in Michigan at the present time a Democratic Slovak Chaivman in almost every one of Michigan's nineteen congressional districts, and we expect before all programs are completed, to have a Slovak Chairman in each congressional district of every state in whic,h we have able, competent, and interested Slovak leadership. We want to express for once and for all time that there is a Slovak ethnic growp in America, that this ethnic group is interested in specific objectives such as an independent Slovak section at the Voice of America, that we are interested in the re-establishment of an independent Slovak state, and that we are not only interested in, and capable of, but desirous of holding elective offices. Every American President from Woodrow W i 1son through John F. Kennedy has reaffirmed the American conviction that all the people of the world have the right to their own self determination. Many of you will remember the words of the then Attorney General of the United States Robert Kennedy in Youngstown, Ohio on July 14, 1963 when he stated, "The President has asked me to tell you that the United States Government will continue to support the just aspirations of all people in the world for independence and liberty - aspirations which the Slovaks share today with many other of the captive nations." But in striving to meet any objectives we must never lose sight �SLOVAKIA 79 of the fact that there can be no accomplishment without the blessing of a power far greater than any here on earth. The Slova:ks have recognized this ever since the day,s of the Saints Cyril and Method}us, Patron Saints of Slovakia who first introduced Ohristi!anity to Central Europe over 1100 yeruris ago, and in the Sfavoniic rt01I1g1Ue. A!S ,a personal testimony to this deep Christian character of the Slovaks, I can recall that during my grade school days when a child, or even an adult first entered the home, the very firnt wo:ros to be spoken were "PochvMen bud' Pan Jezi s Kristus" (Praised Be Jesus Christ) . And I can recall a framed picture which hung on the wa11 in the kitohen of our home, and alongside the picture were inscribed these wOTlds, "Kde Boh hospodad, tam sa dobre dari" (Whe,r e God Rules, All is Well). And these words are just as true today as they were when I first had the good grace to read and understand their meaning. And I know that if we heed these words as we move forward, and work with tihese words as guidance, there will be no Slovak hope, there wHl be no Slovak desire, there will be no Slovak objective whioh will not be ultimately fulfilled. 1 There is throughout the United States a young, educated, and interested group of Slovaks who can be classif,i ed as a part of the army of 'angry young men'. Angry because of the failure to resolve Slovak problems which it appears should have been resolved over a quarter century ago. Angry because of the factionalism which has kept the Slovaks a house divided for too many years. Angry because of the loss of prestige suffered through failure to be associated with the culture of Slovak artists, professional and industrial people, social and economic leaders. It is hoped that this outlook on the Slovak problem will in some small way contribute to its eventual resolution. "After Benes concluded the 'Czechoslovak-Soviet Treaty' in Moscow, on December 12, 1943, the left-wing Slovak Agrarians (Lettrich's group) joined the Slovak communists (the Schmidke-Husak group) to conclude the 'Christmas Agreement' of 1943. They created a 'common political leadership' and declared 'eternal friendship' for each other." - Gilbert L. Oddo: Slovakia and Its People. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1966, Vol. 16 Description An account of the resource Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 76 THE SILOVAK ~GE By Joseph R. Kristofik On March 26, 1966 a second wave of protest marchers demonstrated in some of the world's capitals and in major American cities protesting United States policy in Viet Nam. Among the demonstrators were college students expounding a belief in the principle of self determination for the Viet Namese people. To those who have studied the problems of the Slovak people and the Slovak nation, this statement appears to be most insincere. There have been many opportunities in the past to demonstrate this expressed interest in the self determination of nations in behalf of many Eastern European nations, notably Slovakia, but to date no tangible expression of interest in Eastern European self determination has been shown by these self same groups. 1 The Slovaks in America have for many years advocated and pursued the policy of self determination for the people of Slovakia. In striving to meet this objective, however, a very serious error was made by the American Slovaks as in their eagerness to help establish an independent Slovak state, they failed to establish and extend the vast limits of their Slovak culture in America, and as a result suffer today from this lack of a so called "Slovak Image". In an effort to overcome this deficiency of the past, an attempt is being made to make the Slovaks aware not only of the quickest way in achieving positive results in projecting this "Slovak image", in America, but also a means of obtaining quicker recognition of Slovak objectives on an international level. One of the more complex problems with which the Slovaks have been confronted since the turn of the century has been •the inability to project the distinctive S 1 o v a k character or influence in either the area of American politics, OT to any significant degree in civic affairs. This is a most regrettable situation, since there are many outst,anding leaders in industry, in the field of education, and in the arts and sciences who not only have a Slovaik background, but are proud of their Central European heritage. So the question that must be asked is why, despite thi,s wealth of competent, educated people throughout the United States, SLOVAKIA 77 we have as an ethnic group, faHed to project this Slovak image. One of the basic answers to this prOiblem lies in the use of more effective public and press relations. Another answer lies in more active participation in civic affairs. But probably the most effective method in making rapid strides in projecting this Slovak image is through the field of partisan politics, where the wants, the needs, the desires, and the ambitions of an ethnic group are not only recognized, but evaluated on the basis of compatibility with our foreign policy and national interest. This year we are commemorating the 27th Anniversary of Slovak Independence. This is a very memorable diate in the history of the Slovak people, as it was on March 14, 1939 that the Slovaks as a united people , carved their own independent state, in the world of freedom loving and self governing nations. Yet it is disheartening, that despite the fact that we are here today, twenty seven years later, celebrating the anniversary of the birth of the modern Slova,k state, a majority of Americans do not even recognize Slovaks as an independent, separaJte, Central Europe ethnic group. Thi:s is not too surprising however, when one realizes that the average American really knows very little about Central European affairs, and is doubly confused when confronted with t:Jhe compounded problems presented by the Siovaks. Even as late as four weeks ago there a,ppeared in the Detroit News a column by the well known and wideily read columnist Bob Considine, whose coiumn I know many of you read regularly. Despite Mr. Considine's wehl versed baokground, despite his constant attention to world affairs, despite his periodic visits to the worltl''S capita•ls, he stiQiJ. refer,s to Czedho-S•lovalkia as the 1kiingdom of bhe SeI1biaJn s, the Croatians, and the Slovenes. And yet we all here know that Czeoho-SilovBJkia is a land inhabited principaH.y by the Slovaks and the Czeohs. It is no wonder then that the national ambitions of the Slovaks have been so high misconstrued over the years, and the road to ethnic recognition so difficult. A moment ago I expressed the opinion that the quickest, surest, and most direct route to recognition as an ethnic group is through partisan politics. Many of you may recall a statement made by Republioan National Chairman Ray C. Bliss, in which he stated that it was time for the 1 78 SLOVAKIA Republican Party to realize that the American electorate was not composed solely of white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestants, but a mixture of all races, colors, and creeds. As a result of Mr. Bliss' conviction, more attention is being given to the ethnic groups, and thankfully also to the Slovak community. The DemoCTatic Party recogni~ed many years ago the need to evaluate the wants of the ethnic groups, and to respond accordingly. I would like to review briefly some of the recently accomplishments of your Michigan leaders in obtaining recognitions of the S,lovaks and for Slovak objectives not only here in Michigan, but throughout the United States. Within the past two years, in both major political parties, a complete separation has been made in the ethnic identification of the Czech and Slovak peoples. In each political party there exists a separate Siovak Division on the State Level, and in each political party there exists a Slovak Division on the National Level. We have in Michigan at the present time a Democratic Slovak Chaivman in almost every one of Michigan's nineteen congressional districts, and we expect before all programs are completed, to have a Slovak Chairman in each congressional district of every state in whic,h we have able, competent, and interested Slovak leadership. We want to express for once and for all time that there is a Slovak ethnic growp in America, that this ethnic group is interested in specific objectives such as an independent Slovak section at the Voice of America, that we are interested in the re-establishment of an independent Slovak state, and that we are not only interested in, and capable of, but desirous of holding elective offices. Every American President from Woodrow W i 1son through John F. Kennedy has reaffirmed the American conviction that all the people of the world have the right to their own self determination. Many of you will remember the words of the then Attorney General of the United States Robert Kennedy in Youngstown, Ohio on July 14, 1963 when he stated, "The President has asked me to tell you that the United States Government will continue to support the just aspirations of all people in the world for independence and liberty - aspirations which the Slovaks share today with many other of the captive nations." But in striving to meet any objectives we must never lose sight SLOVAKIA 79 of the fact that there can be no accomplishment without the blessing of a power far greater than any here on earth. The Slova:ks have recognized this ever since the day,s of the Saints Cyril and Method}us, Patron Saints of Slovakia who first introduced Ohristi!anity to Central Europe over 1100 yeruris ago, and in the Sfavoniic rt01I1g1Ue. A!S ,a personal testimony to this deep Christian character of the Slovaks, I can recall that during my grade school days when a child, or even an adult first entered the home, the very firnt wo:ros to be spoken were "PochvMen bud' Pan Jezi s Kristus" (Praised Be Jesus Christ) . And I can recall a framed picture which hung on the wa11 in the kitohen of our home, and alongside the picture were inscribed these wOTlds, "Kde Boh hospodad, tam sa dobre dari" (Whe,r e God Rules, All is Well). And these words are just as true today as they were when I first had the good grace to read and understand their meaning. And I know that if we heed these words as we move forward, and work with tihese words as guidance, there will be no Slovak hope, there wHl be no Slovak desire, there will be no Slovak objective whioh will not be ultimately fulfilled. 1 There is throughout the United States a young, educated, and interested group of Slovaks who can be classif,i ed as a part of the army of 'angry young men'. Angry because of the failure to resolve Slovak problems which it appears should have been resolved over a quarter century ago. Angry because of the factionalism which has kept the Slovaks a house divided for too many years. Angry because of the loss of prestige suffered through failure to be associated with the culture of Slovak artists, professional and industrial people, social and economic leaders. It is hoped that this outlook on the Slovak problem will in some small way contribute to its eventual resolution. "After Benes concluded the 'Czechoslovak-Soviet Treaty' in Moscow, on December 12, 1943, the left-wing Slovak Agrarians (Lettrich's group) joined the Slovak communists (the Schmidke-Husak group) to conclude the 'Christmas Agreement' of 1943. They created a 'common political leadership' and declared 'eternal friendship' for each other." - Gilbert L. Oddo: Slovakia and Its People.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovak Image Description An account of the resource Joseph R. Kristofik Slovakia, Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966 pp. 76-79 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kristofik, Joseph R. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/5d85595f4b7c2b959ee29d06a2fe5ef1.pdf 660c5204a16b4cb09eba283c166adb88 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 63 AMIDRIO.AN SLOV:.A.KiS AND '.DHE BEJG]NNJNGS OF 02'JIDOHO-SLOVAKI.A. By Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. In 1907 there was founded in Cleveland, Ohio, an organiiization ,ca:lled the Slovaik LeaJgue of America. This orga'Illization represented a coailition of aiH 1:Jhe existing Slovaik fraite:m al and r~i:giou:s organizations in the United States, and rallied besides, the support of t'he Slovaik clergy, both OatJholic amd Evangelka!l (Lutheran), as well as t!he suipport of the then--e:ristiing Slov:aik-American periodicals. The Slova!k League set as its major goail tJhe lilberation of the SllovaJk nation in its homelaind. For t!his reason it toO!k a srtand for t!he dismaintlement of tJhe .Austro-Hiungarian Empire and e:,oplo;z-ed possiibi'lities for political cooperation wit:Jh the Czech nation. Thiis cooperation reached formal expression in 1:Jhe signing of the Pi'Ubsburgh Pad of May 30, 1918, parties to which were 11epresentatives of the Silova'k Leaigue of America on the one side, and the represenrtatives of the Czech Natriona:l .Alliance and the Union of Czech Ca1fuolics, on the otJher. The Czechs were led by Thomas G. Masaryik, who prepared both .p arties for the aJgreement, aind wiho later became the first president of the O.zechoSlovaik Republiic. The text of tJhe Pittsburgh Paict reads as foHows: The representatives of the Slovak and Czech organizations in the United States-the Slovak League, the Czech National Alliance, and the Union of Czech Catholics-have deliberated, in the presence of the Chairman of the Czecho•Slovak National Council, Professor Masa• ryk, on the Czecho•Slovak question and on our previous program mani• festations, and have resolved as follows: We favor a political program whose purpose it shall be to unite the Czechs and Slovaks into an autonomous state comprising the Czech lands and Slovakia. Slovakia shall have her own administration, her own assembly, and her own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the schools, in public offices, and in the public life in general. The Czecho•Slovak State shall be a republic; its constitution shall be democratic. The cooperation of the Czechs and the Slovaks in the United States shall be intensified and regulated by mutual consent, according to need and changing situations. Detailed provisions relating to the organization of the Czecho· Slovak State shall be left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives. �64 SLOVAKIA It is interesting to tmce the early evolution in the attitude of tJhe Prague government, under T. G. Masaryk, to the Pittsburgh Pact, and to the movement of Andrej HLinika, the eminent Slovak politicail leader, wtho adopted the progra:m of the Paiet. And it is no less interesting to review the thirnlkinig on this matter among American Sfoviaks, a faction of wihom rejected the program and succeeded for a short time in leading astray even the Slova:k League of America. On Maroh 7, 1919 Joseph Rusek left for Slova;kii1a. He was sent by t!he Slovak Lea:gue a;g one of a five-member mission, and the supreme of.ficers of the First Oatholic Slovaik Un:ion, too, at their annual meeting in New York, charged "brother Joseph Husek, editor of our organ 'Jedinota', in the name of 70,000 SlovaJk Catholics organized in tlhe FCSU, as a competent ma:n, to represent us illl the o1d country in matters both ecclesiastical aJild national, and to keep us informed on the state of SioV18lk ailfairs." 1 This was the first important mission of the American Siovruks to the continent after the overthrow of the old order. Joseph Huisek spent ten weeks in Slov&kia and urpon his return presented a comprehen,s ive report of his impressions. He analyzed the times and r!Jhe peop{e, circumstances and events, with great perspicacity, in the newspruper Jednotia and the a,lmainac of the same name. 2 It had been Husek's intention to a:cquaint SlloviaJk leaders with the Ame rican Slovaks' interpretation of the program emlbodied in the Pittsrburg,h Pruct. But in Bratislava his voice fell on deaf ears, because "the government was controlled by individuals, as it is to this day, who saw in the new ord€r an excellent opportunity to acihieve their ideal: the Czechizabiorn of S,l ova kia curlturaHy, economically and politic,ally. And by a standing imposition of martial law they envisioned the possi1bi11rity of intilmida;ting not only elemenrts inimi,ca:l to the Republic, hut also elements inimical to tJhis ideal." These people did not acknowledge the reservations of the American-SlovaJk emissaries. "'Dhey only smirled artfully, as if they pittied me for my naive fai'bh in the fitness of tihe Slovaik nation," wrote Joseph Rusek, ·b y way of commentary to •his conversations in Bratislava, for he saw clearly that the ruling c8iste in Srlova:kia was interested "ilil a com1 1 �SLOVAKIA 65 rtsko-~lo1ttll!lk11JQgbl~.. tnmtrettri ll i)ittsbnr9htt. l}n.. bntt ,;o. tndjR. l9ltl • .,ifrr~sttw iMio ~lottttt!ikvch uo ., ll ~kiich o~nnisocif . t •~ ~,P"J•. -'-:t't ~ ll om. - . •~htu t1tsatj 1J~\!~~tho ]Ttlll)~ni.ho.$bttittnfu. . ll ~\!i)!ll frsj1.1,h.~ . " · P•'l"<'lh'1.•,1li t.i pnl.-niu,•;;ti ~~~~t-.'u e,1-1t .... $l..:.•m:-tt,_i "~1Jr.-..1' .,,'!4• ~r,"'f.~h,; ..,1-yh,, . ., ~1-ft,,~Jlct.,i:niok~j ,.....\,h, ,1 ..... th1$i,·b {~\t~:ti:b pr~~;!~l\'?'?Cl•~i.·b pr('_i~-:1.,,'1! r.\ usnt,--.l~-,.l~~,,.a.•\'\.: ! -.. s~b'M !u_irn,~ pditi,·h:i pr.:-~r.t~ uii\ll~U,"\ ~l •' Sp.:-j.:ni~ e.:~h~,i• lt $\i."li,Jk,.. ~ \t ~.,m,;•att1o1hl,'\1' 1ttit, 1. f~-,p.l\lf~-b 1nnl,, Sl\"l\tti:t!th~\~ 4 } ' ,"~""-~ .. :·.:-tc;•~n . . lt.• l;tt~~ mut -..~•-~iu L•l<l1-fn1'.i.)mitliih·..muu.1i,,j ~\j,:·\!1 "~ i,\••:\~ $'UL~~ . ,_S\ci.•(t-:ftn,, ru~..: ,fr,~~n!'t1! j,,iyb.~ t•~\i~l~. ~· Ut",,~~ ,, t,~., t tNi 1"'"'\'\1 !\t, ...,t..! t,;_;~-:-.c. · "€.:~t.,-;,(.,,,,-u1-l,{';;l,1t l-ub.: tt}'u~lik,,u, j~l,..,~.:-1Wtittici" bu ..'-: ~~m""kr"tti4!k-.\. _ ··~•l\'li'!-.i,'t,'\ fp,•lupr.{.:~ e.:cb,"t•" $\.;,i•,tlwv t•c Sp...i. -.:: ., • t1 L • • ·t ' . · ~ ·. '~ ~t-1,t ..--..,h Lru,,,, P•'t. :'"- f"' t r~..,~ ,, mcnt,\~~.t :'1o'\ fl u-1~\<.pn ~}'-' I ..,~o~"t\11 ~~'r-"'?tnn(n\. pr.:hl~~t:..\ ,, '-'}'TOt•~n..i. ·. t: .~ · 1 ~ ,-~ ..... ._\t,.. ~nl t.1,st..,n-:'t~ni~, c- t..\t't'1,'.:1Ul.:-5k~~,l~,tC"Ot~~k~~ ;,1,1tu }'-'ll~.:b,ll.•,i.iu ;," •'!W••r,•~~nym €.i.:!icm ,, Sl,'l C1hcm "icb _ prJi,,•pl.ltni1m pN,'11-t,wit.:l,'tlt." 1 ====---- I w -{. . L_._ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _J Photographic reproduction of the original copy of the Pittsburgh Pact ("Pittsburghska Dohoda") plete merging of 1Jhe Slmr31k nart~on wi1:!h tlhe Czeoh." Burt on the 01:!her hand he also ascertained tihat "Masary,k's ideology of tJhe nationa,,l unity of Slovaks and Czecihs was completely foreign to the ordinary Slovaik person." 3 And it did not escape Husek's observation that ''the �oe SLOVAKIA Slov~s !have no desire fo:r the kind of democraitic wwk that haJS to be performed in the shadow of Czech bayonets!" He 01Scertained that the Czeoho-Slovaik Pairliament was gravely deficient in point of "ropresenrta'tion for the SlovaJk nation. Agriculture and the triades haid not a single representative firom among tJhei'r own rarrk!s, and in any case, members of pairliaiment were nominated and a,ppointed by the regime ibselif, whicih ma!kes no seoret of its intentions to consolidate its power at every cost, and whfoh pursues a poli~ica[, cu1tural and economic course that ha,s bhe support of only a smaifil minority of bhe Slovak nation." He noted that bhe policies of bhli s government ran oouniter to the interests of bhe Slovia'k people. Husek verified tllrough his own Olbservations tJhat "in PraJgue many influential pdlitidans want aJbsolurtely no tr,uok with the idea tJhait Slovakia belongs to tJhe Slovaks and that the Slova:ks have no need to go to Piriague for tutelage in the management of bheir own land and nation. Indeed, Pra,gue is completely at a loss as to what to do in its own bailiwick. Politioal chaos reigns in Bohemia. 'flhe national assemlbly speaJks with twenty tongues. Not one faction aictua'lly knows what it wants . .A!I1d in the maisses tJhe most prevalent pdlitic'al orientatfon is Bollshevism." Of suoh stuf.f, too, were the OzechlS who cMne to Slov,a,kia. Hrusek oharaoteri!.zed them aJS fol!lows : "The arrogance am.d domineering attitude of some Czeclhs in Slov.akia was indeed Ml af:firont. And I encountered these maniifestation,s, in per,son, frequently during my stay i'n the old country. I e,cperienced them on tJhe tr,aJirnis and in tlhe restaiurants. On the trams you were comfuaintly being jostled aside for some Ozedh dignilbairy, while in tJhe restaiurants your order WaJS taiken only after 1:Jhe Ozooh had reccived his ... It is a major fault witih many of OUT Czeoh brethren, and not tihe leaist with men of culrttvalbi.on, that tlley do not ,consider the ,Slova,k an equa•l citizen of the Republic." In the political sphere Husek saw cleair signs tJhait the rulling regime in Slov,ailcia haJd no desire to even hear of aultonomy. 'Dhe regime considered tihe autonom:i!sts traitors. It WaJS Huook's finding that a great gaip separated the policie'S of 1:Jhe Slova!k LeaJgue of Amerioa fram the tJhmktmg of tihe current rulers in Slovakia. �6i SLOVAKIA On tJhe subject of autQIIlomy, writes Joseph Husek, "Hlirrrka aJlone g,ave me a clear...oot srtatement - he liives and dies for the American pa,dt . . . Hli'nlka stamds for autooomy antd a Ohrisitian world-view. He stamlds for autonomy becaiuse he sees in it the assu:rainrce of a better future for Ms naJtion, and a gual'amtee of the firee growt:Jh of its natio n.1aJl cu1lture and economy, as weJ1l as a bai:rder to Ozeoh materialilsm and atheism ... Hlmka stand1s for •autonomy because he is Slov,aJk, not Ozeclho-Slovaik ! . . . And besides, it mmt be said of H]i[llka tJhat he loves his naltion warriznrly, truly and entirely seMllessly; he is ready to sacl'ifice evecytlhing for it - whircih is something I camnot in good con,s cience say a!bout many of his opponents." In regard to Joseph Husek'is trirp as "a:n emliss,rury of the Amwican Sfovakis" A. J. Pirha!11a, president of the F1irrist Catholic Slovak Union, commented: "'he accomplished a ,g reat deal of wortJhwhile wo"Pk. His detailed rerport gave us an accurate, clear and specific rev-iew of the situation in Slova,kia. " 4 Hrusek and MH'an Gettilllg presented the reports on tJhcir Slo'ViaJkian trirp at the 12'1:Jh Oongress of tihe SlovaJk Le•ague of America, wh~-c'h todk plaice on May 29, 1919 ilil Scranton, Pennsylva,nia. Getting ,prorposed that the League send the "Slovak Administration" a printing press vail ued at $50,000.00, and in addit-ilon, to Mr. Sirobar, finamcirail a:ssistance in tihe amount of $10,000.00. 'Dhe Congress rupproved t'he proposal, and a•l so moved to send sixty-thousamd dollar3 wO'!'th of clothing to Slovaikia. 5 Husek wrote after tJhe congress: "HHnika is the forunder, president amd guiding spitrit of tlhe SloWJk People's Party, wihldh wiH play a great, if ndt decishre, role in the history of Slovaik'ia, and whiiC'h claims the loyalty of ahnost a'1.!l the patriotiic S'lov~k clergy, even of those who do not approve m ,i:nka'·s -bi'tter anrd unrestrai,ned critilcism of 1:Jh~ administration i01 Braitirs]ra va." 6 In th±s vein Joseph Husek filled tlhe columTIJS Olf · the newspaper Jednota through the year 1919. He subjected the Prrugue regime and its functionaries in Bratislava to shar,p criticism. He believed fifflllly tJhiat ''oniy through aiutonomy wou'ld it be poss~ble to purt Slovaikila finmly on its feet! . . . 'Dhe Slovaks need aiutanomy mairrrly to preserve their national existence. But without srpecific leg~si.ation 1 �68 SLOVAKIA there will be no self-rule of any kiJnid." The sel!f-ru[e "that Slov:aikia has today its not only worbhiless, but even positively pernrjlciou1s. Suoh 'selrf..1rule' demoraJl.ilzes pulbJi.c Hfe in Sloviaikia aind stirs the natiQIIl to open revoU.'' 7 On October 24, 1919, the execubi.ive committtee of tJhe SlovaJk League of Arm.edoa approved a memoramtdurm. addressed to the "policy-rm.1a;king fundt,iana11ieis" ( of t'he Czeoho-Slovaik gavernrrnent), in wihi'clh it oaUed for tJhe implementatiton of the Pit'tsburglh P.aiot. 8 A concentrated fig,ht agiainst Hilinka got under way. The fig,ht WaJS OO'gani.ized on two fronts: in Sfovakia, and in America; •a nd the f.ight gmdruaHy gained ground even ilil tJhe SfovaJk League. As H'linlka was returrning :6rom the peruce conference in Parris, on the evening of October 12, 1919, he wais arrested and spirited away to Mirrov prison. The baJSiis for hiJS arrest waJs hlis 1Jr1p to Piari.is and his a:ttempt there to place before the pea;ce conference, Sfo.viak demands as contaJitned in tJhe P,iUsburr1gih Pact. "If HHn:ka had gone to Pari.is, tJhougih the wa:y hakl led through Budapest, for the purpose of protesting the Bad - let's put the matter squarely on the taJble - the Ozecho..,Slovak ,press iand the Czeoho~SlovaJk gov,ernment would today be prarsing Hli!n!ka to the highest heaven, and everywhere he would be hera:lded as the future rurchb1shop of S'lovaikfa ! . . . Hliillka, therefore, witl!l face tria•l on behaJlf of our P,ruct, aJnd in effoct it will be our P.ruct tJhat will be on trial . . . And because this Pact, whloh ts to go on t'l'ial ~n Olom,o uc, 1s ours, in effect it will be we American Slovaks wiho wi'l'l face trila:l - ()lllT con'triburtion to the revolutionary struggle." 9 To the Uruted StaJrtes oa;me Hltinka's representath,es, Rev. Joseipfri Rudrnisiky and Joseph KU!bala, wiho called a meeting of S'1ovalk Crut:Jholic priests irn Piit1:Jsbu'I"gh 01I1 November 19, 1919, an1d om the following day, a meeting of the represen1ia.1t!ives of Slovak Oaitholiic org,anii!zations, loldiges and newspa;pers. Rerv. Joseph Du'lik of Olyphant, Penn!sy<lw.nia, pres•i!ded at the meeting of 1:Jhe clergy, and Atrrdrew J. Birha!&, presildent of the FiTlst Ca1Jholic S1l0Vlalk Union, at the second meetiinig. Both meet:Jing,s devei~oped g,uideliines for aiction by Slovruk Catholics of America, aJnd issued in a spontaneous determination to defend Aindrew Hlilillkia. Pla;n:s well"e made to expoiSe to the pub]i!c ruH fille events surround!ing Hlinlka's trip to Paris and his subsequent imprisonment. 1 1 �SLOVAKIA 69 The pu11pose of the Pittsburg,h meeting was: "1. To lay a foundation for wide 8Jl1d e:fifective publi<city and a:gitation for Sriovalkian 0Jutonomy within the frame-worik of the Ozeciho-,S,lovaJk Republic; 2. To 13/Un'Ch a movement for the creation of a OatJholic press fund, for the Sll.llpport of Catholi:c l<iterature ... Arrnerica,n S·1nVia1ks do nro t cornsiider the Paict a scrap of pruper: tfuey wr~l underibake everyrtlhilng irn theirr power to whieve its recogndltion. And tn a,ddiition to this, aifter so ma,ny disruppoi1nitment:Js from both tihe SIOVaJk Lea,g,ue, and spokesmen for tfue Ozeehio-S lov,aik goveirnment, they have ehosern t!he only proper courne: tlhey demand th1at the Pact be incorporated in the provi'81ion:s of the P.aris Pea.ice Treaty." 10 1 1 These meetings received an eX!tension, in effect, in the convention of the S~ov·a k Ca1:lho'lic Federation, held in Scranton, Pennsylv,ania, on December 18, 1919. This organization's delegate, Rev. Anton Gmdk, ha.id just returned from Slovaikioa, and he confirmed tJhe coniolusion,s of Hooek, Rudinsky, and K111ba1a. 'J.'1he conventiOIIl, therefoTe, moved to support, in full, Hilin:ka's activities and tJhe Pittsbuirgih Pact. 11 lniaJSmuc'h a.is the leadersthiilp of the S'lov:alk Leag,ue ha:d entetred the services of ''anti.,SiloviaJk and aniti-Ohristian poli,cies," 12 the SlovaJk CatJholic Federation beg,ain to taike noltdce of the politkail si tu ation in SJ.ovaikia. Srrovalk Catho4iics begam taking a heig,htened internst in t,h e n1ationa:l program because the Prague regime had proved itselif not on!ly anti-S1lovaik, but also amti-Oat!ho•l k. "The beMigerent merusuires undeI'balken by the Ozeicihs agairnst the Catholli,c Church a,nd the reH:gions sentiments of believing Slovalks" 13 ciolrld su1c1ceed only in arousing everyfbody. Rev. GraJcik, speaking from hi,s personal observa,tions in Slovakia, dec'l aired: "\Religion hars complete freedom in the Ozecho-Slo'W!Jk Republic, guaranteed by law. But filris f.reedom in only on paper. Nort erven 20 % of the p111blic sti:H be'l~eves in thi s reli•gio1rns freedom. Power rest:Js m 1Jhe han'd s of Sodail-De mocratk atheists, nom.--!believeris; and these people are aJbusing 1!heir power in an attempt to per;pe1tnmte their pairtisan conrtiro1l, and to entren,c h tJheir posirbions. ThU!s, re'ligious :fireedOIJll exists only on pruper and tJhe Ohuircih ooduires cons~deraJble suffering . . . Ln S10V1all da, except for prlimera and bi:bles, no Catlholi1c literaiture is cmrently being publ'islhed. The Ozeciho-SlovaJk government 1hrus completeily stopped 1 1 1 1 �70 SLOVAKIA Catlhol~c presses, suppressed ail OaltJhiolic per'iodicaJ1'S. The Catholic sohool youth is prohilbiited :f.irom organi1z ing in defence of its religficntJS sentiments." 14 Towarids the en!d of 1919 tJhe president of tJhe Sli0W1Jk League, Albert Mamaitej, tiriaveled to S1ovaJkia, 0JI1d returned wiifu a letter from Dr. Mfillan Hoooa, a SlavaJk pol.ritircian on 1:Jhe side of tJhe Ozecfus, wlhi!dh promrlised a definite, sart:isfactory stabi'liz,ati:on of the relaitionlsihiiip between the Ozeoos amid Slo'V'aikls. HoweveT, the resulits of MaJmatej's journey "could be desori:bed, on bailance, only as negative." 15 For the Amerioam SlovaJks, he brought baok more promi:ses from the Ptmgue regime; for himseJrf, he broug,ht badk a committment from Prague that he would be awarded tJhe post of Ozedho-SlovaJk conS'l.1!1 in Bittsburgh. His aJppointment caJme through in Septem1ber 1920. The XII]tJh Congress of the Slova1k Leagure of America, whidh took p'lace at the end of J'll!l1e 1920 in MiilwaJUlkee, Wisconsin, transpired in a ,c ompletely di:£ferent atmosphere from thait of its predecessoI'S. On J1Une 16 Joseph Husek puibiJJioly announced his withd<rawaJl from the League, whose leaJdeirshi!p "is moraHy amd finandaiHy supporting agitation and opposition to the PiittJs'lmrgh PaJct." 16 'Dhe SlovaJk League haJd joined battle witlh t!he wtonmni,stls in America, and bJaJd even given tadd assenlt to the waJgin:g of sUJoh a battle in Slovaklia, at a time that WaJS oritiicaJl, since the na'tiornai election1s Olf 1920 were drawilng neaT. For 1:Jhis reaJson not one S'lav,aJk CaJt:lholic organization in America sent de'leg,ates to 1:Jhe XIILtih Congress, and Husek, after t he Oong,ress warned: 1 ..'Tihe League has ceased to be the mOTal and offioiail representative of the AmeI'icam-Sloviaik colony." 17 RepresentaJtives of Slovak CaJthidlics, under the leaJdership af the S1ovaik OatholJ.i<c Federation and tlhe ot!her orgaJI1izations working in C'1ose ooopera'tion with it, began to taJke over the League's erat-w:hile role in the defence of SllOV1aJk nationaJl rights. On Ja.nuaJry 14, 1920, the cenwail committee of the SlovaJk Catholic Federat•i on "voted 100,000 crowns as a personal girft to the Rev. Andrew HEmlka, our leader, t!he imprisoned SlavaJk martyr. It also rupproved a Clheok in the amownt �SLOVAKIA 71 of $5,000.00 as a stop-gap aid to old-country Catholics, for Catholic aiction. l1t furrtiher passed a motion to issue memoria1 staimps bearing the i'mage of H!lliJ11lm and an inrsm"ilption of his motto ... Dr. Joseph Rudinsky was aippoonted to t'he position of organizer in the Slovak Oa:tholic Fedwarbion, arnd MT. Joseph KUJba:11a was nirumed a,siistanrt to the comptTolileT." 18 The president of the Slovak Oathol1k FedeTation, Rev. Joseph :Dulik, reminded t'he memlbershilp tJhat tJhe basic provisions of the co,nstitution of the Ozeoho-Slovaik Repulblric remaJined inadequate ilil the opinlion of tJhe Federation, and that tJhe lrust ooniverition haJd taiken a position "in suipport of S1ova!kiam aJUtonomy, as g,ururanteed to tJhe Slovruk nation in tJhe PlilftsbuTgh Pact." 19 And in the same vein, the Rev. :DuHk exip:ressed his view on the issue: "We aire foT the Ozecihio.,Slovruk Repufb'li<:, 'body and sou[ - but only on condition tJhat we receive in it what is ouT due." 20 From 1:Jhis standpoint 1fuere was great va:lue in the message of the SIJ:ovak Cathollic Fedevation to "ouir brothers in SfovaJkia", by which historic realities concerning American SfovaJks were put in proper fomis, and a demand was registered "for the incorpOTaltion of tJhe suibstamce of the Pittsburg,h Pact in the basic 11aw of tJhe Repuibl~c." 21 '.Dhe stand of the FedeTation inspired tJhe Slova:k-American community. At its conrvention of 13 and 14 OctO'beT, 1920, in Chicago, the recoros revealed t!hat the Slovalk CartJholic Federation "numbered 17'5 strong men's brandhes, and 14 women's brancihes; and its membership haJd risen to close to twenty thousand. This g,rowfu dated from onily ten months ba;ck." 22 '.Dhe pr,ogram of the Federation with respect to nationaEty matters remained unchanged: autonomy a:s set for!Jh and defined in the Pittsburgh Pact. 23 To the United States came ort!her emissaries, too. These were tlhe agents of tJhe Brague regime, Rev. LaJdis1aiv Moys, a Catlholiic priest, rund the Sooiial..,Democvat Jiohrn Pocislk, whose assignment wa;s to swing pu!b'lic opinion among American Slovaks to tJhe side of 1Jhe Ozeciho-,Slovruks and rugaJinst the SlovaJk People's Party. But American Silovaikrs were not swayed by the mission, despite its ecclesiasticaJl traJppings, because they knew it traveled rubout the country on funds �72 SLOVAKIA provided by Prague. 'l'hey gave no credence to Moys becaruse "he associates and cooperates, works hand in hand, with Socia'li,s ts." 24 Nor were Slovruk Catho'lios shiaJken by Maisrurytk's cli!savowa:l of his sigrrature on t!he Plirttsbmg1h Pact, or by his deo}ruration that 1fue Pa;ct wrus inrva!lid.25 They reaJCted with dignity, becaJU!se their chief concern was to "remain tirue to the honor of t!he SlovaJk nation." 26 In t!he uneven battJle between Andirew Hlinika and fue organized power of Prague and its SUipporting p<jli.tical prurties, the assistaJnce of American Sloviaks was extraordinari1ly wekome. Andrew H1inlka sat innocently in a Oze0h ja:il for seven months. Fior a long time his ja;iiloirs even wi'tfuheld his marl from him; and as he sat in helplessness and isO'}a'bion, tJhe mi,nions of the new state's power structuire tried to disrupt the ranks of the 1P eople's Party. 27 In the me:antiline caJIDe the elections. A!bout t!hem Hlinlka gave the foHowing testimony: "Unfortunately, the elections did not produce the spectacular results for the Peqp'le's Party that we had every reruson to expect. The People's Party did not receive the ma:jority that it should have received. Reasons for this development run to the hun1drreds: t!h:ey locked us urp, tlhey branded us tra!itor,s, they unlerushed a;gainst us tiheiir soildiers, gen1damnerie, sheriffs and professors . . . Agaiinst us was turned every power - and every means was perm~ss~ble. 'Dhe :riig,ht of assembly was denied uiS: and wihen granted, our meetings were diispersed. 'I'he starved and pauperized Slova;k populace threw itselif into the em/brace of the SocialDemocratic Party, whidh ha;d pre~ously been little known in SlovaJlcia. Two-iliuindred tJhous and soldiers were transfer.red to Sfovaikia - to vote. Ozeoh Olfficia;ls, teachers and function airies were for,ced UipOil us; and these people, numbering ~rmcimately fifty th01.1<s'a.nd, voted against Slo"W!Jk autonomy. Where hunger ~atled, the s<jldiier anid official produced t!he de's1red resulit." 28 The Socialists were not, 8Jild could not be, the sa!lvation of S1wa!kia. On the contrary, the sociia.Uistic "Ozech regi,me in Slova;kfa enstranged Slovakia from Bohemia. It created cha,os, because it drove the people witlh fa.:1se prom~ses in'to the airms of the Internationa!le." 29 1 1 1 1 �SLOVAKIA 73 American S~ovaJks exipected the worst in S1lovaJkia. They envisioned the sprea!d of Somallism and its oo!lrrninabon in Coarumrunii.sm - uniless refor,ms were introdUJced in time. In this context CaJt:Jholic organi!za1Jion-s, in particufar, intensified their ef1forts and soug,ht new ways to help Hlinlka win his objectives. 30 FOOTNOTES 1. Minutes of the annual meeting of the supreme officers of the First Catholic Slovak Union, New York City, January 6-9, 1919, page 73. Husek was a member of the Reconstruction Committee of the Slovak League of America, chairman of which was Dr. Miroslav Francisci, and the other members, John Matlocha, Edward Kovac, and Milan Getting. 2. Joseph Husek wrote several articles about his trip to Slovakia, but the most comprehensive was his contribution to the almanac Jednota for 1920, titled "Co som videl, pocul a skusil na Slovensku." (What I Saw, Heard and Experienced in Slovakia.), pages 33-60. All of the above quotes on Husek's mission are taken from this source. 3. This was a group that styled itself "Mlade Slovensko" (Young Slovakia). Hlas (The Voice) was its journal, and the forum from which it expounded views on literature and life, social and political, all heavily influenced by Masaryk. 4. Minutes of the annual meeting of the supreme officers of the First Catholic Slovak Union, Cleveland, Ohio, January 19-22, 1920, page 8. 5. Cover story on this Congress in the newspaper Jednota, June 4, 1919, page 1. The Congress approved a motion to establish a scholarship fund in memory of General Stefanik for "the support of students and writers in Slovakia and America. The Slovak League will contribute $10,000.00 to this fund, and school-fund collections by various organizations and newspapers are also to be turned over to it." 6. "Prestante!" (Desist!). Jednota, June 4, 1919, page 4. 7. "Eppur si muove." Jednota, October 22, 1919, page 4. 8. See the actual text in the Jednota, October 29, 1919, page 1. 9. " Dohoda, Hlinka a Masaryk" (The Pact, Hlinka and Masaryk). Jednota, November 19, 1919, page 4. 10. "Za krest'anske a autonomne Slovensko" (For a Christian and Autonomous Slovakia). Jednota, November 26, 1919, page 4. Also compare with the story of the meetings in the same issue of the Jednota on page one. Inasmuch as the convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation was postponed, a Slovak Catholic Council was elected from among the delegates in Pittsburgh, which however only served till the convention, and then merged with the Federation. Time moved quickly, and the liberal and Czecho-Slovak oriented groups began to break up local branches of the Slovak League, and to scatter accusations against sympathizers with Hlinka's movement. For this reason Slovak Catholics rallied to the cause. Anti-Slovak activities are touched upon in the article "Za auton6miu"' (For Autonomy) in the Jednota, December 3, 1919, page 4, and in subsequent issues. 11. Compare with the coverage of the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation in the Jednota, December 24, 1919, on page one. The article "Z konvencie Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (From �74 SLOVAKIA the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation) , in the same edition of the Jednota, page 5, notes that all Slovak Catholic organizations were represented at this convention. 12. "Sdruzenie slovenskych katolikov" (The Slovak Catholic Federation ). Jednota, December 31, 1919, page 4. 13. From a letter by the Rev. Andrew Dor{msky, a pastor in Hladovka, Slovakia, dated August 12, 1919, published in the Jednota, September 17, 1919, page 1. 14. "Prednaska Rev. Gracika" (A Lecture by the Rev. Gracik). Jednota, December 10, 1919, page 1. 15. Culen, K. "Strucne dejiny Slovenskej ligy" (A Short History of the Slovak League) . Jednota, August 27, 1958, page 2. 16. "Vystupujem zo Slovenskej ligy" (I am Withdrawing from the Slovak League) . Jedn ota, June 16, 1920, page 4. 17. "Po kongrese" (After the Congress) . Jednota, July 7, 1920, page 4. 18. "Vaznejsie uznesenia Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (Some Important Decisions of the Slovak Catholic Federation) . Jednota, January 28, 1920, page 1. 19. "Nase stanovisko" (Our Standpoint). Jednota, March 17, 1920, page 4. 20. "Este raz Rev. Moysovi" ( Once Again to the Rev. Moys). Jednota, April 21, 1920, page 4. Joseph Husek remained an unswerving adherent of the autonomist idea: "From the standpoint of the enemies of Slovak national distinctivness, Slovak autonomy would constitute virtual suicide-suicide for the idea of Czecho-Slovak national unity! Only a fool could believe that Slovak truth, were it to have behind it the full power of a state, courts, bureau, schools, and the moral and material support of the highly cultured Czech nation, could not successfully resist an immoral and politically bankrupt Magyaronismonly a fool, or someone who considers the Slovak nation a morally debilitated, nationally paralyzed rabble of near-idiots! " "To nie je to prave" (This Isn't the Real Thing) . Jednota, February 18, 1920, page 4. Also see the article "Matez" (Turmoil) , Jednota, March 24, 1920, page 5; and the article "Salus reipublicae suprema lex", Jednota, April 14, 1920, page 4. Among other things, this article states: "For the Slovak politician, the good of the Slovak nation must take precedence over the good of the Republic, or as the case may be, the government. The vital interests of the nation, its natural rights, its national character, may not be sacrificed to the good of the state, the Republic, or the regime. The Republic exists for the nation, not the reverse. The nation is an end, the Republic only a means. The idea of the supremacy of the state (government) must yield to the idea of the supremacy of the nation. Only in monolinguistic democratic states, where the concept of nationality is synonymous with the concept of state, where nationality in reality equates with state and vice versa, can the good of the nation be equated with the good of the state." Husek returns to this theme frequently on the pages of the Jednota in signed and anonymous articles, as well as editorials and remarks. 21. The complete text appears in the Jednota, May 26, 1920, page 5. 22. "Konvencia Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (The Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation). Jednota, October 20, 1920, page 1. 23. "The Slovak Catholic Federation still favors an autonomous Slovakia and will continue to do so until at last. the banner of Slovak autonomy within the framework of a Czecho-Slovak Republic, will �SLOVAKIA 75 wave over our Tatra mountains." Rev. C. K. Vaniscak, O.S.B.: "Po konvencii Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (After the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation) , Jednota, October 20, 1920, page 4. 24. Hrtanek, Klemo. "Koho chcete, abych vam prepustil, Hlinku alebo Moysa?" (Whom Do You Wish I Release to You, Hlinka or Moy~?). Jednota, April 28, 1920, page 4. "Priest or no-priest, come down from the cherry-tree . . . Any Slovak priest who does not fight with us for the martyr Hlinka and his democratic idea, has no right to be called one of us; any priest who favors the Socialists in Prague defeats the legitimate efforts of the Slovaks." 25. The Jednota, in its issue of March 17, 1920, page one, published a letter from Masaryk to his prime minister, Tusar, on the subject of "the so-called Pittsburgh Agreement." Translated from the original Czech, Masaryk's letter reads as follows : "Representatives of American Slovak and Czech organizations resolved in this agreement to combat agitation against a union of the Czechs and Slovaks. The pact was made, it seems to me, largely by American citizens. The Pittsburgh program is one of many pre-revolutionary programs formulated abroad. It has an historical value. The Pittsburgh Pact was contracted between Slovaks and Czechs, and were it to have any validity at all, surely this validity would be predicated on the condition that both parties still agreed on its contents. In the pact itself, toward the end, there is a stipulation that detailed provisions for the organization of the Czecho-Slovak state were to be left to the Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives ; this stipulation was entered because the Czechs and Slovaks at the Pittsburgh meeting understood that Ame· rican citizens had no right to make decisions concerning the definitive organization of the Czecho-Slovak state." Husek, who immediately published the letter in the Jednota, alongside the text of the Pittsburgh Pact enclosed in a black frame, took an entirely different view of the matter, and in commentary, remarked among other things : "the Pittsburgh Pact is valid because it rests on the eternally valid natural rights of nations." (Ibid.) 26. "Za Pittsburghsku dohodu 'kavova nahrazka' " (Instead of the Pittsburgh Pact "ersatz coffee"). Jednota, March 31, 1920, page 4. And the Rev. Dulik comments: "To contract an agreement and then not care whether it is observed or not, amounts to making oneself ridiculous before the world." "Rev. Moysovi" (To the Rev. Moy~). Jednota, March 31, 1920, page 4. 27. Karol Sidor gives a detailed description in his book "Andrej Hlinka", Bratislava 1934. 28. "Apel Hlinkov na Slovakov v Amerike" (Hlinka's Appeal to American Slovaks). Jednota, July 21, 1920, page 4. The Jednota expressed the conviction, even after the defeat of the People's Party, that the national idea "will be stopped by nothing and nobody in its victorious advance." "Vol'by na Slovensku" (The Elections in Slo• vakia). Jednota, May 12, 1920, page 4. 29. "Statarium na Slovensku" (Martial Law in Slovakia) . Jed.nota, August 11, 1920, page 1. "But martial law will not preserve Slovakia for the Czechs! Czech bayonets will not preserve Slovakia for the Czecho-Slovak Republic ... Prague is blind, it does not see the writing on the wall ... " 30. Compare with the article by the president of the Slovak Catholic Federation, Rev. Joseph Dulik: "My netratime nadej" (We are not losing Hope), Jednota, August 11, 1920, page 4, and others. � SLOVAKIA 63 AMIDRIO.AN SLOV:.A.KiS AND '.DHE BEJG]NNJNGS OF 02'JIDOHO-SLOVAKI.A. By Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. In 1907 there was founded in Cleveland, Ohio, an organiiization ,ca:lled the Slovaik LeaJgue of America. This orga'Illization represented a coailition of aiH 1:Jhe existing Slovaik fraite:m al and r~i:giou:s organizations in the United States, and rallied besides, the support of t'he Slovaik clergy, both OatJholic amd Evangelka!l (Lutheran), as well as t!he suipport of the then--e:ristiing Slov:aik-American periodicals. The Slova!k League set as its major goail tJhe lilberation of the SllovaJk nation in its homelaind. For t!his reason it toO!k a srtand for t!he dismaintlement of tJhe .Austro-Hiungarian Empire and e:,oplo;z-ed possiibi'lities for political cooperation wit:Jh the Czech nation. Thiis cooperation reached formal expression in 1:Jhe signing of the Pi'Ubsburgh Pad of May 30, 1918, parties to which were 11epresentatives of the Silova'k Leaigue of America on the one side, and the represenrtatives of the Czech Natriona:l .Alliance and the Union of Czech Ca1fuolics, on the otJher. The Czechs were led by Thomas G. Masaryik, who prepared both .p arties for the aJgreement, aind wiho later became the first president of the O.zechoSlovaik Republiic. The text of tJhe Pittsburgh Paict reads as foHows: The representatives of the Slovak and Czech organizations in the United States-the Slovak League, the Czech National Alliance, and the Union of Czech Catholics-have deliberated, in the presence of the Chairman of the Czecho•Slovak National Council, Professor Masa• ryk, on the Czecho•Slovak question and on our previous program mani• festations, and have resolved as follows: We favor a political program whose purpose it shall be to unite the Czechs and Slovaks into an autonomous state comprising the Czech lands and Slovakia. Slovakia shall have her own administration, her own assembly, and her own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the schools, in public offices, and in the public life in general. The Czecho•Slovak State shall be a republic; its constitution shall be democratic. The cooperation of the Czechs and the Slovaks in the United States shall be intensified and regulated by mutual consent, according to need and changing situations. Detailed provisions relating to the organization of the Czecho· Slovak State shall be left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives. �64 SLOVAKIA It is interesting to tmce the early evolution in the attitude of tJhe Prague government, under T. G. Masaryk, to the Pittsburgh Pact, and to the movement of Andrej HLinika, the eminent Slovak politicail leader, wtho adopted the progra:m of the Paiet. And it is no less interesting to review the thirnlkinig on this matter among American Sfoviaks, a faction of wihom rejected the program and succeeded for a short time in leading astray even the Slova:k League of America. On Maroh 7, 1919 Joseph Rusek left for Slova;kii1a. He was sent by t!he Slovak Lea:gue a;g one of a five-member mission, and the supreme of.ficers of the First Oatholic Slovaik Un:ion, too, at their annual meeting in New York, charged "brother Joseph Husek, editor of our organ 'Jedinota', in the name of 70,000 SlovaJk Catholics organized in tlhe FCSU, as a competent ma:n, to represent us illl the o1d country in matters both ecclesiastical aJild national, and to keep us informed on the state of SioV18lk ailfairs." 1 This was the first important mission of the American Siovruks to the continent after the overthrow of the old order. Joseph Huisek spent ten weeks in Slov&kia and urpon his return presented a comprehen,s ive report of his impressions. He analyzed the times and r!Jhe peop{e, circumstances and events, with great perspicacity, in the newspruper Jednotia and the a,lmainac of the same name. 2 It had been Husek's intention to a:cquaint SlloviaJk leaders with the Ame rican Slovaks' interpretation of the program emlbodied in the Pittsrburg,h Pruct. But in Bratislava his voice fell on deaf ears, because "the government was controlled by individuals, as it is to this day, who saw in the new ord€r an excellent opportunity to acihieve their ideal: the Czechizabiorn of S,l ova kia curlturaHy, economically and politic,ally. And by a standing imposition of martial law they envisioned the possi1bi11rity of intilmida;ting not only elemenrts inimi,ca:l to the Republic, hut also elements inimical to tJhis ideal." These people did not acknowledge the reservations of the American-SlovaJk emissaries. "'Dhey only smirled artfully, as if they pittied me for my naive fai'bh in the fitness of tihe Slovaik nation," wrote Joseph Rusek, ·b y way of commentary to •his conversations in Bratislava, for he saw clearly that the ruling c8iste in Srlova:kia was interested "ilil a com1 1 �SLOVAKIA 65 rtsko-~lo1ttll!lk11JQgbl~.. tnmtrettri ll i)ittsbnr9htt. l}n.. bntt ,;o. tndjR. l9ltl • .,ifrr~sttw iMio ~lottttt!ikvch uo ., ll ~kiich o~nnisocif . t •~ ~,P"J•. -'-:t't ~ ll om. - . •~htu t1tsatj 1J~\!~~tho ]Ttlll)~ni.ho.$bttittnfu. . ll ~\!i)!ll frsj1.1,h.~ . " · P•'l"<'lh'1.•,1li t.i pnl.-niu,•;;ti ~~~~t-.'u e,1-1t .... $l..:.•m:-tt,_i "~1Jr.-..1' .,,'!4• ~r,"'f.~h,; ..,1-yh,, . ., ~1-ft,,~Jlct.,i:niok~j ,.....\,h, ,1 ..... th1$i,·b {~\t~:ti:b pr~~;!~l\'?'?Cl•~i.·b pr('_i~-:1.,,'1! r.\ usnt,--.l~-,.l~~,,.a.•\'\.: ! -.. s~b'M !u_irn,~ pditi,·h:i pr.:-~r.t~ uii\ll~U,"\ ~l •' Sp.:-j.:ni~ e.:~h~,i• lt $\i."li,Jk,.. ~ \t ~.,m,;•att1o1hl,'\1' 1ttit, 1. f~-,p.l\lf~-b 1nnl,, Sl\"l\tti:t!th~\~ 4 } ' ,"~""-~ .. :·.:-tc;•~n . . lt.• l;tt~~ mut -..~•-~iu L•l<l1-fn1'.i.)mitliih·..muu.1i,,j ~\j,:·\!1 "~ i,\••:\~ $'UL~~ . ,_S\ci.•(t-:ftn,, ru~..: ,fr,~~n!'t1! j,,iyb.~ t•~\i~l~. ~· Ut",,~~ ,, t,~., t tNi 1"'"'\'\1 !\t, ...,t..! t,;_;~-:-.c. · "€.:~t.,-;,(.,,,,-u1-l,{';;l,1t l-ub.: tt}'u~lik,,u, j~l,..,~.:-1Wtittici" bu ..'-: ~~m""kr"tti4!k-.\. _ ··~•l\'li'!-.i,'t,'\ fp,•lupr.{.:~ e.:cb,"t•" $\.;,i•,tlwv t•c Sp...i. -.:: ., • t1 L • • ·t ' . · ~ ·. '~ ~t-1,t ..--..,h Lru,,,, P•'t. :'"- f"' t r~..,~ ,, mcnt,\~~.t :'1o'\ fl u-1~\<.pn ~}'-' I ..,~o~"t\11 ~~'r-"'?tnn(n\. pr.:hl~~t:..\ ,, '-'}'TOt•~n..i. ·. t: .~ · 1 ~ ,-~ ..... ._\t,.. ~nl t.1,st..,n-:'t~ni~, c- t..\t't'1,'.:1Ul.:-5k~~,l~,tC"Ot~~k~~ ;,1,1tu }'-'ll~.:b,ll.•,i.iu ;," •'!W••r,•~~nym €.i.:!icm ,, Sl,'l C1hcm "icb _ prJi,,•pl.ltni1m pN,'11-t,wit.:l,'tlt." 1 ====---- I w -{. . L_._ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _J Photographic reproduction of the original copy of the Pittsburgh Pact ("Pittsburghska Dohoda") plete merging of 1Jhe Slmr31k nart~on wi1:!h tlhe Czeoh." Burt on the 01:!her hand he also ascertained tihat "Masary,k's ideology of tJhe nationa,,l unity of Slovaks and Czecihs was completely foreign to the ordinary Slovaik person." 3 And it did not escape Husek's observation that ''the �oe SLOVAKIA Slov~s !have no desire fo:r the kind of democraitic wwk that haJS to be performed in the shadow of Czech bayonets!" He 01Scertained that the Czeoho-Slovaik Pairliament was gravely deficient in point of "ropresenrta'tion for the SlovaJk nation. Agriculture and the triades haid not a single representative firom among tJhei'r own rarrk!s, and in any case, members of pairliaiment were nominated and a,ppointed by the regime ibselif, whicih ma!kes no seoret of its intentions to consolidate its power at every cost, and whfoh pursues a poli~ica[, cu1tural and economic course that ha,s bhe support of only a smaifil minority of bhe Slovak nation." He noted that bhe policies of bhli s government ran oouniter to the interests of bhe Slovia'k people. Husek verified tllrough his own Olbservations tJhat "in PraJgue many influential pdlitidans want aJbsolurtely no tr,uok with the idea tJhait Slovakia belongs to tJhe Slovaks and that the Slova:ks have no need to go to Piriague for tutelage in the management of bheir own land and nation. Indeed, Pra,gue is completely at a loss as to what to do in its own bailiwick. Politioal chaos reigns in Bohemia. 'flhe national assemlbly speaJks with twenty tongues. Not one faction aictua'lly knows what it wants . .A!I1d in the maisses tJhe most prevalent pdlitic'al orientatfon is Bollshevism." Of suoh stuf.f, too, were the OzechlS who cMne to Slov,a,kia. Hrusek oharaoteri!.zed them aJS fol!lows : "The arrogance am.d domineering attitude of some Czeclhs in Slov.akia was indeed Ml af:firont. And I encountered these maniifestation,s, in per,son, frequently during my stay i'n the old country. I e,cperienced them on tJhe tr,aJirnis and in tlhe restaiurants. On the trams you were comfuaintly being jostled aside for some Ozedh dignilbairy, while in tJhe restaiurants your order WaJS taiken only after 1:Jhe Ozooh had reccived his ... It is a major fault witih many of OUT Czeoh brethren, and not tihe leaist with men of culrttvalbi.on, that tlley do not ,consider the ,Slova,k an equa•l citizen of the Republic." In the political sphere Husek saw cleair signs tJhait the rulling regime in Slov,ailcia haJd no desire to even hear of aultonomy. 'Dhe regime considered tihe autonom:i!sts traitors. It WaJS Huook's finding that a great gaip separated the policie'S of 1:Jhe Slova!k LeaJgue of Amerioa fram the tJhmktmg of tihe current rulers in Slovakia. �6i SLOVAKIA On tJhe subject of autQIIlomy, writes Joseph Husek, "Hlirrrka aJlone g,ave me a clear...oot srtatement - he liives and dies for the American pa,dt . . . Hli'nlka stamds for autooomy antd a Ohrisitian world-view. He stamlds for autonomy becaiuse he sees in it the assu:rainrce of a better future for Ms naJtion, and a gual'amtee of the firee growt:Jh of its natio n.1aJl cu1lture and economy, as weJ1l as a bai:rder to Ozeoh materialilsm and atheism ... Hlmka stand1s for •autonomy because he is Slov,aJk, not Ozeclho-Slovaik ! . . . And besides, it mmt be said of H]i[llka tJhat he loves his naltion warriznrly, truly and entirely seMllessly; he is ready to sacl'ifice evecytlhing for it - whircih is something I camnot in good con,s cience say a!bout many of his opponents." In regard to Joseph Husek'is trirp as "a:n emliss,rury of the Amwican Sfovakis" A. J. Pirha!11a, president of the F1irrist Catholic Slovak Union, commented: "'he accomplished a ,g reat deal of wortJhwhile wo"Pk. His detailed rerport gave us an accurate, clear and specific rev-iew of the situation in Slova,kia. " 4 Hrusek and MH'an Gettilllg presented the reports on tJhcir Slo'ViaJkian trirp at the 12'1:Jh Oongress of tihe SlovaJk Le•ague of America, wh~-c'h todk plaice on May 29, 1919 ilil Scranton, Pennsylva,nia. Getting ,prorposed that the League send the "Slovak Administration" a printing press vail ued at $50,000.00, and in addit-ilon, to Mr. Sirobar, finamcirail a:ssistance in tihe amount of $10,000.00. 'Dhe Congress rupproved t'he proposal, and a•l so moved to send sixty-thousamd dollar3 wO'!'th of clothing to Slovaikia. 5 Husek wrote after tJhe congress: "HHnika is the forunder, president amd guiding spitrit of tlhe SloWJk People's Party, wihldh wiH play a great, if ndt decishre, role in the history of Slovaik'ia, and whiiC'h claims the loyalty of ahnost a'1.!l the patriotiic S'lov~k clergy, even of those who do not approve m ,i:nka'·s -bi'tter anrd unrestrai,ned critilcism of 1:Jh~ administration i01 Braitirs]ra va." 6 In th±s vein Joseph Husek filled tlhe columTIJS Olf · the newspaper Jednota through the year 1919. He subjected the Prrugue regime and its functionaries in Bratislava to shar,p criticism. He believed fifflllly tJhiat ''oniy through aiutonomy wou'ld it be poss~ble to purt Slovaikila finmly on its feet! . . . 'Dhe Slovaks need aiutanomy mairrrly to preserve their national existence. But without srpecific leg~si.ation 1 �68 SLOVAKIA there will be no self-rule of any kiJnid." The sel!f-ru[e "that Slov:aikia has today its not only worbhiless, but even positively pernrjlciou1s. Suoh 'selrf..1rule' demoraJl.ilzes pulbJi.c Hfe in Sloviaikia aind stirs the natiQIIl to open revoU.'' 7 On October 24, 1919, the execubi.ive committtee of tJhe SlovaJk League of Arm.edoa approved a memoramtdurm. addressed to the "policy-rm.1a;king fundt,iana11ieis" ( of t'he Czeoho-Slovaik gavernrrnent), in wihi'clh it oaUed for tJhe implementatiton of the Pit'tsburglh P.aiot. 8 A concentrated fig,ht agiainst Hilinka got under way. The fig,ht WaJS OO'gani.ized on two fronts: in Sfovakia, and in America; •a nd the f.ight gmdruaHy gained ground even ilil tJhe SfovaJk League. As H'linlka was returrning :6rom the peruce conference in Parris, on the evening of October 12, 1919, he wais arrested and spirited away to Mirrov prison. The baJSiis for hiJS arrest waJs hlis 1Jr1p to Piari.is and his a:ttempt there to place before the pea;ce conference, Sfo.viak demands as contaJitned in tJhe P,iUsburr1gih Pact. "If HHn:ka had gone to Pari.is, tJhougih the wa:y hakl led through Budapest, for the purpose of protesting the Bad - let's put the matter squarely on the taJble - the Ozecho..,Slovak ,press iand the Czeoho~SlovaJk gov,ernment would today be prarsing Hli!n!ka to the highest heaven, and everywhere he would be hera:lded as the future rurchb1shop of S'lovaikfa ! . . . Hliillka, therefore, witl!l face tria•l on behaJlf of our P,ruct, aJnd in effoct it will be our P.ruct tJhat will be on trial . . . And because this Pact, whloh ts to go on t'l'ial ~n Olom,o uc, 1s ours, in effect it will be we American Slovaks wiho wi'l'l face trila:l - ()lllT con'triburtion to the revolutionary struggle." 9 To the Uruted StaJrtes oa;me Hltinka's representath,es, Rev. Joseipfri Rudrnisiky and Joseph KU!bala, wiho called a meeting of S'1ovalk Crut:Jholic priests irn Piit1:Jsbu'I"gh 01I1 November 19, 1919, an1d om the following day, a meeting of the represen1ia.1t!ives of Slovak Oaitholiic org,anii!zations, loldiges and newspa;pers. Rerv. Joseph Du'lik of Olyphant, Penn!sy<lw.nia, pres•i!ded at the meeting of 1:Jhe clergy, and Atrrdrew J. Birha!&, presildent of the FiTlst Ca1Jholic S1l0Vlalk Union, at the second meetiinig. Both meet:Jing,s devei~oped g,uideliines for aiction by Slovruk Catholics of America, aJnd issued in a spontaneous determination to defend Aindrew Hlilillkia. Pla;n:s well"e made to expoiSe to the pub]i!c ruH fille events surround!ing Hlinlka's trip to Paris and his subsequent imprisonment. 1 1 �SLOVAKIA 69 The pu11pose of the Pittsburg,h meeting was: "1. To lay a foundation for wide 8Jl1d e:fifective publi<city and a:gitation for Sriovalkian 0Jutonomy within the frame-worik of the Ozeciho-,S,lovaJk Republic; 2. To 13/Un'Ch a movement for the creation of a OatJholic press fund, for the Sll.llpport of Catholi:c l<iterature ... Arrnerica,n S·1nVia1ks do nro t cornsiider the Paict a scrap of pruper: tfuey wr~l underibake everyrtlhilng irn theirr power to whieve its recogndltion. And tn a,ddiition to this, aifter so ma,ny disruppoi1nitment:Js from both tihe SIOVaJk Lea,g,ue, and spokesmen for tfue Ozeehio-S lov,aik goveirnment, they have ehosern t!he only proper courne: tlhey demand th1at the Pact be incorporated in the provi'81ion:s of the P.aris Pea.ice Treaty." 10 1 1 These meetings received an eX!tension, in effect, in the convention of the S~ov·a k Ca1:lho'lic Federation, held in Scranton, Pennsylv,ania, on December 18, 1919. This organization's delegate, Rev. Anton Gmdk, ha.id just returned from Slovaikioa, and he confirmed tJhe coniolusion,s of Hooek, Rudinsky, and K111ba1a. 'J.'1he conventiOIIl, therefoTe, moved to support, in full, Hilin:ka's activities and tJhe Pittsbuirgih Pact. 11 lniaJSmuc'h a.is the leadersthiilp of the S'lov:alk Leag,ue ha:d entetred the services of ''anti.,SiloviaJk and aniti-Ohristian poli,cies," 12 the SlovaJk CatJholic Federation beg,ain to taike noltdce of the politkail si tu ation in SJ.ovaikia. Srrovalk Catho4iics begam taking a heig,htened internst in t,h e n1ationa:l program because the Prague regime had proved itselif not on!ly anti-S1lovaik, but also amti-Oat!ho•l k. "The beMigerent merusuires undeI'balken by the Ozeicihs agairnst the Catholli,c Church a,nd the reH:gions sentiments of believing Slovalks" 13 ciolrld su1c1ceed only in arousing everyfbody. Rev. GraJcik, speaking from hi,s personal observa,tions in Slovakia, dec'l aired: "\Religion hars complete freedom in the Ozecho-Slo'W!Jk Republic, guaranteed by law. But filris f.reedom in only on paper. Nort erven 20 % of the p111blic sti:H be'l~eves in thi s reli•gio1rns freedom. Power rest:Js m 1Jhe han'd s of Sodail-De mocratk atheists, nom.--!believeris; and these people are aJbusing 1!heir power in an attempt to per;pe1tnmte their pairtisan conrtiro1l, and to entren,c h tJheir posirbions. ThU!s, re'ligious :fireedOIJll exists only on pruper and tJhe Ohuircih ooduires cons~deraJble suffering . . . Ln S10V1all da, except for prlimera and bi:bles, no Catlholi1c literaiture is cmrently being publ'islhed. The Ozeciho-SlovaJk government 1hrus completeily stopped 1 1 1 1 �70 SLOVAKIA Catlhol~c presses, suppressed ail OaltJhiolic per'iodicaJ1'S. The Catholic sohool youth is prohilbiited :f.irom organi1z ing in defence of its religficntJS sentiments." 14 Towarids the en!d of 1919 tJhe president of tJhe Sli0W1Jk League, Albert Mamaitej, tiriaveled to S1ovaJkia, 0JI1d returned wiifu a letter from Dr. Mfillan Hoooa, a SlavaJk pol.ritircian on 1:Jhe side of tJhe Ozecfus, wlhi!dh promrlised a definite, sart:isfactory stabi'liz,ati:on of the relaitionlsihiiip between the Ozeoos amid Slo'V'aikls. HoweveT, the resulits of MaJmatej's journey "could be desori:bed, on bailance, only as negative." 15 For the Amerioam SlovaJks, he brought baok more promi:ses from the Ptmgue regime; for himseJrf, he broug,ht badk a committment from Prague that he would be awarded tJhe post of Ozedho-SlovaJk conS'l.1!1 in Bittsburgh. His aJppointment caJme through in Septem1ber 1920. The XII]tJh Congress of the Slova1k Leagure of America, whidh took p'lace at the end of J'll!l1e 1920 in MiilwaJUlkee, Wisconsin, transpired in a ,c ompletely di:£ferent atmosphere from thait of its predecessoI'S. On J1Une 16 Joseph Husek puibiJJioly announced his withd<rawaJl from the League, whose leaJdeirshi!p "is moraHy amd finandaiHy supporting agitation and opposition to the PiittJs'lmrgh PaJct." 16 'Dhe SlovaJk League haJd joined battle witlh t!he wtonmni,stls in America, and bJaJd even given tadd assenlt to the waJgin:g of sUJoh a battle in Slovaklia, at a time that WaJS oritiicaJl, since the na'tiornai election1s Olf 1920 were drawilng neaT. For 1:Jhis reaJson not one S'lav,aJk CaJt:lholic organization in America sent de'leg,ates to 1:Jhe XIILtih Congress, and Husek, after t he Oong,ress warned: 1 ..'Tihe League has ceased to be the mOTal and offioiail representative of the AmeI'icam-Sloviaik colony." 17 RepresentaJtives of Slovak CaJthidlics, under the leaJdership af the S1ovaik OatholJ.i<c Federation and tlhe ot!her orgaJI1izations working in C'1ose ooopera'tion with it, began to taJke over the League's erat-w:hile role in the defence of SllOV1aJk nationaJl rights. On Ja.nuaJry 14, 1920, the cenwail committee of the SlovaJk Catholic Federat•i on "voted 100,000 crowns as a personal girft to the Rev. Andrew HEmlka, our leader, t!he imprisoned SlavaJk martyr. It also rupproved a Clheok in the amownt �SLOVAKIA 71 of $5,000.00 as a stop-gap aid to old-country Catholics, for Catholic aiction. l1t furrtiher passed a motion to issue memoria1 staimps bearing the i'mage of H!lliJ11lm and an inrsm"ilption of his motto ... Dr. Joseph Rudinsky was aippoonted to t'he position of organizer in the Slovak Oa:tholic Fedwarbion, arnd MT. Joseph KUJba:11a was nirumed a,siistanrt to the comptTolileT." 18 The president of the Slovak Oathol1k FedeTation, Rev. Joseph :Dulik, reminded t'he memlbershilp tJhat tJhe basic provisions of the co,nstitution of the Ozeoho-Slovaik Repulblric remaJined inadequate ilil the opinlion of tJhe Federation, and that tJhe lrust ooniverition haJd taiken a position "in suipport of S1ova!kiam aJUtonomy, as g,ururanteed to tJhe Slovruk nation in tJhe PlilftsbuTgh Pact." 19 And in the same vein, the Rev. :DuHk exip:ressed his view on the issue: "We aire foT the Ozecihio.,Slovruk Repufb'li<:, 'body and sou[ - but only on condition tJhat we receive in it what is ouT due." 20 From 1:Jhis standpoint 1fuere was great va:lue in the message of the SIJ:ovak Cathollic Fedevation to "ouir brothers in SfovaJkia", by which historic realities concerning American SfovaJks were put in proper fomis, and a demand was registered "for the incorpOTaltion of tJhe suibstamce of the Pittsburg,h Pact in the basic 11aw of tJhe Repuibl~c." 21 '.Dhe stand of the FedeTation inspired tJhe Slova:k-American community. At its conrvention of 13 and 14 OctO'beT, 1920, in Chicago, the recoros revealed t!hat the Slovalk CartJholic Federation "numbered 17'5 strong men's brandhes, and 14 women's brancihes; and its membership haJd risen to close to twenty thousand. This g,rowfu dated from onily ten months ba;ck." 22 '.Dhe pr,ogram of the Federation with respect to nationaEty matters remained unchanged: autonomy a:s set for!Jh and defined in the Pittsburgh Pact. 23 To the United States came ort!her emissaries, too. These were tlhe agents of tJhe Brague regime, Rev. LaJdis1aiv Moys, a Catlholiic priest, rund the Sooiial..,Democvat Jiohrn Pocislk, whose assignment wa;s to swing pu!b'lic opinion among American Slovaks to tJhe side of 1Jhe Ozeciho-,Slovruks and rugaJinst the SlovaJk People's Party. But American Silovaikrs were not swayed by the mission, despite its ecclesiasticaJl traJppings, because they knew it traveled rubout the country on funds �72 SLOVAKIA provided by Prague. 'l'hey gave no credence to Moys becaruse "he associates and cooperates, works hand in hand, with Socia'li,s ts." 24 Nor were Slovruk Catho'lios shiaJken by Maisrurytk's cli!savowa:l of his sigrrature on t!he Plirttsbmg1h Pact, or by his deo}ruration that 1fue Pa;ct wrus inrva!lid.25 They reaJCted with dignity, becaJU!se their chief concern was to "remain tirue to the honor of t!he SlovaJk nation." 26 In t!he uneven battJle between Andirew Hlinika and fue organized power of Prague and its SUipporting p<jli.tical prurties, the assistaJnce of American Sloviaks was extraordinari1ly wekome. Andrew H1inlka sat innocently in a Oze0h ja:il for seven months. Fior a long time his ja;iiloirs even wi'tfuheld his marl from him; and as he sat in helplessness and isO'}a'bion, tJhe mi,nions of the new state's power structuire tried to disrupt the ranks of the 1P eople's Party. 27 In the me:antiline caJIDe the elections. A!bout t!hem Hlinlka gave the foHowing testimony: "Unfortunately, the elections did not produce the spectacular results for the Peqp'le's Party that we had every reruson to expect. The People's Party did not receive the ma:jority that it should have received. Reasons for this development run to the hun1drreds: t!h:ey locked us urp, tlhey branded us tra!itor,s, they unlerushed a;gainst us tiheiir soildiers, gen1damnerie, sheriffs and professors . . . Agaiinst us was turned every power - and every means was perm~ss~ble. 'Dhe :riig,ht of assembly was denied uiS: and wihen granted, our meetings were diispersed. 'I'he starved and pauperized Slova;k populace threw itselif into the em/brace of the SocialDemocratic Party, whidh ha;d pre~ously been little known in SlovaJlcia. Two-iliuindred tJhous and soldiers were transfer.red to Sfovaikia - to vote. Ozeoh Olfficia;ls, teachers and function airies were for,ced UipOil us; and these people, numbering ~rmcimately fifty th01.1<s'a.nd, voted against Slo"W!Jk autonomy. Where hunger ~atled, the s<jldiier anid official produced t!he de's1red resulit." 28 The Socialists were not, 8Jild could not be, the sa!lvation of S1wa!kia. On the contrary, the sociia.Uistic "Ozech regi,me in Slova;kfa enstranged Slovakia from Bohemia. It created cha,os, because it drove the people witlh fa.:1se prom~ses in'to the airms of the Internationa!le." 29 1 1 1 1 �SLOVAKIA 73 American S~ovaJks exipected the worst in S1lovaJkia. They envisioned the sprea!d of Somallism and its oo!lrrninabon in Coarumrunii.sm - uniless refor,ms were introdUJced in time. In this context CaJt:Jholic organi!za1Jion-s, in particufar, intensified their ef1forts and soug,ht new ways to help Hlinlka win his objectives. 30 FOOTNOTES 1. Minutes of the annual meeting of the supreme officers of the First Catholic Slovak Union, New York City, January 6-9, 1919, page 73. Husek was a member of the Reconstruction Committee of the Slovak League of America, chairman of which was Dr. Miroslav Francisci, and the other members, John Matlocha, Edward Kovac, and Milan Getting. 2. Joseph Husek wrote several articles about his trip to Slovakia, but the most comprehensive was his contribution to the almanac Jednota for 1920, titled "Co som videl, pocul a skusil na Slovensku." (What I Saw, Heard and Experienced in Slovakia.), pages 33-60. All of the above quotes on Husek's mission are taken from this source. 3. This was a group that styled itself "Mlade Slovensko" (Young Slovakia). Hlas (The Voice) was its journal, and the forum from which it expounded views on literature and life, social and political, all heavily influenced by Masaryk. 4. Minutes of the annual meeting of the supreme officers of the First Catholic Slovak Union, Cleveland, Ohio, January 19-22, 1920, page 8. 5. Cover story on this Congress in the newspaper Jednota, June 4, 1919, page 1. The Congress approved a motion to establish a scholarship fund in memory of General Stefanik for "the support of students and writers in Slovakia and America. The Slovak League will contribute $10,000.00 to this fund, and school-fund collections by various organizations and newspapers are also to be turned over to it." 6. "Prestante!" (Desist!). Jednota, June 4, 1919, page 4. 7. "Eppur si muove." Jednota, October 22, 1919, page 4. 8. See the actual text in the Jednota, October 29, 1919, page 1. 9. " Dohoda, Hlinka a Masaryk" (The Pact, Hlinka and Masaryk). Jednota, November 19, 1919, page 4. 10. "Za krest'anske a autonomne Slovensko" (For a Christian and Autonomous Slovakia). Jednota, November 26, 1919, page 4. Also compare with the story of the meetings in the same issue of the Jednota on page one. Inasmuch as the convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation was postponed, a Slovak Catholic Council was elected from among the delegates in Pittsburgh, which however only served till the convention, and then merged with the Federation. Time moved quickly, and the liberal and Czecho-Slovak oriented groups began to break up local branches of the Slovak League, and to scatter accusations against sympathizers with Hlinka's movement. For this reason Slovak Catholics rallied to the cause. Anti-Slovak activities are touched upon in the article "Za auton6miu"' (For Autonomy) in the Jednota, December 3, 1919, page 4, and in subsequent issues. 11. Compare with the coverage of the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation in the Jednota, December 24, 1919, on page one. The article "Z konvencie Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (From �74 SLOVAKIA the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation) , in the same edition of the Jednota, page 5, notes that all Slovak Catholic organizations were represented at this convention. 12. "Sdruzenie slovenskych katolikov" (The Slovak Catholic Federation ). Jednota, December 31, 1919, page 4. 13. From a letter by the Rev. Andrew Dor{msky, a pastor in Hladovka, Slovakia, dated August 12, 1919, published in the Jednota, September 17, 1919, page 1. 14. "Prednaska Rev. Gracika" (A Lecture by the Rev. Gracik). Jednota, December 10, 1919, page 1. 15. Culen, K. "Strucne dejiny Slovenskej ligy" (A Short History of the Slovak League) . Jednota, August 27, 1958, page 2. 16. "Vystupujem zo Slovenskej ligy" (I am Withdrawing from the Slovak League) . Jedn ota, June 16, 1920, page 4. 17. "Po kongrese" (After the Congress) . Jednota, July 7, 1920, page 4. 18. "Vaznejsie uznesenia Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (Some Important Decisions of the Slovak Catholic Federation) . Jednota, January 28, 1920, page 1. 19. "Nase stanovisko" (Our Standpoint). Jednota, March 17, 1920, page 4. 20. "Este raz Rev. Moysovi" ( Once Again to the Rev. Moys). Jednota, April 21, 1920, page 4. Joseph Husek remained an unswerving adherent of the autonomist idea: "From the standpoint of the enemies of Slovak national distinctivness, Slovak autonomy would constitute virtual suicide-suicide for the idea of Czecho-Slovak national unity! Only a fool could believe that Slovak truth, were it to have behind it the full power of a state, courts, bureau, schools, and the moral and material support of the highly cultured Czech nation, could not successfully resist an immoral and politically bankrupt Magyaronismonly a fool, or someone who considers the Slovak nation a morally debilitated, nationally paralyzed rabble of near-idiots! " "To nie je to prave" (This Isn't the Real Thing) . Jednota, February 18, 1920, page 4. Also see the article "Matez" (Turmoil) , Jednota, March 24, 1920, page 5; and the article "Salus reipublicae suprema lex", Jednota, April 14, 1920, page 4. Among other things, this article states: "For the Slovak politician, the good of the Slovak nation must take precedence over the good of the Republic, or as the case may be, the government. The vital interests of the nation, its natural rights, its national character, may not be sacrificed to the good of the state, the Republic, or the regime. The Republic exists for the nation, not the reverse. The nation is an end, the Republic only a means. The idea of the supremacy of the state (government) must yield to the idea of the supremacy of the nation. Only in monolinguistic democratic states, where the concept of nationality is synonymous with the concept of state, where nationality in reality equates with state and vice versa, can the good of the nation be equated with the good of the state." Husek returns to this theme frequently on the pages of the Jednota in signed and anonymous articles, as well as editorials and remarks. 21. The complete text appears in the Jednota, May 26, 1920, page 5. 22. "Konvencia Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (The Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation). Jednota, October 20, 1920, page 1. 23. "The Slovak Catholic Federation still favors an autonomous Slovakia and will continue to do so until at last. the banner of Slovak autonomy within the framework of a Czecho-Slovak Republic, will �SLOVAKIA 75 wave over our Tatra mountains." Rev. C. K. Vaniscak, O.S.B.: "Po konvencii Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (After the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation) , Jednota, October 20, 1920, page 4. 24. Hrtanek, Klemo. "Koho chcete, abych vam prepustil, Hlinku alebo Moysa?" (Whom Do You Wish I Release to You, Hlinka or Moy~?). Jednota, April 28, 1920, page 4. "Priest or no-priest, come down from the cherry-tree . . . Any Slovak priest who does not fight with us for the martyr Hlinka and his democratic idea, has no right to be called one of us; any priest who favors the Socialists in Prague defeats the legitimate efforts of the Slovaks." 25. The Jednota, in its issue of March 17, 1920, page one, published a letter from Masaryk to his prime minister, Tusar, on the subject of "the so-called Pittsburgh Agreement." Translated from the original Czech, Masaryk's letter reads as follows : "Representatives of American Slovak and Czech organizations resolved in this agreement to combat agitation against a union of the Czechs and Slovaks. The pact was made, it seems to me, largely by American citizens. The Pittsburgh program is one of many pre-revolutionary programs formulated abroad. It has an historical value. The Pittsburgh Pact was contracted between Slovaks and Czechs, and were it to have any validity at all, surely this validity would be predicated on the condition that both parties still agreed on its contents. In the pact itself, toward the end, there is a stipulation that detailed provisions for the organization of the Czecho-Slovak state were to be left to the Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives ; this stipulation was entered because the Czechs and Slovaks at the Pittsburgh meeting understood that Ame· rican citizens had no right to make decisions concerning the definitive organization of the Czecho-Slovak state." Husek, who immediately published the letter in the Jednota, alongside the text of the Pittsburgh Pact enclosed in a black frame, took an entirely different view of the matter, and in commentary, remarked among other things : "the Pittsburgh Pact is valid because it rests on the eternally valid natural rights of nations." (Ibid.) 26. "Za Pittsburghsku dohodu 'kavova nahrazka' " (Instead of the Pittsburgh Pact "ersatz coffee"). Jednota, March 31, 1920, page 4. And the Rev. Dulik comments: "To contract an agreement and then not care whether it is observed or not, amounts to making oneself ridiculous before the world." "Rev. Moysovi" (To the Rev. Moy~). Jednota, March 31, 1920, page 4. 27. Karol Sidor gives a detailed description in his book "Andrej Hlinka", Bratislava 1934. 28. "Apel Hlinkov na Slovakov v Amerike" (Hlinka's Appeal to American Slovaks). Jednota, July 21, 1920, page 4. The Jednota expressed the conviction, even after the defeat of the People's Party, that the national idea "will be stopped by nothing and nobody in its victorious advance." "Vol'by na Slovensku" (The Elections in Slo• vakia). Jednota, May 12, 1920, page 4. 29. "Statarium na Slovensku" (Martial Law in Slovakia) . Jed.nota, August 11, 1920, page 1. "But martial law will not preserve Slovakia for the Czechs! Czech bayonets will not preserve Slovakia for the Czecho-Slovak Republic ... Prague is blind, it does not see the writing on the wall ... " 30. Compare with the article by the president of the Slovak Catholic Federation, Rev. Joseph Dulik: "My netratime nadej" (We are not losing Hope), Jednota, August 11, 1920, page 4, and others. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1966, Vol. 16 Description An account of the resource Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 63 AMIDRIO.AN SLOV:.A.KiS AND '.DHE BEJG]NNJNGS OF 02'JIDOHO-SLOVAKI.A. By Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. In 1907 there was founded in Cleveland, Ohio, an organiiization ,ca:lled the Slovaik LeaJgue of America. This orga'Illization represented a coailition of aiH 1:Jhe existing Slovaik fraite:m al and r~i:giou:s organizations in the United States, and rallied besides, the support of t'he Slovaik clergy, both OatJholic amd Evangelka!l (Lutheran), as well as t!he suipport of the then--e:ristiing Slov:aik-American periodicals. The Slova!k League set as its major goail tJhe lilberation of the SllovaJk nation in its homelaind. For t!his reason it toO!k a srtand for t!he dismaintlement of tJhe .Austro-Hiungarian Empire and e:,oplo;z-ed possiibi'lities for political cooperation wit:Jh the Czech nation. Thiis cooperation reached formal expression in 1:Jhe signing of the Pi'Ubsburgh Pad of May 30, 1918, parties to which were 11epresentatives of the Silova'k Leaigue of America on the one side, and the represenrtatives of the Czech Natriona:l .Alliance and the Union of Czech Ca1fuolics, on the otJher. The Czechs were led by Thomas G. Masaryik, who prepared both .p arties for the aJgreement, aind wiho later became the first president of the O.zechoSlovaik Republiic. The text of tJhe Pittsburgh Paict reads as foHows: The representatives of the Slovak and Czech organizations in the United States-the Slovak League, the Czech National Alliance, and the Union of Czech Catholics-have deliberated, in the presence of the Chairman of the Czecho•Slovak National Council, Professor Masa• ryk, on the Czecho•Slovak question and on our previous program mani• festations, and have resolved as follows: We favor a political program whose purpose it shall be to unite the Czechs and Slovaks into an autonomous state comprising the Czech lands and Slovakia. Slovakia shall have her own administration, her own assembly, and her own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the schools, in public offices, and in the public life in general. The Czecho•Slovak State shall be a republic; its constitution shall be democratic. The cooperation of the Czechs and the Slovaks in the United States shall be intensified and regulated by mutual consent, according to need and changing situations. Detailed provisions relating to the organization of the Czecho· Slovak State shall be left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives. 64 SLOVAKIA It is interesting to tmce the early evolution in the attitude of tJhe Prague government, under T. G. Masaryk, to the Pittsburgh Pact, and to the movement of Andrej HLinika, the eminent Slovak politicail leader, wtho adopted the progra:m of the Paiet. And it is no less interesting to review the thirnlkinig on this matter among American Sfoviaks, a faction of wihom rejected the program and succeeded for a short time in leading astray even the Slova:k League of America. On Maroh 7, 1919 Joseph Rusek left for Slova;kii1a. He was sent by t!he Slovak Lea:gue a;g one of a five-member mission, and the supreme of.ficers of the First Oatholic Slovaik Un:ion, too, at their annual meeting in New York, charged "brother Joseph Husek, editor of our organ 'Jedinota', in the name of 70,000 SlovaJk Catholics organized in tlhe FCSU, as a competent ma:n, to represent us illl the o1d country in matters both ecclesiastical aJild national, and to keep us informed on the state of SioV18lk ailfairs." 1 This was the first important mission of the American Siovruks to the continent after the overthrow of the old order. Joseph Huisek spent ten weeks in Slov&kia and urpon his return presented a comprehen,s ive report of his impressions. He analyzed the times and r!Jhe peop{e, circumstances and events, with great perspicacity, in the newspruper Jednotia and the a,lmainac of the same name. 2 It had been Husek's intention to a:cquaint SlloviaJk leaders with the Ame rican Slovaks' interpretation of the program emlbodied in the Pittsrburg,h Pruct. But in Bratislava his voice fell on deaf ears, because "the government was controlled by individuals, as it is to this day, who saw in the new ord€r an excellent opportunity to acihieve their ideal: the Czechizabiorn of S,l ova kia curlturaHy, economically and politic,ally. And by a standing imposition of martial law they envisioned the possi1bi11rity of intilmida;ting not only elemenrts inimi,ca:l to the Republic, hut also elements inimical to tJhis ideal." These people did not acknowledge the reservations of the American-SlovaJk emissaries. "'Dhey only smirled artfully, as if they pittied me for my naive fai'bh in the fitness of tihe Slovaik nation," wrote Joseph Rusek, ·b y way of commentary to •his conversations in Bratislava, for he saw clearly that the ruling c8iste in Srlova:kia was interested "ilil a com1 1 SLOVAKIA 65 rtsko-~lo1ttll!lk11JQgbl~.. tnmtrettri ll i)ittsbnr9htt. l}n.. bntt ,;o. tndjR. l9ltl • .,ifrr~sttw iMio ~lottttt!ikvch uo ., ll ~kiich o~nnisocif . t •~ ~,P"J•. -'-:t't ~ ll om. - . •~htu t1tsatj 1J~\!~~tho ]Ttlll)~ni.ho.$bttittnfu. . ll ~\!i)!ll frsj1.1,h.~ . " · P•'l"<'lh'1.•,1li t.i pnl.-niu,•;;ti ~~~~t-.'u e,1-1t .... $l..:.•m:-tt,_i "~1Jr.-..1' .,,'!4• ~r,"'f.~h,; ..,1-yh,, . ., ~1-ft,,~Jlct.,i:niok~j ,.....\,h, ,1 ..... th1$i,·b {~\t~:ti:b pr~~;!~l\'?'?Cl•~i.·b pr('_i~-:1.,,'1! r.\ usnt,--.l~-,.l~~,,.a.•\'\.: ! -.. s~b'M !u_irn,~ pditi,·h:i pr.:-~r.t~ uii\ll~U,"\ ~l •' Sp.:-j.:ni~ e.:~h~,i• lt $\i."li,Jk,.. ~ \t ~.,m,;•att1o1hl,'\1' 1ttit, 1. f~-,p.l\lf~-b 1nnl,, Sl\"l\tti:t!th~\~ 4 } ' ,"~""-~ .. :·.:-tc;•~n . . lt.• l;tt~~ mut -..~•-~iu L•l<l1-fn1'.i.)mitliih·..muu.1i,,j ~\j,:·\!1 "~ i,\••:\~ $'UL~~ . ,_S\ci.•(t-:ftn,, ru~..: ,fr,~~n!'t1! j,,iyb.~ t•~\i~l~. ~· Ut",,~~ ,, t,~., t tNi 1"'"'\'\1 !\t, ...,t..! t,;_;~-:-.c. · "€.:~t.,-;,(.,,,,-u1-l,{';;l,1t l-ub.: tt}'u~lik,,u, j~l,..,~.:-1Wtittici" bu ..'-: ~~m""kr"tti4!k-.\. _ ··~•l\'li'!-.i,'t,'\ fp,•lupr.{.:~ e.:cb,"t•" $\.;,i•,tlwv t•c Sp...i. -.:: ., • t1 L • • ·t ' . · ~ ·. '~ ~t-1,t ..--..,h Lru,,,, P•'t. :'"- f"' t r~..,~ ,, mcnt,\~~.t :'1o'\ fl u-1~\<.pn ~}'-' I ..,~o~"t\11 ~~'r-"'?tnn(n\. pr.:hl~~t:..\ ,, '-'}'TOt•~n..i. ·. t: .~ · 1 ~ ,-~ ..... ._\t,.. ~nl t.1,st..,n-:'t~ni~, c- t..\t't'1,'.:1Ul.:-5k~~,l~,tC"Ot~~k~~ ;,1,1tu }'-'ll~.:b,ll.•,i.iu ;," •'!W••r,•~~nym €.i.:!icm ,, Sl,'l C1hcm "icb _ prJi,,•pl.ltni1m pN,'11-t,wit.:l,'tlt." 1 ====---- I w -{. . L_._ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _J Photographic reproduction of the original copy of the Pittsburgh Pact ("Pittsburghska Dohoda") plete merging of 1Jhe Slmr31k nart~on wi1:!h tlhe Czeoh." Burt on the 01:!her hand he also ascertained tihat "Masary,k's ideology of tJhe nationa,,l unity of Slovaks and Czecihs was completely foreign to the ordinary Slovaik person." 3 And it did not escape Husek's observation that ''the oe SLOVAKIA Slov~s !have no desire fo:r the kind of democraitic wwk that haJS to be performed in the shadow of Czech bayonets!" He 01Scertained that the Czeoho-Slovaik Pairliament was gravely deficient in point of "ropresenrta'tion for the SlovaJk nation. Agriculture and the triades haid not a single representative firom among tJhei'r own rarrk!s, and in any case, members of pairliaiment were nominated and a,ppointed by the regime ibselif, whicih ma!kes no seoret of its intentions to consolidate its power at every cost, and whfoh pursues a poli~ica[, cu1tural and economic course that ha,s bhe support of only a smaifil minority of bhe Slovak nation." He noted that bhe policies of bhli s government ran oouniter to the interests of bhe Slovia'k people. Husek verified tllrough his own Olbservations tJhat "in PraJgue many influential pdlitidans want aJbsolurtely no tr,uok with the idea tJhait Slovakia belongs to tJhe Slovaks and that the Slova:ks have no need to go to Piriague for tutelage in the management of bheir own land and nation. Indeed, Pra,gue is completely at a loss as to what to do in its own bailiwick. Politioal chaos reigns in Bohemia. 'flhe national assemlbly speaJks with twenty tongues. Not one faction aictua'lly knows what it wants . .A!I1d in the maisses tJhe most prevalent pdlitic'al orientatfon is Bollshevism." Of suoh stuf.f, too, were the OzechlS who cMne to Slov,a,kia. Hrusek oharaoteri!.zed them aJS fol!lows : "The arrogance am.d domineering attitude of some Czeclhs in Slov.akia was indeed Ml af:firont. And I encountered these maniifestation,s, in per,son, frequently during my stay i'n the old country. I e,cperienced them on tJhe tr,aJirnis and in tlhe restaiurants. On the trams you were comfuaintly being jostled aside for some Ozedh dignilbairy, while in tJhe restaiurants your order WaJS taiken only after 1:Jhe Ozooh had reccived his ... It is a major fault witih many of OUT Czeoh brethren, and not tihe leaist with men of culrttvalbi.on, that tlley do not ,consider the ,Slova,k an equa•l citizen of the Republic." In the political sphere Husek saw cleair signs tJhait the rulling regime in Slov,ailcia haJd no desire to even hear of aultonomy. 'Dhe regime considered tihe autonom:i!sts traitors. It WaJS Huook's finding that a great gaip separated the policie'S of 1:Jhe Slova!k LeaJgue of Amerioa fram the tJhmktmg of tihe current rulers in Slovakia. 6i SLOVAKIA On tJhe subject of autQIIlomy, writes Joseph Husek, "Hlirrrka aJlone g,ave me a clear...oot srtatement - he liives and dies for the American pa,dt . . . Hli'nlka stamds for autooomy antd a Ohrisitian world-view. He stamlds for autonomy becaiuse he sees in it the assu:rainrce of a better future for Ms naJtion, and a gual'amtee of the firee growt:Jh of its natio n.1aJl cu1lture and economy, as weJ1l as a bai:rder to Ozeoh materialilsm and atheism ... Hlmka stand1s for •autonomy because he is Slov,aJk, not Ozeclho-Slovaik ! . . . And besides, it mmt be said of H]i[llka tJhat he loves his naltion warriznrly, truly and entirely seMllessly; he is ready to sacl'ifice evecytlhing for it - whircih is something I camnot in good con,s cience say a!bout many of his opponents." In regard to Joseph Husek'is trirp as "a:n emliss,rury of the Amwican Sfovakis" A. J. Pirha!11a, president of the F1irrist Catholic Slovak Union, commented: "'he accomplished a ,g reat deal of wortJhwhile wo"Pk. His detailed rerport gave us an accurate, clear and specific rev-iew of the situation in Slova,kia. " 4 Hrusek and MH'an Gettilllg presented the reports on tJhcir Slo'ViaJkian trirp at the 12'1:Jh Oongress of tihe SlovaJk Le•ague of America, wh~-c'h todk plaice on May 29, 1919 ilil Scranton, Pennsylva,nia. Getting ,prorposed that the League send the "Slovak Administration" a printing press vail ued at $50,000.00, and in addit-ilon, to Mr. Sirobar, finamcirail a:ssistance in tihe amount of $10,000.00. 'Dhe Congress rupproved t'he proposal, and a•l so moved to send sixty-thousamd dollar3 wO'!'th of clothing to Slovaikia. 5 Husek wrote after tJhe congress: "HHnika is the forunder, president amd guiding spitrit of tlhe SloWJk People's Party, wihldh wiH play a great, if ndt decishre, role in the history of Slovaik'ia, and whiiC'h claims the loyalty of ahnost a'1.!l the patriotiic S'lov~k clergy, even of those who do not approve m ,i:nka'·s -bi'tter anrd unrestrai,ned critilcism of 1:Jh~ administration i01 Braitirs]ra va." 6 In th±s vein Joseph Husek filled tlhe columTIJS Olf · the newspaper Jednota through the year 1919. He subjected the Prrugue regime and its functionaries in Bratislava to shar,p criticism. He believed fifflllly tJhiat ''oniy through aiutonomy wou'ld it be poss~ble to purt Slovaikila finmly on its feet! . . . 'Dhe Slovaks need aiutanomy mairrrly to preserve their national existence. But without srpecific leg~si.ation 1 68 SLOVAKIA there will be no self-rule of any kiJnid." The sel!f-ru[e "that Slov:aikia has today its not only worbhiless, but even positively pernrjlciou1s. Suoh 'selrf..1rule' demoraJl.ilzes pulbJi.c Hfe in Sloviaikia aind stirs the natiQIIl to open revoU.'' 7 On October 24, 1919, the execubi.ive committtee of tJhe SlovaJk League of Arm.edoa approved a memoramtdurm. addressed to the "policy-rm.1a;king fundt,iana11ieis" ( of t'he Czeoho-Slovaik gavernrrnent), in wihi'clh it oaUed for tJhe implementatiton of the Pit'tsburglh P.aiot. 8 A concentrated fig,ht agiainst Hilinka got under way. The fig,ht WaJS OO'gani.ized on two fronts: in Sfovakia, and in America; •a nd the f.ight gmdruaHy gained ground even ilil tJhe SfovaJk League. As H'linlka was returrning :6rom the peruce conference in Parris, on the evening of October 12, 1919, he wais arrested and spirited away to Mirrov prison. The baJSiis for hiJS arrest waJs hlis 1Jr1p to Piari.is and his a:ttempt there to place before the pea;ce conference, Sfo.viak demands as contaJitned in tJhe P,iUsburr1gih Pact. "If HHn:ka had gone to Pari.is, tJhougih the wa:y hakl led through Budapest, for the purpose of protesting the Bad - let's put the matter squarely on the taJble - the Ozecho..,Slovak ,press iand the Czeoho~SlovaJk gov,ernment would today be prarsing Hli!n!ka to the highest heaven, and everywhere he would be hera:lded as the future rurchb1shop of S'lovaikfa ! . . . Hliillka, therefore, witl!l face tria•l on behaJlf of our P,ruct, aJnd in effoct it will be our P.ruct tJhat will be on trial . . . And because this Pact, whloh ts to go on t'l'ial ~n Olom,o uc, 1s ours, in effect it will be we American Slovaks wiho wi'l'l face trila:l - ()lllT con'triburtion to the revolutionary struggle." 9 To the Uruted StaJrtes oa;me Hltinka's representath,es, Rev. Joseipfri Rudrnisiky and Joseph KU!bala, wiho called a meeting of S'1ovalk Crut:Jholic priests irn Piit1:Jsbu'I"gh 01I1 November 19, 1919, an1d om the following day, a meeting of the represen1ia.1t!ives of Slovak Oaitholiic org,anii!zations, loldiges and newspa;pers. Rerv. Joseph Du'lik of Olyphant, Penn!sy<lw.nia, pres•i!ded at the meeting of 1:Jhe clergy, and Atrrdrew J. Birha!&, presildent of the FiTlst Ca1Jholic S1l0Vlalk Union, at the second meetiinig. Both meet:Jing,s devei~oped g,uideliines for aiction by Slovruk Catholics of America, aJnd issued in a spontaneous determination to defend Aindrew Hlilillkia. Pla;n:s well"e made to expoiSe to the pub]i!c ruH fille events surround!ing Hlinlka's trip to Paris and his subsequent imprisonment. 1 1 SLOVAKIA 69 The pu11pose of the Pittsburg,h meeting was: "1. To lay a foundation for wide 8Jl1d e:fifective publi<city and a:gitation for Sriovalkian 0Jutonomy within the frame-worik of the Ozeciho-,S,lovaJk Republic; 2. To 13/Un'Ch a movement for the creation of a OatJholic press fund, for the Sll.llpport of Catholi:c l<iterature ... Arrnerica,n S·1nVia1ks do nro t cornsiider the Paict a scrap of pruper: tfuey wr~l underibake everyrtlhilng irn theirr power to whieve its recogndltion. And tn a,ddiition to this, aifter so ma,ny disruppoi1nitment:Js from both tihe SIOVaJk Lea,g,ue, and spokesmen for tfue Ozeehio-S lov,aik goveirnment, they have ehosern t!he only proper courne: tlhey demand th1at the Pact be incorporated in the provi'81ion:s of the P.aris Pea.ice Treaty." 10 1 1 These meetings received an eX!tension, in effect, in the convention of the S~ov·a k Ca1:lho'lic Federation, held in Scranton, Pennsylv,ania, on December 18, 1919. This organization's delegate, Rev. Anton Gmdk, ha.id just returned from Slovaikioa, and he confirmed tJhe coniolusion,s of Hooek, Rudinsky, and K111ba1a. 'J.'1he conventiOIIl, therefoTe, moved to support, in full, Hilin:ka's activities and tJhe Pittsbuirgih Pact. 11 lniaJSmuc'h a.is the leadersthiilp of the S'lov:alk Leag,ue ha:d entetred the services of ''anti.,SiloviaJk and aniti-Ohristian poli,cies," 12 the SlovaJk CatJholic Federation beg,ain to taike noltdce of the politkail si tu ation in SJ.ovaikia. Srrovalk Catho4iics begam taking a heig,htened internst in t,h e n1ationa:l program because the Prague regime had proved itselif not on!ly anti-S1lovaik, but also amti-Oat!ho•l k. "The beMigerent merusuires undeI'balken by the Ozeicihs agairnst the Catholli,c Church a,nd the reH:gions sentiments of believing Slovalks" 13 ciolrld su1c1ceed only in arousing everyfbody. Rev. GraJcik, speaking from hi,s personal observa,tions in Slovakia, dec'l aired: "\Religion hars complete freedom in the Ozecho-Slo'W!Jk Republic, guaranteed by law. But filris f.reedom in only on paper. Nort erven 20 % of the p111blic sti:H be'l~eves in thi s reli•gio1rns freedom. Power rest:Js m 1Jhe han'd s of Sodail-De mocratk atheists, nom.--!believeris; and these people are aJbusing 1!heir power in an attempt to per;pe1tnmte their pairtisan conrtiro1l, and to entren,c h tJheir posirbions. ThU!s, re'ligious :fireedOIJll exists only on pruper and tJhe Ohuircih ooduires cons~deraJble suffering . . . Ln S10V1all da, except for prlimera and bi:bles, no Catlholi1c literaiture is cmrently being publ'islhed. The Ozeciho-SlovaJk government 1hrus completeily stopped 1 1 1 1 70 SLOVAKIA Catlhol~c presses, suppressed ail OaltJhiolic per'iodicaJ1'S. The Catholic sohool youth is prohilbiited :f.irom organi1z ing in defence of its religficntJS sentiments." 14 Towarids the en!d of 1919 tJhe president of tJhe Sli0W1Jk League, Albert Mamaitej, tiriaveled to S1ovaJkia, 0JI1d returned wiifu a letter from Dr. Mfillan Hoooa, a SlavaJk pol.ritircian on 1:Jhe side of tJhe Ozecfus, wlhi!dh promrlised a definite, sart:isfactory stabi'liz,ati:on of the relaitionlsihiiip between the Ozeoos amid Slo'V'aikls. HoweveT, the resulits of MaJmatej's journey "could be desori:bed, on bailance, only as negative." 15 For the Amerioam SlovaJks, he brought baok more promi:ses from the Ptmgue regime; for himseJrf, he broug,ht badk a committment from Prague that he would be awarded tJhe post of Ozedho-SlovaJk conS'l.1!1 in Bittsburgh. His aJppointment caJme through in Septem1ber 1920. The XII]tJh Congress of the Slova1k Leagure of America, whidh took p'lace at the end of J'll!l1e 1920 in MiilwaJUlkee, Wisconsin, transpired in a ,c ompletely di:£ferent atmosphere from thait of its predecessoI'S. On J1Une 16 Joseph Husek puibiJJioly announced his withd<rawaJl from the League, whose leaJdeirshi!p "is moraHy amd finandaiHy supporting agitation and opposition to the PiittJs'lmrgh PaJct." 16 'Dhe SlovaJk League haJd joined battle witlh t!he wtonmni,stls in America, and bJaJd even given tadd assenlt to the waJgin:g of sUJoh a battle in Slovaklia, at a time that WaJS oritiicaJl, since the na'tiornai election1s Olf 1920 were drawilng neaT. For 1:Jhis reaJson not one S'lav,aJk CaJt:lholic organization in America sent de'leg,ates to 1:Jhe XIILtih Congress, and Husek, after t he Oong,ress warned: 1 ..'Tihe League has ceased to be the mOTal and offioiail representative of the AmeI'icam-Sloviaik colony." 17 RepresentaJtives of Slovak CaJthidlics, under the leaJdership af the S1ovaik OatholJ.i<c Federation and tlhe ot!her orgaJI1izations working in C'1ose ooopera'tion with it, began to taJke over the League's erat-w:hile role in the defence of SllOV1aJk nationaJl rights. On Ja.nuaJry 14, 1920, the cenwail committee of the SlovaJk Catholic Federat•i on "voted 100,000 crowns as a personal girft to the Rev. Andrew HEmlka, our leader, t!he imprisoned SlavaJk martyr. It also rupproved a Clheok in the amownt SLOVAKIA 71 of $5,000.00 as a stop-gap aid to old-country Catholics, for Catholic aiction. l1t furrtiher passed a motion to issue memoria1 staimps bearing the i'mage of H!lliJ11lm and an inrsm"ilption of his motto ... Dr. Joseph Rudinsky was aippoonted to t'he position of organizer in the Slovak Oa:tholic Fedwarbion, arnd MT. Joseph KUJba:11a was nirumed a,siistanrt to the comptTolileT." 18 The president of the Slovak Oathol1k FedeTation, Rev. Joseph :Dulik, reminded t'he memlbershilp tJhat tJhe basic provisions of the co,nstitution of the Ozeoho-Slovaik Repulblric remaJined inadequate ilil the opinlion of tJhe Federation, and that tJhe lrust ooniverition haJd taiken a position "in suipport of S1ova!kiam aJUtonomy, as g,ururanteed to tJhe Slovruk nation in tJhe PlilftsbuTgh Pact." 19 And in the same vein, the Rev. :DuHk exip:ressed his view on the issue: "We aire foT the Ozecihio.,Slovruk Repufb'li<:, 'body and sou[ - but only on condition tJhat we receive in it what is ouT due." 20 From 1:Jhis standpoint 1fuere was great va:lue in the message of the SIJ:ovak Cathollic Fedevation to "ouir brothers in SfovaJkia", by which historic realities concerning American SfovaJks were put in proper fomis, and a demand was registered "for the incorpOTaltion of tJhe suibstamce of the Pittsburg,h Pact in the basic 11aw of tJhe Repuibl~c." 21 '.Dhe stand of the FedeTation inspired tJhe Slova:k-American community. At its conrvention of 13 and 14 OctO'beT, 1920, in Chicago, the recoros revealed t!hat the Slovalk CartJholic Federation "numbered 17'5 strong men's brandhes, and 14 women's brancihes; and its membership haJd risen to close to twenty thousand. This g,rowfu dated from onily ten months ba;ck." 22 '.Dhe pr,ogram of the Federation with respect to nationaEty matters remained unchanged: autonomy a:s set for!Jh and defined in the Pittsburgh Pact. 23 To the United States came ort!her emissaries, too. These were tlhe agents of tJhe Brague regime, Rev. LaJdis1aiv Moys, a Catlholiic priest, rund the Sooiial..,Democvat Jiohrn Pocislk, whose assignment wa;s to swing pu!b'lic opinion among American Slovaks to tJhe side of 1Jhe Ozeciho-,Slovruks and rugaJinst the SlovaJk People's Party. But American Silovaikrs were not swayed by the mission, despite its ecclesiasticaJl traJppings, because they knew it traveled rubout the country on funds 72 SLOVAKIA provided by Prague. 'l'hey gave no credence to Moys becaruse "he associates and cooperates, works hand in hand, with Socia'li,s ts." 24 Nor were Slovruk Catho'lios shiaJken by Maisrurytk's cli!savowa:l of his sigrrature on t!he Plirttsbmg1h Pact, or by his deo}ruration that 1fue Pa;ct wrus inrva!lid.25 They reaJCted with dignity, becaJU!se their chief concern was to "remain tirue to the honor of t!he SlovaJk nation." 26 In t!he uneven battJle between Andirew Hlinika and fue organized power of Prague and its SUipporting p<jli.tical prurties, the assistaJnce of American Sloviaks was extraordinari1ly wekome. Andrew H1inlka sat innocently in a Oze0h ja:il for seven months. Fior a long time his ja;iiloirs even wi'tfuheld his marl from him; and as he sat in helplessness and isO'}a'bion, tJhe mi,nions of the new state's power structuire tried to disrupt the ranks of the 1P eople's Party. 27 In the me:antiline caJIDe the elections. A!bout t!hem Hlinlka gave the foHowing testimony: "Unfortunately, the elections did not produce the spectacular results for the Peqp'le's Party that we had every reruson to expect. The People's Party did not receive the ma:jority that it should have received. Reasons for this development run to the hun1drreds: t!h:ey locked us urp, tlhey branded us tra!itor,s, they unlerushed a;gainst us tiheiir soildiers, gen1damnerie, sheriffs and professors . . . Agaiinst us was turned every power - and every means was perm~ss~ble. 'Dhe :riig,ht of assembly was denied uiS: and wihen granted, our meetings were diispersed. 'I'he starved and pauperized Slova;k populace threw itselif into the em/brace of the SocialDemocratic Party, whidh ha;d pre~ously been little known in SlovaJlcia. Two-iliuindred tJhous and soldiers were transfer.red to Sfovaikia - to vote. Ozeoh Olfficia;ls, teachers and function airies were for,ced UipOil us; and these people, numbering ~rmcimately fifty th01.1<s'a.nd, voted against Slo"W!Jk autonomy. Where hunger ~atled, the s<jldiier anid official produced t!he de's1red resulit." 28 The Socialists were not, 8Jild could not be, the sa!lvation of S1wa!kia. On the contrary, the sociia.Uistic "Ozech regi,me in Slova;kfa enstranged Slovakia from Bohemia. It created cha,os, because it drove the people witlh fa.:1se prom~ses in'to the airms of the Internationa!le." 29 1 1 1 1 SLOVAKIA 73 American S~ovaJks exipected the worst in S1lovaJkia. They envisioned the sprea!d of Somallism and its oo!lrrninabon in Coarumrunii.sm - uniless refor,ms were introdUJced in time. In this context CaJt:Jholic organi!za1Jion-s, in particufar, intensified their ef1forts and soug,ht new ways to help Hlinlka win his objectives. 30 FOOTNOTES 1. Minutes of the annual meeting of the supreme officers of the First Catholic Slovak Union, New York City, January 6-9, 1919, page 73. Husek was a member of the Reconstruction Committee of the Slovak League of America, chairman of which was Dr. Miroslav Francisci, and the other members, John Matlocha, Edward Kovac, and Milan Getting. 2. Joseph Husek wrote several articles about his trip to Slovakia, but the most comprehensive was his contribution to the almanac Jednota for 1920, titled "Co som videl, pocul a skusil na Slovensku." (What I Saw, Heard and Experienced in Slovakia.), pages 33-60. All of the above quotes on Husek's mission are taken from this source. 3. This was a group that styled itself "Mlade Slovensko" (Young Slovakia). Hlas (The Voice) was its journal, and the forum from which it expounded views on literature and life, social and political, all heavily influenced by Masaryk. 4. Minutes of the annual meeting of the supreme officers of the First Catholic Slovak Union, Cleveland, Ohio, January 19-22, 1920, page 8. 5. Cover story on this Congress in the newspaper Jednota, June 4, 1919, page 1. The Congress approved a motion to establish a scholarship fund in memory of General Stefanik for "the support of students and writers in Slovakia and America. The Slovak League will contribute $10,000.00 to this fund, and school-fund collections by various organizations and newspapers are also to be turned over to it." 6. "Prestante!" (Desist!). Jednota, June 4, 1919, page 4. 7. "Eppur si muove." Jednota, October 22, 1919, page 4. 8. See the actual text in the Jednota, October 29, 1919, page 1. 9. " Dohoda, Hlinka a Masaryk" (The Pact, Hlinka and Masaryk). Jednota, November 19, 1919, page 4. 10. "Za krest'anske a autonomne Slovensko" (For a Christian and Autonomous Slovakia). Jednota, November 26, 1919, page 4. Also compare with the story of the meetings in the same issue of the Jednota on page one. Inasmuch as the convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation was postponed, a Slovak Catholic Council was elected from among the delegates in Pittsburgh, which however only served till the convention, and then merged with the Federation. Time moved quickly, and the liberal and Czecho-Slovak oriented groups began to break up local branches of the Slovak League, and to scatter accusations against sympathizers with Hlinka's movement. For this reason Slovak Catholics rallied to the cause. Anti-Slovak activities are touched upon in the article "Za auton6miu"' (For Autonomy) in the Jednota, December 3, 1919, page 4, and in subsequent issues. 11. Compare with the coverage of the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation in the Jednota, December 24, 1919, on page one. The article "Z konvencie Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (From 74 SLOVAKIA the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation) , in the same edition of the Jednota, page 5, notes that all Slovak Catholic organizations were represented at this convention. 12. "Sdruzenie slovenskych katolikov" (The Slovak Catholic Federation ). Jednota, December 31, 1919, page 4. 13. From a letter by the Rev. Andrew Dor{msky, a pastor in Hladovka, Slovakia, dated August 12, 1919, published in the Jednota, September 17, 1919, page 1. 14. "Prednaska Rev. Gracika" (A Lecture by the Rev. Gracik). Jednota, December 10, 1919, page 1. 15. Culen, K. "Strucne dejiny Slovenskej ligy" (A Short History of the Slovak League) . Jednota, August 27, 1958, page 2. 16. "Vystupujem zo Slovenskej ligy" (I am Withdrawing from the Slovak League) . Jedn ota, June 16, 1920, page 4. 17. "Po kongrese" (After the Congress) . Jednota, July 7, 1920, page 4. 18. "Vaznejsie uznesenia Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (Some Important Decisions of the Slovak Catholic Federation) . Jednota, January 28, 1920, page 1. 19. "Nase stanovisko" (Our Standpoint). Jednota, March 17, 1920, page 4. 20. "Este raz Rev. Moysovi" ( Once Again to the Rev. Moys). Jednota, April 21, 1920, page 4. Joseph Husek remained an unswerving adherent of the autonomist idea: "From the standpoint of the enemies of Slovak national distinctivness, Slovak autonomy would constitute virtual suicide-suicide for the idea of Czecho-Slovak national unity! Only a fool could believe that Slovak truth, were it to have behind it the full power of a state, courts, bureau, schools, and the moral and material support of the highly cultured Czech nation, could not successfully resist an immoral and politically bankrupt Magyaronismonly a fool, or someone who considers the Slovak nation a morally debilitated, nationally paralyzed rabble of near-idiots! " "To nie je to prave" (This Isn't the Real Thing) . Jednota, February 18, 1920, page 4. Also see the article "Matez" (Turmoil) , Jednota, March 24, 1920, page 5; and the article "Salus reipublicae suprema lex", Jednota, April 14, 1920, page 4. Among other things, this article states: "For the Slovak politician, the good of the Slovak nation must take precedence over the good of the Republic, or as the case may be, the government. The vital interests of the nation, its natural rights, its national character, may not be sacrificed to the good of the state, the Republic, or the regime. The Republic exists for the nation, not the reverse. The nation is an end, the Republic only a means. The idea of the supremacy of the state (government) must yield to the idea of the supremacy of the nation. Only in monolinguistic democratic states, where the concept of nationality is synonymous with the concept of state, where nationality in reality equates with state and vice versa, can the good of the nation be equated with the good of the state." Husek returns to this theme frequently on the pages of the Jednota in signed and anonymous articles, as well as editorials and remarks. 21. The complete text appears in the Jednota, May 26, 1920, page 5. 22. "Konvencia Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (The Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation). Jednota, October 20, 1920, page 1. 23. "The Slovak Catholic Federation still favors an autonomous Slovakia and will continue to do so until at last. the banner of Slovak autonomy within the framework of a Czecho-Slovak Republic, will SLOVAKIA 75 wave over our Tatra mountains." Rev. C. K. Vaniscak, O.S.B.: "Po konvencii Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (After the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation) , Jednota, October 20, 1920, page 4. 24. Hrtanek, Klemo. "Koho chcete, abych vam prepustil, Hlinku alebo Moysa?" (Whom Do You Wish I Release to You, Hlinka or Moy~?). Jednota, April 28, 1920, page 4. "Priest or no-priest, come down from the cherry-tree . . . Any Slovak priest who does not fight with us for the martyr Hlinka and his democratic idea, has no right to be called one of us; any priest who favors the Socialists in Prague defeats the legitimate efforts of the Slovaks." 25. The Jednota, in its issue of March 17, 1920, page one, published a letter from Masaryk to his prime minister, Tusar, on the subject of "the so-called Pittsburgh Agreement." Translated from the original Czech, Masaryk's letter reads as follows : "Representatives of American Slovak and Czech organizations resolved in this agreement to combat agitation against a union of the Czechs and Slovaks. The pact was made, it seems to me, largely by American citizens. The Pittsburgh program is one of many pre-revolutionary programs formulated abroad. It has an historical value. The Pittsburgh Pact was contracted between Slovaks and Czechs, and were it to have any validity at all, surely this validity would be predicated on the condition that both parties still agreed on its contents. In the pact itself, toward the end, there is a stipulation that detailed provisions for the organization of the Czecho-Slovak state were to be left to the Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives ; this stipulation was entered because the Czechs and Slovaks at the Pittsburgh meeting understood that Ame· rican citizens had no right to make decisions concerning the definitive organization of the Czecho-Slovak state." Husek, who immediately published the letter in the Jednota, alongside the text of the Pittsburgh Pact enclosed in a black frame, took an entirely different view of the matter, and in commentary, remarked among other things : "the Pittsburgh Pact is valid because it rests on the eternally valid natural rights of nations." (Ibid.) 26. "Za Pittsburghsku dohodu 'kavova nahrazka' " (Instead of the Pittsburgh Pact "ersatz coffee"). Jednota, March 31, 1920, page 4. And the Rev. Dulik comments: "To contract an agreement and then not care whether it is observed or not, amounts to making oneself ridiculous before the world." "Rev. Moysovi" (To the Rev. Moy~). Jednota, March 31, 1920, page 4. 27. Karol Sidor gives a detailed description in his book "Andrej Hlinka", Bratislava 1934. 28. "Apel Hlinkov na Slovakov v Amerike" (Hlinka's Appeal to American Slovaks). Jednota, July 21, 1920, page 4. The Jednota expressed the conviction, even after the defeat of the People's Party, that the national idea "will be stopped by nothing and nobody in its victorious advance." "Vol'by na Slovensku" (The Elections in Slo• vakia). Jednota, May 12, 1920, page 4. 29. "Statarium na Slovensku" (Martial Law in Slovakia) . Jed.nota, August 11, 1920, page 1. "But martial law will not preserve Slovakia for the Czechs! Czech bayonets will not preserve Slovakia for the Czecho-Slovak Republic ... Prague is blind, it does not see the writing on the wall ... " 30. Compare with the article by the president of the Slovak Catholic Federation, Rev. Joseph Dulik: "My netratime nadej" (We are not losing Hope), Jednota, August 11, 1920, page 4, and others.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource American Slovaks and the Beginning of Czecho-Slovakia Description An account of the resource Joseph Paučo, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966 pp. 63-75 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/8ece0905832f6c07ea3b4ef134836c1b.pdf 8b7a48ca63cf6a9520576e837e68fe19 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 41 New Interests 1900-1914 SLOVAKS IN THE U.S.A. By James J. Zatk o, Ph. D ., University of Notre D ame By 1900 growing Slovak nationalism had begun to grip the Slovak immigrants, and during the next decade and a half the Slovaks agitated for distinotly Slovak institutions, for Slovak education, and for Slovak liberation overseas from Hungarian control. What seemed the most important need of the Slovak immigrants to many thinking minds was Slovak education. Some Catholics found the cause of religious decline in the non-confessional Slovak schools that others advocated and established. Public schools seemed equally pernicious to their mind as being Protestant schools. Too much Americanization injured faith and morals. To them the great answer was Slovak Catholic schools; but these were practically non-existent. Some pastors just were not interested in schools, Slovak or Catholic. The debts resulting from building churches weighted down the parishes and blocked any ambitious program of school construction. Often Slovaks were too scattered throughout a region to support their own church and school.1 However, the crucial obstacle was a lack of Slovak teachers. Even if schools were built, they might be Catholic schools, but they would not be Slovak schools, for there were not enough Slovak teachers. As early as 1900 Rev. M. Jankola, a Catholic priest, suggested a solution, Slovak nuns to teach in Slovak schools, but this suggestion took almost ten years to mature. 2 Nevertheless, schools were not entirely neglected during these first years of the twentieth century. In 1900 the Rev. Bartholomew Kvitek, a Catholic priest, organized the Slovak school of St. Michael's parish in Chicago; and in 1902 the first Vincentian Sisters of Charity arrived from Slovakia to serve in St. Michael's parish in Braddock, Pa., where they took charge of the parochial school's 65 students. 3 Plans for non-confessional schools never came to very much, because the Slovaks were opposed to education without religion. 4 In 1900 the Slovaks won a local victory over the Hungarians when their protests blocked the erection of Louis Kossuth's statue in the public square of Cleveland. When Count �42 SLOVAKIA Albert Apponyi and forty delegates arrived in America during the World's Fair at St. Louis in 1904, the Slovaks presented a Memorandum recounting their objections against the electoral system in Hungary and Magyarization. Although the Count refused even to discuss Slovak grievances, ,the Memorandum at least informed public opinion about undemocratic election procedures and anti-Slovak schools. 5 However, all anti-Magyar agitation was focussed by the creation in 1907 of the Slovak League of America on May 26, in Cleveland, Ohio, by seven thousand delegates. The League became an alliance of Slovak educational, fraternal, and religious groups in this country. The purposes of the League were to educate Slovaks everywhere, to uplift them here in America and elsewhere morally, economically, socially and politically. 6 It became the leader in the drive to alleviate political conditions in Slovakia, but its efforts might have been still-born had not the Massacre of Cernova on the 27th of October, 1907 aroused not only Slovaks but world opinion. To understand this ev,e nt some facts need to be reviewed. The Rev. Andrew Hlinka, a Catholic priest both pious and devoted to the political and social welfare of the Slovaks, in 1897 became editor of The People's News and fought the Magyarization program of the gov,e rnment; his speeches and writings helped elect seven Slovaks to the Hungarian Parliament in 1906. He and fifteen other Slovaks were arrested and tried for "agitation against Hungarian nationality". Hlinka was fined 1500 crowns and costs of 680 crowns and sentenced to two years in prison. In a farewell message to his parishioners he declared thart he would gladly suffer imprisonment to secure recognition of the Slovak nation. For this he received another eighteen months and a fine of 400 crowns. 7 Prior to this the Rev. A. Hlinka had been appointed pastor in his native city, Ruzomberok; in the quarter known as Cernova he had begun building a new church for which he collected funds from all over Slovakia. He had in the meantime been suspended by Bishop Parvy, an ardent pro-Magyar. When the church in Cernova was to be dedicated, the parishioners refused to permit the blessing, unless their pastor returned to them. On October 27, 1907 gendarmes marched into Cernova to help keep order, and they lined the streets leading to the church. That morning coaches arrived bringing the Rev. Pazurik from Llkavka and other visitors to conduct the dedi- �SLOVAKIA 43 cation. When the people blockaded the road, the coachman began to lay about his whip in order to drive his horses through the crowd ; some men seized the horses' bridles to turn them around. An order was given to the gendarmes to open fire. Instantly nine people fell dead, men, women, and children, and six more died of their wounds later. 8 The National Slovak Society immediately took in hand the problem of aid for the widows and orphans that resulted from the Cernova Massacre and voted $2,000 for r•elief.9 While political nationalism received immense stimulus from the Massacre, nationalism began to play a greater role in the sphere of religion after 1900. Under the influence of their nationalism, the Slovaks began to feel their unity as a group and their need of exclusivness as a nation. This led to organization on a unique national basis in religion and to demands for r•ecognizing the "rights of Slovaks" in religious matters, like organization of synods for the Lutherans, Catholic action groups for the Slovak Catholics, and teaching of Slovak in the schools. The Slovak Lutherans formed the Slovak Evangelical Lutheran Synod of the United States of America with headquarters in Whiting, Indiana. This Synod was founded in the church of St. Peter, September 2, 1902, at Connellsville, Pa. A beginning had been made in Mahanoy City, Pa., but more definite steps were taken at conferences in Wilkes-Barre, Pa., and Braddock, Pa.; in the actual founding all the Slovak ministers and congregations cooperated. The Synod used the Slovak language in services and sermons, except where unusual circumstances required the use of English. Even the children wer,e taught their religion in Slovak. The Synod obtained its funds from prescribed contributions of the various parishes belonging to it. In Cleveland it owned a considerable prope1;ty intended for a Lutheran orphanage. The of.ficial organ was the Svedo k, which began in 1906 and was published twice a month.10 The troubled relations of Catholicism with Slovak nationalism continued to split various groups. A National Slovak Sokol had been established to include all Sokol activities in the United States; but discrimination against Catholics led to the creation of the Slovak Catholic Sokol in 1905; the headquarters of this group were in Passaic, N. J. The Slovak Catholic Sokol began publishing its own paper, the Katolicky �44 SLOVAKIA Sokol, and launched an extensive program to attract Slovak youth in gymnastics, athletics, and social activities. 11 The most violent conflict among Slovaks of the first decade of the twentieth century involved Slovak nationalism, but it was a conflict within the Catholic group between Catholic Nationalists and the Madarones. The founder of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Rev. Stephen Furdek, called for an annual Slovak day that was to renew the Catholic spirit and attachment to Slovak nationality. The first Slovak day was to be called the Catholic Congress. This evoked bitter opposition in letters and even a telegram to Bishop Michael J . Hoban of Scranton from the Rev. Kossalko who denounced the whole project as "pan-slavistic" and as an attempt to set up a national church. When Bishop Hoban sanctioned the Slovak Day or Catholic Congress in Wilkes-Barre, Pa., by addressing it on September 3, 1906, Kossalko's rage knew no bounds. He addressed a Memorandum, signed by a large number of Madarone Slovak clergy, to the Apostolic Delegate and the archbishops of the United States. He demanded a condemnation of the affair. The Memorandum expressed fear for the unity of the church and the salvation of 500,000 souls, and accused the Slovak Catholics of working for "panslavism", which was inimical to Hungary, Germany, and the United States. However, Bishop Hoban's influence shielded the Catholic Slovak clergy and no action was taken.12 This event discredited the Madarones. Within the framework of the Catholic Church in the United States Slovak Catholics became involved in a struggle to preserve what they considered their national rights. There were arguments with non-Slovak pastors over hiring organists who would be able to teach Slovak to the children. 13 At other times Slovak Catholic efforts to obtain Slovak priests who could minister to them in their own language conflicted with bishops who did not always agree on Slovak "rights" .14 One bitter quarrel led to a schism in the Slovak settlement of Masontown, Pa. In Leckrone, Pa., a settlement of Irish and Slovaks, the Church of Our Lady of Perpetual help was blessed by Bishop Richard Phelan of Pittsburgh on October 9, 1904. In 1907 the church burned down, but a hall was built in which religious services were held. The Slovaks by this time had a Slovak pastor, but they still wanted a parish all their own. Bishop �SLOVAKIA 45 Francis R. Canevin of Pittsburgh requested the Rev. Charles Janda to look for a suitable location ; Rev. C. Janda sugg,ested Masontown. Since the Irish Catholics also wanted to have a parish in Masontown, the Slovaks were told to take the church in Leckrone for their use; but the Slovaks in Masontown were not satisfied. They went ahead and built their own church, and when the bishop would not cooperate with them, they cast about for a priest who might be willing to serve their church. Eventually they found an "independent" priest and so fell into schism.15 In sptte of such trouble, the Slovak Catholic body remained generally healthy. On February 22, 1911 a Slovak Catholic Priest and inventor, the Rev. Joseph Murgas, led in forming The Slovak Catholic Federation in America in Wilkes-Barre, Pa. Und,e r the control of Slovak Catholic priests this group was to spread and coordinate Catholic action among Slovaks in America; until this year Slovak Catholic activities had been unorganized and subordinated to political and social ends.16 Exact religious statistics for ·t he Slovak immigrant group for that time are not available, but the best estimate suggests that of the 560,000 Slovak immigrants in America in 1911, 450,000 were Roman Catholics. The Slovak Catholics had 134 parishes in the United States. Protestants among the Slovaks numbered 95,000 .17 Of this Protestant group, Calvinists are estimated to run about 15,000. 18 After 1905 the development of Slovak Catholic elementary schools gained momentum. A system both Slovak and Catholic had been impossible without Slovak Catholic teachers. The Rev. M. Jankola, a Catholic priest, organized the Priests' Society of St. Anthony's Burse in the United States of America in Wilkes-Barre, Pa. , in 1903 and it was chartered in 1905. In the Kalendar Jednota of 1908 Rev. M. Jankola proposed the Burse of St. Anthony for Catholics generally to support students preparing to be teachers and Slovak girls preparing to be teaching nuns. 19 Although the Slovak Catholics supported this program generously with frequent collections and donations 20 , the fund proved insufficient for the purpose. Three Slovak girls who had been sent to the novitiate of the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary in 1906 were the nucleus of a Slovak sisterhood. In 1909 interested Slovak priests petitioned for the foundation of a distinctly �46 SLOVAKIA Slovak sisterhood, the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. On June 26, 1909 the Congregation for Religious approved this project, and the motherhouse of the new Slovak congregation was established in Danville, Pa.21 In the year 1911 the Most Reverend Joseph Koudelka, the bishop of Superior sent a request to the general motherhouse of the Congregation of School Sisters of the Third Order of St. Francis in Prague. He asked the sisters to come to his diocese to work. Mother General M. Xavier sent Sister M. Georgia and Sister M. Hyacinth to look over the possibilities. These sisters stopped in Pittsburgh, where the Rev. J. Vrana persuaded them that the Pittsburgh diocese offered them greater opportunities and had greater need. When Sister M. Hyacinth took sick and died on March 10, 1912, the Mother General herself came to Pittsburgh. Rev. Ferdinand Prikazky, who at the moment was struggling to get nuns to teach in his St. Gabriel's parochial school, convinc,e d the sisters to settle in Pittsburgh. This was the beginning. By 1914 twenty three sisters of this congregation were teaching 579 children in three Slovak Catholic parishes.22 Progress had been made in solving the problem of elementary school education; schools were built in the parishes almost as quickly as teachers could be provided. The question of secondary school education also began to agitate Slovak circles. Very early, the Rev. Stephen Furdek suggested the idea of a Slovak high school for boys; he was seconded in this by the Rev. M. Jankola. However, nothing came of the idea until 1921 when it revived and resulted in the Benedictine High School in Cleveland in 1927.23 The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius opened a high school for girls at Danville in 1922, and the Sisters of St. Francis opened one at Bellevue, Pa., in 1927. 24 There was continuous agitation for a college. A Slovak business college was suggested to improve the Slovak economic position.25 P. J . Kunovsky worked out a whole scheme for a Slovak school on a higher level. He argued that $100,000 would put up a building, and then he suggested that each fraternal organization ought to support a professor. This school was to include business and technical courses. As to religious affiliation, the school would be non-confessional, but the Oatholics could have a lecturer on the Catholic Faith and the Lutherans could support one to lecture on the Lutheran faith. This in- �SLOVAKIA 47 stitution was to be coeducational. Nothing came of this project.2s Very few Slovak children of the first immigrants had a chance to go to college, but those who did go generally took advantag,e of existing colleges. In 1901 the Czech Benedictines had established St. Procopius College at Lisle, Ill., and by 1907 there were ten Slovak youths studying there. They organized the "Literary Society of Stephen Moyses" and issued a monthly multigraphed little paper, Horlivost'. The club and the paper lasted for four years. The Slovaks also owed a special debt to the College and Seminary of St. Vincent's Archabbey in Latrobe, Pa., for in this college and seminary almost all the Catholic Slovak priests and many Slovak young men were trained. 27 During the years between 1902 and 1936 545 Slovak students attended St. Vincent's. 28 Informal education made most progress among the Slovaks. Clubs, multiplied, political, social, cultural, and literary. The political club seems to have been the most popular. It had a variety of purposes: to fighrt political apathy among the Slovaks, to help the Slovaks gain their political rights, and to help Slovaks become American citizens. In one year a club in Rankin, Pa., succeeded in getting thirteen Slovaks to obtain their citizenship papers. 29 Literary clubs also became popular among the Slovaks as a mean of self- improvement. 30 Both the newspapers and the almanacs were also instrumental in educating the Slovak immigrants. The Jednota discussed Darwinism, the "higher criticism" and socialism. 31 The almanacs explained the procedure of becoming citizens, American electoral system, stocks and bonds, and even discussed the origin of the world. 32 One of the complaints about the Slovaks made by their own leaders is their lack of interest in books and good reading. To make the Slovaks book-lovers, Slovak political and literary clubs founded Slovak libraries. 33 The national fraternal organizations sometimes contributed money to help in the acquisition of a building, or, if the Slovaks already possessed a lodge hall, to aid in the purchase of books. 34 That a demand actually developed for Slovak books is suggested by the special sections for Slovak readers in public libraries, as for instance, the Oarnegie Library in Homestead, Pa., 35 and the public library in Cleveland. 36 The most ambitious project launched to interest the Slo- �48 SLOVAKIA vaks in reading was a book club. P. J. Kunovsky suggested in 1912 the formation of a book club to consist of 5,000 Slovaks. This number would enable the club to sell four books for a dollar. 37 By July 11, 1912 a literary committee to choose books had been elected. 38 Even this cultural project could not move along without factions; for there were some objections to the composition of the literary committee. Only "one side" was represented. 39 There were complaints by Kunovsky that progress was slow; in fact, after six months of vigorous propaganda, there were not even 1,000 members, and the club needed 5,000 members in one year. 40 By November, 1914, the "Four Books for a Dollar" was still going and growing somewhat, 41 but the Slovaks were apparently still not too interested in books. One book promotion was quite successful. The Rev. J. Murgas led a drive to get 3,000 subscribers for a Cathechetical Encyclopedia, written by Rev. Vaclav Melchior, C. Ss. R. 42 Enough subscribers undertook to buy the book. It was a project more adapted to Slovak ideas; it seemed worthwhile to invest in a book on religion. The taste of Slovaks in reading was quite varied. We cannot judge from actual reports of reading, but the types of books published for them may serve as an indication of their reading tast,e. There were romances dealing with the Janosik cycle, a Slovak Robin Hood; others dealt with the adventures of a likeable thief, Rinaldo Rinaldini; sensational stories included Dracula, Harry Tracy, Most Desperate Criminal of Our Time , and World Detective Romances and Novel series.43 Other books published dealt with Slovak history and Magyar oppression. 44 One anti-clerical work was Z dejin Cirkvi by A. M. Spera, an anti-Catholic church history: 45 there was even a socialist work, Socialisti idu. 46 Publications included readers and catechisms, 47 dictionaries and grammars, 48 and devotional works. 49 The translations printed in the Narodne Noviny from American literature included Edgar A. Poe's The Black Cat 50 and Washington Irving's The Legend of Sleepy Hollow.51 Whatever reading may have been done by the Slovaks besides the almanacs and newspapers, these books are a suggestion of its type. Another form of informal education proposed was a Slovak Chautauqua. The Rev. W. Regnemer, a Calvinist minister, suggested that a fraternal organization hire a pleasure �SLOVAKIA 49 park during the summer for one day, prepare a cultural and entertaining program and charge an admission of twenty fiv,e or fifty cents. 52 This idea was still-born. Theatrical productions were very common among the Slovaks, 53 but the drama was not on a very high level. Most popular were plays in Slovak portraying Slovakia and Slovak life. There was no attempt to translate the English classics of the stage into Slovak. 54 Both the Narodne Noviny and the Jednota encouraged the staging of plays by publishing a large number of them in their columns, 55 for plays portraying Slovak life served to arouse national consciousness, besides being good entertainment. 56 One complaint about the theatrical entertainment was the bad conduct of the audience, which frequently shouted to their friends on the stage, whistled, stamped their feet. Mothers brought very young children or babies who disturbed the performance with their crying. 57 The Slovaks organized bands and choirs ;58 popular music was also encouraged by the publication of songs in the almanacs. Some of the choirs advanced so rapidly that they were able to stage small operettas. 59 One obstacle to further Slovak progress was intemperance. The drink problem, its source in poverty, was an old one for the Slovaks. All sources agree that drink, especially whisk,ey, was the curse of Slovakia and helped impoverish the country. 60 During the 1840',s Rev. Stephan Zavodnik, a Catholic priest, influenced by Father Matthew, inaugurated the struggle against intemperance in Slovakia. Father Matthew's influence had trav,elled through Germany, Bohemia, Poland, and finally reached Slovakia. 61 Temperance societies were first organized in Orava in 1845 and in half a year had 20,000 members. The city councils assisted the societies; the ecclesiastical authorities put their prestige behind the movement. In 1847 the bishop of Banska Bystrica asked his clergy to publicize these societies during Lent ; the bishop of Roznava issued a pastoral letter on the subject in 1846. The Lutherans too supported the movement. 62 The nationalistic agitation and revolution in 1848 disrupted the growth of these societies, but by 1870 the fight against drink revived. 63 When the Slovaks came to America, they brought their weakness for drink with them. Still there were Slovaks who understood the pernicious effect of over-indulgence in strong �50 SLOVAKIA drink. Saloon keepers were attacked for disrupting family life. Slovak saloon keepers were urged to remove the national disgrace by going into another line of business. 64 The agitation against the use and abuse of alcohol filled many a column in the N arodne N oviny and J ednota. Alcohol was the cause of disease, for example, tuberculosis, of many economic and social losses ; whiskey was the root of all social evils.65 The most eff.ective agitation against intemperance was the total abstinence society. The best reason for creating such societies was their need. There were such sodeties already in existence in 1911 for example, in Hazleton, Pa., McAdoo, Pa. , St. Clair, Pa., and Mahanoy City, Pa.66 When the temperance club was organized in Wilkes-Barre, Pa., forty five prospective members attended the meeting; but only eight were willing to take the pledge and join the society. Eventually twenty women and girls joined; since then five or six members were added at each meeting, and the number finally grew to forty five! 67 Hand in hand with the progress in religious organization, in education, and political action, went the bettering of the Slovak economic conditions. As with the other activities, economic life among the Slovaks began to be colored by nationalism. The Slovaks set up Slovak grocery stores and Slovak banks. Surprisingly enough, a farm movement among the Slovaks developed from many causes. The success of the Slovaktown venture was continually reported in the newspapers: news of hay selling for $7 a ton, in November, 1912, seven weddings, good markets, freedom from the bleak life of a miners' town and from strikes. 68 To some life on the farm meant a life less dangerous to the faith and a healthier family life;69 to others it meant protection against too quick an assimilation to American ways, especially American morals.70 In 1910 the National Slovak Society embarked on a considerable farm colonization venture. The Society's national convention had voted in 1909 that not less than 1,000 acres of farm land should be bought for an orphanage. A committee investigated real estate in Prince George, Calvert, and St. Mary's counties in Maryland; enough land was to be bought to build an orphanage and to form a Slovak settlement to help in the upkeep of the orphanage. After considerable debate on whether the primary purpose was a settlement �SLOVAKIA 51 or an orphanage, 2,813 acres of land were purchased for F 0,000 in St. Mary's county, near St. Mary's, Maryland. One thousand one hundred acres were arable and the rest was woodland ; there was a three mile frontage on St. Mary's River. 71 Eight hundred acres were to be set aside for the orphanage and old folks ' home, and two thousand acres were to be put up for sale.72 The land was divided into thirty nine farms, ranging in size from 33 acres to 132, and classified in value thus: class A farms at $40-$50 an acre, class B farms at $25-$40 an acre, and Class C at $10-$25 an acre. The price of the farms varied from $600 to $3,100.73 The land sales went so well that the National Slovak Society decided to reserve only 500 acres for the orphanage and to sell 2,300 acres for farms.74 Such was the venture's success that by June, 1912, the Slovak Farmers Association was chartered in Maryland with a capitalization of $25,000. First class stock was to get 5% dividend; and as soon as the second class stock reached 5%, the rate of the first class was to jump to 7%. The organization's purpose was to settle Slovaks on good farms, especially in Maryland. The association also had a hotel where Slovaks might disport themselves in the summer for longer or shorter periods of time. 75 Behind the scenes, however, some financial skulduggery was afoot and the exposure of "commission-masters" definitely dampened enthusiasm for the project. A. S. Ambrose, the president of the National Slovak Society, had taken a ten percent commission on $48,735 worth of land sales and netted himself a tidy $4,875.30. Of the sales themselves $16,156.70 in cash had been placed into the Society's treasury, while $28,580 had been mortgaged to the Society. 76 On this transaction the Society was estimated to have lost nearly $20,000 through various "commissions." 77 At least on paper in 1911 the Slovak American Colonization Company was organized with an intended Capitalization of $50,000 at $50 a share. It planned the erection of houses, business structures, saw-mills, and other needed buildings. It remained a paper organization. 78 In spite of the publicity giv,en these projects, the influx of Slovaks onto the land came from individual initiative for most part. Small colonies of Slovak farmers grew up around Denmark, Maine, 79 Phillips, Wisconsin, 80 Tabor, Minnesota,81 Louisiana and Mississippi,82 Callahan and Pine Land, Flo- �52 SLOVAKIA rida,83 Michigan,84 and North Emporia and Antioch, Virginia.a5 If the Slovak farmer struck upon land already cleared, he did not have too difficult a time making a success of farming; but if he bought land that had yet to be cleared, like the second growth timberlands in Wisconsin, the first few years on the "blessed" land were murderous in their demands of labor and capital. For instance, two brothers and their families, having read accounts of successful farming in Wisconsin, used their savings to buy a farm in northern Wisconsin. The land had to be cleared, and ,even the women were put to work carrying away the heavy wood. Besides, the brothers had to build a log house big enough to shelter the two families. During the winter months, the men worked as lumberjacks, and in order to have enough capital to begin farming in spring had to borrow at six percent. After plowing and buying seed, the two new farmers were without money. One of them went to work in a glass mill in Illinois, while the other continued the back-breaking work clearing the land and farming. To add to their troubles, the nearby creek dried up in the summer, and the water could be brought in only from a distant spring. A horse had to be bought ! The beginning of farming was bitter for the Slovaks in northern Wisconsin.86 Although the Slovak farmers did organize locally, they did not form any national Slovak farmer societies. In Moquah, Wis. , for instance, a special farmers' society was established in 1911. The two national fraternal organizations served their social purposes sufficiently. One farmer from Tabor, Minn., did suggest that the Slovak farmers in the west needed a "clearing house" in a city like Pittsburgh, where they could sell their products, especially, grain, directly to the consumer. This would save the farmer some of his profits and the workingman some of his hard earned money. This remained only a suggestion. 87 Generally the new farmers were quite successful. The land was good, profits were high, and there were no strikes. 88 In Slovaktown hay was sold for $7 a ton in 1913; a Slovak farmer in Virginia made $1 ,100 on peanuts and $220 on cotton on a 220 acre farm . Still there were failures . A considerable number of advertisements announcing the farm sales appeared in the Jednota and the Narodne Noviny. 89 Some- �SLOVAKIA 53 times the reason was the mortgag,e ;90 at other times the family found the life too difficult and drab.9 1 While some Slovaks managed to escape to the farm from the hard life of mine and mill, most Slovaks remained city-dwellers. One of the problems of the city-dweller was the high cost of living as compared with wages. 92 The high prices led to a large number of cooperative ventures on a nationality basis. Most frequently this was a meat and grocery store. The enterprise resembled a corporation more than a cooperative. A share might cost $10 and a board of directors headed and managed the enterprise. Sometimes a limit was placed on the number of shares an individual might hold, lest any one person should capture control of the corporation.93 In Yukon, Pa., for instance, 200 families established a share-holding grocery store which was successful despite the opposition of some Slovaks. The corporation charter provided that any man could belong, but no one was allowed to invest more than $1 ,000! In 9 months a dividend of $4.85 was paid for each share. The cooperative enterprise could save a working man about fifteen cents a day on his food bill. In spite of considerable propaganda in the papers heralding these ventures, the Slovaks did not support these "Slovak stores" universally. The proprietors complained that Slovaks continued to patronize non-Slovak businesses. 9 4 There were many suggestions for Slovak enterprise: the organization of all Slovak businessmen in America, a law firm to take care of Slovak interests, a hospital for Slovak immigrants, a shoe factory to be built by the National Slovak Society or the Slovak League. 95 Of all the ephemeral proposals made, one did become actual. A Slovak bank to handle Slovak business was considered a necessity; but the idea was only gingerly approached after the failure of Peter V. Rovnianek's Bank in Pittsburgh, in 1907. Michael Bosak founded the State Slovak Bank in Wilkes-Barre, Pa.; the bank opened for business on December 2, 1912, and in its first five months showed a profit of $7,250. 96 Progress was also the keynote of the First Catholic Slovak Union. In 1910 the Union established its own printery in Middletown, Pa. This was a two story red brick building, one hundred twenty feet long and forty feet wide. The equipment included Duplex printing press and a linotype machine. The blessing of the printery took place on October 27, 1910.97 �54 SLOVAKIA In 1914 the Union also opened an orphanage, which the Sisters of Ss. Cyril and Methodius took under their supervision. The building itself cost $97,000, and the total cost was about $110,000. The chapel had an altar of Vermont marble worth $1,200 and a seating capacity of 150. 98 This orphanage was located in Middletown, Pa. The Slovak Catholics wer,e justly very proud of this achievement, especially when they remembered how poor they had been when they landed in the United States. The National Slovak Society showed its energy by creating an official newspaper for its own use, the Narodne Noviny, in 1910; this paper replaced the Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny which had spoken for the National Slovak Society but had never been adopted as the official organ of the Society. This new newspaper became definitely anti-clerical and sometimes anti-Catholic. In 1910 an editorial defended the modernists and attacked the Catholic Church as being an Italian and Roman Church, and not truly Catholic. 99 Any clerical scandal was written up with glee, and cartoons were not only anti-clerical but in very bad taste. These attacks and insults became so violent that the Bishop of Altoona, Eugene A. Garvey, banned the newspaper from his diocese on the grounds that it was written and published by "Jews, unbelievers, and heretics," spreading anarchism, unbelief, and socialism.100 The National Slovak Society did more constructive work when it organized the Youth Circles of the National Slovak Society in 1913. The chief purpose of these circles was educational. The elder and chief gymnast had to be total abstainers and men of sound general educa:tion. 101 The official language was Slovak. Dues were to be twenty cents a month for each child; of this amount fifteen cents were to be forwarded to the treasurer of the National Slovak Society. All meetings were to begin with Slovak and American patriotic songs; the American songs were to be translated into Slovak.102 Besides one official meeting a month to transact business, there were frequent meetings for lectures, study, and general education. 103 These circles presented programs which featured recitation of poems in Slovak, Slovak songs sung as solos and in chorus, instrumental solos, lectures by visitors. 104 The circles were beneficial to young Slovaks, and their growth �SLOVAKIA 55 was very rapid. By September, 1914, sixty nine circles had been established. 105 In spite of all the discussion of an orphanage, the National Slovak Society finally abandoned the plan. The matter was dropped because of the religious problem. The Society consisted of members belonging to various religious sects and claimed that it could not without showing favoritism provide for religious instruction. An orphanage without religious instruction and education was unacceptable to the Slovaks. 106 The fraternal organizations during this time suffered somewhat from embezzlement and swindling. Joseph Joscak, an editor of the Narodne Noviny , had taken a $19,000 "commission" from the National Slovak Society but was caught up with in 1913. 107 During the same years a William Vokolek swindled the Slovak fraternal organizations to the extent of $300,000. 108 Of course, A. S. Amrose's "commission" on the St. Mary's settlement must also be recalled here. Another common feature of fraternal life in this period was the construction of lodge halls, which were built almost in every settlement. These lodge halls became the centers of social life; they provided places for lodge meetings, theatrical productions, dances, gymnastic exercises, and quarters for the political and literary clubs. 109 One of the storms that troubled the fraternal organizations was the debate on the "old system" as against the "new system." Almost any issue of the Jednota after 1906 and the Narodne Noviny after 1910 contained letters with arguments on both sides of the question. 110 While operating under the older method of assessment, the organizations failed to build up a reserve for times of special demand; they were merely collecting agencies. For instance, if the organization needed $3,000 and had 12,000 members, each member was obliged to pay twenty five cents, which were collected to meet the cost. The new system involved paying dues r,e gularly, determined according to age. As early as 1906 the Rev. S. Furdek, the Rev. M. Jankola, and A. S. Ambrose pointed out the advantages of the new system, but there was much opposition. By 1914 both the First Catholic Slovak Union and the National Slovak Society had adopted the modern method. m Although progress was considerable among the Slovak immigrants in education, business enterprise, and farming , in many ways the lot of the workingman remained a hard �56 SLOVAKIA one. For instance, mine disasters continued to take lives. At Fernie, Pa. , in June, 1902, 200 miners perished, 50 of them Slovaks. Forty two Slovak miners were killed at Cambria, Pa. , during July, 1902. 112 Strikes still plagued the coal fields in which Slovaks were working. In Westmoreland county a strike began at Greensburg, Pa., on March 10, 1910 over union recognition and as a protest against the company store system. It spread to the neighboring mining centers of K,eystone, Irwin, Latrobe, and Westmoreland. Then in the confusion a mine guard shot an eighteen year old youth, and 15,000 miners went on strike. Eleven thousand wer•e said to be Slovaks. They joined the union to show their defiance and to emphasize their demands. As a counter-measure, the company called in the Pinkerton detectives, and the striking miners were blacklisted.113 During the strike the miners had very little to subsist upon, and that little came from the United Mine Workers of America. The union provided $2.50 a week for each man, $1.00 a week for each woman dependent, and $0 .50 a week for each child. 114 The president of the National Slovak Society, Mr. A. S. Ambrose, visited the strike-bound coal-fields. In his newspaper articles he estimated that about 20,000 men were on strike ; about 95 % were Slavs, and of this latter group about 60 % were Slovaks. The striking miners lived in shacks that could not protect them against the bitter cold, the children went about bare-foot and hungry. 115 Since 500 strikers were members of the National Slovak Society, the Society published appeals for help and even began a collection for relief of the strikers in Westmoreland county.116 Gradually the strike was broken and nothing substantial was won. Another strike in which many Slovaks were involved began in 1913, led by the Industrial Workers of the World. It started in the broad-loom silk mills of Patterson, N. J. , on February 25, 1913. Over twenty five thousand workers were affected. There were two factors that prolonged the bitter strife. One was the introduction of the three and four loom system; this involved the question of whether Patterson should invade the cheap silk field in opposition to the Pennsylvania mills. Fear of lower wages and loss of work followed as a consequence. The second factor was resentment of I.W.W. tactics. The Jednota condemned the I. W. W.'s socialist tendencies and opposition to the American Federation of Labor. 117 �SLOVAKIA 57 Still these defects of the union did not blind the First Catholic Slovak Union to the needs of the strikers, many of whom were Slovaks. 118 For five months the leadership of the I. W. W. kept the strikers' ranks intact, but lack of funds and loss of morale at last broke the strike. After twenty one weeks of bitter struggle the strike was settled without any gains for the workers. The J ednota laid the blame on the socialists. 119 Both newspapers were strong supporters of unions. They considered it the duty of every Slovak to belong to the unions, especially the American Federation of Labor. After all, it was the unions that improved the worker's lot and gave labor a position of influence in the world. 120 The strike-breaker and the "scab" were excluded from Slovak organizations. 121 In their attitude toward socialism the two newspapers differed. The Narodne Noviny showed itself definitely hospitable to socialist ideas. Articles were featured insisting that there could be no friendly contacts between capitalists and workers; workers were urged to abandon the Democratic and Republican parties and to join the party of the working class! 122 The Jednota unreservedly repudiated socialism. It condemned socialist anti-religious tactics and ridicule of Catholics. 123 Socialism was anti-Christian in its very essence, and had been consistently opposed to religion. The only agency that did in fact transform slave labor into free human labor was the Catholic Church. 124 As the first decade of the twentieth century ended and another began, the dawn of new interests appeared on the horizon. In 1911 Count Albert Apponyi, who has been mentioned before, returned to the United States on behalf of Hungary which he described as "an island of freedom" in central Europe. Slovak publicity about Hungarian mistreatment of Slovaks caused the mission of Count Apponyi to fail.1 25 Hard upon the heels of this came the Balkan wars. Slovak efforts at war relief were conditioned by nationalism. Within the months from November 21, 1912 to June 19, 1913, the Narodne Noviny collected $1,547.95 for the Slavonic Red Cross; and it was made clear that this collection was only for the Slavs. 126 By January 22, 1913 the Jednota had collected $2,350.00 for the same cause. 127 With regard to the "Slovak question," which was on the verge of becoming the paramouth one for the Slovaks, opinion among the American Slovaks had undergone quite a change. �58 SLOVAKIA Almost up to 1914 Slovaks sought concessions from Hungary for Slovakia; but these concessions of political and cultural rights wer-e understood within the existing framework of government. However, in April, 1914, when Count Michael Karolyi came to the United States to win Slovak favor for a Slovak and Hungarian union in a completely independent Hungary, the Slovaks questioned the sincerity of the Count and the government. In New York, on May 24, 1914, a debate took place on the question: "Can the Slovaks trust the Hungarian government in its movement for general suffrage in Hungary and with complete Hungarian independence?" The debate solved no real problem, but stated clearly the issues: what was to be the Slovaks' future relation to Hungary? The Slovak League arranged several protest meetings, and on April 28, 1914 issued a Memorandum, which was practically a declaration of independence and demanded autonomy for Slovakia. The League did not explain the kind of autonomy Slovakia should have, whether within Austro-Hungary or with Hungary as an independent state or complete independence for Slovakia for the Slovaks in America themselves disagreed on what they wanted. In order to clarify their position, a Congress of the Slovak League was held in Pittsburgh, September 10, 1914. After everybody had aired their views, it appeared that in 1914, as late as September of that year, the American Slovaks had not generally accepted political plans for Slovakia. 128 They were divided into three camps: one demanded complete independence for Slovakia, another wanted autonomy within Hungary, and a third desired the creation of a new state in which Czechs and Slovaks would be united. 129 With the coming of the World War, Slovak attention was diverted from the creation of Slovak institutions here in America to the creation of Slovakia. The World War found the Slovaks anti-German and anti-Habsburg. 130 The Jednota printed German atrocity stories and even went so far as to charge that German Protestantism was serving German mili'tarism.131 The Slovak League managed to chanel the desire for a better Slovakia and the anti-Habsburg feeling into an extensive Slovak nationalist movement. Through the Slovak League over a million dollars was poured into the cause of Slovak freedom. 132 By 1914 the Slovak immigrants had made themselves �SLOVAKIA 59 economically secure as far as a group of working people could in the American economy. Socially they had made progress in organizing national fraternal organizations, establishing Slovak schools, creating Slovak parishes. Their nationalism, manifested in efforts to form distinct Slovak institutions and their interest in European Slovakia, prevented their complete integration with American life; but the Slovak institutions seemed foredoomed to failure. The explanation for much of this lies outside the special character of the Slovaks. After 1890, the close of the frontier, the new industrial city became the characteristic of American life ; it became the center of production, the leader in social and cultural lif.e, and great center of communication. By the very fact that Slovaks were immersed in industrial and eventually city rather than farm life, they were exposed to the influence of this most Americanizing force. The problems of new city life, the economic opportunities offered them in industry, and economic competition made the attempt to establish particularly Slovak institutions a struggle against the current. The attempted settlement on ,t he farms was also against the trends of the times which led toward the city. The crucial factor in American Slovak social history seems to be their engaging in industry and their settlement in industrial centers. Slovak nationalism attempted to modify the influence of this industrial city, and in so far as it did, it hindered progress among the Slovak immigrants in America. FOOTNOTES 1. Francis Sasinek, "Myslienky o stave nabozenstva medzi Slovakmi," Kalendar Jednota (1897 ) , II, 139. 2. M. Jankola, " Nase Skoly," Kalendar Jedno ta ( 1900), V, 135-136. 3. Molchan, "Development of the Slovak Community," pp. 69-70. 4. Culen, Slovaci v Ameri ke, p. 394; Jednota, June 18, 1913, September 3, 1913. 5. Yurchak, The Slovaks, p. 187; Hrusovsky, This i s Slovakia, p. 50. 6. Molchan, "Development of the Slovak Community," pp. 82-83 ; Yurchak, .The ,Slovaks, p . 190. 7. Yurchak, The Slovaks, pp. 229-230. 8. Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka 1864-1938 (Bratislava, 1934), pp. 186191 ; Bokes, Dejiny Slovenska, pp. 313-315; Yurchak, The Slovaks, pp. 230-232. 9. Molchan, "Development of the Slovak Community," p. 81. 10. John S. Bradac, "Slovenski Evanjelici-Lutherani v Spojenych Statoch Arnerickych," World's Fair Memorial, pp. 81-82. 11. "The Slovak Sokol," Sborni k Slovenskeho Katoli ckeho Sokola na rok 1942, XXVIII, 242-243 . 12. Culen, Dejiny, II, 80-81, 93-94. �60 SLOVAKIA 13. J ednota, February 5, 1913. The pastor told the organist " the Slovak language was nothing." The organist quit. 14. Jednota, July 8, 1914. After the Slovaks had brought a priest from Slovakia and paid his way, the bishop refused to let him be their pastor. 15. Narodne Noviny, September 15, 1910; Kushner, Slovaci, p . 32. 16. Molchan, "Development of the Slovak Community," p. 94-95. 17. Andrew J. Shipman, " Slavs in America," Th e Catholic Encyclop edia ( 1912), XIV, p. 55. 18. Culen, Dejiny, I. 114-115. 19. M. Jankola, " Pokladnica sv. Antona v Amerike," Kalendar Jedn ota (1908), XIII, 177-178. 20. Jednota, February 12, 1913. 21. Culen Slovaci v A merike, p . 418; " Slovenska zenska rehol'a ssv. Cyrilla i Me thoda v Amerike ," Ka lendar J ednot a ( 1911 ), XVI, 97-98 ; M. Jankola , " Prvotiny pr vej slovenskej zenskej rehole" , Ka lendar Jednot a (1909), XIV, 17-176; "Dcery ssv. Cyrilla i Methoda", Kalendar J ednota (1914 ), XIX, 194-195. 22. Kushner, Slovaci, pp. 150-152. 23. Culen, Slovaci v Amerike, pp. 408-409. 24. Ibi d., 418,424. 25. Narodne Noviny, August 15, 1913, August 29,1913. 26. Narodne Noviny, October 3, 1912. 27. Kushner, Slovaci, pp. 156-157. 28. Culen, Slovaci v A merike, p. 401. 29. Narodne Noviny, June 9, 1910, April 27, 1911 ; September 5, 1912; August 29, 1912; Jednota, July 2, 1913. 30. Narodne Noviny, June 23, 1910, February 15, 1913 ; Jednota, April 1, 1914. 31. J ednota, March 4, 1913, March 12, 1913. 32. Stephan Furdek, "Dlfobny upis a ucastina," Kalendar Jednota (1909 ), XIV, pp. 192-195; "Ako povstal svet," Kalendar Jednota (1910), XV, pp. 141-145; J. Porubsky, "Ako volia v Amerike prezidenta," Kalendar J ednota (1913) , XVII, pp. 97-103; I. G., "Ako stat' sa obcanom Spoj. Statov," Kalendar Narodneho Slov enskeho Spolku (1913 ), XX, pp. 83-96. 33. Nar odne Noviny, June 12, 1913 ; Jednota, November 19, 1913. 34. N arodne Noviny, April 25, 1912; Jednota, June 11, 1913. 35. Narodne Noviny , August 10, 1911. 36. J . A. F ., " Pokrok," Sborni k (1915) , I, 43. 37. N arodne Noviny, April 4, 1912. 38. Narodne Noviny, July 11, 1912. 39. Narodne Noviny, July 25, 1912. 40. Narodne Noviny, August 8, 1912, September 19, 1912. 41. Narodne Noviny, November 12, 1914. 42. Jednota, January 1, 1913, February 12, 1913, May 7, 1913. 43. Culen, Slovaci v A m erike, pp. 175-190. 44. Ibi d., pp. 236-237. 45. Ibid. , p. 266. 46. Ibi d., p. 267. 47. Ibid., pp. 294-296. 48. Ibi d., pp. 297-305. 49. Ibid., pp. 306-337. 50. N arodne Noviny, February 3, 1910. �SLOVAKIA 61 51. Narodne Noviny, March 27, 1913. 52. Narodne Noviny, February 10, 1910, October 24, 1912. 53. Jednota, January 8, 1913, February 19, 1913, June 18, 1913, July 16, 1913. 54. Culen, Slovaci v Amerike, p. 191. 55. Narodne Noviny, July 7, 1910, June 27, 1912, April 17, 1913 ; Jednota, November 4, 1914, December 23, 1914. 56. Narodne Noviny, October 3, 1912. 57. Narodne Noviny, October 6, 1910. 58. Narodne Noviny, January 27, 1910; Jednota, May 14, 1913, December 31, 1913 ; Kalendar Jednota (1915), XX, 75. 59. Narodne Noviny, March 7, 1912. 60. Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny, August 19, 1897. 61. Joseph Pauco, ~udovychorn u Sturovcov (Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1943) , pp. 107-108. 62. Ibid. , pp. 137-140. 63. Jednota, February 5, 1913. 64. Narodne Noviny, April 28, 1910, April 4, 1912, March 21, 1912. 65. Narodne Noviny, April 4, 1912; Paul Jamarik, " Opojny a krcma, " Kalendar Narodneho Slovenskeho Spolku ( 1914), XXII, 198-206 ; Jednota, February 19, 1913, June 25, 1913. 66. !1udomil, "Zakladajme spolky uplnej striezlivosti," Kalendar Jednota, (1911), XVI, 41-42. 67. Jednota, March 5, 1913. 68. Narodne Noviny, February 24, 1910, August 4, 1910; Jednota, January 29, 1913. 69. Jednota, July 30, 1913. 70. Narodne Noviny, April 25, 1912. 71. Narodne Noviny, January 13, 1910, May 12, 1912, August 25, 1910. 72. Narodne Noviny, November 2, 1911. 73. Narodne Noviny, November 9, 1911. 74. Narodne Noviny, January 25, 1912. 75. Narodne Noviny, June 6, 1912. 76. Narodne Noviny, September 18, 1913. 77. Narodne Noviny, October 1, 1914. 78. Narodne Noviny, November 16, 1911. 79. Jednota, September 17, 1913 ; Narodne Noviny, May 25, 1911. 80. Jednota, February 4, 1914; Narodne Noviny , March 19, 1914, June 11, 1914. 81. Jednota, February 19, 1913. 82. Narodne Noviny, October 7, 1910. 83. Jednota, July 9, 1913 Narodne Noviny, May 11, 1912. 84. Jednota, January 1, 1913 ; January 21, 1914. 85. Narodne Noviny, March 19, 1914, April 25, 1912. 86. Jednota, January 21, 1914, January 28, 1914. 87. Jednota, February 12, 1913, August 13, 1913. 88. Jednota, August 13, 1913; Narodne Noviny, March 19, 1914; Jednota, September 17, 1913, January 21 , 1914. 89. Jednota, December 9, 1914, October 14, 1914, December 30, 1914. 90. Narodne Noviny, April 25, 1912. 91. Narodne Noviny, August 8, 1912. 92. Narodne Noviny, February 17, 1910, April 27, 1911. 93 . Narodne Noviny, February 29, 1914; Jednota, July 1, 1914; Narodne Noviny, May 14, 1914. 94. Jednota, July 1, 1914. �62 SLOVAKIA 95. N<irodne Noviny, December 28, 1911, September 12, 1912, October 12, 1911, June 11, 1914. 96. N<irodne Noviny, March 7, 1912; Jednota, May 21, 1913. 97. A. V. Kozak, "Ustav I . Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty," Kalend<ir Jednota (1912) , XVII, 22. 98. " Ustav I. Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty," Kalend<ir Jednota ( 1915), xx, 163-164. 99. N<irodne Noviny, July 14, 1910. 100. N<irodne Noviny, July 13, 1911. 101. N<irodne Noviny, October 13, 1913. 102. N<irodne Noviny, January 8, 1914. 103. N<irodne Noviny, January 29, 1914. 104. N<irodne Noviny, April 16, 1914. 105. N<irodne Noviny, September 17, 1914. 106. Pamiitnica k zlatemu Jubileu N<irodneho Slov enskeho Spolku v U .S.A . (Pittsburgh, 1940) , p. 47. 107. N<irodne Noviny, March 13, 1913. 108. N<irodne Noviny, January 16, 1913. 109. N <irodn e Noviny, March 24, 1910, April 28, 1910, June 30, 1910. 110. Jednota, January 1, 1913. 111. "Prorocke slova dp. Matufa Jankolu o novom systeme," Sbornik Slovenskeho Katolickeho Sokola na rok 1942, XXIX, 82; Jednota, January 1, 1913. 112. Culen, Dejiny, I, 125. 113. Ibid., I, 122-123. 114. N<irodne Noviny, March 23 , 1911. 115. N<irodn e Noviny, March 16, 1911. 116. N<irodne Noviny, September 22, 1910. 117. Jednota, May 14, 1913, May 21, 1913, July 2, 1913, September 10. 1913. 118. Jednota, June 18, 1913. 119. Jednot a, July 30, 1913. 120. N<irodn e Noviny, August 22, 1912, October 23, 1913 ; S. F., "Robotnicka otazka," Ka lend<ir J ednota (1906 ), XIII, 56. 121. Culen, Deji ny, I, 123-124; N<irodne Noviny, February 24, 1913. 122. N<irodne Noviny, January 15, 1914, February 12, 1914, February 26, 1914, June 11, 1914. 123. Jednota, January 1, 1913. 124. Jednota, May 7, 1913, July 2, 1913, May 14, 1913. 125. Yurchak, The Slovaks, p. 187. 126. N<irodne Noviny, November 21, 1912, June 19, 1913. 127. J ednota, January 22, 1913. 128. Molchan, "Development of the Slovak Community," pp. 99-102. 129. Yurchak, The Slovaks, p. 190. 130. Jednota, September 30, 1914, October 14, 1914. 131. Jednot a, October 21, 1914, November 4, 1914. 132. Yurchak, The Slovaks, p . 191. � SLOVAKIA 41 New Interests 1900-1914 SLOVAKS IN THE U.S.A. By James J. Zatk o, Ph. D ., University of Notre D ame By 1900 growing Slovak nationalism had begun to grip the Slovak immigrants, and during the next decade and a half the Slovaks agitated for distinotly Slovak institutions, for Slovak education, and for Slovak liberation overseas from Hungarian control. What seemed the most important need of the Slovak immigrants to many thinking minds was Slovak education. Some Catholics found the cause of religious decline in the non-confessional Slovak schools that others advocated and established. Public schools seemed equally pernicious to their mind as being Protestant schools. Too much Americanization injured faith and morals. To them the great answer was Slovak Catholic schools; but these were practically non-existent. Some pastors just were not interested in schools, Slovak or Catholic. The debts resulting from building churches weighted down the parishes and blocked any ambitious program of school construction. Often Slovaks were too scattered throughout a region to support their own church and school.1 However, the crucial obstacle was a lack of Slovak teachers. Even if schools were built, they might be Catholic schools, but they would not be Slovak schools, for there were not enough Slovak teachers. As early as 1900 Rev. M. Jankola, a Catholic priest, suggested a solution, Slovak nuns to teach in Slovak schools, but this suggestion took almost ten years to mature. 2 Nevertheless, schools were not entirely neglected during these first years of the twentieth century. In 1900 the Rev. Bartholomew Kvitek, a Catholic priest, organized the Slovak school of St. Michael's parish in Chicago; and in 1902 the first Vincentian Sisters of Charity arrived from Slovakia to serve in St. Michael's parish in Braddock, Pa., where they took charge of the parochial school's 65 students. 3 Plans for non-confessional schools never came to very much, because the Slovaks were opposed to education without religion. 4 In 1900 the Slovaks won a local victory over the Hungarians when their protests blocked the erection of Louis Kossuth's statue in the public square of Cleveland. When Count �42 SLOVAKIA Albert Apponyi and forty delegates arrived in America during the World's Fair at St. Louis in 1904, the Slovaks presented a Memorandum recounting their objections against the electoral system in Hungary and Magyarization. Although the Count refused even to discuss Slovak grievances, ,the Memorandum at least informed public opinion about undemocratic election procedures and anti-Slovak schools. 5 However, all anti-Magyar agitation was focussed by the creation in 1907 of the Slovak League of America on May 26, in Cleveland, Ohio, by seven thousand delegates. The League became an alliance of Slovak educational, fraternal, and religious groups in this country. The purposes of the League were to educate Slovaks everywhere, to uplift them here in America and elsewhere morally, economically, socially and politically. 6 It became the leader in the drive to alleviate political conditions in Slovakia, but its efforts might have been still-born had not the Massacre of Cernova on the 27th of October, 1907 aroused not only Slovaks but world opinion. To understand this ev,e nt some facts need to be reviewed. The Rev. Andrew Hlinka, a Catholic priest both pious and devoted to the political and social welfare of the Slovaks, in 1897 became editor of The People's News and fought the Magyarization program of the gov,e rnment; his speeches and writings helped elect seven Slovaks to the Hungarian Parliament in 1906. He and fifteen other Slovaks were arrested and tried for "agitation against Hungarian nationality". Hlinka was fined 1500 crowns and costs of 680 crowns and sentenced to two years in prison. In a farewell message to his parishioners he declared thart he would gladly suffer imprisonment to secure recognition of the Slovak nation. For this he received another eighteen months and a fine of 400 crowns. 7 Prior to this the Rev. A. Hlinka had been appointed pastor in his native city, Ruzomberok; in the quarter known as Cernova he had begun building a new church for which he collected funds from all over Slovakia. He had in the meantime been suspended by Bishop Parvy, an ardent pro-Magyar. When the church in Cernova was to be dedicated, the parishioners refused to permit the blessing, unless their pastor returned to them. On October 27, 1907 gendarmes marched into Cernova to help keep order, and they lined the streets leading to the church. That morning coaches arrived bringing the Rev. Pazurik from Llkavka and other visitors to conduct the dedi- �SLOVAKIA 43 cation. When the people blockaded the road, the coachman began to lay about his whip in order to drive his horses through the crowd ; some men seized the horses' bridles to turn them around. An order was given to the gendarmes to open fire. Instantly nine people fell dead, men, women, and children, and six more died of their wounds later. 8 The National Slovak Society immediately took in hand the problem of aid for the widows and orphans that resulted from the Cernova Massacre and voted $2,000 for r•elief.9 While political nationalism received immense stimulus from the Massacre, nationalism began to play a greater role in the sphere of religion after 1900. Under the influence of their nationalism, the Slovaks began to feel their unity as a group and their need of exclusivness as a nation. This led to organization on a unique national basis in religion and to demands for r•ecognizing the "rights of Slovaks" in religious matters, like organization of synods for the Lutherans, Catholic action groups for the Slovak Catholics, and teaching of Slovak in the schools. The Slovak Lutherans formed the Slovak Evangelical Lutheran Synod of the United States of America with headquarters in Whiting, Indiana. This Synod was founded in the church of St. Peter, September 2, 1902, at Connellsville, Pa. A beginning had been made in Mahanoy City, Pa., but more definite steps were taken at conferences in Wilkes-Barre, Pa., and Braddock, Pa.; in the actual founding all the Slovak ministers and congregations cooperated. The Synod used the Slovak language in services and sermons, except where unusual circumstances required the use of English. Even the children wer,e taught their religion in Slovak. The Synod obtained its funds from prescribed contributions of the various parishes belonging to it. In Cleveland it owned a considerable prope1;ty intended for a Lutheran orphanage. The of.ficial organ was the Svedo k, which began in 1906 and was published twice a month.10 The troubled relations of Catholicism with Slovak nationalism continued to split various groups. A National Slovak Sokol had been established to include all Sokol activities in the United States; but discrimination against Catholics led to the creation of the Slovak Catholic Sokol in 1905; the headquarters of this group were in Passaic, N. J. The Slovak Catholic Sokol began publishing its own paper, the Katolicky �44 SLOVAKIA Sokol, and launched an extensive program to attract Slovak youth in gymnastics, athletics, and social activities. 11 The most violent conflict among Slovaks of the first decade of the twentieth century involved Slovak nationalism, but it was a conflict within the Catholic group between Catholic Nationalists and the Madarones. The founder of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Rev. Stephen Furdek, called for an annual Slovak day that was to renew the Catholic spirit and attachment to Slovak nationality. The first Slovak day was to be called the Catholic Congress. This evoked bitter opposition in letters and even a telegram to Bishop Michael J . Hoban of Scranton from the Rev. Kossalko who denounced the whole project as "pan-slavistic" and as an attempt to set up a national church. When Bishop Hoban sanctioned the Slovak Day or Catholic Congress in Wilkes-Barre, Pa., by addressing it on September 3, 1906, Kossalko's rage knew no bounds. He addressed a Memorandum, signed by a large number of Madarone Slovak clergy, to the Apostolic Delegate and the archbishops of the United States. He demanded a condemnation of the affair. The Memorandum expressed fear for the unity of the church and the salvation of 500,000 souls, and accused the Slovak Catholics of working for "panslavism", which was inimical to Hungary, Germany, and the United States. However, Bishop Hoban's influence shielded the Catholic Slovak clergy and no action was taken.12 This event discredited the Madarones. Within the framework of the Catholic Church in the United States Slovak Catholics became involved in a struggle to preserve what they considered their national rights. There were arguments with non-Slovak pastors over hiring organists who would be able to teach Slovak to the children. 13 At other times Slovak Catholic efforts to obtain Slovak priests who could minister to them in their own language conflicted with bishops who did not always agree on Slovak "rights" .14 One bitter quarrel led to a schism in the Slovak settlement of Masontown, Pa. In Leckrone, Pa., a settlement of Irish and Slovaks, the Church of Our Lady of Perpetual help was blessed by Bishop Richard Phelan of Pittsburgh on October 9, 1904. In 1907 the church burned down, but a hall was built in which religious services were held. The Slovaks by this time had a Slovak pastor, but they still wanted a parish all their own. Bishop �SLOVAKIA 45 Francis R. Canevin of Pittsburgh requested the Rev. Charles Janda to look for a suitable location ; Rev. C. Janda sugg,ested Masontown. Since the Irish Catholics also wanted to have a parish in Masontown, the Slovaks were told to take the church in Leckrone for their use; but the Slovaks in Masontown were not satisfied. They went ahead and built their own church, and when the bishop would not cooperate with them, they cast about for a priest who might be willing to serve their church. Eventually they found an "independent" priest and so fell into schism.15 In sptte of such trouble, the Slovak Catholic body remained generally healthy. On February 22, 1911 a Slovak Catholic Priest and inventor, the Rev. Joseph Murgas, led in forming The Slovak Catholic Federation in America in Wilkes-Barre, Pa. Und,e r the control of Slovak Catholic priests this group was to spread and coordinate Catholic action among Slovaks in America; until this year Slovak Catholic activities had been unorganized and subordinated to political and social ends.16 Exact religious statistics for ·t he Slovak immigrant group for that time are not available, but the best estimate suggests that of the 560,000 Slovak immigrants in America in 1911, 450,000 were Roman Catholics. The Slovak Catholics had 134 parishes in the United States. Protestants among the Slovaks numbered 95,000 .17 Of this Protestant group, Calvinists are estimated to run about 15,000. 18 After 1905 the development of Slovak Catholic elementary schools gained momentum. A system both Slovak and Catholic had been impossible without Slovak Catholic teachers. The Rev. M. Jankola, a Catholic priest, organized the Priests' Society of St. Anthony's Burse in the United States of America in Wilkes-Barre, Pa. , in 1903 and it was chartered in 1905. In the Kalendar Jednota of 1908 Rev. M. Jankola proposed the Burse of St. Anthony for Catholics generally to support students preparing to be teachers and Slovak girls preparing to be teaching nuns. 19 Although the Slovak Catholics supported this program generously with frequent collections and donations 20 , the fund proved insufficient for the purpose. Three Slovak girls who had been sent to the novitiate of the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary in 1906 were the nucleus of a Slovak sisterhood. In 1909 interested Slovak priests petitioned for the foundation of a distinctly �46 SLOVAKIA Slovak sisterhood, the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. On June 26, 1909 the Congregation for Religious approved this project, and the motherhouse of the new Slovak congregation was established in Danville, Pa.21 In the year 1911 the Most Reverend Joseph Koudelka, the bishop of Superior sent a request to the general motherhouse of the Congregation of School Sisters of the Third Order of St. Francis in Prague. He asked the sisters to come to his diocese to work. Mother General M. Xavier sent Sister M. Georgia and Sister M. Hyacinth to look over the possibilities. These sisters stopped in Pittsburgh, where the Rev. J. Vrana persuaded them that the Pittsburgh diocese offered them greater opportunities and had greater need. When Sister M. Hyacinth took sick and died on March 10, 1912, the Mother General herself came to Pittsburgh. Rev. Ferdinand Prikazky, who at the moment was struggling to get nuns to teach in his St. Gabriel's parochial school, convinc,e d the sisters to settle in Pittsburgh. This was the beginning. By 1914 twenty three sisters of this congregation were teaching 579 children in three Slovak Catholic parishes.22 Progress had been made in solving the problem of elementary school education; schools were built in the parishes almost as quickly as teachers could be provided. The question of secondary school education also began to agitate Slovak circles. Very early, the Rev. Stephen Furdek suggested the idea of a Slovak high school for boys; he was seconded in this by the Rev. M. Jankola. However, nothing came of the idea until 1921 when it revived and resulted in the Benedictine High School in Cleveland in 1927.23 The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius opened a high school for girls at Danville in 1922, and the Sisters of St. Francis opened one at Bellevue, Pa., in 1927. 24 There was continuous agitation for a college. A Slovak business college was suggested to improve the Slovak economic position.25 P. J . Kunovsky worked out a whole scheme for a Slovak school on a higher level. He argued that $100,000 would put up a building, and then he suggested that each fraternal organization ought to support a professor. This school was to include business and technical courses. As to religious affiliation, the school would be non-confessional, but the Oatholics could have a lecturer on the Catholic Faith and the Lutherans could support one to lecture on the Lutheran faith. This in- �SLOVAKIA 47 stitution was to be coeducational. Nothing came of this project.2s Very few Slovak children of the first immigrants had a chance to go to college, but those who did go generally took advantag,e of existing colleges. In 1901 the Czech Benedictines had established St. Procopius College at Lisle, Ill., and by 1907 there were ten Slovak youths studying there. They organized the "Literary Society of Stephen Moyses" and issued a monthly multigraphed little paper, Horlivost'. The club and the paper lasted for four years. The Slovaks also owed a special debt to the College and Seminary of St. Vincent's Archabbey in Latrobe, Pa., for in this college and seminary almost all the Catholic Slovak priests and many Slovak young men were trained. 27 During the years between 1902 and 1936 545 Slovak students attended St. Vincent's. 28 Informal education made most progress among the Slovaks. Clubs, multiplied, political, social, cultural, and literary. The political club seems to have been the most popular. It had a variety of purposes: to fighrt political apathy among the Slovaks, to help the Slovaks gain their political rights, and to help Slovaks become American citizens. In one year a club in Rankin, Pa., succeeded in getting thirteen Slovaks to obtain their citizenship papers. 29 Literary clubs also became popular among the Slovaks as a mean of self- improvement. 30 Both the newspapers and the almanacs were also instrumental in educating the Slovak immigrants. The Jednota discussed Darwinism, the "higher criticism" and socialism. 31 The almanacs explained the procedure of becoming citizens, American electoral system, stocks and bonds, and even discussed the origin of the world. 32 One of the complaints about the Slovaks made by their own leaders is their lack of interest in books and good reading. To make the Slovaks book-lovers, Slovak political and literary clubs founded Slovak libraries. 33 The national fraternal organizations sometimes contributed money to help in the acquisition of a building, or, if the Slovaks already possessed a lodge hall, to aid in the purchase of books. 34 That a demand actually developed for Slovak books is suggested by the special sections for Slovak readers in public libraries, as for instance, the Oarnegie Library in Homestead, Pa., 35 and the public library in Cleveland. 36 The most ambitious project launched to interest the Slo- �48 SLOVAKIA vaks in reading was a book club. P. J. Kunovsky suggested in 1912 the formation of a book club to consist of 5,000 Slovaks. This number would enable the club to sell four books for a dollar. 37 By July 11, 1912 a literary committee to choose books had been elected. 38 Even this cultural project could not move along without factions; for there were some objections to the composition of the literary committee. Only "one side" was represented. 39 There were complaints by Kunovsky that progress was slow; in fact, after six months of vigorous propaganda, there were not even 1,000 members, and the club needed 5,000 members in one year. 40 By November, 1914, the "Four Books for a Dollar" was still going and growing somewhat, 41 but the Slovaks were apparently still not too interested in books. One book promotion was quite successful. The Rev. J. Murgas led a drive to get 3,000 subscribers for a Cathechetical Encyclopedia, written by Rev. Vaclav Melchior, C. Ss. R. 42 Enough subscribers undertook to buy the book. It was a project more adapted to Slovak ideas; it seemed worthwhile to invest in a book on religion. The taste of Slovaks in reading was quite varied. We cannot judge from actual reports of reading, but the types of books published for them may serve as an indication of their reading tast,e. There were romances dealing with the Janosik cycle, a Slovak Robin Hood; others dealt with the adventures of a likeable thief, Rinaldo Rinaldini; sensational stories included Dracula, Harry Tracy, Most Desperate Criminal of Our Time , and World Detective Romances and Novel series.43 Other books published dealt with Slovak history and Magyar oppression. 44 One anti-clerical work was Z dejin Cirkvi by A. M. Spera, an anti-Catholic church history: 45 there was even a socialist work, Socialisti idu. 46 Publications included readers and catechisms, 47 dictionaries and grammars, 48 and devotional works. 49 The translations printed in the Narodne Noviny from American literature included Edgar A. Poe's The Black Cat 50 and Washington Irving's The Legend of Sleepy Hollow.51 Whatever reading may have been done by the Slovaks besides the almanacs and newspapers, these books are a suggestion of its type. Another form of informal education proposed was a Slovak Chautauqua. The Rev. W. Regnemer, a Calvinist minister, suggested that a fraternal organization hire a pleasure �SLOVAKIA 49 park during the summer for one day, prepare a cultural and entertaining program and charge an admission of twenty fiv,e or fifty cents. 52 This idea was still-born. Theatrical productions were very common among the Slovaks, 53 but the drama was not on a very high level. Most popular were plays in Slovak portraying Slovakia and Slovak life. There was no attempt to translate the English classics of the stage into Slovak. 54 Both the Narodne Noviny and the Jednota encouraged the staging of plays by publishing a large number of them in their columns, 55 for plays portraying Slovak life served to arouse national consciousness, besides being good entertainment. 56 One complaint about the theatrical entertainment was the bad conduct of the audience, which frequently shouted to their friends on the stage, whistled, stamped their feet. Mothers brought very young children or babies who disturbed the performance with their crying. 57 The Slovaks organized bands and choirs ;58 popular music was also encouraged by the publication of songs in the almanacs. Some of the choirs advanced so rapidly that they were able to stage small operettas. 59 One obstacle to further Slovak progress was intemperance. The drink problem, its source in poverty, was an old one for the Slovaks. All sources agree that drink, especially whisk,ey, was the curse of Slovakia and helped impoverish the country. 60 During the 1840',s Rev. Stephan Zavodnik, a Catholic priest, influenced by Father Matthew, inaugurated the struggle against intemperance in Slovakia. Father Matthew's influence had trav,elled through Germany, Bohemia, Poland, and finally reached Slovakia. 61 Temperance societies were first organized in Orava in 1845 and in half a year had 20,000 members. The city councils assisted the societies; the ecclesiastical authorities put their prestige behind the movement. In 1847 the bishop of Banska Bystrica asked his clergy to publicize these societies during Lent ; the bishop of Roznava issued a pastoral letter on the subject in 1846. The Lutherans too supported the movement. 62 The nationalistic agitation and revolution in 1848 disrupted the growth of these societies, but by 1870 the fight against drink revived. 63 When the Slovaks came to America, they brought their weakness for drink with them. Still there were Slovaks who understood the pernicious effect of over-indulgence in strong �50 SLOVAKIA drink. Saloon keepers were attacked for disrupting family life. Slovak saloon keepers were urged to remove the national disgrace by going into another line of business. 64 The agitation against the use and abuse of alcohol filled many a column in the N arodne N oviny and J ednota. Alcohol was the cause of disease, for example, tuberculosis, of many economic and social losses ; whiskey was the root of all social evils.65 The most eff.ective agitation against intemperance was the total abstinence society. The best reason for creating such societies was their need. There were such sodeties already in existence in 1911 for example, in Hazleton, Pa., McAdoo, Pa. , St. Clair, Pa., and Mahanoy City, Pa.66 When the temperance club was organized in Wilkes-Barre, Pa., forty five prospective members attended the meeting; but only eight were willing to take the pledge and join the society. Eventually twenty women and girls joined; since then five or six members were added at each meeting, and the number finally grew to forty five! 67 Hand in hand with the progress in religious organization, in education, and political action, went the bettering of the Slovak economic conditions. As with the other activities, economic life among the Slovaks began to be colored by nationalism. The Slovaks set up Slovak grocery stores and Slovak banks. Surprisingly enough, a farm movement among the Slovaks developed from many causes. The success of the Slovaktown venture was continually reported in the newspapers: news of hay selling for $7 a ton, in November, 1912, seven weddings, good markets, freedom from the bleak life of a miners' town and from strikes. 68 To some life on the farm meant a life less dangerous to the faith and a healthier family life;69 to others it meant protection against too quick an assimilation to American ways, especially American morals.70 In 1910 the National Slovak Society embarked on a considerable farm colonization venture. The Society's national convention had voted in 1909 that not less than 1,000 acres of farm land should be bought for an orphanage. A committee investigated real estate in Prince George, Calvert, and St. Mary's counties in Maryland; enough land was to be bought to build an orphanage and to form a Slovak settlement to help in the upkeep of the orphanage. After considerable debate on whether the primary purpose was a settlement �SLOVAKIA 51 or an orphanage, 2,813 acres of land were purchased for F 0,000 in St. Mary's county, near St. Mary's, Maryland. One thousand one hundred acres were arable and the rest was woodland ; there was a three mile frontage on St. Mary's River. 71 Eight hundred acres were to be set aside for the orphanage and old folks ' home, and two thousand acres were to be put up for sale.72 The land was divided into thirty nine farms, ranging in size from 33 acres to 132, and classified in value thus: class A farms at $40-$50 an acre, class B farms at $25-$40 an acre, and Class C at $10-$25 an acre. The price of the farms varied from $600 to $3,100.73 The land sales went so well that the National Slovak Society decided to reserve only 500 acres for the orphanage and to sell 2,300 acres for farms.74 Such was the venture's success that by June, 1912, the Slovak Farmers Association was chartered in Maryland with a capitalization of $25,000. First class stock was to get 5% dividend; and as soon as the second class stock reached 5%, the rate of the first class was to jump to 7%. The organization's purpose was to settle Slovaks on good farms, especially in Maryland. The association also had a hotel where Slovaks might disport themselves in the summer for longer or shorter periods of time. 75 Behind the scenes, however, some financial skulduggery was afoot and the exposure of "commission-masters" definitely dampened enthusiasm for the project. A. S. Ambrose, the president of the National Slovak Society, had taken a ten percent commission on $48,735 worth of land sales and netted himself a tidy $4,875.30. Of the sales themselves $16,156.70 in cash had been placed into the Society's treasury, while $28,580 had been mortgaged to the Society. 76 On this transaction the Society was estimated to have lost nearly $20,000 through various "commissions." 77 At least on paper in 1911 the Slovak American Colonization Company was organized with an intended Capitalization of $50,000 at $50 a share. It planned the erection of houses, business structures, saw-mills, and other needed buildings. It remained a paper organization. 78 In spite of the publicity giv,en these projects, the influx of Slovaks onto the land came from individual initiative for most part. Small colonies of Slovak farmers grew up around Denmark, Maine, 79 Phillips, Wisconsin, 80 Tabor, Minnesota,81 Louisiana and Mississippi,82 Callahan and Pine Land, Flo- �52 SLOVAKIA rida,83 Michigan,84 and North Emporia and Antioch, Virginia.a5 If the Slovak farmer struck upon land already cleared, he did not have too difficult a time making a success of farming; but if he bought land that had yet to be cleared, like the second growth timberlands in Wisconsin, the first few years on the "blessed" land were murderous in their demands of labor and capital. For instance, two brothers and their families, having read accounts of successful farming in Wisconsin, used their savings to buy a farm in northern Wisconsin. The land had to be cleared, and ,even the women were put to work carrying away the heavy wood. Besides, the brothers had to build a log house big enough to shelter the two families. During the winter months, the men worked as lumberjacks, and in order to have enough capital to begin farming in spring had to borrow at six percent. After plowing and buying seed, the two new farmers were without money. One of them went to work in a glass mill in Illinois, while the other continued the back-breaking work clearing the land and farming. To add to their troubles, the nearby creek dried up in the summer, and the water could be brought in only from a distant spring. A horse had to be bought ! The beginning of farming was bitter for the Slovaks in northern Wisconsin.86 Although the Slovak farmers did organize locally, they did not form any national Slovak farmer societies. In Moquah, Wis. , for instance, a special farmers' society was established in 1911. The two national fraternal organizations served their social purposes sufficiently. One farmer from Tabor, Minn., did suggest that the Slovak farmers in the west needed a "clearing house" in a city like Pittsburgh, where they could sell their products, especially, grain, directly to the consumer. This would save the farmer some of his profits and the workingman some of his hard earned money. This remained only a suggestion. 87 Generally the new farmers were quite successful. The land was good, profits were high, and there were no strikes. 88 In Slovaktown hay was sold for $7 a ton in 1913; a Slovak farmer in Virginia made $1 ,100 on peanuts and $220 on cotton on a 220 acre farm . Still there were failures . A considerable number of advertisements announcing the farm sales appeared in the Jednota and the Narodne Noviny. 89 Some- �SLOVAKIA 53 times the reason was the mortgag,e ;90 at other times the family found the life too difficult and drab.9 1 While some Slovaks managed to escape to the farm from the hard life of mine and mill, most Slovaks remained city-dwellers. One of the problems of the city-dweller was the high cost of living as compared with wages. 92 The high prices led to a large number of cooperative ventures on a nationality basis. Most frequently this was a meat and grocery store. The enterprise resembled a corporation more than a cooperative. A share might cost $10 and a board of directors headed and managed the enterprise. Sometimes a limit was placed on the number of shares an individual might hold, lest any one person should capture control of the corporation.93 In Yukon, Pa., for instance, 200 families established a share-holding grocery store which was successful despite the opposition of some Slovaks. The corporation charter provided that any man could belong, but no one was allowed to invest more than $1 ,000! In 9 months a dividend of $4.85 was paid for each share. The cooperative enterprise could save a working man about fifteen cents a day on his food bill. In spite of considerable propaganda in the papers heralding these ventures, the Slovaks did not support these "Slovak stores" universally. The proprietors complained that Slovaks continued to patronize non-Slovak businesses. 9 4 There were many suggestions for Slovak enterprise: the organization of all Slovak businessmen in America, a law firm to take care of Slovak interests, a hospital for Slovak immigrants, a shoe factory to be built by the National Slovak Society or the Slovak League. 95 Of all the ephemeral proposals made, one did become actual. A Slovak bank to handle Slovak business was considered a necessity; but the idea was only gingerly approached after the failure of Peter V. Rovnianek's Bank in Pittsburgh, in 1907. Michael Bosak founded the State Slovak Bank in Wilkes-Barre, Pa.; the bank opened for business on December 2, 1912, and in its first five months showed a profit of $7,250. 96 Progress was also the keynote of the First Catholic Slovak Union. In 1910 the Union established its own printery in Middletown, Pa. This was a two story red brick building, one hundred twenty feet long and forty feet wide. The equipment included Duplex printing press and a linotype machine. The blessing of the printery took place on October 27, 1910.97 �54 SLOVAKIA In 1914 the Union also opened an orphanage, which the Sisters of Ss. Cyril and Methodius took under their supervision. The building itself cost $97,000, and the total cost was about $110,000. The chapel had an altar of Vermont marble worth $1,200 and a seating capacity of 150. 98 This orphanage was located in Middletown, Pa. The Slovak Catholics wer,e justly very proud of this achievement, especially when they remembered how poor they had been when they landed in the United States. The National Slovak Society showed its energy by creating an official newspaper for its own use, the Narodne Noviny, in 1910; this paper replaced the Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny which had spoken for the National Slovak Society but had never been adopted as the official organ of the Society. This new newspaper became definitely anti-clerical and sometimes anti-Catholic. In 1910 an editorial defended the modernists and attacked the Catholic Church as being an Italian and Roman Church, and not truly Catholic. 99 Any clerical scandal was written up with glee, and cartoons were not only anti-clerical but in very bad taste. These attacks and insults became so violent that the Bishop of Altoona, Eugene A. Garvey, banned the newspaper from his diocese on the grounds that it was written and published by "Jews, unbelievers, and heretics," spreading anarchism, unbelief, and socialism.100 The National Slovak Society did more constructive work when it organized the Youth Circles of the National Slovak Society in 1913. The chief purpose of these circles was educational. The elder and chief gymnast had to be total abstainers and men of sound general educa:tion. 101 The official language was Slovak. Dues were to be twenty cents a month for each child; of this amount fifteen cents were to be forwarded to the treasurer of the National Slovak Society. All meetings were to begin with Slovak and American patriotic songs; the American songs were to be translated into Slovak.102 Besides one official meeting a month to transact business, there were frequent meetings for lectures, study, and general education. 103 These circles presented programs which featured recitation of poems in Slovak, Slovak songs sung as solos and in chorus, instrumental solos, lectures by visitors. 104 The circles were beneficial to young Slovaks, and their growth �SLOVAKIA 55 was very rapid. By September, 1914, sixty nine circles had been established. 105 In spite of all the discussion of an orphanage, the National Slovak Society finally abandoned the plan. The matter was dropped because of the religious problem. The Society consisted of members belonging to various religious sects and claimed that it could not without showing favoritism provide for religious instruction. An orphanage without religious instruction and education was unacceptable to the Slovaks. 106 The fraternal organizations during this time suffered somewhat from embezzlement and swindling. Joseph Joscak, an editor of the Narodne Noviny , had taken a $19,000 "commission" from the National Slovak Society but was caught up with in 1913. 107 During the same years a William Vokolek swindled the Slovak fraternal organizations to the extent of $300,000. 108 Of course, A. S. Amrose's "commission" on the St. Mary's settlement must also be recalled here. Another common feature of fraternal life in this period was the construction of lodge halls, which were built almost in every settlement. These lodge halls became the centers of social life; they provided places for lodge meetings, theatrical productions, dances, gymnastic exercises, and quarters for the political and literary clubs. 109 One of the storms that troubled the fraternal organizations was the debate on the "old system" as against the "new system." Almost any issue of the Jednota after 1906 and the Narodne Noviny after 1910 contained letters with arguments on both sides of the question. 110 While operating under the older method of assessment, the organizations failed to build up a reserve for times of special demand; they were merely collecting agencies. For instance, if the organization needed $3,000 and had 12,000 members, each member was obliged to pay twenty five cents, which were collected to meet the cost. The new system involved paying dues r,e gularly, determined according to age. As early as 1906 the Rev. S. Furdek, the Rev. M. Jankola, and A. S. Ambrose pointed out the advantages of the new system, but there was much opposition. By 1914 both the First Catholic Slovak Union and the National Slovak Society had adopted the modern method. m Although progress was considerable among the Slovak immigrants in education, business enterprise, and farming , in many ways the lot of the workingman remained a hard �56 SLOVAKIA one. For instance, mine disasters continued to take lives. At Fernie, Pa. , in June, 1902, 200 miners perished, 50 of them Slovaks. Forty two Slovak miners were killed at Cambria, Pa. , during July, 1902. 112 Strikes still plagued the coal fields in which Slovaks were working. In Westmoreland county a strike began at Greensburg, Pa., on March 10, 1910 over union recognition and as a protest against the company store system. It spread to the neighboring mining centers of K,eystone, Irwin, Latrobe, and Westmoreland. Then in the confusion a mine guard shot an eighteen year old youth, and 15,000 miners went on strike. Eleven thousand wer•e said to be Slovaks. They joined the union to show their defiance and to emphasize their demands. As a counter-measure, the company called in the Pinkerton detectives, and the striking miners were blacklisted.113 During the strike the miners had very little to subsist upon, and that little came from the United Mine Workers of America. The union provided $2.50 a week for each man, $1.00 a week for each woman dependent, and $0 .50 a week for each child. 114 The president of the National Slovak Society, Mr. A. S. Ambrose, visited the strike-bound coal-fields. In his newspaper articles he estimated that about 20,000 men were on strike ; about 95 % were Slavs, and of this latter group about 60 % were Slovaks. The striking miners lived in shacks that could not protect them against the bitter cold, the children went about bare-foot and hungry. 115 Since 500 strikers were members of the National Slovak Society, the Society published appeals for help and even began a collection for relief of the strikers in Westmoreland county.116 Gradually the strike was broken and nothing substantial was won. Another strike in which many Slovaks were involved began in 1913, led by the Industrial Workers of the World. It started in the broad-loom silk mills of Patterson, N. J. , on February 25, 1913. Over twenty five thousand workers were affected. There were two factors that prolonged the bitter strife. One was the introduction of the three and four loom system; this involved the question of whether Patterson should invade the cheap silk field in opposition to the Pennsylvania mills. Fear of lower wages and loss of work followed as a consequence. The second factor was resentment of I.W.W. tactics. The Jednota condemned the I. W. W.'s socialist tendencies and opposition to the American Federation of Labor. 117 �SLOVAKIA 57 Still these defects of the union did not blind the First Catholic Slovak Union to the needs of the strikers, many of whom were Slovaks. 118 For five months the leadership of the I. W. W. kept the strikers' ranks intact, but lack of funds and loss of morale at last broke the strike. After twenty one weeks of bitter struggle the strike was settled without any gains for the workers. The J ednota laid the blame on the socialists. 119 Both newspapers were strong supporters of unions. They considered it the duty of every Slovak to belong to the unions, especially the American Federation of Labor. After all, it was the unions that improved the worker's lot and gave labor a position of influence in the world. 120 The strike-breaker and the "scab" were excluded from Slovak organizations. 121 In their attitude toward socialism the two newspapers differed. The Narodne Noviny showed itself definitely hospitable to socialist ideas. Articles were featured insisting that there could be no friendly contacts between capitalists and workers; workers were urged to abandon the Democratic and Republican parties and to join the party of the working class! 122 The Jednota unreservedly repudiated socialism. It condemned socialist anti-religious tactics and ridicule of Catholics. 123 Socialism was anti-Christian in its very essence, and had been consistently opposed to religion. The only agency that did in fact transform slave labor into free human labor was the Catholic Church. 124 As the first decade of the twentieth century ended and another began, the dawn of new interests appeared on the horizon. In 1911 Count Albert Apponyi, who has been mentioned before, returned to the United States on behalf of Hungary which he described as "an island of freedom" in central Europe. Slovak publicity about Hungarian mistreatment of Slovaks caused the mission of Count Apponyi to fail.1 25 Hard upon the heels of this came the Balkan wars. Slovak efforts at war relief were conditioned by nationalism. Within the months from November 21, 1912 to June 19, 1913, the Narodne Noviny collected $1,547.95 for the Slavonic Red Cross; and it was made clear that this collection was only for the Slavs. 126 By January 22, 1913 the Jednota had collected $2,350.00 for the same cause. 127 With regard to the "Slovak question," which was on the verge of becoming the paramouth one for the Slovaks, opinion among the American Slovaks had undergone quite a change. �58 SLOVAKIA Almost up to 1914 Slovaks sought concessions from Hungary for Slovakia; but these concessions of political and cultural rights wer-e understood within the existing framework of government. However, in April, 1914, when Count Michael Karolyi came to the United States to win Slovak favor for a Slovak and Hungarian union in a completely independent Hungary, the Slovaks questioned the sincerity of the Count and the government. In New York, on May 24, 1914, a debate took place on the question: "Can the Slovaks trust the Hungarian government in its movement for general suffrage in Hungary and with complete Hungarian independence?" The debate solved no real problem, but stated clearly the issues: what was to be the Slovaks' future relation to Hungary? The Slovak League arranged several protest meetings, and on April 28, 1914 issued a Memorandum, which was practically a declaration of independence and demanded autonomy for Slovakia. The League did not explain the kind of autonomy Slovakia should have, whether within Austro-Hungary or with Hungary as an independent state or complete independence for Slovakia for the Slovaks in America themselves disagreed on what they wanted. In order to clarify their position, a Congress of the Slovak League was held in Pittsburgh, September 10, 1914. After everybody had aired their views, it appeared that in 1914, as late as September of that year, the American Slovaks had not generally accepted political plans for Slovakia. 128 They were divided into three camps: one demanded complete independence for Slovakia, another wanted autonomy within Hungary, and a third desired the creation of a new state in which Czechs and Slovaks would be united. 129 With the coming of the World War, Slovak attention was diverted from the creation of Slovak institutions here in America to the creation of Slovakia. The World War found the Slovaks anti-German and anti-Habsburg. 130 The Jednota printed German atrocity stories and even went so far as to charge that German Protestantism was serving German mili'tarism.131 The Slovak League managed to chanel the desire for a better Slovakia and the anti-Habsburg feeling into an extensive Slovak nationalist movement. Through the Slovak League over a million dollars was poured into the cause of Slovak freedom. 132 By 1914 the Slovak immigrants had made themselves �SLOVAKIA 59 economically secure as far as a group of working people could in the American economy. Socially they had made progress in organizing national fraternal organizations, establishing Slovak schools, creating Slovak parishes. Their nationalism, manifested in efforts to form distinct Slovak institutions and their interest in European Slovakia, prevented their complete integration with American life; but the Slovak institutions seemed foredoomed to failure. The explanation for much of this lies outside the special character of the Slovaks. After 1890, the close of the frontier, the new industrial city became the characteristic of American life ; it became the center of production, the leader in social and cultural lif.e, and great center of communication. By the very fact that Slovaks were immersed in industrial and eventually city rather than farm life, they were exposed to the influence of this most Americanizing force. The problems of new city life, the economic opportunities offered them in industry, and economic competition made the attempt to establish particularly Slovak institutions a struggle against the current. The attempted settlement on ,t he farms was also against the trends of the times which led toward the city. The crucial factor in American Slovak social history seems to be their engaging in industry and their settlement in industrial centers. Slovak nationalism attempted to modify the influence of this industrial city, and in so far as it did, it hindered progress among the Slovak immigrants in America. FOOTNOTES 1. Francis Sasinek, "Myslienky o stave nabozenstva medzi Slovakmi," Kalendar Jednota (1897 ) , II, 139. 2. M. Jankola, " Nase Skoly," Kalendar Jedno ta ( 1900), V, 135-136. 3. Molchan, "Development of the Slovak Community," pp. 69-70. 4. Culen, Slovaci v Ameri ke, p. 394; Jednota, June 18, 1913, September 3, 1913. 5. Yurchak, The Slovaks, p. 187; Hrusovsky, This i s Slovakia, p. 50. 6. Molchan, "Development of the Slovak Community," pp. 82-83 ; Yurchak, .The ,Slovaks, p . 190. 7. Yurchak, The Slovaks, pp. 229-230. 8. Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka 1864-1938 (Bratislava, 1934), pp. 186191 ; Bokes, Dejiny Slovenska, pp. 313-315; Yurchak, The Slovaks, pp. 230-232. 9. Molchan, "Development of the Slovak Community," p. 81. 10. John S. Bradac, "Slovenski Evanjelici-Lutherani v Spojenych Statoch Arnerickych," World's Fair Memorial, pp. 81-82. 11. "The Slovak Sokol," Sborni k Slovenskeho Katoli ckeho Sokola na rok 1942, XXVIII, 242-243 . 12. Culen, Dejiny, II, 80-81, 93-94. �60 SLOVAKIA 13. J ednota, February 5, 1913. The pastor told the organist " the Slovak language was nothing." The organist quit. 14. Jednota, July 8, 1914. After the Slovaks had brought a priest from Slovakia and paid his way, the bishop refused to let him be their pastor. 15. Narodne Noviny, September 15, 1910; Kushner, Slovaci, p . 32. 16. Molchan, "Development of the Slovak Community," p. 94-95. 17. Andrew J. Shipman, " Slavs in America," Th e Catholic Encyclop edia ( 1912), XIV, p. 55. 18. Culen, Dejiny, I. 114-115. 19. M. Jankola, " Pokladnica sv. Antona v Amerike," Kalendar Jedn ota (1908), XIII, 177-178. 20. Jednota, February 12, 1913. 21. Culen Slovaci v A merike, p . 418; " Slovenska zenska rehol'a ssv. Cyrilla i Me thoda v Amerike ," Ka lendar J ednot a ( 1911 ), XVI, 97-98 ; M. Jankola , " Prvotiny pr vej slovenskej zenskej rehole" , Ka lendar Jednot a (1909), XIV, 17-176; "Dcery ssv. Cyrilla i Methoda", Kalendar J ednota (1914 ), XIX, 194-195. 22. Kushner, Slovaci, pp. 150-152. 23. Culen, Slovaci v Amerike, pp. 408-409. 24. Ibi d., 418,424. 25. Narodne Noviny, August 15, 1913, August 29,1913. 26. Narodne Noviny, October 3, 1912. 27. Kushner, Slovaci, pp. 156-157. 28. Culen, Slovaci v A merike, p. 401. 29. Narodne Noviny, June 9, 1910, April 27, 1911 ; September 5, 1912; August 29, 1912; Jednota, July 2, 1913. 30. Narodne Noviny, June 23, 1910, February 15, 1913 ; Jednota, April 1, 1914. 31. J ednota, March 4, 1913, March 12, 1913. 32. Stephan Furdek, "Dlfobny upis a ucastina," Kalendar Jednota (1909 ), XIV, pp. 192-195; "Ako povstal svet," Kalendar Jednota (1910), XV, pp. 141-145; J. Porubsky, "Ako volia v Amerike prezidenta," Kalendar J ednota (1913) , XVII, pp. 97-103; I. G., "Ako stat' sa obcanom Spoj. Statov," Kalendar Narodneho Slov enskeho Spolku (1913 ), XX, pp. 83-96. 33. Nar odne Noviny, June 12, 1913 ; Jednota, November 19, 1913. 34. N arodne Noviny, April 25, 1912; Jednota, June 11, 1913. 35. Narodne Noviny , August 10, 1911. 36. J . A. F ., " Pokrok," Sborni k (1915) , I, 43. 37. N arodne Noviny, April 4, 1912. 38. Narodne Noviny, July 11, 1912. 39. Narodne Noviny, July 25, 1912. 40. Narodne Noviny, August 8, 1912, September 19, 1912. 41. Narodne Noviny, November 12, 1914. 42. Jednota, January 1, 1913, February 12, 1913, May 7, 1913. 43. Culen, Slovaci v A m erike, pp. 175-190. 44. Ibi d., pp. 236-237. 45. Ibid. , p. 266. 46. Ibi d., p. 267. 47. Ibid., pp. 294-296. 48. Ibi d., pp. 297-305. 49. Ibid., pp. 306-337. 50. N arodne Noviny, February 3, 1910. �SLOVAKIA 61 51. Narodne Noviny, March 27, 1913. 52. Narodne Noviny, February 10, 1910, October 24, 1912. 53. Jednota, January 8, 1913, February 19, 1913, June 18, 1913, July 16, 1913. 54. Culen, Slovaci v Amerike, p. 191. 55. Narodne Noviny, July 7, 1910, June 27, 1912, April 17, 1913 ; Jednota, November 4, 1914, December 23, 1914. 56. Narodne Noviny, October 3, 1912. 57. Narodne Noviny, October 6, 1910. 58. Narodne Noviny, January 27, 1910; Jednota, May 14, 1913, December 31, 1913 ; Kalendar Jednota (1915), XX, 75. 59. Narodne Noviny, March 7, 1912. 60. Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny, August 19, 1897. 61. Joseph Pauco, ~udovychorn u Sturovcov (Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1943) , pp. 107-108. 62. Ibid. , pp. 137-140. 63. Jednota, February 5, 1913. 64. Narodne Noviny, April 28, 1910, April 4, 1912, March 21, 1912. 65. Narodne Noviny, April 4, 1912; Paul Jamarik, " Opojny a krcma, " Kalendar Narodneho Slovenskeho Spolku ( 1914), XXII, 198-206 ; Jednota, February 19, 1913, June 25, 1913. 66. !1udomil, "Zakladajme spolky uplnej striezlivosti," Kalendar Jednota, (1911), XVI, 41-42. 67. Jednota, March 5, 1913. 68. Narodne Noviny, February 24, 1910, August 4, 1910; Jednota, January 29, 1913. 69. Jednota, July 30, 1913. 70. Narodne Noviny, April 25, 1912. 71. Narodne Noviny, January 13, 1910, May 12, 1912, August 25, 1910. 72. Narodne Noviny, November 2, 1911. 73. Narodne Noviny, November 9, 1911. 74. Narodne Noviny, January 25, 1912. 75. Narodne Noviny, June 6, 1912. 76. Narodne Noviny, September 18, 1913. 77. Narodne Noviny, October 1, 1914. 78. Narodne Noviny, November 16, 1911. 79. Jednota, September 17, 1913 ; Narodne Noviny, May 25, 1911. 80. Jednota, February 4, 1914; Narodne Noviny , March 19, 1914, June 11, 1914. 81. Jednota, February 19, 1913. 82. Narodne Noviny, October 7, 1910. 83. Jednota, July 9, 1913 Narodne Noviny, May 11, 1912. 84. Jednota, January 1, 1913 ; January 21, 1914. 85. Narodne Noviny, March 19, 1914, April 25, 1912. 86. Jednota, January 21, 1914, January 28, 1914. 87. Jednota, February 12, 1913, August 13, 1913. 88. Jednota, August 13, 1913; Narodne Noviny, March 19, 1914; Jednota, September 17, 1913, January 21 , 1914. 89. Jednota, December 9, 1914, October 14, 1914, December 30, 1914. 90. Narodne Noviny, April 25, 1912. 91. Narodne Noviny, August 8, 1912. 92. Narodne Noviny, February 17, 1910, April 27, 1911. 93 . Narodne Noviny, February 29, 1914; Jednota, July 1, 1914; Narodne Noviny, May 14, 1914. 94. Jednota, July 1, 1914. �62 SLOVAKIA 95. N<irodne Noviny, December 28, 1911, September 12, 1912, October 12, 1911, June 11, 1914. 96. N<irodne Noviny, March 7, 1912; Jednota, May 21, 1913. 97. A. V. Kozak, "Ustav I . Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty," Kalend<ir Jednota (1912) , XVII, 22. 98. " Ustav I. Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty," Kalend<ir Jednota ( 1915), xx, 163-164. 99. N<irodne Noviny, July 14, 1910. 100. N<irodne Noviny, July 13, 1911. 101. N<irodne Noviny, October 13, 1913. 102. N<irodne Noviny, January 8, 1914. 103. N<irodne Noviny, January 29, 1914. 104. N<irodne Noviny, April 16, 1914. 105. N<irodne Noviny, September 17, 1914. 106. Pamiitnica k zlatemu Jubileu N<irodneho Slov enskeho Spolku v U .S.A . (Pittsburgh, 1940) , p. 47. 107. N<irodne Noviny, March 13, 1913. 108. N<irodne Noviny, January 16, 1913. 109. N <irodn e Noviny, March 24, 1910, April 28, 1910, June 30, 1910. 110. Jednota, January 1, 1913. 111. "Prorocke slova dp. Matufa Jankolu o novom systeme," Sbornik Slovenskeho Katolickeho Sokola na rok 1942, XXIX, 82; Jednota, January 1, 1913. 112. Culen, Dejiny, I, 125. 113. Ibid., I, 122-123. 114. N<irodne Noviny, March 23 , 1911. 115. N<irodn e Noviny, March 16, 1911. 116. N<irodne Noviny, September 22, 1910. 117. Jednota, May 14, 1913, May 21, 1913, July 2, 1913, September 10. 1913. 118. Jednota, June 18, 1913. 119. Jednot a, July 30, 1913. 120. N<irodn e Noviny, August 22, 1912, October 23, 1913 ; S. F., "Robotnicka otazka," Ka lend<ir J ednota (1906 ), XIII, 56. 121. Culen, Deji ny, I, 123-124; N<irodne Noviny, February 24, 1913. 122. N<irodne Noviny, January 15, 1914, February 12, 1914, February 26, 1914, June 11, 1914. 123. Jednota, January 1, 1913. 124. Jednota, May 7, 1913, July 2, 1913, May 14, 1913. 125. Yurchak, The Slovaks, p. 187. 126. N<irodne Noviny, November 21, 1912, June 19, 1913. 127. J ednota, January 22, 1913. 128. Molchan, "Development of the Slovak Community," pp. 99-102. 129. Yurchak, The Slovaks, p. 190. 130. Jednota, September 30, 1914, October 14, 1914. 131. Jednot a, October 21, 1914, November 4, 1914. 132. Yurchak, The Slovaks, p . 191. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1966, Vol. 16 Description An account of the resource Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 41 New Interests 1900-1914 SLOVAKS IN THE U.S.A. By James J. Zatk o, Ph. D ., University of Notre D ame By 1900 growing Slovak nationalism had begun to grip the Slovak immigrants, and during the next decade and a half the Slovaks agitated for distinotly Slovak institutions, for Slovak education, and for Slovak liberation overseas from Hungarian control. What seemed the most important need of the Slovak immigrants to many thinking minds was Slovak education. Some Catholics found the cause of religious decline in the non-confessional Slovak schools that others advocated and established. Public schools seemed equally pernicious to their mind as being Protestant schools. Too much Americanization injured faith and morals. To them the great answer was Slovak Catholic schools; but these were practically non-existent. Some pastors just were not interested in schools, Slovak or Catholic. The debts resulting from building churches weighted down the parishes and blocked any ambitious program of school construction. Often Slovaks were too scattered throughout a region to support their own church and school.1 However, the crucial obstacle was a lack of Slovak teachers. Even if schools were built, they might be Catholic schools, but they would not be Slovak schools, for there were not enough Slovak teachers. As early as 1900 Rev. M. Jankola, a Catholic priest, suggested a solution, Slovak nuns to teach in Slovak schools, but this suggestion took almost ten years to mature. 2 Nevertheless, schools were not entirely neglected during these first years of the twentieth century. In 1900 the Rev. Bartholomew Kvitek, a Catholic priest, organized the Slovak school of St. Michael's parish in Chicago; and in 1902 the first Vincentian Sisters of Charity arrived from Slovakia to serve in St. Michael's parish in Braddock, Pa., where they took charge of the parochial school's 65 students. 3 Plans for non-confessional schools never came to very much, because the Slovaks were opposed to education without religion. 4 In 1900 the Slovaks won a local victory over the Hungarians when their protests blocked the erection of Louis Kossuth's statue in the public square of Cleveland. When Count 42 SLOVAKIA Albert Apponyi and forty delegates arrived in America during the World's Fair at St. Louis in 1904, the Slovaks presented a Memorandum recounting their objections against the electoral system in Hungary and Magyarization. Although the Count refused even to discuss Slovak grievances, ,the Memorandum at least informed public opinion about undemocratic election procedures and anti-Slovak schools. 5 However, all anti-Magyar agitation was focussed by the creation in 1907 of the Slovak League of America on May 26, in Cleveland, Ohio, by seven thousand delegates. The League became an alliance of Slovak educational, fraternal, and religious groups in this country. The purposes of the League were to educate Slovaks everywhere, to uplift them here in America and elsewhere morally, economically, socially and politically. 6 It became the leader in the drive to alleviate political conditions in Slovakia, but its efforts might have been still-born had not the Massacre of Cernova on the 27th of October, 1907 aroused not only Slovaks but world opinion. To understand this ev,e nt some facts need to be reviewed. The Rev. Andrew Hlinka, a Catholic priest both pious and devoted to the political and social welfare of the Slovaks, in 1897 became editor of The People's News and fought the Magyarization program of the gov,e rnment; his speeches and writings helped elect seven Slovaks to the Hungarian Parliament in 1906. He and fifteen other Slovaks were arrested and tried for "agitation against Hungarian nationality". Hlinka was fined 1500 crowns and costs of 680 crowns and sentenced to two years in prison. In a farewell message to his parishioners he declared thart he would gladly suffer imprisonment to secure recognition of the Slovak nation. For this he received another eighteen months and a fine of 400 crowns. 7 Prior to this the Rev. A. Hlinka had been appointed pastor in his native city, Ruzomberok; in the quarter known as Cernova he had begun building a new church for which he collected funds from all over Slovakia. He had in the meantime been suspended by Bishop Parvy, an ardent pro-Magyar. When the church in Cernova was to be dedicated, the parishioners refused to permit the blessing, unless their pastor returned to them. On October 27, 1907 gendarmes marched into Cernova to help keep order, and they lined the streets leading to the church. That morning coaches arrived bringing the Rev. Pazurik from Llkavka and other visitors to conduct the dedi- SLOVAKIA 43 cation. When the people blockaded the road, the coachman began to lay about his whip in order to drive his horses through the crowd ; some men seized the horses' bridles to turn them around. An order was given to the gendarmes to open fire. Instantly nine people fell dead, men, women, and children, and six more died of their wounds later. 8 The National Slovak Society immediately took in hand the problem of aid for the widows and orphans that resulted from the Cernova Massacre and voted $2,000 for r•elief.9 While political nationalism received immense stimulus from the Massacre, nationalism began to play a greater role in the sphere of religion after 1900. Under the influence of their nationalism, the Slovaks began to feel their unity as a group and their need of exclusivness as a nation. This led to organization on a unique national basis in religion and to demands for r•ecognizing the "rights of Slovaks" in religious matters, like organization of synods for the Lutherans, Catholic action groups for the Slovak Catholics, and teaching of Slovak in the schools. The Slovak Lutherans formed the Slovak Evangelical Lutheran Synod of the United States of America with headquarters in Whiting, Indiana. This Synod was founded in the church of St. Peter, September 2, 1902, at Connellsville, Pa. A beginning had been made in Mahanoy City, Pa., but more definite steps were taken at conferences in Wilkes-Barre, Pa., and Braddock, Pa.; in the actual founding all the Slovak ministers and congregations cooperated. The Synod used the Slovak language in services and sermons, except where unusual circumstances required the use of English. Even the children wer,e taught their religion in Slovak. The Synod obtained its funds from prescribed contributions of the various parishes belonging to it. In Cleveland it owned a considerable prope1;ty intended for a Lutheran orphanage. The of.ficial organ was the Svedo k, which began in 1906 and was published twice a month.10 The troubled relations of Catholicism with Slovak nationalism continued to split various groups. A National Slovak Sokol had been established to include all Sokol activities in the United States; but discrimination against Catholics led to the creation of the Slovak Catholic Sokol in 1905; the headquarters of this group were in Passaic, N. J. The Slovak Catholic Sokol began publishing its own paper, the Katolicky 44 SLOVAKIA Sokol, and launched an extensive program to attract Slovak youth in gymnastics, athletics, and social activities. 11 The most violent conflict among Slovaks of the first decade of the twentieth century involved Slovak nationalism, but it was a conflict within the Catholic group between Catholic Nationalists and the Madarones. The founder of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Rev. Stephen Furdek, called for an annual Slovak day that was to renew the Catholic spirit and attachment to Slovak nationality. The first Slovak day was to be called the Catholic Congress. This evoked bitter opposition in letters and even a telegram to Bishop Michael J . Hoban of Scranton from the Rev. Kossalko who denounced the whole project as "pan-slavistic" and as an attempt to set up a national church. When Bishop Hoban sanctioned the Slovak Day or Catholic Congress in Wilkes-Barre, Pa., by addressing it on September 3, 1906, Kossalko's rage knew no bounds. He addressed a Memorandum, signed by a large number of Madarone Slovak clergy, to the Apostolic Delegate and the archbishops of the United States. He demanded a condemnation of the affair. The Memorandum expressed fear for the unity of the church and the salvation of 500,000 souls, and accused the Slovak Catholics of working for "panslavism", which was inimical to Hungary, Germany, and the United States. However, Bishop Hoban's influence shielded the Catholic Slovak clergy and no action was taken.12 This event discredited the Madarones. Within the framework of the Catholic Church in the United States Slovak Catholics became involved in a struggle to preserve what they considered their national rights. There were arguments with non-Slovak pastors over hiring organists who would be able to teach Slovak to the children. 13 At other times Slovak Catholic efforts to obtain Slovak priests who could minister to them in their own language conflicted with bishops who did not always agree on Slovak "rights" .14 One bitter quarrel led to a schism in the Slovak settlement of Masontown, Pa. In Leckrone, Pa., a settlement of Irish and Slovaks, the Church of Our Lady of Perpetual help was blessed by Bishop Richard Phelan of Pittsburgh on October 9, 1904. In 1907 the church burned down, but a hall was built in which religious services were held. The Slovaks by this time had a Slovak pastor, but they still wanted a parish all their own. Bishop SLOVAKIA 45 Francis R. Canevin of Pittsburgh requested the Rev. Charles Janda to look for a suitable location ; Rev. C. Janda sugg,ested Masontown. Since the Irish Catholics also wanted to have a parish in Masontown, the Slovaks were told to take the church in Leckrone for their use; but the Slovaks in Masontown were not satisfied. They went ahead and built their own church, and when the bishop would not cooperate with them, they cast about for a priest who might be willing to serve their church. Eventually they found an "independent" priest and so fell into schism.15 In sptte of such trouble, the Slovak Catholic body remained generally healthy. On February 22, 1911 a Slovak Catholic Priest and inventor, the Rev. Joseph Murgas, led in forming The Slovak Catholic Federation in America in Wilkes-Barre, Pa. Und,e r the control of Slovak Catholic priests this group was to spread and coordinate Catholic action among Slovaks in America; until this year Slovak Catholic activities had been unorganized and subordinated to political and social ends.16 Exact religious statistics for ·t he Slovak immigrant group for that time are not available, but the best estimate suggests that of the 560,000 Slovak immigrants in America in 1911, 450,000 were Roman Catholics. The Slovak Catholics had 134 parishes in the United States. Protestants among the Slovaks numbered 95,000 .17 Of this Protestant group, Calvinists are estimated to run about 15,000. 18 After 1905 the development of Slovak Catholic elementary schools gained momentum. A system both Slovak and Catholic had been impossible without Slovak Catholic teachers. The Rev. M. Jankola, a Catholic priest, organized the Priests' Society of St. Anthony's Burse in the United States of America in Wilkes-Barre, Pa. , in 1903 and it was chartered in 1905. In the Kalendar Jednota of 1908 Rev. M. Jankola proposed the Burse of St. Anthony for Catholics generally to support students preparing to be teachers and Slovak girls preparing to be teaching nuns. 19 Although the Slovak Catholics supported this program generously with frequent collections and donations 20 , the fund proved insufficient for the purpose. Three Slovak girls who had been sent to the novitiate of the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary in 1906 were the nucleus of a Slovak sisterhood. In 1909 interested Slovak priests petitioned for the foundation of a distinctly 46 SLOVAKIA Slovak sisterhood, the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. On June 26, 1909 the Congregation for Religious approved this project, and the motherhouse of the new Slovak congregation was established in Danville, Pa.21 In the year 1911 the Most Reverend Joseph Koudelka, the bishop of Superior sent a request to the general motherhouse of the Congregation of School Sisters of the Third Order of St. Francis in Prague. He asked the sisters to come to his diocese to work. Mother General M. Xavier sent Sister M. Georgia and Sister M. Hyacinth to look over the possibilities. These sisters stopped in Pittsburgh, where the Rev. J. Vrana persuaded them that the Pittsburgh diocese offered them greater opportunities and had greater need. When Sister M. Hyacinth took sick and died on March 10, 1912, the Mother General herself came to Pittsburgh. Rev. Ferdinand Prikazky, who at the moment was struggling to get nuns to teach in his St. Gabriel's parochial school, convinc,e d the sisters to settle in Pittsburgh. This was the beginning. By 1914 twenty three sisters of this congregation were teaching 579 children in three Slovak Catholic parishes.22 Progress had been made in solving the problem of elementary school education; schools were built in the parishes almost as quickly as teachers could be provided. The question of secondary school education also began to agitate Slovak circles. Very early, the Rev. Stephen Furdek suggested the idea of a Slovak high school for boys; he was seconded in this by the Rev. M. Jankola. However, nothing came of the idea until 1921 when it revived and resulted in the Benedictine High School in Cleveland in 1927.23 The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius opened a high school for girls at Danville in 1922, and the Sisters of St. Francis opened one at Bellevue, Pa., in 1927. 24 There was continuous agitation for a college. A Slovak business college was suggested to improve the Slovak economic position.25 P. J . Kunovsky worked out a whole scheme for a Slovak school on a higher level. He argued that $100,000 would put up a building, and then he suggested that each fraternal organization ought to support a professor. This school was to include business and technical courses. As to religious affiliation, the school would be non-confessional, but the Oatholics could have a lecturer on the Catholic Faith and the Lutherans could support one to lecture on the Lutheran faith. This in- SLOVAKIA 47 stitution was to be coeducational. Nothing came of this project.2s Very few Slovak children of the first immigrants had a chance to go to college, but those who did go generally took advantag,e of existing colleges. In 1901 the Czech Benedictines had established St. Procopius College at Lisle, Ill., and by 1907 there were ten Slovak youths studying there. They organized the "Literary Society of Stephen Moyses" and issued a monthly multigraphed little paper, Horlivost'. The club and the paper lasted for four years. The Slovaks also owed a special debt to the College and Seminary of St. Vincent's Archabbey in Latrobe, Pa., for in this college and seminary almost all the Catholic Slovak priests and many Slovak young men were trained. 27 During the years between 1902 and 1936 545 Slovak students attended St. Vincent's. 28 Informal education made most progress among the Slovaks. Clubs, multiplied, political, social, cultural, and literary. The political club seems to have been the most popular. It had a variety of purposes: to fighrt political apathy among the Slovaks, to help the Slovaks gain their political rights, and to help Slovaks become American citizens. In one year a club in Rankin, Pa., succeeded in getting thirteen Slovaks to obtain their citizenship papers. 29 Literary clubs also became popular among the Slovaks as a mean of self- improvement. 30 Both the newspapers and the almanacs were also instrumental in educating the Slovak immigrants. The Jednota discussed Darwinism, the "higher criticism" and socialism. 31 The almanacs explained the procedure of becoming citizens, American electoral system, stocks and bonds, and even discussed the origin of the world. 32 One of the complaints about the Slovaks made by their own leaders is their lack of interest in books and good reading. To make the Slovaks book-lovers, Slovak political and literary clubs founded Slovak libraries. 33 The national fraternal organizations sometimes contributed money to help in the acquisition of a building, or, if the Slovaks already possessed a lodge hall, to aid in the purchase of books. 34 That a demand actually developed for Slovak books is suggested by the special sections for Slovak readers in public libraries, as for instance, the Oarnegie Library in Homestead, Pa., 35 and the public library in Cleveland. 36 The most ambitious project launched to interest the Slo- 48 SLOVAKIA vaks in reading was a book club. P. J. Kunovsky suggested in 1912 the formation of a book club to consist of 5,000 Slovaks. This number would enable the club to sell four books for a dollar. 37 By July 11, 1912 a literary committee to choose books had been elected. 38 Even this cultural project could not move along without factions; for there were some objections to the composition of the literary committee. Only "one side" was represented. 39 There were complaints by Kunovsky that progress was slow; in fact, after six months of vigorous propaganda, there were not even 1,000 members, and the club needed 5,000 members in one year. 40 By November, 1914, the "Four Books for a Dollar" was still going and growing somewhat, 41 but the Slovaks were apparently still not too interested in books. One book promotion was quite successful. The Rev. J. Murgas led a drive to get 3,000 subscribers for a Cathechetical Encyclopedia, written by Rev. Vaclav Melchior, C. Ss. R. 42 Enough subscribers undertook to buy the book. It was a project more adapted to Slovak ideas; it seemed worthwhile to invest in a book on religion. The taste of Slovaks in reading was quite varied. We cannot judge from actual reports of reading, but the types of books published for them may serve as an indication of their reading tast,e. There were romances dealing with the Janosik cycle, a Slovak Robin Hood; others dealt with the adventures of a likeable thief, Rinaldo Rinaldini; sensational stories included Dracula, Harry Tracy, Most Desperate Criminal of Our Time , and World Detective Romances and Novel series.43 Other books published dealt with Slovak history and Magyar oppression. 44 One anti-clerical work was Z dejin Cirkvi by A. M. Spera, an anti-Catholic church history: 45 there was even a socialist work, Socialisti idu. 46 Publications included readers and catechisms, 47 dictionaries and grammars, 48 and devotional works. 49 The translations printed in the Narodne Noviny from American literature included Edgar A. Poe's The Black Cat 50 and Washington Irving's The Legend of Sleepy Hollow.51 Whatever reading may have been done by the Slovaks besides the almanacs and newspapers, these books are a suggestion of its type. Another form of informal education proposed was a Slovak Chautauqua. The Rev. W. Regnemer, a Calvinist minister, suggested that a fraternal organization hire a pleasure SLOVAKIA 49 park during the summer for one day, prepare a cultural and entertaining program and charge an admission of twenty fiv,e or fifty cents. 52 This idea was still-born. Theatrical productions were very common among the Slovaks, 53 but the drama was not on a very high level. Most popular were plays in Slovak portraying Slovakia and Slovak life. There was no attempt to translate the English classics of the stage into Slovak. 54 Both the Narodne Noviny and the Jednota encouraged the staging of plays by publishing a large number of them in their columns, 55 for plays portraying Slovak life served to arouse national consciousness, besides being good entertainment. 56 One complaint about the theatrical entertainment was the bad conduct of the audience, which frequently shouted to their friends on the stage, whistled, stamped their feet. Mothers brought very young children or babies who disturbed the performance with their crying. 57 The Slovaks organized bands and choirs ;58 popular music was also encouraged by the publication of songs in the almanacs. Some of the choirs advanced so rapidly that they were able to stage small operettas. 59 One obstacle to further Slovak progress was intemperance. The drink problem, its source in poverty, was an old one for the Slovaks. All sources agree that drink, especially whisk,ey, was the curse of Slovakia and helped impoverish the country. 60 During the 1840',s Rev. Stephan Zavodnik, a Catholic priest, influenced by Father Matthew, inaugurated the struggle against intemperance in Slovakia. Father Matthew's influence had trav,elled through Germany, Bohemia, Poland, and finally reached Slovakia. 61 Temperance societies were first organized in Orava in 1845 and in half a year had 20,000 members. The city councils assisted the societies; the ecclesiastical authorities put their prestige behind the movement. In 1847 the bishop of Banska Bystrica asked his clergy to publicize these societies during Lent ; the bishop of Roznava issued a pastoral letter on the subject in 1846. The Lutherans too supported the movement. 62 The nationalistic agitation and revolution in 1848 disrupted the growth of these societies, but by 1870 the fight against drink revived. 63 When the Slovaks came to America, they brought their weakness for drink with them. Still there were Slovaks who understood the pernicious effect of over-indulgence in strong 50 SLOVAKIA drink. Saloon keepers were attacked for disrupting family life. Slovak saloon keepers were urged to remove the national disgrace by going into another line of business. 64 The agitation against the use and abuse of alcohol filled many a column in the N arodne N oviny and J ednota. Alcohol was the cause of disease, for example, tuberculosis, of many economic and social losses ; whiskey was the root of all social evils.65 The most eff.ective agitation against intemperance was the total abstinence society. The best reason for creating such societies was their need. There were such sodeties already in existence in 1911 for example, in Hazleton, Pa., McAdoo, Pa. , St. Clair, Pa., and Mahanoy City, Pa.66 When the temperance club was organized in Wilkes-Barre, Pa., forty five prospective members attended the meeting; but only eight were willing to take the pledge and join the society. Eventually twenty women and girls joined; since then five or six members were added at each meeting, and the number finally grew to forty five! 67 Hand in hand with the progress in religious organization, in education, and political action, went the bettering of the Slovak economic conditions. As with the other activities, economic life among the Slovaks began to be colored by nationalism. The Slovaks set up Slovak grocery stores and Slovak banks. Surprisingly enough, a farm movement among the Slovaks developed from many causes. The success of the Slovaktown venture was continually reported in the newspapers: news of hay selling for $7 a ton, in November, 1912, seven weddings, good markets, freedom from the bleak life of a miners' town and from strikes. 68 To some life on the farm meant a life less dangerous to the faith and a healthier family life;69 to others it meant protection against too quick an assimilation to American ways, especially American morals.70 In 1910 the National Slovak Society embarked on a considerable farm colonization venture. The Society's national convention had voted in 1909 that not less than 1,000 acres of farm land should be bought for an orphanage. A committee investigated real estate in Prince George, Calvert, and St. Mary's counties in Maryland; enough land was to be bought to build an orphanage and to form a Slovak settlement to help in the upkeep of the orphanage. After considerable debate on whether the primary purpose was a settlement SLOVAKIA 51 or an orphanage, 2,813 acres of land were purchased for F 0,000 in St. Mary's county, near St. Mary's, Maryland. One thousand one hundred acres were arable and the rest was woodland ; there was a three mile frontage on St. Mary's River. 71 Eight hundred acres were to be set aside for the orphanage and old folks ' home, and two thousand acres were to be put up for sale.72 The land was divided into thirty nine farms, ranging in size from 33 acres to 132, and classified in value thus: class A farms at $40-$50 an acre, class B farms at $25-$40 an acre, and Class C at $10-$25 an acre. The price of the farms varied from $600 to $3,100.73 The land sales went so well that the National Slovak Society decided to reserve only 500 acres for the orphanage and to sell 2,300 acres for farms.74 Such was the venture's success that by June, 1912, the Slovak Farmers Association was chartered in Maryland with a capitalization of $25,000. First class stock was to get 5% dividend; and as soon as the second class stock reached 5%, the rate of the first class was to jump to 7%. The organization's purpose was to settle Slovaks on good farms, especially in Maryland. The association also had a hotel where Slovaks might disport themselves in the summer for longer or shorter periods of time. 75 Behind the scenes, however, some financial skulduggery was afoot and the exposure of "commission-masters" definitely dampened enthusiasm for the project. A. S. Ambrose, the president of the National Slovak Society, had taken a ten percent commission on $48,735 worth of land sales and netted himself a tidy $4,875.30. Of the sales themselves $16,156.70 in cash had been placed into the Society's treasury, while $28,580 had been mortgaged to the Society. 76 On this transaction the Society was estimated to have lost nearly $20,000 through various "commissions." 77 At least on paper in 1911 the Slovak American Colonization Company was organized with an intended Capitalization of $50,000 at $50 a share. It planned the erection of houses, business structures, saw-mills, and other needed buildings. It remained a paper organization. 78 In spite of the publicity giv,en these projects, the influx of Slovaks onto the land came from individual initiative for most part. Small colonies of Slovak farmers grew up around Denmark, Maine, 79 Phillips, Wisconsin, 80 Tabor, Minnesota,81 Louisiana and Mississippi,82 Callahan and Pine Land, Flo- 52 SLOVAKIA rida,83 Michigan,84 and North Emporia and Antioch, Virginia.a5 If the Slovak farmer struck upon land already cleared, he did not have too difficult a time making a success of farming; but if he bought land that had yet to be cleared, like the second growth timberlands in Wisconsin, the first few years on the "blessed" land were murderous in their demands of labor and capital. For instance, two brothers and their families, having read accounts of successful farming in Wisconsin, used their savings to buy a farm in northern Wisconsin. The land had to be cleared, and ,even the women were put to work carrying away the heavy wood. Besides, the brothers had to build a log house big enough to shelter the two families. During the winter months, the men worked as lumberjacks, and in order to have enough capital to begin farming in spring had to borrow at six percent. After plowing and buying seed, the two new farmers were without money. One of them went to work in a glass mill in Illinois, while the other continued the back-breaking work clearing the land and farming. To add to their troubles, the nearby creek dried up in the summer, and the water could be brought in only from a distant spring. A horse had to be bought ! The beginning of farming was bitter for the Slovaks in northern Wisconsin.86 Although the Slovak farmers did organize locally, they did not form any national Slovak farmer societies. In Moquah, Wis. , for instance, a special farmers' society was established in 1911. The two national fraternal organizations served their social purposes sufficiently. One farmer from Tabor, Minn., did suggest that the Slovak farmers in the west needed a "clearing house" in a city like Pittsburgh, where they could sell their products, especially, grain, directly to the consumer. This would save the farmer some of his profits and the workingman some of his hard earned money. This remained only a suggestion. 87 Generally the new farmers were quite successful. The land was good, profits were high, and there were no strikes. 88 In Slovaktown hay was sold for $7 a ton in 1913; a Slovak farmer in Virginia made $1 ,100 on peanuts and $220 on cotton on a 220 acre farm . Still there were failures . A considerable number of advertisements announcing the farm sales appeared in the Jednota and the Narodne Noviny. 89 Some- SLOVAKIA 53 times the reason was the mortgag,e ;90 at other times the family found the life too difficult and drab.9 1 While some Slovaks managed to escape to the farm from the hard life of mine and mill, most Slovaks remained city-dwellers. One of the problems of the city-dweller was the high cost of living as compared with wages. 92 The high prices led to a large number of cooperative ventures on a nationality basis. Most frequently this was a meat and grocery store. The enterprise resembled a corporation more than a cooperative. A share might cost $10 and a board of directors headed and managed the enterprise. Sometimes a limit was placed on the number of shares an individual might hold, lest any one person should capture control of the corporation.93 In Yukon, Pa., for instance, 200 families established a share-holding grocery store which was successful despite the opposition of some Slovaks. The corporation charter provided that any man could belong, but no one was allowed to invest more than $1 ,000! In 9 months a dividend of $4.85 was paid for each share. The cooperative enterprise could save a working man about fifteen cents a day on his food bill. In spite of considerable propaganda in the papers heralding these ventures, the Slovaks did not support these "Slovak stores" universally. The proprietors complained that Slovaks continued to patronize non-Slovak businesses. 9 4 There were many suggestions for Slovak enterprise: the organization of all Slovak businessmen in America, a law firm to take care of Slovak interests, a hospital for Slovak immigrants, a shoe factory to be built by the National Slovak Society or the Slovak League. 95 Of all the ephemeral proposals made, one did become actual. A Slovak bank to handle Slovak business was considered a necessity; but the idea was only gingerly approached after the failure of Peter V. Rovnianek's Bank in Pittsburgh, in 1907. Michael Bosak founded the State Slovak Bank in Wilkes-Barre, Pa.; the bank opened for business on December 2, 1912, and in its first five months showed a profit of $7,250. 96 Progress was also the keynote of the First Catholic Slovak Union. In 1910 the Union established its own printery in Middletown, Pa. This was a two story red brick building, one hundred twenty feet long and forty feet wide. The equipment included Duplex printing press and a linotype machine. The blessing of the printery took place on October 27, 1910.97 54 SLOVAKIA In 1914 the Union also opened an orphanage, which the Sisters of Ss. Cyril and Methodius took under their supervision. The building itself cost $97,000, and the total cost was about $110,000. The chapel had an altar of Vermont marble worth $1,200 and a seating capacity of 150. 98 This orphanage was located in Middletown, Pa. The Slovak Catholics wer,e justly very proud of this achievement, especially when they remembered how poor they had been when they landed in the United States. The National Slovak Society showed its energy by creating an official newspaper for its own use, the Narodne Noviny, in 1910; this paper replaced the Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny which had spoken for the National Slovak Society but had never been adopted as the official organ of the Society. This new newspaper became definitely anti-clerical and sometimes anti-Catholic. In 1910 an editorial defended the modernists and attacked the Catholic Church as being an Italian and Roman Church, and not truly Catholic. 99 Any clerical scandal was written up with glee, and cartoons were not only anti-clerical but in very bad taste. These attacks and insults became so violent that the Bishop of Altoona, Eugene A. Garvey, banned the newspaper from his diocese on the grounds that it was written and published by "Jews, unbelievers, and heretics," spreading anarchism, unbelief, and socialism.100 The National Slovak Society did more constructive work when it organized the Youth Circles of the National Slovak Society in 1913. The chief purpose of these circles was educational. The elder and chief gymnast had to be total abstainers and men of sound general educa:tion. 101 The official language was Slovak. Dues were to be twenty cents a month for each child; of this amount fifteen cents were to be forwarded to the treasurer of the National Slovak Society. All meetings were to begin with Slovak and American patriotic songs; the American songs were to be translated into Slovak.102 Besides one official meeting a month to transact business, there were frequent meetings for lectures, study, and general education. 103 These circles presented programs which featured recitation of poems in Slovak, Slovak songs sung as solos and in chorus, instrumental solos, lectures by visitors. 104 The circles were beneficial to young Slovaks, and their growth SLOVAKIA 55 was very rapid. By September, 1914, sixty nine circles had been established. 105 In spite of all the discussion of an orphanage, the National Slovak Society finally abandoned the plan. The matter was dropped because of the religious problem. The Society consisted of members belonging to various religious sects and claimed that it could not without showing favoritism provide for religious instruction. An orphanage without religious instruction and education was unacceptable to the Slovaks. 106 The fraternal organizations during this time suffered somewhat from embezzlement and swindling. Joseph Joscak, an editor of the Narodne Noviny , had taken a $19,000 "commission" from the National Slovak Society but was caught up with in 1913. 107 During the same years a William Vokolek swindled the Slovak fraternal organizations to the extent of $300,000. 108 Of course, A. S. Amrose's "commission" on the St. Mary's settlement must also be recalled here. Another common feature of fraternal life in this period was the construction of lodge halls, which were built almost in every settlement. These lodge halls became the centers of social life; they provided places for lodge meetings, theatrical productions, dances, gymnastic exercises, and quarters for the political and literary clubs. 109 One of the storms that troubled the fraternal organizations was the debate on the "old system" as against the "new system." Almost any issue of the Jednota after 1906 and the Narodne Noviny after 1910 contained letters with arguments on both sides of the question. 110 While operating under the older method of assessment, the organizations failed to build up a reserve for times of special demand; they were merely collecting agencies. For instance, if the organization needed $3,000 and had 12,000 members, each member was obliged to pay twenty five cents, which were collected to meet the cost. The new system involved paying dues r,e gularly, determined according to age. As early as 1906 the Rev. S. Furdek, the Rev. M. Jankola, and A. S. Ambrose pointed out the advantages of the new system, but there was much opposition. By 1914 both the First Catholic Slovak Union and the National Slovak Society had adopted the modern method. m Although progress was considerable among the Slovak immigrants in education, business enterprise, and farming , in many ways the lot of the workingman remained a hard 56 SLOVAKIA one. For instance, mine disasters continued to take lives. At Fernie, Pa. , in June, 1902, 200 miners perished, 50 of them Slovaks. Forty two Slovak miners were killed at Cambria, Pa. , during July, 1902. 112 Strikes still plagued the coal fields in which Slovaks were working. In Westmoreland county a strike began at Greensburg, Pa., on March 10, 1910 over union recognition and as a protest against the company store system. It spread to the neighboring mining centers of K,eystone, Irwin, Latrobe, and Westmoreland. Then in the confusion a mine guard shot an eighteen year old youth, and 15,000 miners went on strike. Eleven thousand wer•e said to be Slovaks. They joined the union to show their defiance and to emphasize their demands. As a counter-measure, the company called in the Pinkerton detectives, and the striking miners were blacklisted.113 During the strike the miners had very little to subsist upon, and that little came from the United Mine Workers of America. The union provided $2.50 a week for each man, $1.00 a week for each woman dependent, and $0 .50 a week for each child. 114 The president of the National Slovak Society, Mr. A. S. Ambrose, visited the strike-bound coal-fields. In his newspaper articles he estimated that about 20,000 men were on strike ; about 95 % were Slavs, and of this latter group about 60 % were Slovaks. The striking miners lived in shacks that could not protect them against the bitter cold, the children went about bare-foot and hungry. 115 Since 500 strikers were members of the National Slovak Society, the Society published appeals for help and even began a collection for relief of the strikers in Westmoreland county.116 Gradually the strike was broken and nothing substantial was won. Another strike in which many Slovaks were involved began in 1913, led by the Industrial Workers of the World. It started in the broad-loom silk mills of Patterson, N. J. , on February 25, 1913. Over twenty five thousand workers were affected. There were two factors that prolonged the bitter strife. One was the introduction of the three and four loom system; this involved the question of whether Patterson should invade the cheap silk field in opposition to the Pennsylvania mills. Fear of lower wages and loss of work followed as a consequence. The second factor was resentment of I.W.W. tactics. The Jednota condemned the I. W. W.'s socialist tendencies and opposition to the American Federation of Labor. 117 SLOVAKIA 57 Still these defects of the union did not blind the First Catholic Slovak Union to the needs of the strikers, many of whom were Slovaks. 118 For five months the leadership of the I. W. W. kept the strikers' ranks intact, but lack of funds and loss of morale at last broke the strike. After twenty one weeks of bitter struggle the strike was settled without any gains for the workers. The J ednota laid the blame on the socialists. 119 Both newspapers were strong supporters of unions. They considered it the duty of every Slovak to belong to the unions, especially the American Federation of Labor. After all, it was the unions that improved the worker's lot and gave labor a position of influence in the world. 120 The strike-breaker and the "scab" were excluded from Slovak organizations. 121 In their attitude toward socialism the two newspapers differed. The Narodne Noviny showed itself definitely hospitable to socialist ideas. Articles were featured insisting that there could be no friendly contacts between capitalists and workers; workers were urged to abandon the Democratic and Republican parties and to join the party of the working class! 122 The Jednota unreservedly repudiated socialism. It condemned socialist anti-religious tactics and ridicule of Catholics. 123 Socialism was anti-Christian in its very essence, and had been consistently opposed to religion. The only agency that did in fact transform slave labor into free human labor was the Catholic Church. 124 As the first decade of the twentieth century ended and another began, the dawn of new interests appeared on the horizon. In 1911 Count Albert Apponyi, who has been mentioned before, returned to the United States on behalf of Hungary which he described as "an island of freedom" in central Europe. Slovak publicity about Hungarian mistreatment of Slovaks caused the mission of Count Apponyi to fail.1 25 Hard upon the heels of this came the Balkan wars. Slovak efforts at war relief were conditioned by nationalism. Within the months from November 21, 1912 to June 19, 1913, the Narodne Noviny collected $1,547.95 for the Slavonic Red Cross; and it was made clear that this collection was only for the Slavs. 126 By January 22, 1913 the Jednota had collected $2,350.00 for the same cause. 127 With regard to the "Slovak question," which was on the verge of becoming the paramouth one for the Slovaks, opinion among the American Slovaks had undergone quite a change. 58 SLOVAKIA Almost up to 1914 Slovaks sought concessions from Hungary for Slovakia; but these concessions of political and cultural rights wer-e understood within the existing framework of government. However, in April, 1914, when Count Michael Karolyi came to the United States to win Slovak favor for a Slovak and Hungarian union in a completely independent Hungary, the Slovaks questioned the sincerity of the Count and the government. In New York, on May 24, 1914, a debate took place on the question: "Can the Slovaks trust the Hungarian government in its movement for general suffrage in Hungary and with complete Hungarian independence?" The debate solved no real problem, but stated clearly the issues: what was to be the Slovaks' future relation to Hungary? The Slovak League arranged several protest meetings, and on April 28, 1914 issued a Memorandum, which was practically a declaration of independence and demanded autonomy for Slovakia. The League did not explain the kind of autonomy Slovakia should have, whether within Austro-Hungary or with Hungary as an independent state or complete independence for Slovakia for the Slovaks in America themselves disagreed on what they wanted. In order to clarify their position, a Congress of the Slovak League was held in Pittsburgh, September 10, 1914. After everybody had aired their views, it appeared that in 1914, as late as September of that year, the American Slovaks had not generally accepted political plans for Slovakia. 128 They were divided into three camps: one demanded complete independence for Slovakia, another wanted autonomy within Hungary, and a third desired the creation of a new state in which Czechs and Slovaks would be united. 129 With the coming of the World War, Slovak attention was diverted from the creation of Slovak institutions here in America to the creation of Slovakia. The World War found the Slovaks anti-German and anti-Habsburg. 130 The Jednota printed German atrocity stories and even went so far as to charge that German Protestantism was serving German mili'tarism.131 The Slovak League managed to chanel the desire for a better Slovakia and the anti-Habsburg feeling into an extensive Slovak nationalist movement. Through the Slovak League over a million dollars was poured into the cause of Slovak freedom. 132 By 1914 the Slovak immigrants had made themselves SLOVAKIA 59 economically secure as far as a group of working people could in the American economy. Socially they had made progress in organizing national fraternal organizations, establishing Slovak schools, creating Slovak parishes. Their nationalism, manifested in efforts to form distinct Slovak institutions and their interest in European Slovakia, prevented their complete integration with American life; but the Slovak institutions seemed foredoomed to failure. The explanation for much of this lies outside the special character of the Slovaks. After 1890, the close of the frontier, the new industrial city became the characteristic of American life ; it became the center of production, the leader in social and cultural lif.e, and great center of communication. By the very fact that Slovaks were immersed in industrial and eventually city rather than farm life, they were exposed to the influence of this most Americanizing force. The problems of new city life, the economic opportunities offered them in industry, and economic competition made the attempt to establish particularly Slovak institutions a struggle against the current. The attempted settlement on ,t he farms was also against the trends of the times which led toward the city. The crucial factor in American Slovak social history seems to be their engaging in industry and their settlement in industrial centers. Slovak nationalism attempted to modify the influence of this industrial city, and in so far as it did, it hindered progress among the Slovak immigrants in America. FOOTNOTES 1. Francis Sasinek, "Myslienky o stave nabozenstva medzi Slovakmi," Kalendar Jednota (1897 ) , II, 139. 2. M. Jankola, " Nase Skoly," Kalendar Jedno ta ( 1900), V, 135-136. 3. Molchan, "Development of the Slovak Community," pp. 69-70. 4. Culen, Slovaci v Ameri ke, p. 394; Jednota, June 18, 1913, September 3, 1913. 5. Yurchak, The Slovaks, p. 187; Hrusovsky, This i s Slovakia, p. 50. 6. Molchan, "Development of the Slovak Community," pp. 82-83 ; Yurchak, .The ,Slovaks, p . 190. 7. Yurchak, The Slovaks, pp. 229-230. 8. Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka 1864-1938 (Bratislava, 1934), pp. 186191 ; Bokes, Dejiny Slovenska, pp. 313-315; Yurchak, The Slovaks, pp. 230-232. 9. Molchan, "Development of the Slovak Community," p. 81. 10. John S. Bradac, "Slovenski Evanjelici-Lutherani v Spojenych Statoch Arnerickych," World's Fair Memorial, pp. 81-82. 11. "The Slovak Sokol," Sborni k Slovenskeho Katoli ckeho Sokola na rok 1942, XXVIII, 242-243 . 12. Culen, Dejiny, II, 80-81, 93-94. 60 SLOVAKIA 13. J ednota, February 5, 1913. The pastor told the organist " the Slovak language was nothing." The organist quit. 14. Jednota, July 8, 1914. After the Slovaks had brought a priest from Slovakia and paid his way, the bishop refused to let him be their pastor. 15. Narodne Noviny, September 15, 1910; Kushner, Slovaci, p . 32. 16. Molchan, "Development of the Slovak Community," p. 94-95. 17. Andrew J. Shipman, " Slavs in America," Th e Catholic Encyclop edia ( 1912), XIV, p. 55. 18. Culen, Dejiny, I. 114-115. 19. M. Jankola, " Pokladnica sv. Antona v Amerike," Kalendar Jedn ota (1908), XIII, 177-178. 20. Jednota, February 12, 1913. 21. Culen Slovaci v A merike, p . 418; " Slovenska zenska rehol'a ssv. Cyrilla i Me thoda v Amerike ," Ka lendar J ednot a ( 1911 ), XVI, 97-98 ; M. Jankola , " Prvotiny pr vej slovenskej zenskej rehole" , Ka lendar Jednot a (1909), XIV, 17-176; "Dcery ssv. Cyrilla i Methoda", Kalendar J ednota (1914 ), XIX, 194-195. 22. Kushner, Slovaci, pp. 150-152. 23. Culen, Slovaci v Amerike, pp. 408-409. 24. Ibi d., 418,424. 25. Narodne Noviny, August 15, 1913, August 29,1913. 26. Narodne Noviny, October 3, 1912. 27. Kushner, Slovaci, pp. 156-157. 28. Culen, Slovaci v A merike, p. 401. 29. Narodne Noviny, June 9, 1910, April 27, 1911 ; September 5, 1912; August 29, 1912; Jednota, July 2, 1913. 30. Narodne Noviny, June 23, 1910, February 15, 1913 ; Jednota, April 1, 1914. 31. J ednota, March 4, 1913, March 12, 1913. 32. Stephan Furdek, "Dlfobny upis a ucastina," Kalendar Jednota (1909 ), XIV, pp. 192-195; "Ako povstal svet," Kalendar Jednota (1910), XV, pp. 141-145; J. Porubsky, "Ako volia v Amerike prezidenta," Kalendar J ednota (1913) , XVII, pp. 97-103; I. G., "Ako stat' sa obcanom Spoj. Statov," Kalendar Narodneho Slov enskeho Spolku (1913 ), XX, pp. 83-96. 33. Nar odne Noviny, June 12, 1913 ; Jednota, November 19, 1913. 34. N arodne Noviny, April 25, 1912; Jednota, June 11, 1913. 35. Narodne Noviny , August 10, 1911. 36. J . A. F ., " Pokrok," Sborni k (1915) , I, 43. 37. N arodne Noviny, April 4, 1912. 38. Narodne Noviny, July 11, 1912. 39. Narodne Noviny, July 25, 1912. 40. Narodne Noviny, August 8, 1912, September 19, 1912. 41. Narodne Noviny, November 12, 1914. 42. Jednota, January 1, 1913, February 12, 1913, May 7, 1913. 43. Culen, Slovaci v A m erike, pp. 175-190. 44. Ibi d., pp. 236-237. 45. Ibid. , p. 266. 46. Ibi d., p. 267. 47. Ibid., pp. 294-296. 48. Ibi d., pp. 297-305. 49. Ibid., pp. 306-337. 50. N arodne Noviny, February 3, 1910. SLOVAKIA 61 51. Narodne Noviny, March 27, 1913. 52. Narodne Noviny, February 10, 1910, October 24, 1912. 53. Jednota, January 8, 1913, February 19, 1913, June 18, 1913, July 16, 1913. 54. Culen, Slovaci v Amerike, p. 191. 55. Narodne Noviny, July 7, 1910, June 27, 1912, April 17, 1913 ; Jednota, November 4, 1914, December 23, 1914. 56. Narodne Noviny, October 3, 1912. 57. Narodne Noviny, October 6, 1910. 58. Narodne Noviny, January 27, 1910; Jednota, May 14, 1913, December 31, 1913 ; Kalendar Jednota (1915), XX, 75. 59. Narodne Noviny, March 7, 1912. 60. Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny, August 19, 1897. 61. Joseph Pauco, ~udovychorn u Sturovcov (Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1943) , pp. 107-108. 62. Ibid. , pp. 137-140. 63. Jednota, February 5, 1913. 64. Narodne Noviny, April 28, 1910, April 4, 1912, March 21, 1912. 65. Narodne Noviny, April 4, 1912; Paul Jamarik, " Opojny a krcma, " Kalendar Narodneho Slovenskeho Spolku ( 1914), XXII, 198-206 ; Jednota, February 19, 1913, June 25, 1913. 66. !1udomil, "Zakladajme spolky uplnej striezlivosti," Kalendar Jednota, (1911), XVI, 41-42. 67. Jednota, March 5, 1913. 68. Narodne Noviny, February 24, 1910, August 4, 1910; Jednota, January 29, 1913. 69. Jednota, July 30, 1913. 70. Narodne Noviny, April 25, 1912. 71. Narodne Noviny, January 13, 1910, May 12, 1912, August 25, 1910. 72. Narodne Noviny, November 2, 1911. 73. Narodne Noviny, November 9, 1911. 74. Narodne Noviny, January 25, 1912. 75. Narodne Noviny, June 6, 1912. 76. Narodne Noviny, September 18, 1913. 77. Narodne Noviny, October 1, 1914. 78. Narodne Noviny, November 16, 1911. 79. Jednota, September 17, 1913 ; Narodne Noviny, May 25, 1911. 80. Jednota, February 4, 1914; Narodne Noviny , March 19, 1914, June 11, 1914. 81. Jednota, February 19, 1913. 82. Narodne Noviny, October 7, 1910. 83. Jednota, July 9, 1913 Narodne Noviny, May 11, 1912. 84. Jednota, January 1, 1913 ; January 21, 1914. 85. Narodne Noviny, March 19, 1914, April 25, 1912. 86. Jednota, January 21, 1914, January 28, 1914. 87. Jednota, February 12, 1913, August 13, 1913. 88. Jednota, August 13, 1913; Narodne Noviny, March 19, 1914; Jednota, September 17, 1913, January 21 , 1914. 89. Jednota, December 9, 1914, October 14, 1914, December 30, 1914. 90. Narodne Noviny, April 25, 1912. 91. Narodne Noviny, August 8, 1912. 92. Narodne Noviny, February 17, 1910, April 27, 1911. 93 . Narodne Noviny, February 29, 1914; Jednota, July 1, 1914; Narodne Noviny, May 14, 1914. 94. Jednota, July 1, 1914. 62 SLOVAKIA 95. N<irodne Noviny, December 28, 1911, September 12, 1912, October 12, 1911, June 11, 1914. 96. N<irodne Noviny, March 7, 1912; Jednota, May 21, 1913. 97. A. V. Kozak, "Ustav I . Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty," Kalend<ir Jednota (1912) , XVII, 22. 98. " Ustav I. Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty," Kalend<ir Jednota ( 1915), xx, 163-164. 99. N<irodne Noviny, July 14, 1910. 100. N<irodne Noviny, July 13, 1911. 101. N<irodne Noviny, October 13, 1913. 102. N<irodne Noviny, January 8, 1914. 103. N<irodne Noviny, January 29, 1914. 104. N<irodne Noviny, April 16, 1914. 105. N<irodne Noviny, September 17, 1914. 106. Pamiitnica k zlatemu Jubileu N<irodneho Slov enskeho Spolku v U .S.A . (Pittsburgh, 1940) , p. 47. 107. N<irodne Noviny, March 13, 1913. 108. N<irodne Noviny, January 16, 1913. 109. N <irodn e Noviny, March 24, 1910, April 28, 1910, June 30, 1910. 110. Jednota, January 1, 1913. 111. "Prorocke slova dp. Matufa Jankolu o novom systeme," Sbornik Slovenskeho Katolickeho Sokola na rok 1942, XXIX, 82; Jednota, January 1, 1913. 112. Culen, Dejiny, I, 125. 113. Ibid., I, 122-123. 114. N<irodne Noviny, March 23 , 1911. 115. N<irodn e Noviny, March 16, 1911. 116. N<irodne Noviny, September 22, 1910. 117. Jednota, May 14, 1913, May 21, 1913, July 2, 1913, September 10. 1913. 118. Jednota, June 18, 1913. 119. Jednot a, July 30, 1913. 120. N<irodn e Noviny, August 22, 1912, October 23, 1913 ; S. F., "Robotnicka otazka," Ka lend<ir J ednota (1906 ), XIII, 56. 121. Culen, Deji ny, I, 123-124; N<irodne Noviny, February 24, 1913. 122. N<irodne Noviny, January 15, 1914, February 12, 1914, February 26, 1914, June 11, 1914. 123. Jednota, January 1, 1913. 124. Jednota, May 7, 1913, July 2, 1913, May 14, 1913. 125. Yurchak, The Slovaks, p. 187. 126. N<irodne Noviny, November 21, 1912, June 19, 1913. 127. J ednota, January 22, 1913. 128. Molchan, "Development of the Slovak Community," pp. 99-102. 129. Yurchak, The Slovaks, p. 190. 130. Jednota, September 30, 1914, October 14, 1914. 131. Jednot a, October 21, 1914, November 4, 1914. 132. Yurchak, The Slovaks, p . 191.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovaks in the U.S.A. Description An account of the resource James J. Zatko, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966 pp. 41-62 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Zatko, James J. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/937f986bc1dbfefde3d1b863b9010fed.pdf 81ffe9bd306ab625c3f9f7dfafb1b744 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 25 FATHER OF AMERICAN SLOVAKS By Si ster M . Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. The noisy night tra1n daittered out of Cleveland, Ohio. Its pa;sse:ngers -by tmns re'la.xed or braced tfuemselves in keepin1g with tihe jo1ti1Ilg ThytJhms of the orange-eyed monster as it spumed spat1ks and ,c inders and hurtled along the shiny rails toward Pennsylvania. Among the travelers, it ca·ITied a thougihllful priest wihose quiet eyes looked upon liife with a wisdom born of natural gifts and rich exiperience. 'l'he tr,ain ste adied itself to ain even speed. A conductor came down the aisle punohirng tiokets and as ihe took U!p Fatller's, the yehlow gleam from tfue ga:s jet ovet1head showed that it was daited early iJil September 1906 and was made ourt for Wilkes-Barre. '11he dim light also reveailed the identirf,ication tag on Father's traveling bag marked Rev. Stephen Furdek Our Lady of Lou'I'ldes Church Cleveland, Ohio For a few moments after the conductoT moved on, Father fingered the gold cross that huing from his watoh chain. Then he studied some letters and paipers from his porbfolio, and finally he reached into ihis pocket for his prayer beads. From early dhi:1dhood lh e had Oll'ltivated a m3/I'lked dev,otion to OuT Lady and he 1ha,d in her a sure refuge and he'lp in every need. He had grown up amid hardships and difificuUies of aH kinds ·b ut the wais not hurt or wa11ped lby them. In fact, crosses had only made him the stronger to endure more. Let us trace some of ihis growing-up days a:nd you wihl see fOT yourself. September 2, 1855 was the date of Stephen furdek's bir,tJh, and Tr,s tena in Orava County, 1Sloviakia, was the phaoe. In maiteTial resouTces Oreva ,is one of tlh.e poorest regions orf central Europe but it has given -tfue Slovak people a remairkaJble number orf intellectuails and leaders. Stephen Furdelk, too, 'becairne one of tihese grea,t men of his people, for God had fitted him for a parti!oohar work amd lh.e was reaidy when the time was right. His scholastic career was bri.ililianrt even from his ele- �26 SLOVAKIA merutaTy grades at the villaige sdhool where he was ta'l.tght by 1:Jhe Franciscans. For his ,hig1h school courses Stephen went to Bamska Bystrioa amd then to the gymnazium or senior high sdhool in Nitra. lt was m Nitra, too, tihat he begoo 'his semim.ary training for the priestlhood. Because of his outstandin1g success in phHosophy and -theology, howeveT, his bishop singled out Stephen FuTdek for special studies at tJhe univemity in Budapest. This 'hirg,h honor and distinction was especially gratifying to lris parents who were providi!ng for ihirs education at the cost of great sacrifice. Unfortunately, the young student took sick in Buda,pe,st and iha:d to return home. On recovering, he resumed hirs studies ·but he decided to Teturn to itlhe Nirtra seminary r-atiher tham ,to tlle university in Budapest. He <Xmcenrtrated on his lessoos 'but politiml troubles dirstu111bed the times very much and the spirit of unrest and hosthl:ity reached even into the seminary. ,Stephen Fu<rdek's tempernment preferred peace to contention. Y oll!Ilg as he was, he h,ad a sixth sense whiic:ih directed birm toward a tactful line of CO'lldruct, toward a decisiion wihioh would avoid tmUJble wiitlhout sia,crifici111g principle. Besi<les, he enjoyed the fatfuerly guidance of the Trstemiborn Dr. Martin Hattala, an eminent priest-philologist who was at tlhis time a professor of languages at ChaTles University in Pr-ague. Acti'lllg under these two iin:filuences, tJhe student Furdek withdrew from see1:1hirng Nitra. 'Dhis step demanded the sacrifice of ihis priestly ideal! but the ·s pirit of the times was such thaJt a SlovaJk patriot was denied the opportunity to complete his studies for professional work. 'Dhe overlords demanded that you eicf:lher tramsfex- your ai1legiamoe or surrender academic pur~suit. Ln leaving the semin,a.ry, Stephen did what he 1!hougiht was •r ight and he firmly trusted in God. FoT some time after he left Nitra, Furdek was a teacher in Stramirl.ce, MoraViia. This took him out of t!he region of trouble 1b ut his new work did not satisfy him. Realizing thaJt this was not really his vocation, he decided to return to 1his books. Perhaps he felt 1!hat iif he had to be denied the privfiledge of serving his people as a priest, he wOIU!ld .t ry to serve them as a fully ti,ained professionaJl, a specia:liized teaC'heT, pemaps one Hke Dr. Haittala whose distiinction it was to be both a priest and a teac!her. �SLOVAKIA 27 F,or tihree years F1t.mieJk diligently studied classical laJnguages and ,philology at OhaI'les Universiity. Dlll'ing this tirme he ibecame acquainted wiith Dr. Flrancis Bauer who was rector of the diocesan seminary in P,r ague amd was deslbined to •b ecome camdmaJl ar<fub1slhop of O1omoUJc in Moravia. Dr. Bauer saw ilrl the promising s.tudenit the greaiter promise of service for botJh God amd country. He advised Furdek .to Teturn to his seminary couTses and lh e suggested that it would be well for him to do so rig.ht there in Prague. F1uridek was haJppy to have this encouraigement. It retll!I'ned to him tJhe hope dearest ito his th eart and brought him oloser to its Tealiization. He followed Dr. Bauer's advice e8)gerly . .AJbout four years lateT, w!hen he was in hls last year of theology, FuTdek learned tlhat an urgent appe81l from America rea•o hed his superiors. lt 08)me from Bishop Riobard Gi:lrmour of Cleveland, Ohio, and eXJpressed ,h is concern foT the spirituaJ care of many Slavic immigrants lirvmg in his diocese wrthout a priest of their OWtil tongue to minister to their needs. Bishop GilmoUT ha;d written to severau European bishops amd to various religious orders beg,gi:ng for priests and for advanced students who wouid be ruble to finish their studies ilrl America 01nd serve these people in Christ's narrne. 'Dhis was a caJ!l for generous and missiona,rysouled worikers. Who would be foU1I1d willing to answer? Who would be qualified? Father Francis Sasinek, am eXJperiienced and soholtarly Slovak priest, recommended tJhe semi.nariam Furdek for this responsible work. Furrdek's superions at the seminary endorsed the recommenda:tion, for they knew that ,t his young man had 'tJhe spiTituaJ.ity and the tiauenrt:s to succeed in such an assig,nmenrt of pionem-ing for Ohrist among the immigramts in America. The prospects were ma:de known to him and though it cost muoh to part frcxm al!l that was so dear to him, Stephen Furdek generously mrade the sa,cr.iifice. It was tJhe g,uiding prindple of his lirfe to wol'k for God amd for country, and here is taJil'gilble proof tJhat he did not merely iderulize t,hat motto; he lived it wibh aU its implioations. He bade farewell to ,his famhly and friends in tJhe spring of 1882 and embanked for .America. By March 15 he w,as in Cleveland, strengtihened by itihe ,g ,ra,ce of God and seasoned by past hardships for whatever trials might lie in the years �28 SLOVAKIA aJhead. Jin tfuis new and wondel'fttl though still st'l'!all!ge world, he completed his studies in a few montlhs and was ordained by Bishop Gilmour in St. Wenceslaus Church on JUJly 1 of t!he same year. This was tJhe fulfillment of hi:s fondest dreams. For aibout ten months a;fter ordination, Father Furdek served as an assistant at St. Wenceslaus. At the same bme, however, he arranged for the Slova!ks of the area to attend Sunday mass offered by a non.,SloV1aJk Franciscan Father at St. Joseph's ohurch in Clevelailld where he himself would come every week to prea•ch, to inst'I'll'ct, and to hea:r confessions in Slovak. This 1kind of dual apostolate •becaJme FatJher Furdek's liifework. For all his priesi'ly yeiars dati:ng from April 1883 until his death on J ,a nuary 18, 1915, he was pastor of Our Lady of Lourdes par~sh which the bishop authori!zed him to organize, and he devoted hims~Lf to the care and guidance of countless Sloy,a•IDs throughout America. For what do we remeimbeT him most? He was an exemplary pr,iest, educator, leader, organizer, journalist, novelist, poet, paitriot - and he merited every one of these distmctions folly. Yet over and a:bove aill this, he was in the true sense of 1Jhe word t!he F'atJher of Amerioan Slovaks. He ha:d 'haroly orientiated h~mself i:n this adopted coootry when he reaJLized that his God.igiven mission extended beyond the immediate needs of the parish work that was a:ssi:gned to him. He always discharged his pastora.'l duties conscientiously ,but parish wonk was not hiiis one falent to be hidden safely m a napkin and retu:rmed to the Master at His coming. Fat!her Furdek was entrusted v,ivh mamy talents and he zealously trafficked with the much that had been g,iven him. Besides ,buildi:ng a maignificent church and a modem school of sixteen classrooms, besides managing all the interests of Our Lady of Lourdes parish and its sohool witlh an enrollment of a thousand pupils, Father Furdek heliped to organize many Slovruk parishes ·both in Clevelaind and in other widely scattered Slovak •s ettlements. The need of the hour was to help these Sloviak immigrants to achieve a sense of belongiiing, to giive them a bond of unity, to satisfy their spiriturul cravmg a.ind their sociail needs amd to educaJte tJhem. It was important to teach them cooperation in wmikiing for common i:nterests and mutual helpfuhl.ess. Solicitous F1ather �SLOVAKIA 29 of all the Slova:ks in America that he was, Father Furdek took each of these problems to heaTt and worked for its soliution. To iprovide priests for newly organized and organi,z ing panishes, Father Furdek undertook more th3Jn one trip to Slova,kia because both hiis bishop a,nd he realized that personal conta,ct would be more effectiv,e than any ot her type of solicitation. And he did succeed in interesting a number of worthy priests a,nd derics from abroad to come to these pioneer parishes a,mong the immigrants. But even wi1:Jh individuail parishes organized here and there a,s circumstances warranited it, the entire ,problem of the Slovak immigrant in America was not solved. Father Furdek in hi:s missionary travels among the people witnessed their efforts to for,m local fraternal and benefiicial societies. He saw a:lso that his countrymen needed to 1be safeguarded from leaders and movements that threatened their spiritua[ outlook while pretending to offer them materiaJl advantages. Before ,}ong he realized, too, that most of those newcomers were going to establish permanent homes in America; they needed to plan for a secure future and a wlholesome heritage for their posteriity :iin the new world. Riis keen vision sa,w 'beyond the immediate present, 0JS does every true leader's. Beg,inning wi:th a nucleus of pioneers in Clevela,nd, Father Furdek in 1890 founded a men's organization called the First Catholic Slova,k Union or the Jednota. Two years later a similia:r ladies' organization wa;s began. The Jecmota grew to be the largest Slovak fratemal bene£it organization in the world. It is also a strong pillar of Slova:k Ca,t;Jholicity in America. 'J1hrough it, Father Furdeik propag,ated the vivifying ti deal "For God and N ruti001." On this Chri:stiain prin~ ciple is formulated the entire philosophy a;nd structure of the Jednota aind this is what ,g ives tJhe body its stabi'Li:ty and strength. To a people making history in a la:nd where they were without traditions, without established precedent, it was essentiall to build wisely and well. Father Furdeik with his gift of vision prepared that ·b luepriint for them e~ceptiona1ly wel!l. His firm hut tactflllil leadershiip directed the early funmigrants toward healthy progress. 'Dhe Jeiooota pmvided aU tlhe ·benefits of a mutual aid society, it brought the mem- �30 SLOVAKIA hers of a local branch together for periodic meetings and conferences, it ,s pomored national conventions and its bylaws emphasrzed fidelity to reliigious duty. This was putting first thing,s first. Flather Furdelk repeatedly msisted that it was imperative for Cathollics to jom Catlholic societies because non-sectarian infiJ.uences, innocuous as they may seem to be, have a tendency to cool fervor and lead to indifference in the spiritual liife. AIS a matter of fuct, there were some sad instaJn ces to prove that suoh Hberallism even resulted in ag,nostici,s,m aJild free thinikling. These were the rugged days of early pioneering for great numbe11s of :immigrants. In theiT period of adjustment they were e~osed to both adva,ntJa:ges and <lis•a dvanta,ges. Men who 'had 'been iong suppressed and oppressed found themselves sudden,l y free amd they couM have leaned over too far, disregaroing or discoun:tin:g some forms of autJhority completely, claiming an Ulllcontro:J.lled emancipation. Father FuTdek's presence and influence among them was the needed leaven. Patiently and finnJ.y he worlked to balance their outlook. CourageQIUJS•l y he set himself again,s t tJhe forces that advocated a ,c omplete libera!l<tsm or secuffiarism, tJhat disregard for spiritual discipline that would have resulted in crass materialism. Wit'h the gnts of a !born tea·o her he rooched his people and restrained tJhem from becoming the victims of such errors. He saved them from tJhe influence of false ,l eaders and besides ta<king a necessa11Hy agressive stand in these ma;tters, he also stimll'lated lay acti'Vity. In teaching the meaning of 1iib erty, Father Furde'k stressed the opportunities wthich his peo'.)le should use here for self-improvement amd cultural adva;ncement. One year after founding the Jednota o:t1ganization, he launched tlhe J,ffiDNOTA weekly (1891) whi-dh 1became the offici~l organ of tJhe society. In 1896 at his own e~ense he gave his people their first JE}DNOTA iK:ALffiNDAiR, an annrua•l or a!hnanac. llil t his way :h e brought into the homes of ha:t1d-worlcing common people press materials whioh became a medium of culture and a weHspring of spiritual refreshment. The duties of editing and publicrution were his and althougih it meant a tremendous demand on his time, energy and talent to compose rund expedite a newspaper every week 8.llld a ri~h almanac every year, he aJSSumed this blll'den and responsibility in addition to his pastoral wook be- �SLOVAKIA 31 cause he knew how mu,~h the Slovairos in Ameriica needed such wholesome reading matter. He also invited quaJlirfied oontriibutors to send mainuscriipts and it was usually our priests both here and from aibr-oad wiho did sulbmit some exceHent articles for the Jednota publication. Slov,aJk immigr,ants with theiir new privilege of reading t!heir own newspapers in America were being instructed amd infoI1llled lb y them. A Jedinotar w,ho took up his copy alter a day's strenuous wcmk on the furm or in a mine, mill or factory, found relaxation and enjoyment in reading its columns. His Catholic weekly broug1ht him news items, editoriials, tJhe Sunday epistle amd gospel wiibh a homhly, e~lanations of the oatMhism and of tJhe Hturgical year, interesting lessons on :the duties and privileges of American citizenship, and a survey of American history presented eit!her topicaHy or serially or throug.h biographical sketches. Father Furdek's admiration for America and his devotion to the ideal of democr,acy prompted him to write on this subject repeatedly and to urge Slovaks in America to become natlurcli1irzed. His patriotism to two countries was baJlanced with an uneXJceiled nicety and with demoeratic expertness which 'he e~ressed very a:ptly in the poem "Amerika, zem velilka" ("America, Great Land") which was awarded first honors in a competition sponsored by P. V. Rovnianek. In th4:s poem Furdek sings the glories of America - her progress, her emancipation of the slave, her democracy, her greaJt native sons, her mothering of the oppressed who come to her shores, the opportunities she o:fifera to all witJhout discrimination. Then he voices a touohilllg apostrophe to his homeland, characterized by the snow-ca:pped Tatry, as if he wished to e~ress the assurance that the ocean may separate but it does not divide a loyial people. Poetically and neatly he arigues that a son still. loves his mother tJhoug,h he gives his heart to his wife, and that it is by just such a pa,ra'Hel that loyial emigrants love the land they left as well as the country of their adoption. 'Dhe more he studied the problems of the day, the more he became convinced that practica11y all the Slovak :immigrants in America were here to stay. This reaili2Jation made him aiH the more eager to he]Jp them :to become intelligent .American citizens, men and women capaible of a great love �32 SLOVAKIA for this democratic new wonld yet mindful and proud of their ancestry. He often reminded them to note how muoh ilm.iproved their living cO'llditions were here over w'ihat ~hey had been under the MaJgy,a r regime at home. He urged them to compare America's repulblicaJn fomn orf government with Hungary's despotism. He repeatedly pointed out that there is no subject class in this country aJnd 1Jhat ruH wiho enjoyed America's freedom have many opportunities to advance and improve themselves. Furdek's articles represented America as a great school w;here t!he iimmig:r,ant could learn out orf the book of actuaJ living amd doing. He pointed out that here even an unschooled SlovaJk w011ker learns rhow to mine ores, he comes to understand the intricacies amd 1:Jhe operation of simple and orf complex machines, he reads aind he learns from his newspapers, he travels free1y and cain master basic geography, he struggles with tJhe fanguage problem and everutua:lly he can come to sipea:k English as well a:s a teacher. In short, whatever he needs to know, he can learn in 1:Jhe scthool of Amerioan 1ife. Furdek thad am unlbound patriotism which is reflected in all his journaJlistic output. As a matter of fact, he was no mere journa:list; he was a pub1ioist who propagiated his open admiration aind devotion to America togetJher with a steady remembrance and love for Slovalkia. He forecast the Americanization of the Slovaks - not becaJUse America is a melting pot but because it is irmposs~ble for human life and thoug,ht to withsbrund the tide of change and the demands of reasona1ble adjustment. But he did not favor a sudden and complete sundering from home ties. Wisely he urged his people to preserve a love for ancestraJl roots and an appreciation of their national culture aJnd to transmit this devotion to future generations. It is not without cause that we look upon him ais the Father of American Slovaks. There was no problem of American Stlovak life that escruped his serious study and analysis. He took a definite stand in every sigmificant isSl\le and wherever the need required it, he was bhe spiI'itual a:dviser, prime mover, •a nd inspiration to thousands of people. His was a many-sided creatiwiess and 1he had a genius for keeping pace with the progress orf time. '!'he Jednota, whiclh he founded, preserved the ideals of Fu11dek because he himself �SLOVAKIA 33 was so deeply imbued with the spiriit which he imparted to it. It was a spirit which even reac'hed from America to Silovakia and supported national movements there. See him now as he blesses himself on finishing his rosary. He looks caJlm and untroubled but a heavy oross lies upon his heart. "How wiU this affair end?" he asks himself. Here he is coming to a rally intended to alleviate suffering abroad and to strengthen the spirit of his people on this new soil, aind yet this very ceil~ration threatens to brmg about undesirable Tesults. He and his brother.,priests have designated the gathering to which he is going as a Slovak Catho1ic Congress, but enemies - like the GOiSpel sowers of tares among the wheat - have been busy noi:sing it abroad that Father Furdek and his al'lies planned this mass meeting in order to launch a new heresy and to effect a schism of Slovak Catholics. And the wi1d rumor was reported officiail!ly even to the Apostolic Delegate in W a:sihimgton and to various bisihops and archbishops, urging t:Jhem to suspend and penalize all those priests wlho were in any way associa,ted with the affair. Father Furdek's name, namuraUy, led the rest in the list of tJhose who were marked to be proscribed. What was the outcome to 1be? The great S,lova1k Catholic Co'lligress took pla:ce on La:bor Day, September 3, 1906 in Wrl1kes-Barre. It attraoted oveT ten thousand Slovaks from all parts of Amedca and that in a day when traveling was time-consuming, tiresome, imconvenient, a:nd much of a humry for people wi1lh limited earnings. The program of tJhe day was planned to irndude religious services a1nd a series of addresses both in English and in Slovak on subjects of vital interest and conseque-nce to the Slovruk people. 1 Father Furdek arranged for representatives of the daily newspapers as well as editors of leading SlovaJk publications to be present in order to cover t'he story. Tihis would provide a greater circUJlation of reports on Slova1k matters among ,a little-informed American iputbHc as well as among an interested Slovruk audience. It was for this reasorn also that he arranged for notable American officiaJls and dignitaries to attend. It would be very he1pful to 'have tJhem become acquaimted with the Slovruk question. Bishop Hoban of Scranton had agreed to preside. �34 SLOVAKIA WihaJt was Fa!tlher Furdek to eX!pect of his plans now that such damaging stories were ma!king their rounds in o,nficia:l circles as well as among the common people? Would Bishop Hdban honor the occasion with rhis presence? And if he came, would it lbe to censure or to question or to approve tJhe true effort of Father Flurdek and his co-wo!1kers? One could not very welll iknow before hand. On the morning of the Congress, Father Furdek and Faltlher Murgas set out by horise and carriage for Sugar Notc'h where tJhey were to call for Bishop Hoban and drive Mm to the Congress. They went with mixed emotions but they were fortified by the consciousness of upright motives 0Jnd blameless conduct. Bislhop Hoban did not disaippoint them. He graciously accepted their offer of a ride and showed that he was eager to act as chairman of the event which they had prepared. As he mounted the carriage 8/Ild sat between the two priests, he put ithem at ease by p1ungilllg at once into the subject of their to:r,menting thoug,hts, the painful topic of the accusations whicih had 1been made against them. He discussed some of the charges at length and judiciously disposed of them. For inst8Jllce, he found it ridiculous that in America where liberty prevaiils someone shOU!ld giloaJt ilil laibeling them PianSlavs (because of their a:Megiance to tJheir native lamd. "I iknow yoUT people well, " Bishop Hdban said wit!h gentle UIIlderstanding in tJhe couTISe of itihi s conversation. Then as they were passing the Ashley ohurcih he added, "l built tfuis ohur,c'h when I was pastor here. Among my parishioners were m8/Ily Slova:k,s and I became wel!l. acquainted wiibh them. I have great sympathy for the SlovaJks." 1 "I am an American althoug;h my ancestors came from Irel81Ild," the Bishop continued as though he were marshalli!ng faots in a debate. "The Irish have a long history of political persecution; tlle Irish :kin.ow wlhat it is to be oppressed. I have great sympa:tJhy for every oppressed nation whetlher irt be Armeruam, Polish, kish or whatever it may be. There a,re many nationalities in my diocese and I do not discriminate. We are all OatJhoHcs." Bishop Hoban could not undel'Stand why the idea of Pan-Slav should figure in an indictment presented to eccles- �35 SLOVAKIA iastical superiors. "What has that to do wit'h it? fo America one may be a Pan-American; ilil Germany, let him wiho wishes ,b e a Pan-Gennam. It is no crime or sin to be a Pam-S[av. 'l'he term has political implication only." He was shrewd enoug,h to perceive that the charges which had ,been trumped up under c-lerical pretentiOIIlS were 1basicaJBy of a politicall nature and tha;t they were essentially distortions or gross misrepresentations. Im the course of this ride, Bishop Hobim also showed FaJther Furdek a communication from t!he Apostolic Delegate inqu~riD'g ililto the nature of the accusations. But Bishop Hoban assured both priests that he had already sent to Washington a complete report vindicating the acoused and exiplainililg the motives that had prompted 1:Jhe effort to foil 1:Jhe success of the Catholic Congress. And they were, in fact, extreme measures to which the p'lotJters had resorted. At the last moment they even tried to intimidate Bishop Hoban by sendililg him a telegram warning that his presence at the Silovak Catholic Congress wou[d reflect discredit UipOn t!he American Catholic hierarchy. But BiSlhop Hobam was not to be deterred by t!hreats. In fact, he justly resented the attempts to put pressure on him from un8Juthor1zed quarters. Becaiuse of Bishop Hoban's fundaJmental ohaTity for ahl, his sympathy for the downtrodden and his unbiased sense of democracy, the Catholic Congress of Slovak Americans was a more glorious event than even Father Furdek had hoped it would be. It wa•s a complete vindicatiO!Il of the priests who 'had ,b een maJligned and it was am unqoo:lified triumph for the Slova:k people. Bishop Hoban openly championed their cause, the press gave the even.rt fulil coverage, and the SlovaJk people themselves were iby this huge gatJhering more closely bound to one amother than they had ever been before. The manifestation was a Catiholic Congress but it attracted many Slovruk•s of other religious denominrutions, too, as well as from various fraternall orgaJnizations both Ca:tholic and non-sectarian. This triumph of September 3, 1906 marked a lmld of renaissamce in Slovak life on two continents and it inspired Father Fourdek to urge upon Slovaik leaders iJil publ-ic life the formation of a national SloV0Jk organizrution to unify 1 �36 SLOVAKIA the American effort on behalf of Slov,a;kia. The outcome was the S1ovaik League of America which iin time evolved from suClh pre1i1minary movements as Furdek's drive "Za tu nasu slovenicinu !" (Jin defense of the Slovak cause!) which netted some ten thousand doll,ars for 1:Jhe na,t ional aid in the home1a:nd; the National Fund which sUJbsidized at least two hundred Slovruk students abroad rund brought relief to very many Slovak political leaders ,t hen houinded by unjust persecution, a:nd the lawnching of "Indignation Meetings" or pwbli,c demonstrations throughout the United States in order to protest the injushce and 1:Jhe human cruelty which viotimiized the Slovak people in their own homeland. 'I1hese tokens of help from America re-vitaUzed the crushed spirit and the depleted energies of S1ova!k patriots who were driven almost to t:he brilllk of despair iin fueir efiforts to save Silova kia. Costly :fii:nes and unrelenting pressure were syistematicaUy draining their resources and counteracting their achievements. American interest and Americain slllpport were their only encouraigement and mainstay. FiinanciaJ help came from tJhe drives which were organized expressly to raise funds. Morrul support was won by the Indignation Raillies, seven of which were originally planned to be held in key cities of the United States. T:he first of these was arranged by Father Furdek in 0levelaind. 1 LiJke all of Father Furdek's projects, tMs Indignation RaHy, too, was staimped with his spirit. Jit was an inspired and an inspiring demonstration, and it set 1:Jhe pattern for similar puiblic meetings. It:s puripose was to publicize Slov,aJkia's grievances against autocratic Hungarian agression, to prove t:hat Hungary was not in reality that "islallld of liberty" in central Europe which it gloried in caiHing itself, and to solicit the sympathy and the understanding of true leaders of liberty among the Americam people. Outstanding representatives of Americain 1ife amd thought participated in these rallies. For example, at the Cleveland gathering held on February 10, 1907, a crupaoity audience in Gray's Armory gave speHbo·u nd attention to addresses delivered by Professor Bourine, by three attorneys, three priests, and seveml journailists. The American public and especially the American thinking :public was quickly beginning to see the truth. At the �37 SLOVAKIA same time, the f,ire of truth amd the justified indignarti<on orf all lovers of justice was rea,ching out among S'loV'aJks and non-Slo'V'aJks alike, to enkindJe effective means for the triumph of true Iiiberty and fairness. ~he time seemed to be right then for Father FuTdek to try again to efifect a nationwide unification of the Slovak people in America. He had attempted it before when he founded the Matica S•l ovenska, a cultural society which did not thrive lonig because new world cond~tions were not yet favo:r,a!ble for such am undertwkrng (1893). Thi:s newer effort originated at a Pittsburgh meeting of SlovaJk journalisrts convened at Fa,ther Furdek's iinvitation on April 7, 1907 where it wa,,s agreed to stage a SlovaJk Congress in May for the purpose of founding the Slovak League of America. The time was ausipi'Cious, the attitude was enthusiastic, the fruit of the movement was good. 1 The Slovak L eague of America became a civic and cultural organization with a dual objective: 1) to advaJnce American interests and security and 2) to create a better understanding and ruppredation of the islova•k nation - its history, culture, traditions, achievements, and its long, bitter struggle for freedom and autonomy. The first president of the Slovak League was Father Furdelk and he aJbly guided its interests and its efforts and helped to launch it very successfully upon its fruitful career. Furdek 's spirit of self-sacrifice and his relentless drive took :lwavy toH on his physical resources. He burned out his life young but the flame of his ardor would allow no sparing of self when there was so much to be done for God and nation, for bme and for eternity. And even when it was apparent that his energies were faiNng, he did not stop to think of himself. Always his dominant thought was for others and for the general good. Extensive traveling, constant literary production, frequent appearances as a pubEc spewker or a church preacher, steady devotion to the management of his parish, constant attention to the needs of his school and its advancement , concern for the welrfare of a,,11 his people - these and many related issues crowded his days and his nights. 1 It is difficult to realize how he managed such a rich and fruitful life, how he provided in it for projects of nat - �38 SLOVAKIA ionail scope and significance as weM as for close and immediate needs such as tJhe compiling of three textbooks, a gra,matiJka and two citamky of such S'lllperior practicail use and benefit thaJt they served .s everal generations with soUJDd advantage. He also experimented wibh a patented pedaJgogic,rul device for fille teadhring of a,:r,~tlhmetic. A,s early as 1906 Father Fur<lek had brought about officiail aotion for the founding of a home for oriphans. F\inaiHy in 1914 he had the joy of seeing such a home a reality ilrl Middletown, Pennsylv,ania where Phili,p and Mary Hroba!k of Lakewood, Ohio were the first children under J ednota care in a home manruged by tlhe S1isters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. Father Furdeik was also deeply initerested in t!lris new Slovak Community of Sisters and he endorsed the efforts of the Jednota ovgani21ation to adv,am,ce it and its wovks. After 1912 FatJher Furoek's healit:Jh was so much on the declrine that hris vision became imiparirred. Yet he carnied on heroicailly and even shortly after the New Year 1915 he accepted an invitation to preacll at a Forty Hours' Devotion ;in LoraJin, Ohio. It wrus on his retmm fr.om t!his priestly servke that he suffered eX)posure in a wintry storm amd on January 18, 1915, in t!he fifty-lllinbh year of his life, the thirty-second of his priesthood, he was called to his eternal reward. Fi,fty thousand Jedn<Ybars and cowntless friends and adirniirers on both sides of the Ati1'amtic mourned his death. 1 The tvue greatness of Father Furdek is made more digtJin:ct to us as it stamds in the perspective of years since his death. T,he void left by his deparrture to etemal life has IIlever been fiiil.led, and we see now tJhat it was with prophetic appreciaition and with some degree of regrettruble lament that Father J anikola spdke 1:Jhese words in his euJlogy on t'he day orf Father Furdek's funeral, "We wiH never see his like again. Slovrukia shall not send us another Furdek; America wi:Jil not produce another." 1 The greaJtness of Father Furdek's achievements derives from fille gifts of hi:s mind rund Clharrucl:er not from a mere aiccident of circumstances. We have even now ,t he need for ArrneriJcan Slovruks of uncommon gifts and moral stature to foad on in a modem world of mrugni:fl1cent opport.ll!Ilities. We need leaders who are seers and doe11s, wtho can vi:talli:ze and �SLOVAKIA 3g inspire, who can hold before us the V1s1on and dispel our lethargy so that we American Slova!ks will want to :reaclh out for the attaiinment, will want to assert a pride of aincestry and a new hig,h of national greatness. But it has not been given us to have a second Furdelk in America. God grant that a younger geineration may pl'O'V'ide fuat in,s piration end greatness. As we survey Father FuTdek's place and his merits in American Slovalk history, we come to realize how well he deserves to be honored 8Jlld remembeTed as tlhe Father of American Sllovaks. BIBLIOGRAPHY Capek, Thomas, The Slovaks of Hungary. New York: The Knickerbocker Press, 1906. 214 pp. Cooke, Vincent, "Catholic Objectives in the Care of Children," Catholic Action, XXXII (May, 1950), 8. Culen Konlitantin, "American Slovaks and Slovak Statehood," Slovakia, I (May, 1951), 18. Culen, Konl;tantin, Slovcici v Amerike, Turciansky Sv. Martin, Slovakia, Matica Slovenska Press, 1938. 519 pp. Culen. Konstantin, "Stefan Furdek," Kultura, VII (September 1935), 377-386. Emerentia, Mother M., History of the Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius. Unpublished Master's thesis, Marywood College. Falcon, The, (Katolicky Sokol), Passaic, N. J ., July 5, 1944. Fortieth Anniversary Souvenir 1907-1947, Saints Cyril and Methodius Church, Bridgeport, Connecticut. Furdek, Stephen, Prvci Citanka pre Slovenske Skoly, Cleveland: Furdek, 1913. 125 pp. Furdek, Stephen, Druhci Citanka pre Slovenske Skoly, Cleveland: Furdek, 1913. 125 pp. Furdek, Stephen, "Hymna americkych Slovakov," Kalendcir Jednota, I (January, 1896), 22. Furdek, Stephen, Kalendcir Jednota, 19 Vol. (1896-1915 ). Furdek, Stephen, "Katolicka Jednota vo Spojenych Statoch," Kalendcir Jednota, I (1896 ), 26-37. Furdek, Stephen, "Katolicky Slovensky Kongress," Kalendcir Jednota, XII (1907), 145-155. Furdek, Stephen, "Keby nie jeho, nepotreboval by som dnes ziadneho -Ostavu," Kalendcir Jednota, (1914), 69. �40 SLOVAKIA Furdek, Stephen, Sv et a jeho zahady. Cleveland: Furdek, 1910. 250 pp. Hlinka, Andrew, "K jubileu striebornej konvencie Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty v Amerike," Kalendar Jednota, (1935) , 35. Hrobak, Philip, Ed., Editorial, Slov akia, I, (May, 1951). Hrobak, Philip, "The First Catholic Slovak Union of the U.S.A. ," Slov ak Record, (September, 1943) . Rusek, Joseph, "K dvadsat'pat'rocnici I. Kat. Slov. Jednoty," Kalendar Jednota, (January, 1916) 30-59. Rusek, Stephanie, "The Slovaks in America," Kalendar Jednota, Golden Jubilee, (September 2, 1940) 111-116. J ednota, Middletown, Pa., Dec. 17, 1913; Mar. 11, 1914; June 17, 1914; June 17, 1914; Sept. 23, 1914; Jan. 20, 1915; Jan. 27, 1915; Feb. 11, 1915; Apr. 24, 1935; June 18, 1952. K niha dejin Spolku sv. Jozefa, cislo 1. Z prilezitosti oslavy 50. rocneho jubileuma. Cleveland: 1939. Kozak, A. V., "-Ostav I. Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty," Kalendar Jednota, ( 1912) 19-24. Leech, George L. , Letter to First Catholic Slovak Union on the Occasion of Its Golden Jubilee, 1940. Liscinsky, John Method, "Katolicka Slovenska 2enska Jednota," ( 1911 ) 180-184. Martvon, John, "Autobiograficky nacrt," Kale ndar Jednota, Golden Jubilee, (September 2, 1940) 19. Mulcahy, George, "Life of Saints Cyril and Methodius," Radio Broadcast on Diocesan Catholic Hour, WHP, Feb. 13, 1940. Palickar, Stephen J., " Father Furdek, Leader," Commonweal, VI (June 8, 1927) 126. Prva Katolicka Slovenska Jednota, "Kulturny Program Prvej Kat. Slov. Jednoty," Kalendar Jednota, (1935) 31. Rovnianek, P . V., Zapi sky za ziva pochovaneho. Pittsburgh: Rovnianek Press, 1924. Slovak League of America, Editorial, "What Is It?" The Slov ak Digest, I, (November-December, 1946) . Slovak v Amerike, New York, N. Y., August 30, 1949. Spolok Panny Marie Ruzencovej , Z Dejin I .K.S.J. , Pamatnik Slavnej XVII. Konvencie I.K.S.J., (September, 1925), Scranton, Pa. Tybor, Caroline, " Slovak Language in Our Academy," Fialky, IV (December, 1924) 71-72. Yurchak, Peter J. , The Slovaks, Their History and Tradition, Whiting : John J . Lach, 1946. 278 pp. Zlamal, Oldrich, "Life of Reverend Stephen Furdek," Sixtieth Anniv ersary of Our Lady of Lourdes Parish, (Svet Publishing Co. , Cleveland, Ohio) 1943. � SLOVAKIA 25 FATHER OF AMERICAN SLOVAKS By Si ster M . Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. The noisy night tra1n daittered out of Cleveland, Ohio. Its pa;sse:ngers -by tmns re'la.xed or braced tfuemselves in keepin1g with tihe jo1ti1Ilg ThytJhms of the orange-eyed monster as it spumed spat1ks and ,c inders and hurtled along the shiny rails toward Pennsylvania. Among the travelers, it ca·ITied a thougihllful priest wihose quiet eyes looked upon liife with a wisdom born of natural gifts and rich exiperience. 'l'he tr,ain ste adied itself to ain even speed. A conductor came down the aisle punohirng tiokets and as ihe took U!p Fatller's, the yehlow gleam from tfue ga:s jet ovet1head showed that it was daited early iJil September 1906 and was made ourt for Wilkes-Barre. '11he dim light also reveailed the identirf,ication tag on Father's traveling bag marked Rev. Stephen Furdek Our Lady of Lou'I'ldes Church Cleveland, Ohio For a few moments after the conductoT moved on, Father fingered the gold cross that huing from his watoh chain. Then he studied some letters and paipers from his porbfolio, and finally he reached into ihis pocket for his prayer beads. From early dhi:1dhood lh e had Oll'ltivated a m3/I'lked dev,otion to OuT Lady and he 1ha,d in her a sure refuge and he'lp in every need. He had grown up amid hardships and difificuUies of aH kinds ·b ut the wais not hurt or wa11ped lby them. In fact, crosses had only made him the stronger to endure more. Let us trace some of ihis growing-up days a:nd you wihl see fOT yourself. September 2, 1855 was the date of Stephen furdek's bir,tJh, and Tr,s tena in Orava County, 1Sloviakia, was the phaoe. In maiteTial resouTces Oreva ,is one of tlh.e poorest regions orf central Europe but it has given -tfue Slovak people a remairkaJble number orf intellectuails and leaders. Stephen Furdelk, too, 'becairne one of tihese grea,t men of his people, for God had fitted him for a parti!oohar work amd lh.e was reaidy when the time was right. His scholastic career was bri.ililianrt even from his ele- �26 SLOVAKIA merutaTy grades at the villaige sdhool where he was ta'l.tght by 1:Jhe Franciscans. For his ,hig1h school courses Stephen went to Bamska Bystrioa amd then to the gymnazium or senior high sdhool in Nitra. lt was m Nitra, too, tihat he begoo 'his semim.ary training for the priestlhood. Because of his outstandin1g success in phHosophy and -theology, howeveT, his bishop singled out Stephen FuTdek for special studies at tJhe univemity in Budapest. This 'hirg,h honor and distinction was especially gratifying to lris parents who were providi!ng for ihirs education at the cost of great sacrifice. Unfortunately, the young student took sick in Buda,pe,st and iha:d to return home. On recovering, he resumed hirs studies ·but he decided to Teturn to itlhe Nirtra seminary r-atiher tham ,to tlle university in Budapest. He <Xmcenrtrated on his lessoos 'but politiml troubles dirstu111bed the times very much and the spirit of unrest and hosthl:ity reached even into the seminary. ,Stephen Fu<rdek's tempernment preferred peace to contention. Y oll!Ilg as he was, he h,ad a sixth sense whiic:ih directed birm toward a tactful line of CO'lldruct, toward a decisiion wihioh would avoid tmUJble wiitlhout sia,crifici111g principle. Besi<les, he enjoyed the fatfuerly guidance of the Trstemiborn Dr. Martin Hattala, an eminent priest-philologist who was at tlhis time a professor of languages at ChaTles University in Pr-ague. Acti'lllg under these two iin:filuences, tJhe student Furdek withdrew from see1:1hirng Nitra. 'Dhis step demanded the sacrifice of ihis priestly ideal! but the ·s pirit of the times was such thaJt a SlovaJk patriot was denied the opportunity to complete his studies for professional work. 'Dhe overlords demanded that you eicf:lher tramsfex- your ai1legiamoe or surrender academic pur~suit. Ln leaving the semin,a.ry, Stephen did what he 1!hougiht was •r ight and he firmly trusted in God. FoT some time after he left Nitra, Furdek was a teacher in Stramirl.ce, MoraViia. This took him out of t!he region of trouble 1b ut his new work did not satisfy him. Realizing thaJt this was not really his vocation, he decided to return to 1his books. Perhaps he felt 1!hat iif he had to be denied the privfiledge of serving his people as a priest, he wOIU!ld .t ry to serve them as a fully ti,ained professionaJl, a specia:liized teaC'heT, pemaps one Hke Dr. Haittala whose distiinction it was to be both a priest and a teac!her. �SLOVAKIA 27 F,or tihree years F1t.mieJk diligently studied classical laJnguages and ,philology at OhaI'les Universiity. Dlll'ing this tirme he ibecame acquainted wiith Dr. Flrancis Bauer who was rector of the diocesan seminary in P,r ague amd was deslbined to •b ecome camdmaJl ar<fub1slhop of O1omoUJc in Moravia. Dr. Bauer saw ilrl the promising s.tudenit the greaiter promise of service for botJh God amd country. He advised Furdek .to Teturn to his seminary couTses and lh e suggested that it would be well for him to do so rig.ht there in Prague. F1uridek was haJppy to have this encouraigement. It retll!I'ned to him tJhe hope dearest ito his th eart and brought him oloser to its Tealiization. He followed Dr. Bauer's advice e8)gerly . .AJbout four years lateT, w!hen he was in hls last year of theology, FuTdek learned tlhat an urgent appe81l from America rea•o hed his superiors. lt 08)me from Bishop Riobard Gi:lrmour of Cleveland, Ohio, and eXJpressed ,h is concern foT the spirituaJ care of many Slavic immigrants lirvmg in his diocese wrthout a priest of their OWtil tongue to minister to their needs. Bishop GilmoUT ha;d written to severau European bishops amd to various religious orders beg,gi:ng for priests and for advanced students who wouid be ruble to finish their studies ilrl America 01nd serve these people in Christ's narrne. 'Dhis was a caJ!l for generous and missiona,rysouled worikers. Who would be foU1I1d willing to answer? Who would be qualified? Father Francis Sasinek, am eXJperiienced and soholtarly Slovak priest, recommended tJhe semi.nariam Furdek for this responsible work. Furrdek's superions at the seminary endorsed the recommenda:tion, for they knew that ,t his young man had 'tJhe spiTituaJ.ity and the tiauenrt:s to succeed in such an assig,nmenrt of pionem-ing for Ohrist among the immigramts in America. The prospects were ma:de known to him and though it cost muoh to part frcxm al!l that was so dear to him, Stephen Furdek generously mrade the sa,cr.iifice. It was tJhe g,uiding prindple of his lirfe to wol'k for God amd for country, and here is taJil'gilble proof tJhat he did not merely iderulize t,hat motto; he lived it wibh aU its implioations. He bade farewell to ,his famhly and friends in tJhe spring of 1882 and embanked for .America. By March 15 he w,as in Cleveland, strengtihened by itihe ,g ,ra,ce of God and seasoned by past hardships for whatever trials might lie in the years �28 SLOVAKIA aJhead. Jin tfuis new and wondel'fttl though still st'l'!all!ge world, he completed his studies in a few montlhs and was ordained by Bishop Gilmour in St. Wenceslaus Church on JUJly 1 of t!he same year. This was tJhe fulfillment of hi:s fondest dreams. For aibout ten months a;fter ordination, Father Furdek served as an assistant at St. Wenceslaus. At the same bme, however, he arranged for the Slova!ks of the area to attend Sunday mass offered by a non.,SloV1aJk Franciscan Father at St. Joseph's ohurch in Clevelailld where he himself would come every week to prea•ch, to inst'I'll'ct, and to hea:r confessions in Slovak. This 1kind of dual apostolate •becaJme FatJher Furdek's liifework. For all his priesi'ly yeiars dati:ng from April 1883 until his death on J ,a nuary 18, 1915, he was pastor of Our Lady of Lourdes par~sh which the bishop authori!zed him to organize, and he devoted hims~Lf to the care and guidance of countless Sloy,a•IDs throughout America. For what do we remeimbeT him most? He was an exemplary pr,iest, educator, leader, organizer, journalist, novelist, poet, paitriot - and he merited every one of these distmctions folly. Yet over and a:bove aill this, he was in the true sense of 1Jhe word t!he F'atJher of Amerioan Slovaks. He ha:d 'haroly orientiated h~mself i:n this adopted coootry when he reaJLized that his God.igiven mission extended beyond the immediate needs of the parish work that was a:ssi:gned to him. He always discharged his pastora.'l duties conscientiously ,but parish wonk was not hiiis one falent to be hidden safely m a napkin and retu:rmed to the Master at His coming. Fat!her Furdek was entrusted v,ivh mamy talents and he zealously trafficked with the much that had been g,iven him. Besides ,buildi:ng a maignificent church and a modem school of sixteen classrooms, besides managing all the interests of Our Lady of Lourdes parish and its sohool witlh an enrollment of a thousand pupils, Father Furdek heliped to organize many Slovruk parishes ·both in Clevelaind and in other widely scattered Slovak •s ettlements. The need of the hour was to help these Sloviak immigrants to achieve a sense of belongiiing, to giive them a bond of unity, to satisfy their spiriturul cravmg a.ind their sociail needs amd to educaJte tJhem. It was important to teach them cooperation in wmikiing for common i:nterests and mutual helpfuhl.ess. Solicitous F1ather �SLOVAKIA 29 of all the Slova:ks in America that he was, Father Furdek took each of these problems to heaTt and worked for its soliution. To iprovide priests for newly organized and organi,z ing panishes, Father Furdek undertook more th3Jn one trip to Slova,kia because both hiis bishop a,nd he realized that personal conta,ct would be more effectiv,e than any ot her type of solicitation. And he did succeed in interesting a number of worthy priests a,nd derics from abroad to come to these pioneer parishes a,mong the immigrants. But even wi1:Jh individuail parishes organized here and there a,s circumstances warranited it, the entire ,problem of the Slovak immigrant in America was not solved. Father Furdek in hi:s missionary travels among the people witnessed their efforts to for,m local fraternal and benefiicial societies. He saw a:lso that his countrymen needed to 1be safeguarded from leaders and movements that threatened their spiritua[ outlook while pretending to offer them materiaJl advantages. Before ,}ong he realized, too, that most of those newcomers were going to establish permanent homes in America; they needed to plan for a secure future and a wlholesome heritage for their posteriity :iin the new world. Riis keen vision sa,w 'beyond the immediate present, 0JS does every true leader's. Beg,inning wi:th a nucleus of pioneers in Clevela,nd, Father Furdek in 1890 founded a men's organization called the First Catholic Slova,k Union or the Jednota. Two years later a similia:r ladies' organization wa;s began. The Jecmota grew to be the largest Slovak fratemal bene£it organization in the world. It is also a strong pillar of Slova:k Ca,t;Jholicity in America. 'J1hrough it, Father Furdeik propag,ated the vivifying ti deal "For God and N ruti001." On this Chri:stiain prin~ ciple is formulated the entire philosophy a;nd structure of the Jednota aind this is what ,g ives tJhe body its stabi'Li:ty and strength. To a people making history in a la:nd where they were without traditions, without established precedent, it was essentiall to build wisely and well. Father Furdeik with his gift of vision prepared that ·b luepriint for them e~ceptiona1ly wel!l. His firm hut tactflllil leadershiip directed the early funmigrants toward healthy progress. 'Dhe Jeiooota pmvided aU tlhe ·benefits of a mutual aid society, it brought the mem- �30 SLOVAKIA hers of a local branch together for periodic meetings and conferences, it ,s pomored national conventions and its bylaws emphasrzed fidelity to reliigious duty. This was putting first thing,s first. Flather Furdelk repeatedly msisted that it was imperative for Cathollics to jom Catlholic societies because non-sectarian infiJ.uences, innocuous as they may seem to be, have a tendency to cool fervor and lead to indifference in the spiritual liife. AIS a matter of fuct, there were some sad instaJn ces to prove that suoh Hberallism even resulted in ag,nostici,s,m aJild free thinikling. These were the rugged days of early pioneering for great numbe11s of :immigrants. In theiT period of adjustment they were e~osed to both adva,ntJa:ges and <lis•a dvanta,ges. Men who 'had 'been iong suppressed and oppressed found themselves sudden,l y free amd they couM have leaned over too far, disregaroing or discoun:tin:g some forms of autJhority completely, claiming an Ulllcontro:J.lled emancipation. Father FuTdek's presence and influence among them was the needed leaven. Patiently and finnJ.y he worlked to balance their outlook. CourageQIUJS•l y he set himself again,s t tJhe forces that advocated a ,c omplete libera!l<tsm or secuffiarism, tJhat disregard for spiritual discipline that would have resulted in crass materialism. Wit'h the gnts of a !born tea·o her he rooched his people and restrained tJhem from becoming the victims of such errors. He saved them from tJhe influence of false ,l eaders and besides ta<king a necessa11Hy agressive stand in these ma;tters, he also stimll'lated lay acti'Vity. In teaching the meaning of 1iib erty, Father Furde'k stressed the opportunities wthich his peo'.)le should use here for self-improvement amd cultural adva;ncement. One year after founding the Jednota o:t1ganization, he launched tlhe J,ffiDNOTA weekly (1891) whi-dh 1became the offici~l organ of tJhe society. In 1896 at his own e~ense he gave his people their first JE}DNOTA iK:ALffiNDAiR, an annrua•l or a!hnanac. llil t his way :h e brought into the homes of ha:t1d-worlcing common people press materials whioh became a medium of culture and a weHspring of spiritual refreshment. The duties of editing and publicrution were his and althougih it meant a tremendous demand on his time, energy and talent to compose rund expedite a newspaper every week 8.llld a ri~h almanac every year, he aJSSumed this blll'den and responsibility in addition to his pastoral wook be- �SLOVAKIA 31 cause he knew how mu,~h the Slovairos in Ameriica needed such wholesome reading matter. He also invited quaJlirfied oontriibutors to send mainuscriipts and it was usually our priests both here and from aibr-oad wiho did sulbmit some exceHent articles for the Jednota publication. Slov,aJk immigr,ants with theiir new privilege of reading t!heir own newspapers in America were being instructed amd infoI1llled lb y them. A Jedinotar w,ho took up his copy alter a day's strenuous wcmk on the furm or in a mine, mill or factory, found relaxation and enjoyment in reading its columns. His Catholic weekly broug1ht him news items, editoriials, tJhe Sunday epistle amd gospel wiibh a homhly, e~lanations of the oatMhism and of tJhe Hturgical year, interesting lessons on :the duties and privileges of American citizenship, and a survey of American history presented eit!her topicaHy or serially or throug.h biographical sketches. Father Furdek's admiration for America and his devotion to the ideal of democr,acy prompted him to write on this subject repeatedly and to urge Slovaks in America to become natlurcli1irzed. His patriotism to two countries was baJlanced with an uneXJceiled nicety and with demoeratic expertness which 'he e~ressed very a:ptly in the poem "Amerika, zem velilka" ("America, Great Land") which was awarded first honors in a competition sponsored by P. V. Rovnianek. In th4:s poem Furdek sings the glories of America - her progress, her emancipation of the slave, her democracy, her greaJt native sons, her mothering of the oppressed who come to her shores, the opportunities she o:fifera to all witJhout discrimination. Then he voices a touohilllg apostrophe to his homeland, characterized by the snow-ca:pped Tatry, as if he wished to e~ress the assurance that the ocean may separate but it does not divide a loyial people. Poetically and neatly he arigues that a son still. loves his mother tJhoug,h he gives his heart to his wife, and that it is by just such a pa,ra'Hel that loyial emigrants love the land they left as well as the country of their adoption. 'Dhe more he studied the problems of the day, the more he became convinced that practica11y all the Slovak :immigrants in America were here to stay. This reaili2Jation made him aiH the more eager to he]Jp them :to become intelligent .American citizens, men and women capaible of a great love �32 SLOVAKIA for this democratic new wonld yet mindful and proud of their ancestry. He often reminded them to note how muoh ilm.iproved their living cO'llditions were here over w'ihat ~hey had been under the MaJgy,a r regime at home. He urged them to compare America's repulblicaJn fomn orf government with Hungary's despotism. He repeatedly pointed out that there is no subject class in this country aJnd 1Jhat ruH wiho enjoyed America's freedom have many opportunities to advance and improve themselves. Furdek's articles represented America as a great school w;here t!he iimmig:r,ant could learn out orf the book of actuaJ living amd doing. He pointed out that here even an unschooled SlovaJk w011ker learns rhow to mine ores, he comes to understand the intricacies amd 1:Jhe operation of simple and orf complex machines, he reads aind he learns from his newspapers, he travels free1y and cain master basic geography, he struggles with tJhe fanguage problem and everutua:lly he can come to sipea:k English as well a:s a teacher. In short, whatever he needs to know, he can learn in 1:Jhe scthool of Amerioan 1ife. Furdek thad am unlbound patriotism which is reflected in all his journaJlistic output. As a matter of fact, he was no mere journa:list; he was a pub1ioist who propagiated his open admiration aind devotion to America togetJher with a steady remembrance and love for Slovalkia. He forecast the Americanization of the Slovaks - not becaJUse America is a melting pot but because it is irmposs~ble for human life and thoug,ht to withsbrund the tide of change and the demands of reasona1ble adjustment. But he did not favor a sudden and complete sundering from home ties. Wisely he urged his people to preserve a love for ancestraJl roots and an appreciation of their national culture aJnd to transmit this devotion to future generations. It is not without cause that we look upon him ais the Father of American Slovaks. There was no problem of American Stlovak life that escruped his serious study and analysis. He took a definite stand in every sigmificant isSl\le and wherever the need required it, he was bhe spiI'itual a:dviser, prime mover, •a nd inspiration to thousands of people. His was a many-sided creatiwiess and 1he had a genius for keeping pace with the progress orf time. '!'he Jednota, whiclh he founded, preserved the ideals of Fu11dek because he himself �SLOVAKIA 33 was so deeply imbued with the spiriit which he imparted to it. It was a spirit which even reac'hed from America to Silovakia and supported national movements there. See him now as he blesses himself on finishing his rosary. He looks caJlm and untroubled but a heavy oross lies upon his heart. "How wiU this affair end?" he asks himself. Here he is coming to a rally intended to alleviate suffering abroad and to strengthen the spirit of his people on this new soil, aind yet this very ceil~ration threatens to brmg about undesirable Tesults. He and his brother.,priests have designated the gathering to which he is going as a Slovak Catho1ic Congress, but enemies - like the GOiSpel sowers of tares among the wheat - have been busy noi:sing it abroad that Father Furdek and his al'lies planned this mass meeting in order to launch a new heresy and to effect a schism of Slovak Catholics. And the wi1d rumor was reported officiail!ly even to the Apostolic Delegate in W a:sihimgton and to various bisihops and archbishops, urging t:Jhem to suspend and penalize all those priests wlho were in any way associa,ted with the affair. Father Furdek's name, namuraUy, led the rest in the list of tJhose who were marked to be proscribed. What was the outcome to 1be? The great S,lova1k Catholic Co'lligress took pla:ce on La:bor Day, September 3, 1906 in Wrl1kes-Barre. It attraoted oveT ten thousand Slovaks from all parts of Amedca and that in a day when traveling was time-consuming, tiresome, imconvenient, a:nd much of a humry for people wi1lh limited earnings. The program of tJhe day was planned to irndude religious services a1nd a series of addresses both in English and in Slovak on subjects of vital interest and conseque-nce to the Slovruk people. 1 Father Furdek arranged for representatives of the daily newspapers as well as editors of leading SlovaJk publications to be present in order to cover t'he story. Tihis would provide a greater circUJlation of reports on Slova1k matters among ,a little-informed American iputbHc as well as among an interested Slovruk audience. It was for this reasorn also that he arranged for notable American officiaJls and dignitaries to attend. It would be very he1pful to 'have tJhem become acquaimted with the Slovruk question. Bishop Hoban of Scranton had agreed to preside. �34 SLOVAKIA WihaJt was Fa!tlher Furdek to eX!pect of his plans now that such damaging stories were ma!king their rounds in o,nficia:l circles as well as among the common people? Would Bishop Hdban honor the occasion with rhis presence? And if he came, would it lbe to censure or to question or to approve tJhe true effort of Father Flurdek and his co-wo!1kers? One could not very welll iknow before hand. On the morning of the Congress, Father Furdek and Faltlher Murgas set out by horise and carriage for Sugar Notc'h where tJhey were to call for Bishop Hoban and drive Mm to the Congress. They went with mixed emotions but they were fortified by the consciousness of upright motives 0Jnd blameless conduct. Bislhop Hoban did not disaippoint them. He graciously accepted their offer of a ride and showed that he was eager to act as chairman of the event which they had prepared. As he mounted the carriage 8/Ild sat between the two priests, he put ithem at ease by p1ungilllg at once into the subject of their to:r,menting thoug,hts, the painful topic of the accusations whicih had 1been made against them. He discussed some of the charges at length and judiciously disposed of them. For inst8Jllce, he found it ridiculous that in America where liberty prevaiils someone shOU!ld giloaJt ilil laibeling them PianSlavs (because of their a:Megiance to tJheir native lamd. "I iknow yoUT people well, " Bishop Hdban said wit!h gentle UIIlderstanding in tJhe couTISe of itihi s conversation. Then as they were passing the Ashley ohurcih he added, "l built tfuis ohur,c'h when I was pastor here. Among my parishioners were m8/Ily Slova:k,s and I became wel!l. acquainted wiibh them. I have great sympathy for the SlovaJks." 1 "I am an American althoug;h my ancestors came from Irel81Ild," the Bishop continued as though he were marshalli!ng faots in a debate. "The Irish have a long history of political persecution; tlle Irish :kin.ow wlhat it is to be oppressed. I have great sympa:tJhy for every oppressed nation whetlher irt be Armeruam, Polish, kish or whatever it may be. There a,re many nationalities in my diocese and I do not discriminate. We are all OatJhoHcs." Bishop Hoban could not undel'Stand why the idea of Pan-Slav should figure in an indictment presented to eccles- �35 SLOVAKIA iastical superiors. "What has that to do wit'h it? fo America one may be a Pan-American; ilil Germany, let him wiho wishes ,b e a Pan-Gennam. It is no crime or sin to be a Pam-S[av. 'l'he term has political implication only." He was shrewd enoug,h to perceive that the charges which had ,been trumped up under c-lerical pretentiOIIlS were 1basicaJBy of a politicall nature and tha;t they were essentially distortions or gross misrepresentations. Im the course of this ride, Bishop Hobim also showed FaJther Furdek a communication from t!he Apostolic Delegate inqu~riD'g ililto the nature of the accusations. But Bishop Hoban assured both priests that he had already sent to Washington a complete report vindicating the acoused and exiplainililg the motives that had prompted 1:Jhe effort to foil 1:Jhe success of the Catholic Congress. And they were, in fact, extreme measures to which the p'lotJters had resorted. At the last moment they even tried to intimidate Bishop Hoban by sendililg him a telegram warning that his presence at the Silovak Catholic Congress wou[d reflect discredit UipOn t!he American Catholic hierarchy. But BiSlhop Hobam was not to be deterred by t!hreats. In fact, he justly resented the attempts to put pressure on him from un8Juthor1zed quarters. Becaiuse of Bishop Hoban's fundaJmental ohaTity for ahl, his sympathy for the downtrodden and his unbiased sense of democracy, the Catholic Congress of Slovak Americans was a more glorious event than even Father Furdek had hoped it would be. It wa•s a complete vindicatiO!Il of the priests who 'had ,b een maJligned and it was am unqoo:lified triumph for the Slova:k people. Bishop Hoban openly championed their cause, the press gave the even.rt fulil coverage, and the SlovaJk people themselves were iby this huge gatJhering more closely bound to one amother than they had ever been before. The manifestation was a Catiholic Congress but it attracted many Slovruk•s of other religious denominrutions, too, as well as from various fraternall orgaJnizations both Ca:tholic and non-sectarian. This triumph of September 3, 1906 marked a lmld of renaissamce in Slovak life on two continents and it inspired Father Fourdek to urge upon Slovaik leaders iJil publ-ic life the formation of a national SloV0Jk organizrution to unify 1 �36 SLOVAKIA the American effort on behalf of Slov,a;kia. The outcome was the S1ovaik League of America which iin time evolved from suClh pre1i1minary movements as Furdek's drive "Za tu nasu slovenicinu !" (Jin defense of the Slovak cause!) which netted some ten thousand doll,ars for 1:Jhe na,t ional aid in the home1a:nd; the National Fund which sUJbsidized at least two hundred Slovruk students abroad rund brought relief to very many Slovak political leaders ,t hen houinded by unjust persecution, a:nd the lawnching of "Indignation Meetings" or pwbli,c demonstrations throughout the United States in order to protest the injushce and 1:Jhe human cruelty which viotimiized the Slovak people in their own homeland. 'I1hese tokens of help from America re-vitaUzed the crushed spirit and the depleted energies of S1ova!k patriots who were driven almost to t:he brilllk of despair iin fueir efiforts to save Silova kia. Costly :fii:nes and unrelenting pressure were syistematicaUy draining their resources and counteracting their achievements. American interest and Americain slllpport were their only encouraigement and mainstay. FiinanciaJ help came from tJhe drives which were organized expressly to raise funds. Morrul support was won by the Indignation Raillies, seven of which were originally planned to be held in key cities of the United States. T:he first of these was arranged by Father Furdek in 0levelaind. 1 LiJke all of Father Furdek's projects, tMs Indignation RaHy, too, was staimped with his spirit. Jit was an inspired and an inspiring demonstration, and it set 1:Jhe pattern for similar puiblic meetings. It:s puripose was to publicize Slov,aJkia's grievances against autocratic Hungarian agression, to prove t:hat Hungary was not in reality that "islallld of liberty" in central Europe which it gloried in caiHing itself, and to solicit the sympathy and the understanding of true leaders of liberty among the Americam people. Outstanding representatives of Americain 1ife amd thought participated in these rallies. For example, at the Cleveland gathering held on February 10, 1907, a crupaoity audience in Gray's Armory gave speHbo·u nd attention to addresses delivered by Professor Bourine, by three attorneys, three priests, and seveml journailists. The American public and especially the American thinking :public was quickly beginning to see the truth. At the �37 SLOVAKIA same time, the f,ire of truth amd the justified indignarti<on orf all lovers of justice was rea,ching out among S'loV'aJks and non-Slo'V'aJks alike, to enkindJe effective means for the triumph of true Iiiberty and fairness. ~he time seemed to be right then for Father FuTdek to try again to efifect a nationwide unification of the Slovak people in America. He had attempted it before when he founded the Matica S•l ovenska, a cultural society which did not thrive lonig because new world cond~tions were not yet favo:r,a!ble for such am undertwkrng (1893). Thi:s newer effort originated at a Pittsburgh meeting of SlovaJk journalisrts convened at Fa,ther Furdek's iinvitation on April 7, 1907 where it wa,,s agreed to stage a SlovaJk Congress in May for the purpose of founding the Slovak League of America. The time was ausipi'Cious, the attitude was enthusiastic, the fruit of the movement was good. 1 The Slovak L eague of America became a civic and cultural organization with a dual objective: 1) to advaJnce American interests and security and 2) to create a better understanding and ruppredation of the islova•k nation - its history, culture, traditions, achievements, and its long, bitter struggle for freedom and autonomy. The first president of the Slovak League was Father Furdelk and he aJbly guided its interests and its efforts and helped to launch it very successfully upon its fruitful career. Furdek 's spirit of self-sacrifice and his relentless drive took :lwavy toH on his physical resources. He burned out his life young but the flame of his ardor would allow no sparing of self when there was so much to be done for God and nation, for bme and for eternity. And even when it was apparent that his energies were faiNng, he did not stop to think of himself. Always his dominant thought was for others and for the general good. Extensive traveling, constant literary production, frequent appearances as a pubEc spewker or a church preacher, steady devotion to the management of his parish, constant attention to the needs of his school and its advancement , concern for the welrfare of a,,11 his people - these and many related issues crowded his days and his nights. 1 It is difficult to realize how he managed such a rich and fruitful life, how he provided in it for projects of nat - �38 SLOVAKIA ionail scope and significance as weM as for close and immediate needs such as tJhe compiling of three textbooks, a gra,matiJka and two citamky of such S'lllperior practicail use and benefit thaJt they served .s everal generations with soUJDd advantage. He also experimented wibh a patented pedaJgogic,rul device for fille teadhring of a,:r,~tlhmetic. A,s early as 1906 Father Fur<lek had brought about officiail aotion for the founding of a home for oriphans. F\inaiHy in 1914 he had the joy of seeing such a home a reality ilrl Middletown, Pennsylv,ania where Phili,p and Mary Hroba!k of Lakewood, Ohio were the first children under J ednota care in a home manruged by tlhe S1isters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. Father Furdeik was also deeply initerested in t!lris new Slovak Community of Sisters and he endorsed the efforts of the Jednota ovgani21ation to adv,am,ce it and its wovks. After 1912 FatJher Furoek's healit:Jh was so much on the declrine that hris vision became imiparirred. Yet he carnied on heroicailly and even shortly after the New Year 1915 he accepted an invitation to preacll at a Forty Hours' Devotion ;in LoraJin, Ohio. It wrus on his retmm fr.om t!his priestly servke that he suffered eX)posure in a wintry storm amd on January 18, 1915, in t!he fifty-lllinbh year of his life, the thirty-second of his priesthood, he was called to his eternal reward. Fi,fty thousand Jedn<Ybars and cowntless friends and adirniirers on both sides of the Ati1'amtic mourned his death. 1 The tvue greatness of Father Furdek is made more digtJin:ct to us as it stamds in the perspective of years since his death. T,he void left by his deparrture to etemal life has IIlever been fiiil.led, and we see now tJhat it was with prophetic appreciaition and with some degree of regrettruble lament that Father J anikola spdke 1:Jhese words in his euJlogy on t'he day orf Father Furdek's funeral, "We wiH never see his like again. Slovrukia shall not send us another Furdek; America wi:Jil not produce another." 1 The greaJtness of Father Furdek's achievements derives from fille gifts of hi:s mind rund Clharrucl:er not from a mere aiccident of circumstances. We have even now ,t he need for ArrneriJcan Slovruks of uncommon gifts and moral stature to foad on in a modem world of mrugni:fl1cent opport.ll!Ilities. We need leaders who are seers and doe11s, wtho can vi:talli:ze and �SLOVAKIA 3g inspire, who can hold before us the V1s1on and dispel our lethargy so that we American Slova!ks will want to :reaclh out for the attaiinment, will want to assert a pride of aincestry and a new hig,h of national greatness. But it has not been given us to have a second Furdelk in America. God grant that a younger geineration may pl'O'V'ide fuat in,s piration end greatness. As we survey Father FuTdek's place and his merits in American Slovalk history, we come to realize how well he deserves to be honored 8Jlld remembeTed as tlhe Father of American Sllovaks. BIBLIOGRAPHY Capek, Thomas, The Slovaks of Hungary. New York: The Knickerbocker Press, 1906. 214 pp. Cooke, Vincent, "Catholic Objectives in the Care of Children," Catholic Action, XXXII (May, 1950), 8. Culen Konlitantin, "American Slovaks and Slovak Statehood," Slovakia, I (May, 1951), 18. Culen, Konl;tantin, Slovcici v Amerike, Turciansky Sv. Martin, Slovakia, Matica Slovenska Press, 1938. 519 pp. Culen. Konstantin, "Stefan Furdek," Kultura, VII (September 1935), 377-386. Emerentia, Mother M., History of the Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius. Unpublished Master's thesis, Marywood College. Falcon, The, (Katolicky Sokol), Passaic, N. J ., July 5, 1944. Fortieth Anniversary Souvenir 1907-1947, Saints Cyril and Methodius Church, Bridgeport, Connecticut. Furdek, Stephen, Prvci Citanka pre Slovenske Skoly, Cleveland: Furdek, 1913. 125 pp. Furdek, Stephen, Druhci Citanka pre Slovenske Skoly, Cleveland: Furdek, 1913. 125 pp. Furdek, Stephen, "Hymna americkych Slovakov," Kalendcir Jednota, I (January, 1896), 22. Furdek, Stephen, Kalendcir Jednota, 19 Vol. (1896-1915 ). Furdek, Stephen, "Katolicka Jednota vo Spojenych Statoch," Kalendcir Jednota, I (1896 ), 26-37. Furdek, Stephen, "Katolicky Slovensky Kongress," Kalendcir Jednota, XII (1907), 145-155. Furdek, Stephen, "Keby nie jeho, nepotreboval by som dnes ziadneho -Ostavu," Kalendcir Jednota, (1914), 69. �40 SLOVAKIA Furdek, Stephen, Sv et a jeho zahady. Cleveland: Furdek, 1910. 250 pp. Hlinka, Andrew, "K jubileu striebornej konvencie Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty v Amerike," Kalendar Jednota, (1935) , 35. Hrobak, Philip, Ed., Editorial, Slov akia, I, (May, 1951). Hrobak, Philip, "The First Catholic Slovak Union of the U.S.A. ," Slov ak Record, (September, 1943) . Rusek, Joseph, "K dvadsat'pat'rocnici I. Kat. Slov. Jednoty," Kalendar Jednota, (January, 1916) 30-59. Rusek, Stephanie, "The Slovaks in America," Kalendar Jednota, Golden Jubilee, (September 2, 1940) 111-116. J ednota, Middletown, Pa., Dec. 17, 1913; Mar. 11, 1914; June 17, 1914; June 17, 1914; Sept. 23, 1914; Jan. 20, 1915; Jan. 27, 1915; Feb. 11, 1915; Apr. 24, 1935; June 18, 1952. K niha dejin Spolku sv. Jozefa, cislo 1. Z prilezitosti oslavy 50. rocneho jubileuma. Cleveland: 1939. Kozak, A. V., "-Ostav I. Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty," Kalendar Jednota, ( 1912) 19-24. Leech, George L. , Letter to First Catholic Slovak Union on the Occasion of Its Golden Jubilee, 1940. Liscinsky, John Method, "Katolicka Slovenska 2enska Jednota," ( 1911 ) 180-184. Martvon, John, "Autobiograficky nacrt," Kale ndar Jednota, Golden Jubilee, (September 2, 1940) 19. Mulcahy, George, "Life of Saints Cyril and Methodius," Radio Broadcast on Diocesan Catholic Hour, WHP, Feb. 13, 1940. Palickar, Stephen J., " Father Furdek, Leader," Commonweal, VI (June 8, 1927) 126. Prva Katolicka Slovenska Jednota, "Kulturny Program Prvej Kat. Slov. Jednoty," Kalendar Jednota, (1935) 31. Rovnianek, P . V., Zapi sky za ziva pochovaneho. Pittsburgh: Rovnianek Press, 1924. Slovak League of America, Editorial, "What Is It?" The Slov ak Digest, I, (November-December, 1946) . Slovak v Amerike, New York, N. Y., August 30, 1949. Spolok Panny Marie Ruzencovej , Z Dejin I .K.S.J. , Pamatnik Slavnej XVII. Konvencie I.K.S.J., (September, 1925), Scranton, Pa. Tybor, Caroline, " Slovak Language in Our Academy," Fialky, IV (December, 1924) 71-72. Yurchak, Peter J. , The Slovaks, Their History and Tradition, Whiting : John J . Lach, 1946. 278 pp. Zlamal, Oldrich, "Life of Reverend Stephen Furdek," Sixtieth Anniv ersary of Our Lady of Lourdes Parish, (Svet Publishing Co. , Cleveland, Ohio) 1943. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1966, Vol. 16 Description An account of the resource Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 25 FATHER OF AMERICAN SLOVAKS By Si ster M . Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. The noisy night tra1n daittered out of Cleveland, Ohio. Its pa;sse:ngers -by tmns re'la.xed or braced tfuemselves in keepin1g with tihe jo1ti1Ilg ThytJhms of the orange-eyed monster as it spumed spat1ks and ,c inders and hurtled along the shiny rails toward Pennsylvania. Among the travelers, it ca·ITied a thougihllful priest wihose quiet eyes looked upon liife with a wisdom born of natural gifts and rich exiperience. 'l'he tr,ain ste adied itself to ain even speed. A conductor came down the aisle punohirng tiokets and as ihe took U!p Fatller's, the yehlow gleam from tfue ga:s jet ovet1head showed that it was daited early iJil September 1906 and was made ourt for Wilkes-Barre. '11he dim light also reveailed the identirf,ication tag on Father's traveling bag marked Rev. Stephen Furdek Our Lady of Lou'I'ldes Church Cleveland, Ohio For a few moments after the conductoT moved on, Father fingered the gold cross that huing from his watoh chain. Then he studied some letters and paipers from his porbfolio, and finally he reached into ihis pocket for his prayer beads. From early dhi:1dhood lh e had Oll'ltivated a m3/I'lked dev,otion to OuT Lady and he 1ha,d in her a sure refuge and he'lp in every need. He had grown up amid hardships and difificuUies of aH kinds ·b ut the wais not hurt or wa11ped lby them. In fact, crosses had only made him the stronger to endure more. Let us trace some of ihis growing-up days a:nd you wihl see fOT yourself. September 2, 1855 was the date of Stephen furdek's bir,tJh, and Tr,s tena in Orava County, 1Sloviakia, was the phaoe. In maiteTial resouTces Oreva ,is one of tlh.e poorest regions orf central Europe but it has given -tfue Slovak people a remairkaJble number orf intellectuails and leaders. Stephen Furdelk, too, 'becairne one of tihese grea,t men of his people, for God had fitted him for a parti!oohar work amd lh.e was reaidy when the time was right. His scholastic career was bri.ililianrt even from his ele- 26 SLOVAKIA merutaTy grades at the villaige sdhool where he was ta'l.tght by 1:Jhe Franciscans. For his ,hig1h school courses Stephen went to Bamska Bystrioa amd then to the gymnazium or senior high sdhool in Nitra. lt was m Nitra, too, tihat he begoo 'his semim.ary training for the priestlhood. Because of his outstandin1g success in phHosophy and -theology, howeveT, his bishop singled out Stephen FuTdek for special studies at tJhe univemity in Budapest. This 'hirg,h honor and distinction was especially gratifying to lris parents who were providi!ng for ihirs education at the cost of great sacrifice. Unfortunately, the young student took sick in Buda,pe,st and iha:d to return home. On recovering, he resumed hirs studies ·but he decided to Teturn to itlhe Nirtra seminary r-atiher tham ,to tlle university in Budapest. He <Xmcenrtrated on his lessoos 'but politiml troubles dirstu111bed the times very much and the spirit of unrest and hosthl:ity reached even into the seminary. ,Stephen Fu<rdek's tempernment preferred peace to contention. Y oll!Ilg as he was, he h,ad a sixth sense whiic:ih directed birm toward a tactful line of CO'lldruct, toward a decisiion wihioh would avoid tmUJble wiitlhout sia,crifici111g principle. Besi<les, he enjoyed the fatfuerly guidance of the Trstemiborn Dr. Martin Hattala, an eminent priest-philologist who was at tlhis time a professor of languages at ChaTles University in Pr-ague. Acti'lllg under these two iin:filuences, tJhe student Furdek withdrew from see1:1hirng Nitra. 'Dhis step demanded the sacrifice of ihis priestly ideal! but the ·s pirit of the times was such thaJt a SlovaJk patriot was denied the opportunity to complete his studies for professional work. 'Dhe overlords demanded that you eicf:lher tramsfex- your ai1legiamoe or surrender academic pur~suit. Ln leaving the semin,a.ry, Stephen did what he 1!hougiht was •r ight and he firmly trusted in God. FoT some time after he left Nitra, Furdek was a teacher in Stramirl.ce, MoraViia. This took him out of t!he region of trouble 1b ut his new work did not satisfy him. Realizing thaJt this was not really his vocation, he decided to return to 1his books. Perhaps he felt 1!hat iif he had to be denied the privfiledge of serving his people as a priest, he wOIU!ld .t ry to serve them as a fully ti,ained professionaJl, a specia:liized teaC'heT, pemaps one Hke Dr. Haittala whose distiinction it was to be both a priest and a teac!her. SLOVAKIA 27 F,or tihree years F1t.mieJk diligently studied classical laJnguages and ,philology at OhaI'les Universiity. Dlll'ing this tirme he ibecame acquainted wiith Dr. Flrancis Bauer who was rector of the diocesan seminary in P,r ague amd was deslbined to •b ecome camdmaJl ar<fub1slhop of O1omoUJc in Moravia. Dr. Bauer saw ilrl the promising s.tudenit the greaiter promise of service for botJh God amd country. He advised Furdek .to Teturn to his seminary couTses and lh e suggested that it would be well for him to do so rig.ht there in Prague. F1uridek was haJppy to have this encouraigement. It retll!I'ned to him tJhe hope dearest ito his th eart and brought him oloser to its Tealiization. He followed Dr. Bauer's advice e8)gerly . .AJbout four years lateT, w!hen he was in hls last year of theology, FuTdek learned tlhat an urgent appe81l from America rea•o hed his superiors. lt 08)me from Bishop Riobard Gi:lrmour of Cleveland, Ohio, and eXJpressed ,h is concern foT the spirituaJ care of many Slavic immigrants lirvmg in his diocese wrthout a priest of their OWtil tongue to minister to their needs. Bishop GilmoUT ha;d written to severau European bishops amd to various religious orders beg,gi:ng for priests and for advanced students who wouid be ruble to finish their studies ilrl America 01nd serve these people in Christ's narrne. 'Dhis was a caJ!l for generous and missiona,rysouled worikers. Who would be foU1I1d willing to answer? Who would be qualified? Father Francis Sasinek, am eXJperiienced and soholtarly Slovak priest, recommended tJhe semi.nariam Furdek for this responsible work. Furrdek's superions at the seminary endorsed the recommenda:tion, for they knew that ,t his young man had 'tJhe spiTituaJ.ity and the tiauenrt:s to succeed in such an assig,nmenrt of pionem-ing for Ohrist among the immigramts in America. The prospects were ma:de known to him and though it cost muoh to part frcxm al!l that was so dear to him, Stephen Furdek generously mrade the sa,cr.iifice. It was tJhe g,uiding prindple of his lirfe to wol'k for God amd for country, and here is taJil'gilble proof tJhat he did not merely iderulize t,hat motto; he lived it wibh aU its implioations. He bade farewell to ,his famhly and friends in tJhe spring of 1882 and embanked for .America. By March 15 he w,as in Cleveland, strengtihened by itihe ,g ,ra,ce of God and seasoned by past hardships for whatever trials might lie in the years 28 SLOVAKIA aJhead. Jin tfuis new and wondel'fttl though still st'l'!all!ge world, he completed his studies in a few montlhs and was ordained by Bishop Gilmour in St. Wenceslaus Church on JUJly 1 of t!he same year. This was tJhe fulfillment of hi:s fondest dreams. For aibout ten months a;fter ordination, Father Furdek served as an assistant at St. Wenceslaus. At the same bme, however, he arranged for the Slova!ks of the area to attend Sunday mass offered by a non.,SloV1aJk Franciscan Father at St. Joseph's ohurch in Clevelailld where he himself would come every week to prea•ch, to inst'I'll'ct, and to hea:r confessions in Slovak. This 1kind of dual apostolate •becaJme FatJher Furdek's liifework. For all his priesi'ly yeiars dati:ng from April 1883 until his death on J ,a nuary 18, 1915, he was pastor of Our Lady of Lourdes par~sh which the bishop authori!zed him to organize, and he devoted hims~Lf to the care and guidance of countless Sloy,a•IDs throughout America. For what do we remeimbeT him most? He was an exemplary pr,iest, educator, leader, organizer, journalist, novelist, poet, paitriot - and he merited every one of these distmctions folly. Yet over and a:bove aill this, he was in the true sense of 1Jhe word t!he F'atJher of Amerioan Slovaks. He ha:d 'haroly orientiated h~mself i:n this adopted coootry when he reaJLized that his God.igiven mission extended beyond the immediate needs of the parish work that was a:ssi:gned to him. He always discharged his pastora.'l duties conscientiously ,but parish wonk was not hiiis one falent to be hidden safely m a napkin and retu:rmed to the Master at His coming. Fat!her Furdek was entrusted v,ivh mamy talents and he zealously trafficked with the much that had been g,iven him. Besides ,buildi:ng a maignificent church and a modem school of sixteen classrooms, besides managing all the interests of Our Lady of Lourdes parish and its sohool witlh an enrollment of a thousand pupils, Father Furdek heliped to organize many Slovruk parishes ·both in Clevelaind and in other widely scattered Slovak •s ettlements. The need of the hour was to help these Sloviak immigrants to achieve a sense of belongiiing, to giive them a bond of unity, to satisfy their spiriturul cravmg a.ind their sociail needs amd to educaJte tJhem. It was important to teach them cooperation in wmikiing for common i:nterests and mutual helpfuhl.ess. Solicitous F1ather SLOVAKIA 29 of all the Slova:ks in America that he was, Father Furdek took each of these problems to heaTt and worked for its soliution. To iprovide priests for newly organized and organi,z ing panishes, Father Furdek undertook more th3Jn one trip to Slova,kia because both hiis bishop a,nd he realized that personal conta,ct would be more effectiv,e than any ot her type of solicitation. And he did succeed in interesting a number of worthy priests a,nd derics from abroad to come to these pioneer parishes a,mong the immigrants. But even wi1:Jh individuail parishes organized here and there a,s circumstances warranited it, the entire ,problem of the Slovak immigrant in America was not solved. Father Furdek in hi:s missionary travels among the people witnessed their efforts to for,m local fraternal and benefiicial societies. He saw a:lso that his countrymen needed to 1be safeguarded from leaders and movements that threatened their spiritua[ outlook while pretending to offer them materiaJl advantages. Before ,}ong he realized, too, that most of those newcomers were going to establish permanent homes in America; they needed to plan for a secure future and a wlholesome heritage for their posteriity :iin the new world. Riis keen vision sa,w 'beyond the immediate present, 0JS does every true leader's. Beg,inning wi:th a nucleus of pioneers in Clevela,nd, Father Furdek in 1890 founded a men's organization called the First Catholic Slova,k Union or the Jednota. Two years later a similia:r ladies' organization wa;s began. The Jecmota grew to be the largest Slovak fratemal bene£it organization in the world. It is also a strong pillar of Slova:k Ca,t;Jholicity in America. 'J1hrough it, Father Furdeik propag,ated the vivifying ti deal "For God and N ruti001." On this Chri:stiain prin~ ciple is formulated the entire philosophy a;nd structure of the Jednota aind this is what ,g ives tJhe body its stabi'Li:ty and strength. To a people making history in a la:nd where they were without traditions, without established precedent, it was essentiall to build wisely and well. Father Furdeik with his gift of vision prepared that ·b luepriint for them e~ceptiona1ly wel!l. His firm hut tactflllil leadershiip directed the early funmigrants toward healthy progress. 'Dhe Jeiooota pmvided aU tlhe ·benefits of a mutual aid society, it brought the mem- 30 SLOVAKIA hers of a local branch together for periodic meetings and conferences, it ,s pomored national conventions and its bylaws emphasrzed fidelity to reliigious duty. This was putting first thing,s first. Flather Furdelk repeatedly msisted that it was imperative for Cathollics to jom Catlholic societies because non-sectarian infiJ.uences, innocuous as they may seem to be, have a tendency to cool fervor and lead to indifference in the spiritual liife. AIS a matter of fuct, there were some sad instaJn ces to prove that suoh Hberallism even resulted in ag,nostici,s,m aJild free thinikling. These were the rugged days of early pioneering for great numbe11s of :immigrants. In theiT period of adjustment they were e~osed to both adva,ntJa:ges and <lis•a dvanta,ges. Men who 'had 'been iong suppressed and oppressed found themselves sudden,l y free amd they couM have leaned over too far, disregaroing or discoun:tin:g some forms of autJhority completely, claiming an Ulllcontro:J.lled emancipation. Father FuTdek's presence and influence among them was the needed leaven. Patiently and finnJ.y he worlked to balance their outlook. CourageQIUJS•l y he set himself again,s t tJhe forces that advocated a ,c omplete libera!l<tsm or secuffiarism, tJhat disregard for spiritual discipline that would have resulted in crass materialism. Wit'h the gnts of a !born tea·o her he rooched his people and restrained tJhem from becoming the victims of such errors. He saved them from tJhe influence of false ,l eaders and besides ta<king a necessa11Hy agressive stand in these ma;tters, he also stimll'lated lay acti'Vity. In teaching the meaning of 1iib erty, Father Furde'k stressed the opportunities wthich his peo'.)le should use here for self-improvement amd cultural adva;ncement. One year after founding the Jednota o:t1ganization, he launched tlhe J,ffiDNOTA weekly (1891) whi-dh 1became the offici~l organ of tJhe society. In 1896 at his own e~ense he gave his people their first JE}DNOTA iK:ALffiNDAiR, an annrua•l or a!hnanac. llil t his way :h e brought into the homes of ha:t1d-worlcing common people press materials whioh became a medium of culture and a weHspring of spiritual refreshment. The duties of editing and publicrution were his and althougih it meant a tremendous demand on his time, energy and talent to compose rund expedite a newspaper every week 8.llld a ri~h almanac every year, he aJSSumed this blll'den and responsibility in addition to his pastoral wook be- SLOVAKIA 31 cause he knew how mu,~h the Slovairos in Ameriica needed such wholesome reading matter. He also invited quaJlirfied oontriibutors to send mainuscriipts and it was usually our priests both here and from aibr-oad wiho did sulbmit some exceHent articles for the Jednota publication. Slov,aJk immigr,ants with theiir new privilege of reading t!heir own newspapers in America were being instructed amd infoI1llled lb y them. A Jedinotar w,ho took up his copy alter a day's strenuous wcmk on the furm or in a mine, mill or factory, found relaxation and enjoyment in reading its columns. His Catholic weekly broug1ht him news items, editoriials, tJhe Sunday epistle amd gospel wiibh a homhly, e~lanations of the oatMhism and of tJhe Hturgical year, interesting lessons on :the duties and privileges of American citizenship, and a survey of American history presented eit!her topicaHy or serially or throug.h biographical sketches. Father Furdek's admiration for America and his devotion to the ideal of democr,acy prompted him to write on this subject repeatedly and to urge Slovaks in America to become natlurcli1irzed. His patriotism to two countries was baJlanced with an uneXJceiled nicety and with demoeratic expertness which 'he e~ressed very a:ptly in the poem "Amerika, zem velilka" ("America, Great Land") which was awarded first honors in a competition sponsored by P. V. Rovnianek. In th4:s poem Furdek sings the glories of America - her progress, her emancipation of the slave, her democracy, her greaJt native sons, her mothering of the oppressed who come to her shores, the opportunities she o:fifera to all witJhout discrimination. Then he voices a touohilllg apostrophe to his homeland, characterized by the snow-ca:pped Tatry, as if he wished to e~ress the assurance that the ocean may separate but it does not divide a loyial people. Poetically and neatly he arigues that a son still. loves his mother tJhoug,h he gives his heart to his wife, and that it is by just such a pa,ra'Hel that loyial emigrants love the land they left as well as the country of their adoption. 'Dhe more he studied the problems of the day, the more he became convinced that practica11y all the Slovak :immigrants in America were here to stay. This reaili2Jation made him aiH the more eager to he]Jp them :to become intelligent .American citizens, men and women capaible of a great love 32 SLOVAKIA for this democratic new wonld yet mindful and proud of their ancestry. He often reminded them to note how muoh ilm.iproved their living cO'llditions were here over w'ihat ~hey had been under the MaJgy,a r regime at home. He urged them to compare America's repulblicaJn fomn orf government with Hungary's despotism. He repeatedly pointed out that there is no subject class in this country aJnd 1Jhat ruH wiho enjoyed America's freedom have many opportunities to advance and improve themselves. Furdek's articles represented America as a great school w;here t!he iimmig:r,ant could learn out orf the book of actuaJ living amd doing. He pointed out that here even an unschooled SlovaJk w011ker learns rhow to mine ores, he comes to understand the intricacies amd 1:Jhe operation of simple and orf complex machines, he reads aind he learns from his newspapers, he travels free1y and cain master basic geography, he struggles with tJhe fanguage problem and everutua:lly he can come to sipea:k English as well a:s a teacher. In short, whatever he needs to know, he can learn in 1:Jhe scthool of Amerioan 1ife. Furdek thad am unlbound patriotism which is reflected in all his journaJlistic output. As a matter of fact, he was no mere journa:list; he was a pub1ioist who propagiated his open admiration aind devotion to America togetJher with a steady remembrance and love for Slovalkia. He forecast the Americanization of the Slovaks - not becaJUse America is a melting pot but because it is irmposs~ble for human life and thoug,ht to withsbrund the tide of change and the demands of reasona1ble adjustment. But he did not favor a sudden and complete sundering from home ties. Wisely he urged his people to preserve a love for ancestraJl roots and an appreciation of their national culture aJnd to transmit this devotion to future generations. It is not without cause that we look upon him ais the Father of American Slovaks. There was no problem of American Stlovak life that escruped his serious study and analysis. He took a definite stand in every sigmificant isSl\le and wherever the need required it, he was bhe spiI'itual a:dviser, prime mover, •a nd inspiration to thousands of people. His was a many-sided creatiwiess and 1he had a genius for keeping pace with the progress orf time. '!'he Jednota, whiclh he founded, preserved the ideals of Fu11dek because he himself SLOVAKIA 33 was so deeply imbued with the spiriit which he imparted to it. It was a spirit which even reac'hed from America to Silovakia and supported national movements there. See him now as he blesses himself on finishing his rosary. He looks caJlm and untroubled but a heavy oross lies upon his heart. "How wiU this affair end?" he asks himself. Here he is coming to a rally intended to alleviate suffering abroad and to strengthen the spirit of his people on this new soil, aind yet this very ceil~ration threatens to brmg about undesirable Tesults. He and his brother.,priests have designated the gathering to which he is going as a Slovak Catho1ic Congress, but enemies - like the GOiSpel sowers of tares among the wheat - have been busy noi:sing it abroad that Father Furdek and his al'lies planned this mass meeting in order to launch a new heresy and to effect a schism of Slovak Catholics. And the wi1d rumor was reported officiail!ly even to the Apostolic Delegate in W a:sihimgton and to various bisihops and archbishops, urging t:Jhem to suspend and penalize all those priests wlho were in any way associa,ted with the affair. Father Furdek's name, namuraUy, led the rest in the list of tJhose who were marked to be proscribed. What was the outcome to 1be? The great S,lova1k Catholic Co'lligress took pla:ce on La:bor Day, September 3, 1906 in Wrl1kes-Barre. It attraoted oveT ten thousand Slovaks from all parts of Amedca and that in a day when traveling was time-consuming, tiresome, imconvenient, a:nd much of a humry for people wi1lh limited earnings. The program of tJhe day was planned to irndude religious services a1nd a series of addresses both in English and in Slovak on subjects of vital interest and conseque-nce to the Slovruk people. 1 Father Furdek arranged for representatives of the daily newspapers as well as editors of leading SlovaJk publications to be present in order to cover t'he story. Tihis would provide a greater circUJlation of reports on Slova1k matters among ,a little-informed American iputbHc as well as among an interested Slovruk audience. It was for this reasorn also that he arranged for notable American officiaJls and dignitaries to attend. It would be very he1pful to 'have tJhem become acquaimted with the Slovruk question. Bishop Hoban of Scranton had agreed to preside. 34 SLOVAKIA WihaJt was Fa!tlher Furdek to eX!pect of his plans now that such damaging stories were ma!king their rounds in o,nficia:l circles as well as among the common people? Would Bishop Hdban honor the occasion with rhis presence? And if he came, would it lbe to censure or to question or to approve tJhe true effort of Father Flurdek and his co-wo!1kers? One could not very welll iknow before hand. On the morning of the Congress, Father Furdek and Faltlher Murgas set out by horise and carriage for Sugar Notc'h where tJhey were to call for Bishop Hoban and drive Mm to the Congress. They went with mixed emotions but they were fortified by the consciousness of upright motives 0Jnd blameless conduct. Bislhop Hoban did not disaippoint them. He graciously accepted their offer of a ride and showed that he was eager to act as chairman of the event which they had prepared. As he mounted the carriage 8/Ild sat between the two priests, he put ithem at ease by p1ungilllg at once into the subject of their to:r,menting thoug,hts, the painful topic of the accusations whicih had 1been made against them. He discussed some of the charges at length and judiciously disposed of them. For inst8Jllce, he found it ridiculous that in America where liberty prevaiils someone shOU!ld giloaJt ilil laibeling them PianSlavs (because of their a:Megiance to tJheir native lamd. "I iknow yoUT people well, " Bishop Hdban said wit!h gentle UIIlderstanding in tJhe couTISe of itihi s conversation. Then as they were passing the Ashley ohurcih he added, "l built tfuis ohur,c'h when I was pastor here. Among my parishioners were m8/Ily Slova:k,s and I became wel!l. acquainted wiibh them. I have great sympathy for the SlovaJks." 1 "I am an American althoug;h my ancestors came from Irel81Ild," the Bishop continued as though he were marshalli!ng faots in a debate. "The Irish have a long history of political persecution; tlle Irish :kin.ow wlhat it is to be oppressed. I have great sympa:tJhy for every oppressed nation whetlher irt be Armeruam, Polish, kish or whatever it may be. There a,re many nationalities in my diocese and I do not discriminate. We are all OatJhoHcs." Bishop Hoban could not undel'Stand why the idea of Pan-Slav should figure in an indictment presented to eccles- 35 SLOVAKIA iastical superiors. "What has that to do wit'h it? fo America one may be a Pan-American; ilil Germany, let him wiho wishes ,b e a Pan-Gennam. It is no crime or sin to be a Pam-S[av. 'l'he term has political implication only." He was shrewd enoug,h to perceive that the charges which had ,been trumped up under c-lerical pretentiOIIlS were 1basicaJBy of a politicall nature and tha;t they were essentially distortions or gross misrepresentations. Im the course of this ride, Bishop Hobim also showed FaJther Furdek a communication from t!he Apostolic Delegate inqu~riD'g ililto the nature of the accusations. But Bishop Hoban assured both priests that he had already sent to Washington a complete report vindicating the acoused and exiplainililg the motives that had prompted 1:Jhe effort to foil 1:Jhe success of the Catholic Congress. And they were, in fact, extreme measures to which the p'lotJters had resorted. At the last moment they even tried to intimidate Bishop Hoban by sendililg him a telegram warning that his presence at the Silovak Catholic Congress wou[d reflect discredit UipOn t!he American Catholic hierarchy. But BiSlhop Hobam was not to be deterred by t!hreats. In fact, he justly resented the attempts to put pressure on him from un8Juthor1zed quarters. Becaiuse of Bishop Hoban's fundaJmental ohaTity for ahl, his sympathy for the downtrodden and his unbiased sense of democracy, the Catholic Congress of Slovak Americans was a more glorious event than even Father Furdek had hoped it would be. It wa•s a complete vindicatiO!Il of the priests who 'had ,b een maJligned and it was am unqoo:lified triumph for the Slova:k people. Bishop Hoban openly championed their cause, the press gave the even.rt fulil coverage, and the SlovaJk people themselves were iby this huge gatJhering more closely bound to one amother than they had ever been before. The manifestation was a Catiholic Congress but it attracted many Slovruk•s of other religious denominrutions, too, as well as from various fraternall orgaJnizations both Ca:tholic and non-sectarian. This triumph of September 3, 1906 marked a lmld of renaissamce in Slovak life on two continents and it inspired Father Fourdek to urge upon Slovaik leaders iJil publ-ic life the formation of a national SloV0Jk organizrution to unify 1 36 SLOVAKIA the American effort on behalf of Slov,a;kia. The outcome was the S1ovaik League of America which iin time evolved from suClh pre1i1minary movements as Furdek's drive "Za tu nasu slovenicinu !" (Jin defense of the Slovak cause!) which netted some ten thousand doll,ars for 1:Jhe na,t ional aid in the home1a:nd; the National Fund which sUJbsidized at least two hundred Slovruk students abroad rund brought relief to very many Slovak political leaders ,t hen houinded by unjust persecution, a:nd the lawnching of "Indignation Meetings" or pwbli,c demonstrations throughout the United States in order to protest the injushce and 1:Jhe human cruelty which viotimiized the Slovak people in their own homeland. 'I1hese tokens of help from America re-vitaUzed the crushed spirit and the depleted energies of S1ova!k patriots who were driven almost to t:he brilllk of despair iin fueir efiforts to save Silova kia. Costly :fii:nes and unrelenting pressure were syistematicaUy draining their resources and counteracting their achievements. American interest and Americain slllpport were their only encouraigement and mainstay. FiinanciaJ help came from tJhe drives which were organized expressly to raise funds. Morrul support was won by the Indignation Raillies, seven of which were originally planned to be held in key cities of the United States. T:he first of these was arranged by Father Furdek in 0levelaind. 1 LiJke all of Father Furdek's projects, tMs Indignation RaHy, too, was staimped with his spirit. Jit was an inspired and an inspiring demonstration, and it set 1:Jhe pattern for similar puiblic meetings. It:s puripose was to publicize Slov,aJkia's grievances against autocratic Hungarian agression, to prove t:hat Hungary was not in reality that "islallld of liberty" in central Europe which it gloried in caiHing itself, and to solicit the sympathy and the understanding of true leaders of liberty among the Americam people. Outstanding representatives of Americain 1ife amd thought participated in these rallies. For example, at the Cleveland gathering held on February 10, 1907, a crupaoity audience in Gray's Armory gave speHbo·u nd attention to addresses delivered by Professor Bourine, by three attorneys, three priests, and seveml journailists. The American public and especially the American thinking :public was quickly beginning to see the truth. At the 37 SLOVAKIA same time, the f,ire of truth amd the justified indignarti<on orf all lovers of justice was rea,ching out among S'loV'aJks and non-Slo'V'aJks alike, to enkindJe effective means for the triumph of true Iiiberty and fairness. ~he time seemed to be right then for Father FuTdek to try again to efifect a nationwide unification of the Slovak people in America. He had attempted it before when he founded the Matica S•l ovenska, a cultural society which did not thrive lonig because new world cond~tions were not yet favo:r,a!ble for such am undertwkrng (1893). Thi:s newer effort originated at a Pittsburgh meeting of SlovaJk journalisrts convened at Fa,ther Furdek's iinvitation on April 7, 1907 where it wa,,s agreed to stage a SlovaJk Congress in May for the purpose of founding the Slovak League of America. The time was ausipi'Cious, the attitude was enthusiastic, the fruit of the movement was good. 1 The Slovak L eague of America became a civic and cultural organization with a dual objective: 1) to advaJnce American interests and security and 2) to create a better understanding and ruppredation of the islova•k nation - its history, culture, traditions, achievements, and its long, bitter struggle for freedom and autonomy. The first president of the Slovak League was Father Furdelk and he aJbly guided its interests and its efforts and helped to launch it very successfully upon its fruitful career. Furdek 's spirit of self-sacrifice and his relentless drive took :lwavy toH on his physical resources. He burned out his life young but the flame of his ardor would allow no sparing of self when there was so much to be done for God and nation, for bme and for eternity. And even when it was apparent that his energies were faiNng, he did not stop to think of himself. Always his dominant thought was for others and for the general good. Extensive traveling, constant literary production, frequent appearances as a pubEc spewker or a church preacher, steady devotion to the management of his parish, constant attention to the needs of his school and its advancement , concern for the welrfare of a,,11 his people - these and many related issues crowded his days and his nights. 1 It is difficult to realize how he managed such a rich and fruitful life, how he provided in it for projects of nat - 38 SLOVAKIA ionail scope and significance as weM as for close and immediate needs such as tJhe compiling of three textbooks, a gra,matiJka and two citamky of such S'lllperior practicail use and benefit thaJt they served .s everal generations with soUJDd advantage. He also experimented wibh a patented pedaJgogic,rul device for fille teadhring of a,:r,~tlhmetic. A,s early as 1906 Father Fur<lek had brought about officiail aotion for the founding of a home for oriphans. F\inaiHy in 1914 he had the joy of seeing such a home a reality ilrl Middletown, Pennsylv,ania where Phili,p and Mary Hroba!k of Lakewood, Ohio were the first children under J ednota care in a home manruged by tlhe S1isters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. Father Furdeik was also deeply initerested in t!lris new Slovak Community of Sisters and he endorsed the efforts of the Jednota ovgani21ation to adv,am,ce it and its wovks. After 1912 FatJher Furoek's healit:Jh was so much on the declrine that hris vision became imiparirred. Yet he carnied on heroicailly and even shortly after the New Year 1915 he accepted an invitation to preacll at a Forty Hours' Devotion ;in LoraJin, Ohio. It wrus on his retmm fr.om t!his priestly servke that he suffered eX)posure in a wintry storm amd on January 18, 1915, in t!he fifty-lllinbh year of his life, the thirty-second of his priesthood, he was called to his eternal reward. Fi,fty thousand Jedn<Ybars and cowntless friends and adirniirers on both sides of the Ati1'amtic mourned his death. 1 The tvue greatness of Father Furdek is made more digtJin:ct to us as it stamds in the perspective of years since his death. T,he void left by his deparrture to etemal life has IIlever been fiiil.led, and we see now tJhat it was with prophetic appreciaition and with some degree of regrettruble lament that Father J anikola spdke 1:Jhese words in his euJlogy on t'he day orf Father Furdek's funeral, "We wiH never see his like again. Slovrukia shall not send us another Furdek; America wi:Jil not produce another." 1 The greaJtness of Father Furdek's achievements derives from fille gifts of hi:s mind rund Clharrucl:er not from a mere aiccident of circumstances. We have even now ,t he need for ArrneriJcan Slovruks of uncommon gifts and moral stature to foad on in a modem world of mrugni:fl1cent opport.ll!Ilities. We need leaders who are seers and doe11s, wtho can vi:talli:ze and SLOVAKIA 3g inspire, who can hold before us the V1s1on and dispel our lethargy so that we American Slova!ks will want to :reaclh out for the attaiinment, will want to assert a pride of aincestry and a new hig,h of national greatness. But it has not been given us to have a second Furdelk in America. God grant that a younger geineration may pl'O'V'ide fuat in,s piration end greatness. As we survey Father FuTdek's place and his merits in American Slovalk history, we come to realize how well he deserves to be honored 8Jlld remembeTed as tlhe Father of American Sllovaks. BIBLIOGRAPHY Capek, Thomas, The Slovaks of Hungary. New York: The Knickerbocker Press, 1906. 214 pp. Cooke, Vincent, "Catholic Objectives in the Care of Children," Catholic Action, XXXII (May, 1950), 8. Culen Konlitantin, "American Slovaks and Slovak Statehood," Slovakia, I (May, 1951), 18. Culen, Konl;tantin, Slovcici v Amerike, Turciansky Sv. Martin, Slovakia, Matica Slovenska Press, 1938. 519 pp. Culen. Konstantin, "Stefan Furdek," Kultura, VII (September 1935), 377-386. Emerentia, Mother M., History of the Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius. Unpublished Master's thesis, Marywood College. Falcon, The, (Katolicky Sokol), Passaic, N. J ., July 5, 1944. Fortieth Anniversary Souvenir 1907-1947, Saints Cyril and Methodius Church, Bridgeport, Connecticut. Furdek, Stephen, Prvci Citanka pre Slovenske Skoly, Cleveland: Furdek, 1913. 125 pp. Furdek, Stephen, Druhci Citanka pre Slovenske Skoly, Cleveland: Furdek, 1913. 125 pp. Furdek, Stephen, "Hymna americkych Slovakov," Kalendcir Jednota, I (January, 1896), 22. Furdek, Stephen, Kalendcir Jednota, 19 Vol. (1896-1915 ). Furdek, Stephen, "Katolicka Jednota vo Spojenych Statoch," Kalendcir Jednota, I (1896 ), 26-37. Furdek, Stephen, "Katolicky Slovensky Kongress," Kalendcir Jednota, XII (1907), 145-155. Furdek, Stephen, "Keby nie jeho, nepotreboval by som dnes ziadneho -Ostavu," Kalendcir Jednota, (1914), 69. 40 SLOVAKIA Furdek, Stephen, Sv et a jeho zahady. Cleveland: Furdek, 1910. 250 pp. Hlinka, Andrew, "K jubileu striebornej konvencie Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty v Amerike," Kalendar Jednota, (1935) , 35. Hrobak, Philip, Ed., Editorial, Slov akia, I, (May, 1951). Hrobak, Philip, "The First Catholic Slovak Union of the U.S.A. ," Slov ak Record, (September, 1943) . Rusek, Joseph, "K dvadsat'pat'rocnici I. Kat. Slov. Jednoty," Kalendar Jednota, (January, 1916) 30-59. Rusek, Stephanie, "The Slovaks in America," Kalendar Jednota, Golden Jubilee, (September 2, 1940) 111-116. J ednota, Middletown, Pa., Dec. 17, 1913; Mar. 11, 1914; June 17, 1914; June 17, 1914; Sept. 23, 1914; Jan. 20, 1915; Jan. 27, 1915; Feb. 11, 1915; Apr. 24, 1935; June 18, 1952. K niha dejin Spolku sv. Jozefa, cislo 1. Z prilezitosti oslavy 50. rocneho jubileuma. Cleveland: 1939. Kozak, A. V., "-Ostav I. Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty," Kalendar Jednota, ( 1912) 19-24. Leech, George L. , Letter to First Catholic Slovak Union on the Occasion of Its Golden Jubilee, 1940. Liscinsky, John Method, "Katolicka Slovenska 2enska Jednota," ( 1911 ) 180-184. Martvon, John, "Autobiograficky nacrt," Kale ndar Jednota, Golden Jubilee, (September 2, 1940) 19. Mulcahy, George, "Life of Saints Cyril and Methodius," Radio Broadcast on Diocesan Catholic Hour, WHP, Feb. 13, 1940. Palickar, Stephen J., " Father Furdek, Leader," Commonweal, VI (June 8, 1927) 126. Prva Katolicka Slovenska Jednota, "Kulturny Program Prvej Kat. Slov. Jednoty," Kalendar Jednota, (1935) 31. Rovnianek, P . V., Zapi sky za ziva pochovaneho. Pittsburgh: Rovnianek Press, 1924. Slovak League of America, Editorial, "What Is It?" The Slov ak Digest, I, (November-December, 1946) . Slovak v Amerike, New York, N. Y., August 30, 1949. Spolok Panny Marie Ruzencovej , Z Dejin I .K.S.J. , Pamatnik Slavnej XVII. Konvencie I.K.S.J., (September, 1925), Scranton, Pa. Tybor, Caroline, " Slovak Language in Our Academy," Fialky, IV (December, 1924) 71-72. Yurchak, Peter J. , The Slovaks, Their History and Tradition, Whiting : John J . Lach, 1946. 278 pp. Zlamal, Oldrich, "Life of Reverend Stephen Furdek," Sixtieth Anniv ersary of Our Lady of Lourdes Parish, (Svet Publishing Co. , Cleveland, Ohio) 1943.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Father of American Slovaks Description An account of the resource Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. Slovakia, Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966 pp. 25-40 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Tybor, Sister M. Martina, SS.C.M. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/67406a640fb71c7f19f8eb1fdefe8c0e.pdf a2394ec21e2f99a13346f09b9ba36ddb PDF Text Text SLOV AKIA Pu-blished by the Slovak League of America VOL. XVI 1966 N O. 39 THE SLOVAK LANGUAGE AND ITS PLACE AM.ONG THE SLAVIC LANGUAGES J. M. Kirschbaum I. Introductory Note A review of symposia, surveys and handbooks,1 dealing with Slavs and their languages, indicates that there is a certain confusion as far as the language of the Slovaks and their literary media are concerned. The confusion seems to have been created, on one hand, by Slavists and literary historians who failed to draw a proper distinction between the native and spoken language of the Slovaks and their written or literary language. On the other hand, the misconceptions were intentionally spread by philologists and literary historians who were influenced by political views and aspirations, and some Slavists accepted them without the necessary caution required in scholarly works. As a result, we find in manuals and symposia on Slavic peoples or in works on philology and Slavic languages either the thesis that the Slovak language is merely a dialect of the Czech, or that Slovak became a literary language only at the beginning of the XIXth century. Some surveys speak even of a Czechoslovak language. Before analyzing these misconceptions, it may perhaps be stated that the claim that Slovak is but a dialect of the Czech language, was not based on facts of history or philology. It was a biased opinion of those who tried to give a scholarly basis to political aspirations denying to the Slovaks the right to their independent national and cultural life. And there lay also the origins of the erroneous thesis that Slovak began to be used as a literary language only from the second half of the nineteenth century. Slovak philologists and linguists (Bernolak, Safarik, Stur, Czambel, Skultety, Bartek, Stanislav, Novak, Pauliny) �2 SLOVAKIA rejected, during the last two centuries, all these biased theories and looked for linguistic criteria to determine the origin and the main characteristics of the Slovak language. They reviewed the historic forms of the Slovak tongue, and by scholarly methods and comparative study of Slavic languages determined the place of Slovak among Slavic languages. 2 Works of Slovak philologists, except for those of Safarik and partly Stur and Czambel, remained, however, for a long time ·e ither unknown to foreign Slavists, or were interpreted incorrectly. As a result, we find only recently in linguistic studies, published outside Slovakia, the proper distinction between the Slovak language and the literary media used by Slovaks, and a rejection of the thesis that Slovak has been but a dialect of the Czech language or that there is a Czechoslovak language. According to these studies, during long centuries, Slovak people spoke their own Slovak dialects, which developed from the primitive Slavic after its disintegration, into the modern Slovak language, but they used several literary media. It was first the Old Church Slavonic, in the 9th and 10th centuries, afterwards the Latin language, the Biblical Czech (used by the Protestant minority until the second half of the 19th century), the literary Slovak based on Slovak western dialects and finally the revised present form , based on central Slovak dialects.3 On the following pages, we shall attempt to p0int out and analyze the main misconceptions about the Slovak language and the literary media used in Slovakia and define the place of Slovak among Slavic languages in the light of recent linguistic research of European Slavists, including the Marxist philologists of Slavic countries.4 II. Views and conceptions of Slovak philologists In their scholarly studies of phonology, etymology, lexicology and grammar Slovak philologists and linguists maintained continuously the point of view that the Slovak language has been distinct from any other Slavic tongue. This was not so clear and evident to Slavists of the 19th century, according to Slovak philologists, because philology was in its infancy and used primitive methods.5 Recent research, how- �SLOVAKIA 3 ever, proves that Slovak language has been the real and original national tongue of the inhabitants of Slovakia since the dawn of history, and the linguistic analysis of the fundamental roots of the Czech and Slovak languages and a comparative study of their developments showed that Slovak language never was a part of the Czech or so-called "Czechoslovak" language.6 If we accept the theiiis, supported by Trubeckoj ,7 that in the ninth century the Old Slavonic &1:.ill was the common tongue of the Slavs with a unified phonology, and that from the ninth century different dialects developed into distinct Slavic languages, it is to be assumed, according to Slovak philologists, that among them was also the Slovak tongue. There is no historical or philological reason why it should not be claimed that at the time of disintegration of the Old Slavonic and of the rise of new independent Slavic languages, Slovak was among them and that its development cannot be identified with that of the Czech language.8 This thesis is strengthened also by the fact that the Slovak territory was annexed after the collapse of Great Moravia, by Hungary and, hence, the only contact the Slovaks had with Czechs was through Moravians who have continued to speak a Slovak dialect in spite of the pressure of the Czechs from the West, and to the p-resent time they have retained their own phonological structure. Consequently, the relation between the Czech and Slovak languages became a matter of controversy because of political aspirations of some Czech politicians and scholars and not because of philological reasons - is the view of Slovak philologists. In fact, as early as in the 16th century Vavrinec Benedikti z Nedozier (1555-1615), a learned Slovak philologist and professor at the Prague University exhorted his Slovak countrymen to cultivate their native tongue. He wrote his appeal in a grammar he composed for Czechs, which makes it clear that already for him there were two different languages. 9 From the sixteenth century on, there are numerous proofs that Slovak erudities, with the exception of a few protestants, considered Slovaks as one of the "tribes" of Slavic nation, but speaking their own "dialect" different from the Czech, Polish or Russian, using the word dialect for our term language. Slovak was used not only in homiletic �4 SLOVAKIA writings, but also in scholarly works and poetry, especially since the middle of the 17th century around the University of Trnava (founded 1635) and, at the end of the 18th century, Anton Bernolak only codified a language in use in his linguistic works Dissertatio, Gramatica slavica and his huge pentalingual Dictionary. 10 The well-known Slavist, P. J . Safarik, and initially also Jan Kollar, were aware of the fact that there had been a Slovak ~anguage and Slovak literature, different from the Czech or the other Slavic languages and literatures. Safarik gave testimony to it in his Geschichte der Slawischen Sprache und Literatur in allen Mundarten (1826) , and when some Czech leaders reproached him and his scholarly objectivity, Safarik indignantly announced that he would go even farther in stressing the differences than he did in his book.11 Jan Kollar was also instrumental originally in preparing Sti'.lr's reform and later changed his mind and became an advocate of a common literary language with the Czechs (which he called "old Slovak" ) because of reasons which Slovak literary historians avoid to discuss. The great poet of Panslavism had also some human deficiencies like very high personal pride and terrible temper, and took it as an insult ,that Stur and his group dared to do something in Slovak cultural life without consulting him or without his patronage. 12 This "crimen lesae majestatis" moved Kollar to opose Stu.r's reform and the final acceotance of the Slovak literary language also by Slovak protest;nts. Safarik did not change his scholarly views which he expressed in his Geschichte, but being employed in Prague and financially supported by Czech patriots, he tried to convince his Slovak countrymen that they should not move too far from Czechs and suggested that the Czech should be adjusted to the Slovak linguistic phenomena and peculiarities. "The will of the Slovak groups to assert their own national individuality was, however, too strong", as admitted by Radl, 13 and Stu.r's reform was victorious over Kollar's protests and Safa:rik's advices, because it was in line with the linguistic facts and centuries' long Slovak national development. The reasons for a sporadic use of the Czech language for administrative and partly also for literary purposes (mainly by the Slovak Protestants) which some Czech philologists considered as a proof of national and linguistic unity of the �SLOVAKIA 5 Czechs and Slovaks, have been reconsidered by several "bourgeois" and "marxist" philologists and literary historians. There are at least three theories om the penetration of the Czech language into the Slovak territory. One theory refers to the continuation of relations between Slovaks and Moravians (who adopted the Czech language) from trhe time of Great Moravia, which relations survived the collapse of that state and developed between the Moravian cultural center Olomouc arnd Slovak religious centers. More acceptable and also more elaborated is the theory ascribing the use of the Czech language to the fact that Czech clerks were used at certain periods not only in the Slovak territory but also in Hungary and Poland in state and city-administration. 14 In Slovakia, the use of the Czech, adapted to local dialects, survived because of the Reformation which penetrated into Slovakia from Germany and Bohemia with Bible and religious books writteJ) in the old Czech, and because during the Counter-Reformation "many protestant Czechs found shelter in Slovakia and even printed books in Czech for the purpose of smuggling them into Bohemia" .15 Settled in Slovakia, the Czech refugees tried to keep all Slovak protestants linked to Bohemia by language also in secular writings. 16 Around 1840, it became, however, clear to the leaders of the Protestant minority in Slovakia that the Czech language was not intelligible to the common people, that their writings could not reach Slovak population and for reasons which U. Stur explained in his Narecia slovenskuo and other writings, they agreed with Catholics who used the Slovak for homiletic as well as for secular writings from the 16th century, on the reform taking for basis central Slovak dialects, and on the exclusive use of Slovak in Slovak literature. Stur's reform, by which the Slovak language was finally established as a literary medium of all Slovaks, has been accepted by the Slovak intelligentsia within a very short space of time, and it received its final linguistic , form in the grammar of a Catholic priest, Martin Hattala. Thus the peculiar situation of multilingualism in modern Slovak literature was changed. 17 During all these centuries, Slovak people spoke, as we mentioned before, their own Slovak dialects which developed from the Old Slavonic after its disintegration into modern Slovak language, which happened more or less at the same �6 SLOVAKIA time at which other central European peoples began to use vernacular for literary purposes. On the position of Slovak among Slavic languages, Slovak philologists expressed various opinions. 18 V. Jagic in his book Entstehungsgeschichte der Kirchenslawischen Sprache, wrote that "in Great Moravia people must have spoken in the ninth century a tongue which in its fundamentals was identical with the Slovak language of today". J . Dobrovsky admitted that certain linguistic phenomena linked Slovak with South Slavic languages and S. Czambel elaborated linguistically a theory to prove that the question as to whether Slovak is closer to Western Slavic or to the Southern Slavic group of languages deserves to be reconsidered by philologists. Stur viewed the position of the Slovak language as a central clearing house, mainly because he was conscious of many of its similiarities with the Slavic tongues of the East, West, North and South, especially noting the South Slavic dialects with which Slovak came into intimate contact during long centuries. 19 Recent studies indicate that the Slovak language conserved many archaic forms and expr-essions common to all Slavs. Remaining for centuries only a spoken vernacular of the people, it was affected mainly by the influence of neighbouring Slavic peoples, and since it was codified in the era of the revival of Slavonic peoples, the Slovak cultural and political leaders saw to it that Slovak language might conserve its central position and Slavic purity. Kollar himself argued, and some Slavists of that time accepted his idea that the Slovak language "stands grammatically and geographically in the center of all Slav dialects" and the Tatra mountains are the "nest and cradle of all Slavs" which, of course, the modern science of history, archeology and ethnography challenges. However, U1.e central position of the Slovak language, geographically or linguistically, is accepted to a great extent even by modern philology. According to de Bray "the Slovaks have preserved a beautifully soft and musical language, which might well serve as a modern "Common Slav" or lingua franca among the Slavs today. For modern Slovak is the most comprehensible of the living Slavonic languages to all other Slavs. Just as the Slovaks occupy geographically a central position among the Slavs, so, too, their language, in its �SLOVAKIA 7 sounds and forms, is the nearest to an all-round compromise between the various Slavonic languages, having features which make it near both to East and South Slav, as well as to the other West Slav languages. 20 In fact, the Slovaks - either educated or common people - do not experience much difficulty in communicating in Slovak with Poles, Ukrainians, C:ziechs, Russians, or Slovenes and Croats, as has been proven even on the American Continent, since basically there ar,e no great differences among Slavic languages, and in the case of the Slovak language, history and geography made it close not only to Polish and Czech, but also to Ukrainian and South Slavic, Slovenian and Croat. 21 Slovak intellectuals of the nineteenth century read not only Polish or Czech poets and writers in original, but also Russian and Ukrainian, Croat and .Slovenian. Modern scientific and literary development drifts the twelve Slavic languages more apart. Nevertheless, even if we cannot agree with the nineteenth century poet that "with the Slovak language you may travel Earth's four corners", the fact remains that Slovaks are able to communicate in their own vernacular with the majority of the Slavic peoples. III. Views and conceptions of European Slavists As for European Slavists, including the present-day Czech philologists, some of their recent studies would indicate that they corrected many of the erroneous views they held on the relation between the Slovak and Czech and the origin of the Slovak literary language. It is evident that the modem techniques in linguistics and philology have thrown new light on the subject and have been instrumental in giving modified conceptions that are far advanced beyond the hasty unwarranted conclusions of the amateur-philologists or linguists serving political aspirations. Noteworthy among the new conceptions are not only those which defend the distinct and ancient character of the Slovak among Slavic languages but also the views that the history of the Slovak literary language necessarily begins in the 9th century with the Old Church Slavonic as the first literary medium in Slovakia. This view has been held by Slovak literary historians .for a long time, but never was considered before by foreign �8 SLOVAKIA Slavists. Recently, howev,er, the well-known Polish philologist T. Lehr-Splawinski expressed the following view: "The beginnings of the literary language in Slovakia are connected with the period of activities of ConstantineCyril and Methodius in the Moravian state. As the whole of Slovakia was, without ,any doubt, a part of that state, and the important centers of its political and cultural life were situated on the Slovak territory, writings in the old ChurchSlavonian language must have undoubtedly developed among the Slovaks in the last quarter of the IXth century". 22 R. Auty, from the University of Cambridge, in his paper, presented to the VIIIth Congress of the International Federation of Modern Languages & Literatures at Liege, August 1960, corrected misconceptions on Bernolak and Stur and their reforms. Anton Bernolak codified in 1870 a language which was already in use, according to Auty, and "in the following fifty or sixty years a considerable number of literary and other works were published or written in this (Bernolak's) form of Slovak". 23 The Czech language was, according to Auty, "sporadicalin Slovakia (with certain local modification) for used ly administrative and, still more occasionally, literary purposes". The reasons for this sporadic usage of Czech for administrative and "mor,e occasionally" also for literary purposes, are explained by Auty in his statement that "since the Reformation the Czech had been the language of the Lutheran scriptures and Church Services in Slovakia". "Stur, Protestant though he was, acted against what he regarded as an unnatural linguistic situation which had been brought about by the hazards of history. His reaction was radical" - says Auty, and gives a detailed picture of the changes which were brought about in the Slovak language by the agreement of the Catholics and Protestants in order to end bilingualism in Slovak literature. Auty's views on the reform of the , Slovak literary language which took place in the 1840's are fairly in line with the historical truth and recent r-esearch. According to him "Catholic and Protestant Slovaks agreed to accept a new written form of their language for all purposes: this has been worked out by U. Stur in discussion with other Slovak intellectual leaders in the perfod 1842-44 and was somewhat modified by M. M. Hodza and M. Hattala in subsequent years". _,/ �SLOVAKIA 9 Stur "on more than one occasion praised the work of Bernolak, and above all, the poetry of Jan Holly and fully accepted one element of Bernolak's linguistic reform - the orthographical system" - continues Auty. The general pattern of the language, as fashioned by Stur, was in accordance with the needs of Slovak Society and has proven itself - and Stur's genius - by its survivor". 2 " R. G. A. de Bray, in his Guide to the Slavonic Languages, is equally close to the views of Slovak philologists and literary historians. "It is not true to say" - writes de Bray - "that Slovak was not written till the nineteenth century, as some assert. It is true that the modern literary language, as we know it today, was then first stabilized, but there are traces of the Slovak language in the local Latin documents from the elev,enth to the fifteenth centuries, Latin being the official language at the time". 25 On the relation between the Czech and Slovak de Bray expressed the following view: "While the phonetic system of Slovak is more conservative than that of Czech and so is nearer to that of Old Slavonic and other Slavonic languages, its morphological system has developed further than that of Czech, its nearest relative, mainly through the workiings of analogy and the generalization of certain standard endings, especially in the plural of nouns. Both the 1st and 2nd palatalization of gutturals occur less frequently in the declensions than they do in Czech, owing to the workings of analogy, as in Russian and Slov•enian. And in general Slovak morphology has fewer irregularities, exceptions, and archaic survivals, such as the declension of Kamen (- stone) in Czech. Prof. Roman Smal-Stocki in his paper Discrimination and Bias in Two Unesco Publications also raised his voice against treating Slovak and Czech "as one unit". "From the linguistic point of view" - says Prof. Smal-Stocki - "it js inadmissible to mix state units with existing languages and to treat "as one unit" Czech and Slovak, because the linguistic fact is that in existence are two separate units, Czech and Slovak". 26 The contributors to the Encyclopedia Britanica (1959, Vol. 20) published some correct and some incorrect views, �10 SLOVAKIA but they grasped the essential points of difference between the Czech and Slovak. 27 "The Czech, as spoken and written today in Bohemia, diverges considerably from Slovak - says the Encyclopedia. The disagreement is least marked in vocabulary but appears prominently in the phonetics; in particular the itacism so distinct a characteristic of Czech, is non-existent in Slovak, which has preserved the fuller diphthongs (ia, ie, iu etc.) of the Slavonic languages; a further small.er point is the dz, from Common Slav dj, is used (as in Polish) where Czech has z. In one point only is there a divergence which goes back beyond the time of the common ancestry of the two languages; Slovak has not developed the t, which is characteristic of Czech and in that language occurs since the beginning of its literature. The Slovak palatalization of n, d, t and 1 after e, which does not occur in modern literary Czech, is a further point of disagreement, although this would not be obvious from Slovak spelling which does not find it necessary to distinguish by diacritics; consonanrts are always softened in this position". The Encyclopedia also points out to the relation of Slovak with other Slavic languages. It says: "The dialectical development shows some characteristics identical with those in South Slavonic and Russian. Not everywhere, for example, have u and i been confused, and instead of the e, which is the normal result in Slovak as in Czech, we find in Eastern dialects an o from the u, thus agreeing with Russian. An agreement with South Slavonic is the occurrence of raz- and la- and lo-. Because of these and other phonetic and morphological reasons the grammarian Czambel, a keen opponent of the identity of Czech and Slovak, has asserted that Slovak should rightly be associated with South Slavonic". 28 It would appear from this brief survey that European Sl~vists are very close to the views of Slovak philologists and that misconceptions, which we still can find in American symposia, considered hereafter, are disappearing from European Slavic studies. Very close to the views of European Slavists is also the well-known Canadian Slavist Prof. W. Kirkconnell who already in 1939 stated: "It cannot be too strongly emphasized that the Slovaks are not Czechs, and that there is no such ciieature as a 'Czechoslovak'. While they speak closely related Slavic languages, Slovak is not �SLOVAKIA 11 a mere dialect of Czech. The differences are about as great as those between the similarly related languages, Dutch and German. I have on my shelves Miroslav Kalal's Slovak-Czech dictionary (published 1924), in which there are 35,000 Slovak words that were apparently unintelligible to a Czech and hence required definition." (d. Canada, Europe, and Hitler, p. 44) IV. Misconceptions in American symposia and surveys With the sudden development of Slavic Studies on the American continent came hand in hand a large number of symposia, handbooks and surveys on Slavic literatures and langutlges. They are, however, written predominantly by scholars and writers with European schooling and background and, therefore, it is more appropriate to speak, in this respe0t, rather of American symposia than of American Slavists. A survey of several such symposia indicates that there are misconceptions not only in the relation of the Slovak with the Czech, but also on the history of the Slovak literary language and the role of foreign languages in Slovak literature. In this respect, we read not without surprise that even the well-known Slavist, Roman Jakobson, helped to spread some erroneous views on the Slovak language. In his study Slavic Languages, he writes as follows: "Toward the middle of the same (i.e. the 19th) century, the Slovaks, who had used literary Czech (somewhat adapted to their own habits) inaugurated their own literary language based on the central Slovak dialect but patterned after standard Czech". 29 Prof. A. Senn in Strakhovsky's Handbook of Slavic Studies, completed and modified Jakiobson's description of Slovak literary language. His classification of Slovak is correct, but we could hardly agree with certain parts of his definition. Prof. A. Senn says: "Slovak forms a connecting link with the South Slavic Slovenian and is more archaic than Czech. Otherwise differences between Czech and Slovak are not very great. Slovak became a literary language at the beginning of the nineteenth century . . . Slovak and Czech form one "Czechoslovak unit". �12 SLOVAKIA In the same symposium, another contributor, Otto Radl, admitted that "as early as 1635 in Trnava books were printed in different Slovak dialects", but he confusingly states further that it was only i,n 1844, in the period of Romanticism, that "the therefore common written language, the Czech, was being replaced by a newly-originated Slovak literary language". According to Radl "this movement had been begun at the end of the 18th century by the learned Slovak philologist Anton Bernolak who published several works in Latin in which he tried to show that the Slovaks were a separate nation and that they should therefore use their own distinctive written language based on dialects spoken in Western Slovakia". 30 A similar version can be found in Prof. H. S. Thompson's book "Czechoslovakia in European History", who says that "a deliberate effort to substitute for the written Czech then in use in Slovakia a language based upon a local dialect came from the Catholic camp only in 1790, when Anton Bernolak published a Gramatica slavica". However, he asserts further that "about the only followers Bernolak had were Catholic writers, and even among them the vogue for his grammar and dictionary soon died out. The year 1834-1835 is usually given" - concludes Thompson - "as the date of the rise of written Slovak, although strictly speaking, Stur did not make his first formal declarartion until 1846". 31 In R. J. Kerner's symposium Czechoslovakia and in V. Busek-N. Spulber's Czechoslovakia under Communism, we find only slightly modified or re-worded versions of the views mentioned above. "Catholic Slovaks under Bernolak tried to create with indifferent success a written Slovak dialect", we read in Kerner's symposium, and Busek-Spulber's symposium gives the following genesis of the Slovak literary language: " ... the first attempts were made (aside from earlier sporadic ventures) to establish a distinct Slovak literary language in the last decade of the 18th century by Anton Bernolak (1762-1813) who selected the Western Slovak dialects as a basis of the new literary medium: his suggestions, not elaborated linguistically, did not take permanent hold. "The decisive step towards the establishment of Slovak literary language was undertaken through the initiative of the Protestants. Ludovit St(ir selected the central Slovak dialect for the Slovak literary medium. Beginning in the �SLOVAKIA 13 1840's, several poets followed Stur and used the new literary language with great skill".32 It is perhaps not necessary to sum up all the mistaken assertions and impressions which we find in the symposia mentioned here. The foregoing views of European and Slovak philologists showed that Slovak was spoken by Slovak people from the dawn of their history and that it was in use for literary purposes from the 17th century, and Bernolak codified only a literary language used by the majority of Slovaks for more than 150 years. The function of the Czech language in Slovakia and the reasons for its sporadic use, besides Latin and Slovak, were also explained by Slovak as well as European Slavists. Responsibility for the lack of precision and mistaken views in American symposia might lay with the sources used by the contributors to these symposia. It would appear that they predominantly relied on old studies, which favoured the biased conceptions of linguistic, cultural -and political unity of Czechs and Slovaks, and which has been abandoned during the past two decades even by the Czech philologists, as we shall see from the survey of Czech and Slovak contemporary linguistic studies. Since all the symposia under review were edited or written by writers who specialized in Slavic studies, we might perhaps mention also at this point that academic precision would have required to say that before Stur's reform Slovaks used for literary purposes far more frequently Latin, on the Catholic side, and German, on the Protestant J.ide, than the Czech "somewhat adapted to their own hal>its". Bernolak codified Slovak language in Latin works, the first works on history of Slovakia were written by their Slovak authors also in Latin, and on the Protestant side Safarik wrote his first scholarly work in German, used Czech later only because he was forced to do it by unhappy circumstances, and Kollar also wrote in German his treatise on Slavic solidarity -Ober die Literarische Wechselseitigkeit zwischen den verschiedenen Stammen und Mundarten der slavischen Nation. Equally imprecise for a scholarly writer is to say that Stur's reform was based "on the central Slovak dialect but patterned after standard Czech". Recent research proves that Stur relied on Bernolak in many respects and that the literary language, reformed by Stur, "was not based on the dialect of any single area, but represented a kind of 'koine' of the �14 SLOVAKIA central Slovak dialects, eschewing features from both the eastern and western dialects" - as R. Auty correctly says and new works on Slovak language confiirm. V. "Marxist" conceptions of literary Slovak and the origins of the Slovak language Slovak philology has been exposed, since the inclusion of Slovakia into the Soviet political and cultural sphere, to the influence of Marxist criteria and method, and is gradually developing with considerable dependence on Soviet philology. There were strong attempts at the beginning to apply to Slovak philology "the theoretical directives given the Marxist philology by J. V. Stalin in his genial work Marxism and Problems of Linguistics"33 and later other Soviet examples were imitated. However, a considerable number of Slovak philologists adhered, in the first place, to scientific principles and methods and results of favourable development of Slovak philology are visible in two recent bibliographies, not only in the number of entries, but also in the number of fields covered. Scholarly research into the Slovak language is, of course, still the principal field of interest. The number of works, studies and articles referring to Slovak, its history and development during the period of 1939-1945 alone was over 1000 and amounts to 700 in Dvonc's Bibliography of Slovak philology which covers only the years 1948-1952. Many of these entries were written by highly qualified philologists of Slovak or foreign origin (J. Stanislav, L. Novak, E. Pauliny, V. Uhlar, A. Janosik, S. Peciar, J. Horecky, V. Blanar, E. Jona, Kniesza, Vazny, Kiraly, Stieber etc.) and they cover the history of literary languages in Slovakia, historical grammar, dialectology, ,etymology, phonology, orthography, vocabulary, etc. From the published works by the "marxist" philologists and literary historians it is obvious that the theses on the Slovak language, on the history of the Slovak literary language and on the function of some fureign languages (Czech, Czechoslovak) in Slovak literature, which theses were intended to support the political theory of a single Czechoslovak nation, have been definitely buried. Particularly noteworthy in this regard is the work of the Czech University Profe~or A. Dostal, 34 and of the Slovak school, Prof. E. Pauliny's Dejiny spisovnej slovenciny (History of Literary Slovak, Brati- �SLOVAKIA 15 slava, 1948), and A. Mraz's Dejiny slovenskej literatury (History of Slovak Literature, Bratislava, 1948), as well as the papers read at the Moscow Fourth International Congress of Slavists in 1958. Professor A. Dostal, in his work "Nastin dejin ceskeho a slovenskeho jazyka" published in Prague in 1954, accepted not only the thesis that the Slovak is a distinct and ancient tongue, but he also condemned the traditional views of Czech philologists. "Slovak language whose development goes back to ancient times, was established as a literary language in connection with the formation of Slovaks into a nation", says Dostal. "Its establishment cannot at all be viewed as a separation from the literary Czech language, but as a long, slow development towards a literary language ... " Prof Dostal goes even further and says that the attempts to impose the Czech language upon Slovaks as literary medium must be considered "as a negation of centuries long development which in the 1840's was already a historical fact in Slovakia ... " 35 The paper of Prof. E. Pauliny on bilingualism in the history of the Slovak literary language, d_eserves particular attention. Pauliny tries to explain the function of the Czech language in Slovakia in the XVth and the following centuries on the basis of social and economic phenomena and changes. He has arrived, nevertheless, at the same conclusions as the philologists who did not apply "Marxist criteria" in philology, i.e. that the Czech language was a foreign language in Slovakia and could not stand competition with the Slovak vernacular when the Slovak ethnicum evolved in its national consciousness. Literary Slovak won in spite of the fact that the Protestant minority, predominantly of Czech origin, at that time tried to maintain it even in the XIXth century when the Slovak literary language was established by the Catholic majority (80%) over a century ago. The relation between the Czech and Slovak is, therefore, according to Pauliny, that of bilingualism. 36 In the introduction to his book Dejiny spisovnej slovenciny, Pauliny understands the history of the language as the history of the origin, disappearance and changes of its individual styles. However, in the book itself, he divided the history of the Slovak literary language according to the �HS SLOVAKIA languages which were used by the Slovaks as literary languages in addition to the spoken vernacular from the time of the Greater Moravia. He writes: "Although, in this case, the period of the actual Slovak literary language can begin only with Bernolak, or with the period shortly before Bernolak, nevertheless, it is not possible to begin the history of the literary languages of the Slovaks either with Bernolak or Stur, but it is necessary to go deep into the past, all the way to the very beginnings of the historical period of our nation in the Greater Moravian epoch, nay, in certain matters, it is necessary to go even further, into the prehistoric period, when our ancestors were not yet baptized and did not participate in the Eul'opean culture which was introduced to us by Chl'istianity". In his contribution to a volume O vzajomnych vzt'ahoch Cechov a Slovakov, published in 1956 by the Slovak Academy of Sciences, Pauliny states that "Bernolak codified a language which can be traced in the writings of the middle-class, the lower nobility and educated Slovaks back to the 15th century, and this in both Catholic and Protestant writings". 37 Stu.r's reform, which is erroneously presented by some Slavists as the beginning of the Slovak literary language (in this respect even Jakobson is wrong), in Pauliny's view, is but a "younger branch of Bernolak's school". 38 In the opinion of Prof. A. Mraz, who still remains the main authority in Marxist literary history of Slovakia, Anton Bernolak reformed and codified the Slovak literary language and its orthography. 39 Mraz regards the activity which Ol'iginated around the Catholic University of Trnava (1635) as a starting point for introducing Slovak vernacular as a literary medium and stresses that the first manifestation of the new era in Slovak national life was the publication of Cantus Catholici by Benedict Szollosi in 1655. "The book Cantus Catholici", says Mraz, "laid the foundation on which the language used by Slovak Catholic writers, was formed into an independent Slovak literary language. Crystallization of the language, which Slovak Catholic writers used during the period of the University of Trnava (16351777), progressed so far in accordance with the spoken language in Western Slovakia that, when Bernolak and his followers came, at the end of the 18th century, with the idea �SLOVAKIA 17 of an independent literary language, they merely codified, in many respects, a language used and domesticated among the Catholic Slovak writers of the preceding period". 40 Scholarly basis to this conception of the development of the Slovak literary language was given by several philologists of today's Slovakia, among whom noteworthy is in the first place Prof. Jan Stanislav with his two volumes on the history of the Slovak language (Dejiny slovenskeho jazyka) and philological studies of J6na, Uhlar, Ruzicka, Peciar etc. 41 By a careful analysis of the fundamental roots of both languages, Czech and Slovak, as well as through the comparative study of their later developments, they revealed the true basis of the Slovak language and have classified it properly as one of the distinct Slavonic languages which developed after the disappearance of the Old Slavonic language. As a result of this development the relation between the two literary languages of today's Czecho-Slovakia is now officially accepted as a relation between two Slavic but distinct languages. The Czech poetry and prose are translated into the Slovak and vice versa as the Polish or Russian have been. Life and historical facts prevailed over artificial tendencies and theories a long time ago, and finally they have prevailed even over the reluctance of some politicians and philologists to recognize their victory. A century-long debate, as to whether Slovak is a dialect of the Czech language or a distinct Slavonic tongue, has thus been "officially" closed by the recognition on both Czech and Slovak sides that, from its earliest beginnings, the Slovak language has always manifested a distinct identity as a Slavonic tongue of the inhabitants of Slovakia. NOTES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY See the following symposia: R. J . Kerner, Czechoslovakia, (Berkeley, Calif., University of California Press, 1949), and L. I. Strakhovsky, ed. Handbook of Slavic Studies ( Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1949) the article by 0 . Rad!. The chapter on the Slavic languages by A. Senn in the same symposium is in accordance with recent research. Slavonic Encyclopedia, chapter by J. S. Roucek (New York, 1949) in the same category as Kerner's symposium. 2. See Eugen Pauliny, Dejiny spisovnej slovenciny (Bratislava, Slovenska Akademia vied a umeni, 1948) . 3. Cf. A. Mraz, Die Literatur der Slovaken (Wien, 1943). 1. �18 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21 . SLOVAKIA Cf. Prof. A. Dostal, Ncistin dejin ceskeho a siovenskeho jazyka (Prague, 1954), pp. 200-206. Cf. J. M. Kirschbaum, "Contemporary Tendencies in Slovak Philoiogy", Etudes siaves et Est Europeennes, IV, (1959-60 ), pp. 163-174. Cf. E. Pauliny, op. cit., and Jan Stanislav, Dejiny siovenskeho jazyka (Bratislava, 1957), p. 326, also H. Bartek, siovensky pravopis, (Whiting, Ind., 1956). N. S. Toubetzkoy, Grundzuge der Phonofogie, (Prague, 1939), pp. 117, 136, 141. J. Dobrovsky and P. J. Safarik have traced the linguistic line which separated the Czech and Slovak dialects around the Moravia. Cf. J. Skultety, Sketches from siovak History, (Middetown, Pa., 1936) and his Stodvadsat'piit' rokov zo siovenskeho zivota, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1920. Cf. E. Pauliny, Dejiny spisovnej siovenciny, p. 41. Benedicti Grammaticae Bohemicae iibri due, (Prague, 1603) p. VI, has written: "Neque tamen ego hie eos ad Bohemicam linguam cogo, sed ad exercitationem et culturam ipsorum idiomatis invito: praesertim cum non tantum in civitatibus et oppidis, sed etiam in pagis scholis abundent". Cf. E. Pauliny, op. cit., pp. 57 and 113, and A. Mraz, Dejiny siovenskej Hteratury, p. 108. See, J. Skultety, op. cit., p. 23, and Jaroslav Vlcek, Medzi Vcihom a Vitavou, (Bratislava 1957), pp. 228-234. J. Skultety, op. cit., pp. 20-30. L. I. Strakhovsky, op. cit., pp. 494-495. E. Pauliny, op. cit., pp. 30-36. 0. Radl, in L. I. Strakhovsky's Handbook of siavic Studies, p. 491. Cf. E. Pauliny, op. cit., p. 36-37 and 53. Pauliny is of the opinion that the occupation of Hungary by Turks (1526) helped the penetration of the Czech language, since there was a sort of common border between Slovakia and Moravia in the Habsburg Monarchy. E. Pauliny, op. cit., p. 17; A. Mraz, op. cit., pp. 12-16, and Jan Stanislav, op. cit. p. 12. J. Dobrovsky in 1875 wrote that Slovak is close to the Croat and Slovene languages in several respects. Zd. Stieber considers certain characteristics of the Slovak language as southern Slavic elements (juhoslavismy) . Cf. Jan Stanislav, Dejiny siovenskeho jazyka, p. 387. V. Jagic, Entstehungsgeschichte der Kirchensiawischen Sprache (Wien, 1900), p. 19; E. Pauliny, 0 vzcijomnych vzt'ahoch cechov a Slovcikov (Bratislava, 1956), p. 101., and David Diringer, Cambridge Univ., England, article in The Encydopedia Americana, Can. Edition, 1963, p. 379-380. S. Czambel, siovenskci rec a jej miesto v rodine siovanskych jazykov, (Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1906), pp. 320, and J. M. Kirschbaum, I!udovit stur and His Piace in the siavic World, Slavistica No. 32, Cleveland, Ohio, 1956. A. Senn "Slavic Linguistics", in Handbook of Slavic Studies, edited by L. I. Strakhovsky, p. 116-139, and R. G. A. de Bray, Guide To The siavonic Languages (London & New York, J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd., 1951), p. 513. J . M. Kirschbaum, "A Note on Two Modern Slovak Translators �SLOVAKIA 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 19 of Mickiewicz" in Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature, edited by W. Lednicki, (Berkeley & Los Angeles, Calif. University of Calif. Press, 1956) , p. 487-493. T. Lehr-Splawinski, Preglad i charakterystyka jezykow slowianskich (Warszawa, 1954,) p. 71. Robert Auty, "Dialect, Koine and Tradition in the Formation of Literary Slovak", The Slav onic and East European Review, XXXIX, (1961), p . 331-356. Ibidem, pp. 342-346. R. G. A. de Bray, op. cit., pp. 513-515. Roman Smal-Stocki, Discrimination and Bias in Two UNESCO Publications, (New York, Shevchenko Scientific Society, 1961), p. 3. T. Lehr-Splawinski, op. cit. p. 71. Ibid. p. 800. Roman Jakobson, Slavic Languages (New York, Columbia University Press, 1949) , p. 10. L. I. Strakhovsky, op. cit. p. 491. See S. H . Thomson, Czechoslovakia in European History, (Prince: ton, University Press, 1943) , p. 242-258. V. Busek-Spulber, Czechoslov akia under Communism (New York Mid-European Study Center, 1957) , 193-197. See J. M. Kirschbaum "Contemporary Tendencies in Slovak Philology", Etudes Slaves et Est-Europeennes, vol. IV, (1960), pp. 163-174. A. Dostal, Nastin dejin ceskeho a slovenske ho jazyka (Prague, 1954), pp. 200-201. See also "Die Tschechoslowakische Sprachenwissenschaft in den Jahren 1933 bis 1944" - Zeitschrift fur Slavische Philologie, Band XXIX, XXX, XXXI, Heidelberg, 196263. See esp. Vol. XXX, 1. p. 164-180. A. Dostal, op. cit., pp. 200-201. E. Pauliny, Dejiny spisovnej slovenciny (Bratislava, 1948) , p. 46-108. Symposium O vzajomnych vzt'ahoch techov a Slovakov, (Bratislava, Slovenska Akademia Vied, 1956) . teskoslovenske pfednasky pro IV. Medzinarodni zjezd slavistu v Moskve, ed. Ceskoslovensky komitet slavistu, (Praha, 1958). A. Mraz, Dejiny slovenskej literatury, (Bratislava, 1948) . Ibid. p. 101-118. See Bibliography. BIBLIOGRAPHY of selected works in English, French, German and Italian on Slovak Language and Literature Auty, Robert, The Evolution of Literary Slovak, Cambridge, 1953. Reprint from Transactions of the Philological Society, p. 143-160. Dialect, Koine and Tradition in the Formation of Literary Slovak (Paper presented to the VIIIth Congress of the International Federation of Modern Languages and Literatures at Liege, August 1960), published in The Slavonic and East European Review, Vol. 39, No. 93, London, 1961. �20 SLOVAKIA Bernolak, Anton, Slowakische Grammatik, Aus dem Lateinischen ins Deutsche iibersetzt, gedr. mit konigl. ung. Universitatsschriften, Offen, 1817. Bokes, F., Literarische Vbersicht des geschichtlichen Schaffens in der Slowakei, Leipziger Vierteljahrschrift fiir Siidosteuropa 4, Leipzig, 1940. Bray de, R. G. A., Guide To The Slavonic Languages (London & New York, J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd., 1951) , p. 513. Cizevsky, Dmitry, Outline of Comparative Slavic Literatures, American Academy of Arts and Sciences, Boston, Mass., 1952. On Romanticism in Slavic Literatures, Gravenhage, Monton & Co., 1957. Aus Zwei Welten, Beitrage zur Geschichte der Slawisch-westlichen literarischen Beziehungen, 1956. Mickiewicz, Stur and Kral, in W. Lednicki's Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature, Berkeley, 1956. A Bibliography of the Publications of Dr. Dmitry Cizevsky in the Fields of Literatiire, Language, Philosophy and Culture, Cambridge, Mass., 1952. Denis, Ernest, La question d'Autriche - Les Slovaques, Paris, 1917, Librairie Delagrave. One of the best books on Slovaks before the end of the First World War. His views on Bernolak, Stur, etc. are slightly distorted by the idea of the national and cultural unity of Czechs and Slovaks. Dixon, Charlton, Slovak Grammar for English speaking Students, Middletown, Pa., Jednota Printery, 1935. Harkins, W. E. - Simoncic, K., Czech and Slovak Literature, Oxford, King's Crown Press, 1951. Fischel, Alfred, Panslavismus bis zum Weltkrieg, Stuttgart und Berlin, 1919. One of the best documented works on Panslavism in the German language. Giusti, Walgango, Il Panslavismo, Milano, 1941, Instituto per gli studi di politica internazionale. Rather political than scholarly review of the idea of Panslavism among Slavic peoples. Gross, Felix (ed.), European Ideologies, New York, 1948, Philosophical Library, W. Lednicki's chapter on Panslavism. Scholarly written treatise from the Polish point of view. Hrobak, Philip A., Slovak Lessons, Lakewood, Ohio, Middletown, Pa., Jednota Printery, 1935. The Slovak Language, Book I - II. Middletown, Pa. , Jednota, 1935-1936. Hrusovsky, F., Geschichte der Slowakei, Bratislava, 1942. This is Slovakia, Scranton, Pa., 1953. Jakobson, Roman, Sur l'histoire et sur les relations mutuelles du tcheque et du slovaque. Le Monde slave, XIV., 1937, 353-366. Slavic Languages, Columbia University Press, 1949. Kirschbaum, J . M., Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, New York, Speller & Sons, 1960. Slovak Literature under the Soviet Impact, The Slavic and EastEuropean Studies, Montreal, 1956, Part 1, p. 45-54. nudovit Stur and His Place in Slavic World, Slavistica No. 32, Winnipeg-Cleveland, 1956. Contemporary Tendencies in Slovak Philology, An Offprint from �SLOVAKIA 21 Slavic and East-European Studies, Vol. IV, No. 3-4, Montreal, 1960. Pavel Jozef Safarik and His Contribution to Slavic Studies, The Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1962, Slavistica No. 43, p. 51. A Note on Two Slovak Translators of Mickiewicz in W. Lednicki's Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature, Berkeley, 1956. Anton Bernolak - The First Codifier of the Slovak Language, Slavistica No. 52, Cleveland - Winnipeg, 1964. Slovak Literary History in Marxist and Western Interpretations. A reprint from Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. VI, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1964. The Role of the Cyrilo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak National and Political Life. An offprint from Slovak Studies III, Rome, 1963. La litterature de la periode cyrillo-methodienne et la slovaquie. An offprint from Slovak Studies III, Rome, 1963. La place du slovaque parmi les langues slaves. An offprint from Etudes slaves et est-europeennes, Vol. VIII. Fasc. 3-4, Universite de Montreal, 1963. Jan Kollar - Slovak Poet of Pan-Slavism, Slavistica No. 56, The Slovak Institute, Cleveland-Toronto-Winnipeg, 1966. Kohn, Hans, Pan-Slavism, Its History and Ideology, University of Notre Dame Press, 1953. One of the most objective books on Pan-Slavism. Konus, Joseph, Practical Slovak Grammar. A textbook for high schools, colleges and adult private students, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1939. New English-Slovak Dictionary, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1941. Kniezsa, Stefan, Zur Geschichte der Jugoslavismen im Mittelslowakischen, Budapest, 1948, tire a part des Etudes slaves et roumaines, Vol. 1, Fasc. 3. Kramoris, Ivan J., An Anthology of Slovak Poetry, Scranton, 1947. A selection of lyric and narrative poems including some members of Stur's group. Slovakia and Slovak Literature. Reprinted from the Catholic Encyclopedia, New York, 1950. A Chronological Outline of Slovak Literature and History, Passaic, N. J., 1946 Krcmery, Stefan, A Survey of Modern Slovak Literature, Offprint from The Slavonic Review, Vol. VII, No. 19, 1928-1929. Lednicki, Waclaw (ed.), Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature, University of California Press, 1956. Articles by D. Cizevsky and J. M. Kirschbaum. Leger, Louis, Le panslavisme et l'interet francais, Paris, 1917, Ernest Flammarion. Relatively objective study of pan-slavism and Slovak contribution. French point of view. Locher, T. J., Die nationale Differenzierung und Integrierung der Slowaken und Tschechen in ihrem geschichtlichen Verlauf bis 1848, Harlem, 1931. Macartney, C. A ., Hungary and Her Successors, London-New York- Toronto, 1937. Manning, Clarence A. (ed.), An Anthology of Czech and Slovak Poetry, New York, 1929, Columbia University Press. Contains translations by Prof. Kirkconnell, Kramoris, Gallik, Manning, Slabey, Kotouc, etc. �22 SLOVAKIA Meriggi, Bruno, Storia deUe letterature ceca e slovacca. University of Florence, 1959. Mikus, J . A., La Slovaquie dans le drame de l'Europe, Paris, Les Iles d'Or, 1955. La Slovaquie, Individualite politique de l'Europe Centrale, Paris, 1952. Mraz, Andreas, Die Literatur der Slowaken, Wien-Stuttgart, 1943. A History of Slovak literature by a contemporary scholar and professor at the University of Bratislava. The work was completed and edited in the Slovak language in 1948 by The Slovak Academy of Sciences and Arts and presents one of the best works on the history of Slovak literature. Pastrnek, Fr., Beitriige zur Lautlehre der Slowakischen Sprache in Ungarn (Aus dem Sitzungsberichten der philos.-hist. Klasse der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften), Wien, 1888. Petrovich, Michael B., The Emergence of Russian Panslavism, Columbia University Press, 1956. Rekem, John, The Origin and Dei;elopment of the Slovak Language, an offprint from Slovakia, Vol. XII, No. 35, Middletown, Pa., 1962. Slovak Literature and National Consciousness Before Bernolak, Cleveland, 1965. Seton-Watson, R. H. , A History of the Czechs and Slovaks, London, 1943. Scholarly written history by one of the best defenders of the Slovak people at the beginning of this century (see his Racial Problems in Austria-Hungary) who turned against the Slovak movement for autonomy and independence being influenced by his Czech friends. Scotus, Viator, Racial Problems in Hungary, London, 1908. Slovak Studies I, Historica 1, Slovak Institute, Rome, 1961. Safarik, J . P., Geschichte der Slawischen Sprache und Literatur nach allen Mundarten. Mit konigl. ung. Universitatsschriften, Offen, 1826. Skultety, Joseph, Sketches From Slovak History, Middletown, Pa., 1930, Jednota Press. Translation from Slovak by 0 . D. Koreff. Skultety was professor at the University of Bratislava and one of the most outstanding figures in the Slovak cultural life in the first half of the century. Stefanek, Anton, Zur Soziographie der geistigen Kultur in der Slowakei, Bratislava, 1944. Strakhovsky, L. I. (ed.), A Handbook of Slavic Studies, Harvard University Press, 1949, chapters by A. Senn and Otto Radl. Both articles reflect recent research, though Radl's contribution is strongly pro-Czech. Vajda, Jaroslav, Bloody Sonets, transl. from Hviezdoslav, P. 0., Scranton, Pa., 1950. Viktorin, J. K. Gramatik der Slowakischen Sprache. Zurn Schul-und Selbstunterricht, Budapest, 1862. Tourtzer, H. Louis Stur et l'idee de !'independence slovaque, Cahoss et Alencon, Paris, 1913. Trubetzkoy, N. S., Grundzilge der Phonologie, Prag, 1939. (on Slovak language p. 117-118, 136, 141, 143, 161, 167, 170, 175, 208, 245.) Yourchak, Peter P., The Slovaks, Whiting, Ind., 1947, Lach editions, �SLOVAKIA 23 chapters from Slovak history and literature destined for Americans of Slovak origin. BIBLIOGRAPHY in Slavic Languages Bartek, Heinrich, Anton Bernolak, Trnava, 1937. £udovit Stur a slovencina, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1943. Krest'anstvo a slovencina, in the Symposium Nadej vit'azna, Scranton, Pa., 1947. Slovensky pravopis s gramatickymi pouckami a slovnikom, Whiting, Ind., Lach Publications, 1956. Spravna vyslovnost' slovenska, Bratislava, 1943. Blanar, Vincent, Bibliografia jazykovedy na Slovensku v rokoch 19391947. Slovenska akademia vied a umeni. Bratislava, 1950. Bobek, W., Prehl'adne dejiny slovenskej literatury, Bratislava, 1939. Mickiewicz v literaturze slowackiej, Praha, 1931. Dzieje literatury slowackiej w zarysie. An offprint from Slowacja i Slowacy, Edit. W. Semkowicz, Krakow, 1938. Czambel, Samo, Prispevky k dejinam jazyka slovenskeho, Budapest, 1887. Slovenska rec a jej miesto v rodine slovanskych jazykov, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1906. Slovensky pravopis. Historicko-kriticky nakres. Budapest', 1890. Dvonc, Ladislav, Bibliografia slovenskej jazykovedy za roky 1948- 1952. Matica slovenska, Martin, 1957. Gajdos, V. J. Slovenske glosy v latinskom missali za XVI. storocia, Historica slovacca I-II, Bratislava, 1940-1941, 221-243. Grabowski, T. S., Dwaja Slowaccy pionerzy oswiecenia i postepu, Bernolak i Fandly, 1951. Hattala, Martin, Kratka mluvnica slovenska, Bratislava, 1852. Gramatica linguae slovenicae, Schemnicii, 1850. Hodza, Michal M., Vetin o slovencine, Levoca, 1848. Isacenko, A. V. Zaciatky vzdelanosti vo Vel'komoravskej risi, Jazykovedny sbornik I-II, 1947, 137-178. Jagic, I. V., Istorija slavianskoj filologii, S. Petersburg, 1910. Jankovic, V. "Prvy preklad slovensky celeho Pisma svateho", Verbum I, Bratislava, 1946-1947. Kondrasov, N. A., Kategorija licnosti i nelicnosti v slovackom jazyku, MGU, 1949. Programma po istoriji slovackogo jazyka. Programma po sovremennom slovackom jazyku, Izdatelstvo Moskovskogo universiteta, 1951. Slavianskaja filologia, Stati i monografiji, Izdatelstvo Moskovskogo univerziteta, 1951. Kotvan, Imrich, "Jozef Ignac Bajza a slovenska rec", Linguistica slovaca III, Bratislava, 1941. Juraj Fandly, Trnava, 1946. "Juraj Fandly a slovensky jazyk", Linguistica slovaca I-II, Bratislava, 1939. Bernolakovci, Trnava, 1948. Bibliografia bernolakovcov, Matica slovenska, Martin, 1957. �24 SLOVAKIA Magiera, J., Literatura czeska i slowacka, Obraz pismiennictwa, Warszawa, 1929. Magnuszewski, J., Mickiewicz wsr6d Slowakow. Wroclaw, 1956. Misianik, Jan, Dejiny starsej slovenskej literatury, SAV, Bratislava, 1958. Stran 320. Mraz, Andrej, Gavlovicova skola krest'anskci. Brati!lava, 1940. Dejiny slovenskej literatury, Bratislava, 1948. Novak, l;udovit, Cestina na Slovensku a vznik spisovnej slovenciny. Odtlacok zo Slovenskych pohl'adov LIV, 1938. Jazykovedne glosy k ceskoslovenskej otcizke, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1935. ~udovit Stur ako jazykovedec, Slovenske pohl'ady III, 1936. Pastrnek, Fr., Starci jazykovci pamcitka slovenskci, Sbornik filologicky VII, 1922. Pauliny, Eugen, Na okraj kamaldulskeho Pisma, Verbum I, 1946-1947. Glosy k pomeru: bernolcictina a sturovcina, Kultura XIV, 1942. Dejiny spisovnej slovenciny, Slovenska akademia vied a umeni, Bratislava, 1948. Pisut, Milan, Literatura ncirodneho obrodenia, SAV, Bratislava, 1960, p. 490. Slovensky litercirny romantizmus, C-sl. prednasky pro medzinarodni sjezd slavistu v Moskve. Semkowicz, W., Slowacia i Slovacy, Krakow, 1937. Skultety, Jozef, Stodvadsat'piit' rokov zo slovenskeho zivota 1790-1914, Martin, 1920. 0 Slovcikoch, Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1936. Sobolevskij, A. I., Cerkovno-slavianskije texty moravskogo proischozdenija, Ruskij filologiceskij vestnik, 1900. Stanislav Jan, K jazykovednemu dielu A. Bernolcika, Bratislava, 1941. Pribinovi velmozi, Linguistica slovaca I-II, 1939-1940. "Spisovny jazyk slovensky", Symposium Slovanske jazy ky v dobe pfitomne, Praha, 1937. Dejiny slovenskeho jazyka I-II, Slovenska akademia vied, Bratislava, 1958. Stiebr, Zdislaw, Zarys dialektologii jezykow zachodnio-slowianskich. Warszawa, 1956. Stur, l;udovit, Nauka reci slovenskej, Bratislava, 1846. Ncirecia slovenskuo, Bratislava, 1844. Tibensky, Jan, J. Papanek • J. Sklenar: Obrancovia slovenskej ncirodnosti v XVIII. storoci. Osveta, Martin, 1958. "K problemu hodnotenia bernolactiny a bernolakovskeho hnutia". Historicky casopis, VII., 4, 1959. "Vznik, vyvoj a vyznam vel'komoravskej tradicie v slovenskom narodnom obrodeni. Sbornik O vzcijomnych vzt'ahoch Cechov a Slovcikov, SAV., 1956. Varsik, Branislav, Slovcici na prazskej univerzite do konca stredoveku, Bratislava, 1926. Vilikovsky, Jan, Cantus Catholici, Bratislava, 1935. Vlcek, Jaroslav, Dejiny literatury slovenskej, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1923. Weingart, Milos, 0 najstarsich jazykovych pamcitkach slovenskych, CMF., Prague 1935. � SLOV AKIA Pu-blished by the Slovak League of America VOL. XVI 1966 N O. 39 THE SLOVAK LANGUAGE AND ITS PLACE AM.ONG THE SLAVIC LANGUAGES J. M. Kirschbaum I. Introductory Note A review of symposia, surveys and handbooks,1 dealing with Slavs and their languages, indicates that there is a certain confusion as far as the language of the Slovaks and their literary media are concerned. The confusion seems to have been created, on one hand, by Slavists and literary historians who failed to draw a proper distinction between the native and spoken language of the Slovaks and their written or literary language. On the other hand, the misconceptions were intentionally spread by philologists and literary historians who were influenced by political views and aspirations, and some Slavists accepted them without the necessary caution required in scholarly works. As a result, we find in manuals and symposia on Slavic peoples or in works on philology and Slavic languages either the thesis that the Slovak language is merely a dialect of the Czech, or that Slovak became a literary language only at the beginning of the XIXth century. Some surveys speak even of a Czechoslovak language. Before analyzing these misconceptions, it may perhaps be stated that the claim that Slovak is but a dialect of the Czech language, was not based on facts of history or philology. It was a biased opinion of those who tried to give a scholarly basis to political aspirations denying to the Slovaks the right to their independent national and cultural life. And there lay also the origins of the erroneous thesis that Slovak began to be used as a literary language only from the second half of the nineteenth century. Slovak philologists and linguists (Bernolak, Safarik, Stur, Czambel, Skultety, Bartek, Stanislav, Novak, Pauliny) �2 SLOVAKIA rejected, during the last two centuries, all these biased theories and looked for linguistic criteria to determine the origin and the main characteristics of the Slovak language. They reviewed the historic forms of the Slovak tongue, and by scholarly methods and comparative study of Slavic languages determined the place of Slovak among Slavic languages. 2 Works of Slovak philologists, except for those of Safarik and partly Stur and Czambel, remained, however, for a long time ·e ither unknown to foreign Slavists, or were interpreted incorrectly. As a result, we find only recently in linguistic studies, published outside Slovakia, the proper distinction between the Slovak language and the literary media used by Slovaks, and a rejection of the thesis that Slovak has been but a dialect of the Czech language or that there is a Czechoslovak language. According to these studies, during long centuries, Slovak people spoke their own Slovak dialects, which developed from the primitive Slavic after its disintegration, into the modern Slovak language, but they used several literary media. It was first the Old Church Slavonic, in the 9th and 10th centuries, afterwards the Latin language, the Biblical Czech (used by the Protestant minority until the second half of the 19th century), the literary Slovak based on Slovak western dialects and finally the revised present form , based on central Slovak dialects.3 On the following pages, we shall attempt to p0int out and analyze the main misconceptions about the Slovak language and the literary media used in Slovakia and define the place of Slovak among Slavic languages in the light of recent linguistic research of European Slavists, including the Marxist philologists of Slavic countries.4 II. Views and conceptions of Slovak philologists In their scholarly studies of phonology, etymology, lexicology and grammar Slovak philologists and linguists maintained continuously the point of view that the Slovak language has been distinct from any other Slavic tongue. This was not so clear and evident to Slavists of the 19th century, according to Slovak philologists, because philology was in its infancy and used primitive methods.5 Recent research, how- �SLOVAKIA 3 ever, proves that Slovak language has been the real and original national tongue of the inhabitants of Slovakia since the dawn of history, and the linguistic analysis of the fundamental roots of the Czech and Slovak languages and a comparative study of their developments showed that Slovak language never was a part of the Czech or so-called "Czechoslovak" language.6 If we accept the theiiis, supported by Trubeckoj ,7 that in the ninth century the Old Slavonic &1:.ill was the common tongue of the Slavs with a unified phonology, and that from the ninth century different dialects developed into distinct Slavic languages, it is to be assumed, according to Slovak philologists, that among them was also the Slovak tongue. There is no historical or philological reason why it should not be claimed that at the time of disintegration of the Old Slavonic and of the rise of new independent Slavic languages, Slovak was among them and that its development cannot be identified with that of the Czech language.8 This thesis is strengthened also by the fact that the Slovak territory was annexed after the collapse of Great Moravia, by Hungary and, hence, the only contact the Slovaks had with Czechs was through Moravians who have continued to speak a Slovak dialect in spite of the pressure of the Czechs from the West, and to the p-resent time they have retained their own phonological structure. Consequently, the relation between the Czech and Slovak languages became a matter of controversy because of political aspirations of some Czech politicians and scholars and not because of philological reasons - is the view of Slovak philologists. In fact, as early as in the 16th century Vavrinec Benedikti z Nedozier (1555-1615), a learned Slovak philologist and professor at the Prague University exhorted his Slovak countrymen to cultivate their native tongue. He wrote his appeal in a grammar he composed for Czechs, which makes it clear that already for him there were two different languages. 9 From the sixteenth century on, there are numerous proofs that Slovak erudities, with the exception of a few protestants, considered Slovaks as one of the "tribes" of Slavic nation, but speaking their own "dialect" different from the Czech, Polish or Russian, using the word dialect for our term language. Slovak was used not only in homiletic �4 SLOVAKIA writings, but also in scholarly works and poetry, especially since the middle of the 17th century around the University of Trnava (founded 1635) and, at the end of the 18th century, Anton Bernolak only codified a language in use in his linguistic works Dissertatio, Gramatica slavica and his huge pentalingual Dictionary. 10 The well-known Slavist, P. J . Safarik, and initially also Jan Kollar, were aware of the fact that there had been a Slovak ~anguage and Slovak literature, different from the Czech or the other Slavic languages and literatures. Safarik gave testimony to it in his Geschichte der Slawischen Sprache und Literatur in allen Mundarten (1826) , and when some Czech leaders reproached him and his scholarly objectivity, Safarik indignantly announced that he would go even farther in stressing the differences than he did in his book.11 Jan Kollar was also instrumental originally in preparing Sti'.lr's reform and later changed his mind and became an advocate of a common literary language with the Czechs (which he called "old Slovak" ) because of reasons which Slovak literary historians avoid to discuss. The great poet of Panslavism had also some human deficiencies like very high personal pride and terrible temper, and took it as an insult ,that Stur and his group dared to do something in Slovak cultural life without consulting him or without his patronage. 12 This "crimen lesae majestatis" moved Kollar to opose Stu.r's reform and the final acceotance of the Slovak literary language also by Slovak protest;nts. Safarik did not change his scholarly views which he expressed in his Geschichte, but being employed in Prague and financially supported by Czech patriots, he tried to convince his Slovak countrymen that they should not move too far from Czechs and suggested that the Czech should be adjusted to the Slovak linguistic phenomena and peculiarities. "The will of the Slovak groups to assert their own national individuality was, however, too strong", as admitted by Radl, 13 and Stu.r's reform was victorious over Kollar's protests and Safa:rik's advices, because it was in line with the linguistic facts and centuries' long Slovak national development. The reasons for a sporadic use of the Czech language for administrative and partly also for literary purposes (mainly by the Slovak Protestants) which some Czech philologists considered as a proof of national and linguistic unity of the �SLOVAKIA 5 Czechs and Slovaks, have been reconsidered by several "bourgeois" and "marxist" philologists and literary historians. There are at least three theories om the penetration of the Czech language into the Slovak territory. One theory refers to the continuation of relations between Slovaks and Moravians (who adopted the Czech language) from trhe time of Great Moravia, which relations survived the collapse of that state and developed between the Moravian cultural center Olomouc arnd Slovak religious centers. More acceptable and also more elaborated is the theory ascribing the use of the Czech language to the fact that Czech clerks were used at certain periods not only in the Slovak territory but also in Hungary and Poland in state and city-administration. 14 In Slovakia, the use of the Czech, adapted to local dialects, survived because of the Reformation which penetrated into Slovakia from Germany and Bohemia with Bible and religious books writteJ) in the old Czech, and because during the Counter-Reformation "many protestant Czechs found shelter in Slovakia and even printed books in Czech for the purpose of smuggling them into Bohemia" .15 Settled in Slovakia, the Czech refugees tried to keep all Slovak protestants linked to Bohemia by language also in secular writings. 16 Around 1840, it became, however, clear to the leaders of the Protestant minority in Slovakia that the Czech language was not intelligible to the common people, that their writings could not reach Slovak population and for reasons which U. Stur explained in his Narecia slovenskuo and other writings, they agreed with Catholics who used the Slovak for homiletic as well as for secular writings from the 16th century, on the reform taking for basis central Slovak dialects, and on the exclusive use of Slovak in Slovak literature. Stur's reform, by which the Slovak language was finally established as a literary medium of all Slovaks, has been accepted by the Slovak intelligentsia within a very short space of time, and it received its final linguistic , form in the grammar of a Catholic priest, Martin Hattala. Thus the peculiar situation of multilingualism in modern Slovak literature was changed. 17 During all these centuries, Slovak people spoke, as we mentioned before, their own Slovak dialects which developed from the Old Slavonic after its disintegration into modern Slovak language, which happened more or less at the same �6 SLOVAKIA time at which other central European peoples began to use vernacular for literary purposes. On the position of Slovak among Slavic languages, Slovak philologists expressed various opinions. 18 V. Jagic in his book Entstehungsgeschichte der Kirchenslawischen Sprache, wrote that "in Great Moravia people must have spoken in the ninth century a tongue which in its fundamentals was identical with the Slovak language of today". J . Dobrovsky admitted that certain linguistic phenomena linked Slovak with South Slavic languages and S. Czambel elaborated linguistically a theory to prove that the question as to whether Slovak is closer to Western Slavic or to the Southern Slavic group of languages deserves to be reconsidered by philologists. Stur viewed the position of the Slovak language as a central clearing house, mainly because he was conscious of many of its similiarities with the Slavic tongues of the East, West, North and South, especially noting the South Slavic dialects with which Slovak came into intimate contact during long centuries. 19 Recent studies indicate that the Slovak language conserved many archaic forms and expr-essions common to all Slavs. Remaining for centuries only a spoken vernacular of the people, it was affected mainly by the influence of neighbouring Slavic peoples, and since it was codified in the era of the revival of Slavonic peoples, the Slovak cultural and political leaders saw to it that Slovak language might conserve its central position and Slavic purity. Kollar himself argued, and some Slavists of that time accepted his idea that the Slovak language "stands grammatically and geographically in the center of all Slav dialects" and the Tatra mountains are the "nest and cradle of all Slavs" which, of course, the modern science of history, archeology and ethnography challenges. However, U1.e central position of the Slovak language, geographically or linguistically, is accepted to a great extent even by modern philology. According to de Bray "the Slovaks have preserved a beautifully soft and musical language, which might well serve as a modern "Common Slav" or lingua franca among the Slavs today. For modern Slovak is the most comprehensible of the living Slavonic languages to all other Slavs. Just as the Slovaks occupy geographically a central position among the Slavs, so, too, their language, in its �SLOVAKIA 7 sounds and forms, is the nearest to an all-round compromise between the various Slavonic languages, having features which make it near both to East and South Slav, as well as to the other West Slav languages. 20 In fact, the Slovaks - either educated or common people - do not experience much difficulty in communicating in Slovak with Poles, Ukrainians, C:ziechs, Russians, or Slovenes and Croats, as has been proven even on the American Continent, since basically there ar,e no great differences among Slavic languages, and in the case of the Slovak language, history and geography made it close not only to Polish and Czech, but also to Ukrainian and South Slavic, Slovenian and Croat. 21 Slovak intellectuals of the nineteenth century read not only Polish or Czech poets and writers in original, but also Russian and Ukrainian, Croat and .Slovenian. Modern scientific and literary development drifts the twelve Slavic languages more apart. Nevertheless, even if we cannot agree with the nineteenth century poet that "with the Slovak language you may travel Earth's four corners", the fact remains that Slovaks are able to communicate in their own vernacular with the majority of the Slavic peoples. III. Views and conceptions of European Slavists As for European Slavists, including the present-day Czech philologists, some of their recent studies would indicate that they corrected many of the erroneous views they held on the relation between the Slovak and Czech and the origin of the Slovak literary language. It is evident that the modem techniques in linguistics and philology have thrown new light on the subject and have been instrumental in giving modified conceptions that are far advanced beyond the hasty unwarranted conclusions of the amateur-philologists or linguists serving political aspirations. Noteworthy among the new conceptions are not only those which defend the distinct and ancient character of the Slovak among Slavic languages but also the views that the history of the Slovak literary language necessarily begins in the 9th century with the Old Church Slavonic as the first literary medium in Slovakia. This view has been held by Slovak literary historians .for a long time, but never was considered before by foreign �8 SLOVAKIA Slavists. Recently, howev,er, the well-known Polish philologist T. Lehr-Splawinski expressed the following view: "The beginnings of the literary language in Slovakia are connected with the period of activities of ConstantineCyril and Methodius in the Moravian state. As the whole of Slovakia was, without ,any doubt, a part of that state, and the important centers of its political and cultural life were situated on the Slovak territory, writings in the old ChurchSlavonian language must have undoubtedly developed among the Slovaks in the last quarter of the IXth century". 22 R. Auty, from the University of Cambridge, in his paper, presented to the VIIIth Congress of the International Federation of Modern Languages & Literatures at Liege, August 1960, corrected misconceptions on Bernolak and Stur and their reforms. Anton Bernolak codified in 1870 a language which was already in use, according to Auty, and "in the following fifty or sixty years a considerable number of literary and other works were published or written in this (Bernolak's) form of Slovak". 23 The Czech language was, according to Auty, "sporadicalin Slovakia (with certain local modification) for used ly administrative and, still more occasionally, literary purposes". The reasons for this sporadic usage of Czech for administrative and "mor,e occasionally" also for literary purposes, are explained by Auty in his statement that "since the Reformation the Czech had been the language of the Lutheran scriptures and Church Services in Slovakia". "Stur, Protestant though he was, acted against what he regarded as an unnatural linguistic situation which had been brought about by the hazards of history. His reaction was radical" - says Auty, and gives a detailed picture of the changes which were brought about in the Slovak language by the agreement of the Catholics and Protestants in order to end bilingualism in Slovak literature. Auty's views on the reform of the , Slovak literary language which took place in the 1840's are fairly in line with the historical truth and recent r-esearch. According to him "Catholic and Protestant Slovaks agreed to accept a new written form of their language for all purposes: this has been worked out by U. Stur in discussion with other Slovak intellectual leaders in the perfod 1842-44 and was somewhat modified by M. M. Hodza and M. Hattala in subsequent years". _,/ �SLOVAKIA 9 Stur "on more than one occasion praised the work of Bernolak, and above all, the poetry of Jan Holly and fully accepted one element of Bernolak's linguistic reform - the orthographical system" - continues Auty. The general pattern of the language, as fashioned by Stur, was in accordance with the needs of Slovak Society and has proven itself - and Stur's genius - by its survivor". 2 " R. G. A. de Bray, in his Guide to the Slavonic Languages, is equally close to the views of Slovak philologists and literary historians. "It is not true to say" - writes de Bray - "that Slovak was not written till the nineteenth century, as some assert. It is true that the modern literary language, as we know it today, was then first stabilized, but there are traces of the Slovak language in the local Latin documents from the elev,enth to the fifteenth centuries, Latin being the official language at the time". 25 On the relation between the Czech and Slovak de Bray expressed the following view: "While the phonetic system of Slovak is more conservative than that of Czech and so is nearer to that of Old Slavonic and other Slavonic languages, its morphological system has developed further than that of Czech, its nearest relative, mainly through the workiings of analogy and the generalization of certain standard endings, especially in the plural of nouns. Both the 1st and 2nd palatalization of gutturals occur less frequently in the declensions than they do in Czech, owing to the workings of analogy, as in Russian and Slov•enian. And in general Slovak morphology has fewer irregularities, exceptions, and archaic survivals, such as the declension of Kamen (- stone) in Czech. Prof. Roman Smal-Stocki in his paper Discrimination and Bias in Two Unesco Publications also raised his voice against treating Slovak and Czech "as one unit". "From the linguistic point of view" - says Prof. Smal-Stocki - "it js inadmissible to mix state units with existing languages and to treat "as one unit" Czech and Slovak, because the linguistic fact is that in existence are two separate units, Czech and Slovak". 26 The contributors to the Encyclopedia Britanica (1959, Vol. 20) published some correct and some incorrect views, �10 SLOVAKIA but they grasped the essential points of difference between the Czech and Slovak. 27 "The Czech, as spoken and written today in Bohemia, diverges considerably from Slovak - says the Encyclopedia. The disagreement is least marked in vocabulary but appears prominently in the phonetics; in particular the itacism so distinct a characteristic of Czech, is non-existent in Slovak, which has preserved the fuller diphthongs (ia, ie, iu etc.) of the Slavonic languages; a further small.er point is the dz, from Common Slav dj, is used (as in Polish) where Czech has z. In one point only is there a divergence which goes back beyond the time of the common ancestry of the two languages; Slovak has not developed the t, which is characteristic of Czech and in that language occurs since the beginning of its literature. The Slovak palatalization of n, d, t and 1 after e, which does not occur in modern literary Czech, is a further point of disagreement, although this would not be obvious from Slovak spelling which does not find it necessary to distinguish by diacritics; consonanrts are always softened in this position". The Encyclopedia also points out to the relation of Slovak with other Slavic languages. It says: "The dialectical development shows some characteristics identical with those in South Slavonic and Russian. Not everywhere, for example, have u and i been confused, and instead of the e, which is the normal result in Slovak as in Czech, we find in Eastern dialects an o from the u, thus agreeing with Russian. An agreement with South Slavonic is the occurrence of raz- and la- and lo-. Because of these and other phonetic and morphological reasons the grammarian Czambel, a keen opponent of the identity of Czech and Slovak, has asserted that Slovak should rightly be associated with South Slavonic". 28 It would appear from this brief survey that European Sl~vists are very close to the views of Slovak philologists and that misconceptions, which we still can find in American symposia, considered hereafter, are disappearing from European Slavic studies. Very close to the views of European Slavists is also the well-known Canadian Slavist Prof. W. Kirkconnell who already in 1939 stated: "It cannot be too strongly emphasized that the Slovaks are not Czechs, and that there is no such ciieature as a 'Czechoslovak'. While they speak closely related Slavic languages, Slovak is not �SLOVAKIA 11 a mere dialect of Czech. The differences are about as great as those between the similarly related languages, Dutch and German. I have on my shelves Miroslav Kalal's Slovak-Czech dictionary (published 1924), in which there are 35,000 Slovak words that were apparently unintelligible to a Czech and hence required definition." (d. Canada, Europe, and Hitler, p. 44) IV. Misconceptions in American symposia and surveys With the sudden development of Slavic Studies on the American continent came hand in hand a large number of symposia, handbooks and surveys on Slavic literatures and langutlges. They are, however, written predominantly by scholars and writers with European schooling and background and, therefore, it is more appropriate to speak, in this respe0t, rather of American symposia than of American Slavists. A survey of several such symposia indicates that there are misconceptions not only in the relation of the Slovak with the Czech, but also on the history of the Slovak literary language and the role of foreign languages in Slovak literature. In this respect, we read not without surprise that even the well-known Slavist, Roman Jakobson, helped to spread some erroneous views on the Slovak language. In his study Slavic Languages, he writes as follows: "Toward the middle of the same (i.e. the 19th) century, the Slovaks, who had used literary Czech (somewhat adapted to their own habits) inaugurated their own literary language based on the central Slovak dialect but patterned after standard Czech". 29 Prof. A. Senn in Strakhovsky's Handbook of Slavic Studies, completed and modified Jakiobson's description of Slovak literary language. His classification of Slovak is correct, but we could hardly agree with certain parts of his definition. Prof. A. Senn says: "Slovak forms a connecting link with the South Slavic Slovenian and is more archaic than Czech. Otherwise differences between Czech and Slovak are not very great. Slovak became a literary language at the beginning of the nineteenth century . . . Slovak and Czech form one "Czechoslovak unit". �12 SLOVAKIA In the same symposium, another contributor, Otto Radl, admitted that "as early as 1635 in Trnava books were printed in different Slovak dialects", but he confusingly states further that it was only i,n 1844, in the period of Romanticism, that "the therefore common written language, the Czech, was being replaced by a newly-originated Slovak literary language". According to Radl "this movement had been begun at the end of the 18th century by the learned Slovak philologist Anton Bernolak who published several works in Latin in which he tried to show that the Slovaks were a separate nation and that they should therefore use their own distinctive written language based on dialects spoken in Western Slovakia". 30 A similar version can be found in Prof. H. S. Thompson's book "Czechoslovakia in European History", who says that "a deliberate effort to substitute for the written Czech then in use in Slovakia a language based upon a local dialect came from the Catholic camp only in 1790, when Anton Bernolak published a Gramatica slavica". However, he asserts further that "about the only followers Bernolak had were Catholic writers, and even among them the vogue for his grammar and dictionary soon died out. The year 1834-1835 is usually given" - concludes Thompson - "as the date of the rise of written Slovak, although strictly speaking, Stur did not make his first formal declarartion until 1846". 31 In R. J. Kerner's symposium Czechoslovakia and in V. Busek-N. Spulber's Czechoslovakia under Communism, we find only slightly modified or re-worded versions of the views mentioned above. "Catholic Slovaks under Bernolak tried to create with indifferent success a written Slovak dialect", we read in Kerner's symposium, and Busek-Spulber's symposium gives the following genesis of the Slovak literary language: " ... the first attempts were made (aside from earlier sporadic ventures) to establish a distinct Slovak literary language in the last decade of the 18th century by Anton Bernolak (1762-1813) who selected the Western Slovak dialects as a basis of the new literary medium: his suggestions, not elaborated linguistically, did not take permanent hold. "The decisive step towards the establishment of Slovak literary language was undertaken through the initiative of the Protestants. Ludovit St(ir selected the central Slovak dialect for the Slovak literary medium. Beginning in the �SLOVAKIA 13 1840's, several poets followed Stur and used the new literary language with great skill".32 It is perhaps not necessary to sum up all the mistaken assertions and impressions which we find in the symposia mentioned here. The foregoing views of European and Slovak philologists showed that Slovak was spoken by Slovak people from the dawn of their history and that it was in use for literary purposes from the 17th century, and Bernolak codified only a literary language used by the majority of Slovaks for more than 150 years. The function of the Czech language in Slovakia and the reasons for its sporadic use, besides Latin and Slovak, were also explained by Slovak as well as European Slavists. Responsibility for the lack of precision and mistaken views in American symposia might lay with the sources used by the contributors to these symposia. It would appear that they predominantly relied on old studies, which favoured the biased conceptions of linguistic, cultural -and political unity of Czechs and Slovaks, and which has been abandoned during the past two decades even by the Czech philologists, as we shall see from the survey of Czech and Slovak contemporary linguistic studies. Since all the symposia under review were edited or written by writers who specialized in Slavic studies, we might perhaps mention also at this point that academic precision would have required to say that before Stur's reform Slovaks used for literary purposes far more frequently Latin, on the Catholic side, and German, on the Protestant J.ide, than the Czech "somewhat adapted to their own hal>its". Bernolak codified Slovak language in Latin works, the first works on history of Slovakia were written by their Slovak authors also in Latin, and on the Protestant side Safarik wrote his first scholarly work in German, used Czech later only because he was forced to do it by unhappy circumstances, and Kollar also wrote in German his treatise on Slavic solidarity -Ober die Literarische Wechselseitigkeit zwischen den verschiedenen Stammen und Mundarten der slavischen Nation. Equally imprecise for a scholarly writer is to say that Stur's reform was based "on the central Slovak dialect but patterned after standard Czech". Recent research proves that Stur relied on Bernolak in many respects and that the literary language, reformed by Stur, "was not based on the dialect of any single area, but represented a kind of 'koine' of the �14 SLOVAKIA central Slovak dialects, eschewing features from both the eastern and western dialects" - as R. Auty correctly says and new works on Slovak language confiirm. V. "Marxist" conceptions of literary Slovak and the origins of the Slovak language Slovak philology has been exposed, since the inclusion of Slovakia into the Soviet political and cultural sphere, to the influence of Marxist criteria and method, and is gradually developing with considerable dependence on Soviet philology. There were strong attempts at the beginning to apply to Slovak philology "the theoretical directives given the Marxist philology by J. V. Stalin in his genial work Marxism and Problems of Linguistics"33 and later other Soviet examples were imitated. However, a considerable number of Slovak philologists adhered, in the first place, to scientific principles and methods and results of favourable development of Slovak philology are visible in two recent bibliographies, not only in the number of entries, but also in the number of fields covered. Scholarly research into the Slovak language is, of course, still the principal field of interest. The number of works, studies and articles referring to Slovak, its history and development during the period of 1939-1945 alone was over 1000 and amounts to 700 in Dvonc's Bibliography of Slovak philology which covers only the years 1948-1952. Many of these entries were written by highly qualified philologists of Slovak or foreign origin (J. Stanislav, L. Novak, E. Pauliny, V. Uhlar, A. Janosik, S. Peciar, J. Horecky, V. Blanar, E. Jona, Kniesza, Vazny, Kiraly, Stieber etc.) and they cover the history of literary languages in Slovakia, historical grammar, dialectology, ,etymology, phonology, orthography, vocabulary, etc. From the published works by the "marxist" philologists and literary historians it is obvious that the theses on the Slovak language, on the history of the Slovak literary language and on the function of some fureign languages (Czech, Czechoslovak) in Slovak literature, which theses were intended to support the political theory of a single Czechoslovak nation, have been definitely buried. Particularly noteworthy in this regard is the work of the Czech University Profe~or A. Dostal, 34 and of the Slovak school, Prof. E. Pauliny's Dejiny spisovnej slovenciny (History of Literary Slovak, Brati- �SLOVAKIA 15 slava, 1948), and A. Mraz's Dejiny slovenskej literatury (History of Slovak Literature, Bratislava, 1948), as well as the papers read at the Moscow Fourth International Congress of Slavists in 1958. Professor A. Dostal, in his work "Nastin dejin ceskeho a slovenskeho jazyka" published in Prague in 1954, accepted not only the thesis that the Slovak is a distinct and ancient tongue, but he also condemned the traditional views of Czech philologists. "Slovak language whose development goes back to ancient times, was established as a literary language in connection with the formation of Slovaks into a nation", says Dostal. "Its establishment cannot at all be viewed as a separation from the literary Czech language, but as a long, slow development towards a literary language ... " Prof Dostal goes even further and says that the attempts to impose the Czech language upon Slovaks as literary medium must be considered "as a negation of centuries long development which in the 1840's was already a historical fact in Slovakia ... " 35 The paper of Prof. E. Pauliny on bilingualism in the history of the Slovak literary language, d_eserves particular attention. Pauliny tries to explain the function of the Czech language in Slovakia in the XVth and the following centuries on the basis of social and economic phenomena and changes. He has arrived, nevertheless, at the same conclusions as the philologists who did not apply "Marxist criteria" in philology, i.e. that the Czech language was a foreign language in Slovakia and could not stand competition with the Slovak vernacular when the Slovak ethnicum evolved in its national consciousness. Literary Slovak won in spite of the fact that the Protestant minority, predominantly of Czech origin, at that time tried to maintain it even in the XIXth century when the Slovak literary language was established by the Catholic majority (80%) over a century ago. The relation between the Czech and Slovak is, therefore, according to Pauliny, that of bilingualism. 36 In the introduction to his book Dejiny spisovnej slovenciny, Pauliny understands the history of the language as the history of the origin, disappearance and changes of its individual styles. However, in the book itself, he divided the history of the Slovak literary language according to the �HS SLOVAKIA languages which were used by the Slovaks as literary languages in addition to the spoken vernacular from the time of the Greater Moravia. He writes: "Although, in this case, the period of the actual Slovak literary language can begin only with Bernolak, or with the period shortly before Bernolak, nevertheless, it is not possible to begin the history of the literary languages of the Slovaks either with Bernolak or Stur, but it is necessary to go deep into the past, all the way to the very beginnings of the historical period of our nation in the Greater Moravian epoch, nay, in certain matters, it is necessary to go even further, into the prehistoric period, when our ancestors were not yet baptized and did not participate in the Eul'opean culture which was introduced to us by Chl'istianity". In his contribution to a volume O vzajomnych vzt'ahoch Cechov a Slovakov, published in 1956 by the Slovak Academy of Sciences, Pauliny states that "Bernolak codified a language which can be traced in the writings of the middle-class, the lower nobility and educated Slovaks back to the 15th century, and this in both Catholic and Protestant writings". 37 Stu.r's reform, which is erroneously presented by some Slavists as the beginning of the Slovak literary language (in this respect even Jakobson is wrong), in Pauliny's view, is but a "younger branch of Bernolak's school". 38 In the opinion of Prof. A. Mraz, who still remains the main authority in Marxist literary history of Slovakia, Anton Bernolak reformed and codified the Slovak literary language and its orthography. 39 Mraz regards the activity which Ol'iginated around the Catholic University of Trnava (1635) as a starting point for introducing Slovak vernacular as a literary medium and stresses that the first manifestation of the new era in Slovak national life was the publication of Cantus Catholici by Benedict Szollosi in 1655. "The book Cantus Catholici", says Mraz, "laid the foundation on which the language used by Slovak Catholic writers, was formed into an independent Slovak literary language. Crystallization of the language, which Slovak Catholic writers used during the period of the University of Trnava (16351777), progressed so far in accordance with the spoken language in Western Slovakia that, when Bernolak and his followers came, at the end of the 18th century, with the idea �SLOVAKIA 17 of an independent literary language, they merely codified, in many respects, a language used and domesticated among the Catholic Slovak writers of the preceding period". 40 Scholarly basis to this conception of the development of the Slovak literary language was given by several philologists of today's Slovakia, among whom noteworthy is in the first place Prof. Jan Stanislav with his two volumes on the history of the Slovak language (Dejiny slovenskeho jazyka) and philological studies of J6na, Uhlar, Ruzicka, Peciar etc. 41 By a careful analysis of the fundamental roots of both languages, Czech and Slovak, as well as through the comparative study of their later developments, they revealed the true basis of the Slovak language and have classified it properly as one of the distinct Slavonic languages which developed after the disappearance of the Old Slavonic language. As a result of this development the relation between the two literary languages of today's Czecho-Slovakia is now officially accepted as a relation between two Slavic but distinct languages. The Czech poetry and prose are translated into the Slovak and vice versa as the Polish or Russian have been. Life and historical facts prevailed over artificial tendencies and theories a long time ago, and finally they have prevailed even over the reluctance of some politicians and philologists to recognize their victory. A century-long debate, as to whether Slovak is a dialect of the Czech language or a distinct Slavonic tongue, has thus been "officially" closed by the recognition on both Czech and Slovak sides that, from its earliest beginnings, the Slovak language has always manifested a distinct identity as a Slavonic tongue of the inhabitants of Slovakia. NOTES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY See the following symposia: R. J . Kerner, Czechoslovakia, (Berkeley, Calif., University of California Press, 1949), and L. I. Strakhovsky, ed. Handbook of Slavic Studies ( Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1949) the article by 0 . Rad!. The chapter on the Slavic languages by A. Senn in the same symposium is in accordance with recent research. Slavonic Encyclopedia, chapter by J. S. Roucek (New York, 1949) in the same category as Kerner's symposium. 2. See Eugen Pauliny, Dejiny spisovnej slovenciny (Bratislava, Slovenska Akademia vied a umeni, 1948) . 3. Cf. A. Mraz, Die Literatur der Slovaken (Wien, 1943). 1. �18 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21 . SLOVAKIA Cf. Prof. A. Dostal, Ncistin dejin ceskeho a siovenskeho jazyka (Prague, 1954), pp. 200-206. Cf. J. M. Kirschbaum, "Contemporary Tendencies in Slovak Philoiogy", Etudes siaves et Est Europeennes, IV, (1959-60 ), pp. 163-174. Cf. E. Pauliny, op. cit., and Jan Stanislav, Dejiny siovenskeho jazyka (Bratislava, 1957), p. 326, also H. Bartek, siovensky pravopis, (Whiting, Ind., 1956). N. S. Toubetzkoy, Grundzuge der Phonofogie, (Prague, 1939), pp. 117, 136, 141. J. Dobrovsky and P. J. Safarik have traced the linguistic line which separated the Czech and Slovak dialects around the Moravia. Cf. J. Skultety, Sketches from siovak History, (Middetown, Pa., 1936) and his Stodvadsat'piit' rokov zo siovenskeho zivota, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1920. Cf. E. Pauliny, Dejiny spisovnej siovenciny, p. 41. Benedicti Grammaticae Bohemicae iibri due, (Prague, 1603) p. VI, has written: "Neque tamen ego hie eos ad Bohemicam linguam cogo, sed ad exercitationem et culturam ipsorum idiomatis invito: praesertim cum non tantum in civitatibus et oppidis, sed etiam in pagis scholis abundent". Cf. E. Pauliny, op. cit., pp. 57 and 113, and A. Mraz, Dejiny siovenskej Hteratury, p. 108. See, J. Skultety, op. cit., p. 23, and Jaroslav Vlcek, Medzi Vcihom a Vitavou, (Bratislava 1957), pp. 228-234. J. Skultety, op. cit., pp. 20-30. L. I. Strakhovsky, op. cit., pp. 494-495. E. Pauliny, op. cit., pp. 30-36. 0. Radl, in L. I. Strakhovsky's Handbook of siavic Studies, p. 491. Cf. E. Pauliny, op. cit., p. 36-37 and 53. Pauliny is of the opinion that the occupation of Hungary by Turks (1526) helped the penetration of the Czech language, since there was a sort of common border between Slovakia and Moravia in the Habsburg Monarchy. E. Pauliny, op. cit., p. 17; A. Mraz, op. cit., pp. 12-16, and Jan Stanislav, op. cit. p. 12. J. Dobrovsky in 1875 wrote that Slovak is close to the Croat and Slovene languages in several respects. Zd. Stieber considers certain characteristics of the Slovak language as southern Slavic elements (juhoslavismy) . Cf. Jan Stanislav, Dejiny siovenskeho jazyka, p. 387. V. Jagic, Entstehungsgeschichte der Kirchensiawischen Sprache (Wien, 1900), p. 19; E. Pauliny, 0 vzcijomnych vzt'ahoch cechov a Slovcikov (Bratislava, 1956), p. 101., and David Diringer, Cambridge Univ., England, article in The Encydopedia Americana, Can. Edition, 1963, p. 379-380. S. Czambel, siovenskci rec a jej miesto v rodine siovanskych jazykov, (Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1906), pp. 320, and J. M. Kirschbaum, I!udovit stur and His Piace in the siavic World, Slavistica No. 32, Cleveland, Ohio, 1956. A. Senn "Slavic Linguistics", in Handbook of Slavic Studies, edited by L. I. Strakhovsky, p. 116-139, and R. G. A. de Bray, Guide To The siavonic Languages (London & New York, J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd., 1951), p. 513. J . M. Kirschbaum, "A Note on Two Modern Slovak Translators �SLOVAKIA 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 19 of Mickiewicz" in Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature, edited by W. Lednicki, (Berkeley & Los Angeles, Calif. University of Calif. Press, 1956) , p. 487-493. T. Lehr-Splawinski, Preglad i charakterystyka jezykow slowianskich (Warszawa, 1954,) p. 71. Robert Auty, "Dialect, Koine and Tradition in the Formation of Literary Slovak", The Slav onic and East European Review, XXXIX, (1961), p . 331-356. Ibidem, pp. 342-346. R. G. A. de Bray, op. cit., pp. 513-515. Roman Smal-Stocki, Discrimination and Bias in Two UNESCO Publications, (New York, Shevchenko Scientific Society, 1961), p. 3. T. Lehr-Splawinski, op. cit. p. 71. Ibid. p. 800. Roman Jakobson, Slavic Languages (New York, Columbia University Press, 1949) , p. 10. L. I. Strakhovsky, op. cit. p. 491. See S. H . Thomson, Czechoslovakia in European History, (Prince: ton, University Press, 1943) , p. 242-258. V. Busek-Spulber, Czechoslov akia under Communism (New York Mid-European Study Center, 1957) , 193-197. See J. M. Kirschbaum "Contemporary Tendencies in Slovak Philology", Etudes Slaves et Est-Europeennes, vol. IV, (1960), pp. 163-174. A. Dostal, Nastin dejin ceskeho a slovenske ho jazyka (Prague, 1954), pp. 200-201. See also "Die Tschechoslowakische Sprachenwissenschaft in den Jahren 1933 bis 1944" - Zeitschrift fur Slavische Philologie, Band XXIX, XXX, XXXI, Heidelberg, 196263. See esp. Vol. XXX, 1. p. 164-180. A. Dostal, op. cit., pp. 200-201. E. Pauliny, Dejiny spisovnej slovenciny (Bratislava, 1948) , p. 46-108. Symposium O vzajomnych vzt'ahoch techov a Slovakov, (Bratislava, Slovenska Akademia Vied, 1956) . teskoslovenske pfednasky pro IV. Medzinarodni zjezd slavistu v Moskve, ed. Ceskoslovensky komitet slavistu, (Praha, 1958). A. Mraz, Dejiny slovenskej literatury, (Bratislava, 1948) . Ibid. p. 101-118. See Bibliography. BIBLIOGRAPHY of selected works in English, French, German and Italian on Slovak Language and Literature Auty, Robert, The Evolution of Literary Slovak, Cambridge, 1953. Reprint from Transactions of the Philological Society, p. 143-160. Dialect, Koine and Tradition in the Formation of Literary Slovak (Paper presented to the VIIIth Congress of the International Federation of Modern Languages and Literatures at Liege, August 1960), published in The Slavonic and East European Review, Vol. 39, No. 93, London, 1961. �20 SLOVAKIA Bernolak, Anton, Slowakische Grammatik, Aus dem Lateinischen ins Deutsche iibersetzt, gedr. mit konigl. ung. Universitatsschriften, Offen, 1817. Bokes, F., Literarische Vbersicht des geschichtlichen Schaffens in der Slowakei, Leipziger Vierteljahrschrift fiir Siidosteuropa 4, Leipzig, 1940. Bray de, R. G. A., Guide To The Slavonic Languages (London & New York, J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd., 1951) , p. 513. Cizevsky, Dmitry, Outline of Comparative Slavic Literatures, American Academy of Arts and Sciences, Boston, Mass., 1952. On Romanticism in Slavic Literatures, Gravenhage, Monton & Co., 1957. Aus Zwei Welten, Beitrage zur Geschichte der Slawisch-westlichen literarischen Beziehungen, 1956. Mickiewicz, Stur and Kral, in W. Lednicki's Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature, Berkeley, 1956. A Bibliography of the Publications of Dr. Dmitry Cizevsky in the Fields of Literatiire, Language, Philosophy and Culture, Cambridge, Mass., 1952. Denis, Ernest, La question d'Autriche - Les Slovaques, Paris, 1917, Librairie Delagrave. One of the best books on Slovaks before the end of the First World War. His views on Bernolak, Stur, etc. are slightly distorted by the idea of the national and cultural unity of Czechs and Slovaks. Dixon, Charlton, Slovak Grammar for English speaking Students, Middletown, Pa., Jednota Printery, 1935. Harkins, W. E. - Simoncic, K., Czech and Slovak Literature, Oxford, King's Crown Press, 1951. Fischel, Alfred, Panslavismus bis zum Weltkrieg, Stuttgart und Berlin, 1919. One of the best documented works on Panslavism in the German language. Giusti, Walgango, Il Panslavismo, Milano, 1941, Instituto per gli studi di politica internazionale. Rather political than scholarly review of the idea of Panslavism among Slavic peoples. Gross, Felix (ed.), European Ideologies, New York, 1948, Philosophical Library, W. Lednicki's chapter on Panslavism. Scholarly written treatise from the Polish point of view. Hrobak, Philip A., Slovak Lessons, Lakewood, Ohio, Middletown, Pa., Jednota Printery, 1935. The Slovak Language, Book I - II. Middletown, Pa. , Jednota, 1935-1936. Hrusovsky, F., Geschichte der Slowakei, Bratislava, 1942. This is Slovakia, Scranton, Pa., 1953. Jakobson, Roman, Sur l'histoire et sur les relations mutuelles du tcheque et du slovaque. Le Monde slave, XIV., 1937, 353-366. Slavic Languages, Columbia University Press, 1949. Kirschbaum, J . M., Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, New York, Speller & Sons, 1960. Slovak Literature under the Soviet Impact, The Slavic and EastEuropean Studies, Montreal, 1956, Part 1, p. 45-54. nudovit Stur and His Place in Slavic World, Slavistica No. 32, Winnipeg-Cleveland, 1956. Contemporary Tendencies in Slovak Philology, An Offprint from �SLOVAKIA 21 Slavic and East-European Studies, Vol. IV, No. 3-4, Montreal, 1960. Pavel Jozef Safarik and His Contribution to Slavic Studies, The Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1962, Slavistica No. 43, p. 51. A Note on Two Slovak Translators of Mickiewicz in W. Lednicki's Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature, Berkeley, 1956. Anton Bernolak - The First Codifier of the Slovak Language, Slavistica No. 52, Cleveland - Winnipeg, 1964. Slovak Literary History in Marxist and Western Interpretations. A reprint from Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. VI, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1964. The Role of the Cyrilo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak National and Political Life. An offprint from Slovak Studies III, Rome, 1963. La litterature de la periode cyrillo-methodienne et la slovaquie. An offprint from Slovak Studies III, Rome, 1963. La place du slovaque parmi les langues slaves. An offprint from Etudes slaves et est-europeennes, Vol. VIII. Fasc. 3-4, Universite de Montreal, 1963. Jan Kollar - Slovak Poet of Pan-Slavism, Slavistica No. 56, The Slovak Institute, Cleveland-Toronto-Winnipeg, 1966. Kohn, Hans, Pan-Slavism, Its History and Ideology, University of Notre Dame Press, 1953. One of the most objective books on Pan-Slavism. Konus, Joseph, Practical Slovak Grammar. A textbook for high schools, colleges and adult private students, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1939. New English-Slovak Dictionary, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1941. Kniezsa, Stefan, Zur Geschichte der Jugoslavismen im Mittelslowakischen, Budapest, 1948, tire a part des Etudes slaves et roumaines, Vol. 1, Fasc. 3. Kramoris, Ivan J., An Anthology of Slovak Poetry, Scranton, 1947. A selection of lyric and narrative poems including some members of Stur's group. Slovakia and Slovak Literature. Reprinted from the Catholic Encyclopedia, New York, 1950. A Chronological Outline of Slovak Literature and History, Passaic, N. J., 1946 Krcmery, Stefan, A Survey of Modern Slovak Literature, Offprint from The Slavonic Review, Vol. VII, No. 19, 1928-1929. Lednicki, Waclaw (ed.), Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature, University of California Press, 1956. Articles by D. Cizevsky and J. M. Kirschbaum. Leger, Louis, Le panslavisme et l'interet francais, Paris, 1917, Ernest Flammarion. Relatively objective study of pan-slavism and Slovak contribution. French point of view. Locher, T. J., Die nationale Differenzierung und Integrierung der Slowaken und Tschechen in ihrem geschichtlichen Verlauf bis 1848, Harlem, 1931. Macartney, C. A ., Hungary and Her Successors, London-New York- Toronto, 1937. Manning, Clarence A. (ed.), An Anthology of Czech and Slovak Poetry, New York, 1929, Columbia University Press. Contains translations by Prof. Kirkconnell, Kramoris, Gallik, Manning, Slabey, Kotouc, etc. �22 SLOVAKIA Meriggi, Bruno, Storia deUe letterature ceca e slovacca. University of Florence, 1959. Mikus, J . A., La Slovaquie dans le drame de l'Europe, Paris, Les Iles d'Or, 1955. La Slovaquie, Individualite politique de l'Europe Centrale, Paris, 1952. Mraz, Andreas, Die Literatur der Slowaken, Wien-Stuttgart, 1943. A History of Slovak literature by a contemporary scholar and professor at the University of Bratislava. The work was completed and edited in the Slovak language in 1948 by The Slovak Academy of Sciences and Arts and presents one of the best works on the history of Slovak literature. Pastrnek, Fr., Beitriige zur Lautlehre der Slowakischen Sprache in Ungarn (Aus dem Sitzungsberichten der philos.-hist. Klasse der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften), Wien, 1888. Petrovich, Michael B., The Emergence of Russian Panslavism, Columbia University Press, 1956. Rekem, John, The Origin and Dei;elopment of the Slovak Language, an offprint from Slovakia, Vol. XII, No. 35, Middletown, Pa., 1962. Slovak Literature and National Consciousness Before Bernolak, Cleveland, 1965. Seton-Watson, R. H. , A History of the Czechs and Slovaks, London, 1943. Scholarly written history by one of the best defenders of the Slovak people at the beginning of this century (see his Racial Problems in Austria-Hungary) who turned against the Slovak movement for autonomy and independence being influenced by his Czech friends. Scotus, Viator, Racial Problems in Hungary, London, 1908. Slovak Studies I, Historica 1, Slovak Institute, Rome, 1961. Safarik, J . P., Geschichte der Slawischen Sprache und Literatur nach allen Mundarten. Mit konigl. ung. Universitatsschriften, Offen, 1826. Skultety, Joseph, Sketches From Slovak History, Middletown, Pa., 1930, Jednota Press. Translation from Slovak by 0 . D. Koreff. Skultety was professor at the University of Bratislava and one of the most outstanding figures in the Slovak cultural life in the first half of the century. Stefanek, Anton, Zur Soziographie der geistigen Kultur in der Slowakei, Bratislava, 1944. Strakhovsky, L. I. (ed.), A Handbook of Slavic Studies, Harvard University Press, 1949, chapters by A. Senn and Otto Radl. Both articles reflect recent research, though Radl's contribution is strongly pro-Czech. Vajda, Jaroslav, Bloody Sonets, transl. from Hviezdoslav, P. 0., Scranton, Pa., 1950. Viktorin, J. K. Gramatik der Slowakischen Sprache. Zurn Schul-und Selbstunterricht, Budapest, 1862. Tourtzer, H. Louis Stur et l'idee de !'independence slovaque, Cahoss et Alencon, Paris, 1913. Trubetzkoy, N. S., Grundzilge der Phonologie, Prag, 1939. (on Slovak language p. 117-118, 136, 141, 143, 161, 167, 170, 175, 208, 245.) Yourchak, Peter P., The Slovaks, Whiting, Ind., 1947, Lach editions, �SLOVAKIA 23 chapters from Slovak history and literature destined for Americans of Slovak origin. BIBLIOGRAPHY in Slavic Languages Bartek, Heinrich, Anton Bernolak, Trnava, 1937. £udovit Stur a slovencina, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1943. Krest'anstvo a slovencina, in the Symposium Nadej vit'azna, Scranton, Pa., 1947. Slovensky pravopis s gramatickymi pouckami a slovnikom, Whiting, Ind., Lach Publications, 1956. Spravna vyslovnost' slovenska, Bratislava, 1943. Blanar, Vincent, Bibliografia jazykovedy na Slovensku v rokoch 19391947. Slovenska akademia vied a umeni. Bratislava, 1950. Bobek, W., Prehl'adne dejiny slovenskej literatury, Bratislava, 1939. Mickiewicz v literaturze slowackiej, Praha, 1931. Dzieje literatury slowackiej w zarysie. An offprint from Slowacja i Slowacy, Edit. W. Semkowicz, Krakow, 1938. Czambel, Samo, Prispevky k dejinam jazyka slovenskeho, Budapest, 1887. Slovenska rec a jej miesto v rodine slovanskych jazykov, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1906. Slovensky pravopis. Historicko-kriticky nakres. Budapest', 1890. Dvonc, Ladislav, Bibliografia slovenskej jazykovedy za roky 1948- 1952. Matica slovenska, Martin, 1957. Gajdos, V. J. Slovenske glosy v latinskom missali za XVI. storocia, Historica slovacca I-II, Bratislava, 1940-1941, 221-243. Grabowski, T. S., Dwaja Slowaccy pionerzy oswiecenia i postepu, Bernolak i Fandly, 1951. Hattala, Martin, Kratka mluvnica slovenska, Bratislava, 1852. Gramatica linguae slovenicae, Schemnicii, 1850. Hodza, Michal M., Vetin o slovencine, Levoca, 1848. Isacenko, A. V. Zaciatky vzdelanosti vo Vel'komoravskej risi, Jazykovedny sbornik I-II, 1947, 137-178. Jagic, I. V., Istorija slavianskoj filologii, S. Petersburg, 1910. Jankovic, V. "Prvy preklad slovensky celeho Pisma svateho", Verbum I, Bratislava, 1946-1947. Kondrasov, N. A., Kategorija licnosti i nelicnosti v slovackom jazyku, MGU, 1949. Programma po istoriji slovackogo jazyka. Programma po sovremennom slovackom jazyku, Izdatelstvo Moskovskogo universiteta, 1951. Slavianskaja filologia, Stati i monografiji, Izdatelstvo Moskovskogo univerziteta, 1951. Kotvan, Imrich, "Jozef Ignac Bajza a slovenska rec", Linguistica slovaca III, Bratislava, 1941. Juraj Fandly, Trnava, 1946. "Juraj Fandly a slovensky jazyk", Linguistica slovaca I-II, Bratislava, 1939. Bernolakovci, Trnava, 1948. Bibliografia bernolakovcov, Matica slovenska, Martin, 1957. �24 SLOVAKIA Magiera, J., Literatura czeska i slowacka, Obraz pismiennictwa, Warszawa, 1929. Magnuszewski, J., Mickiewicz wsr6d Slowakow. Wroclaw, 1956. Misianik, Jan, Dejiny starsej slovenskej literatury, SAV, Bratislava, 1958. Stran 320. Mraz, Andrej, Gavlovicova skola krest'anskci. Brati!lava, 1940. Dejiny slovenskej literatury, Bratislava, 1948. Novak, l;udovit, Cestina na Slovensku a vznik spisovnej slovenciny. Odtlacok zo Slovenskych pohl'adov LIV, 1938. Jazykovedne glosy k ceskoslovenskej otcizke, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1935. ~udovit Stur ako jazykovedec, Slovenske pohl'ady III, 1936. Pastrnek, Fr., Starci jazykovci pamcitka slovenskci, Sbornik filologicky VII, 1922. Pauliny, Eugen, Na okraj kamaldulskeho Pisma, Verbum I, 1946-1947. Glosy k pomeru: bernolcictina a sturovcina, Kultura XIV, 1942. Dejiny spisovnej slovenciny, Slovenska akademia vied a umeni, Bratislava, 1948. Pisut, Milan, Literatura ncirodneho obrodenia, SAV, Bratislava, 1960, p. 490. Slovensky litercirny romantizmus, C-sl. prednasky pro medzinarodni sjezd slavistu v Moskve. Semkowicz, W., Slowacia i Slovacy, Krakow, 1937. Skultety, Jozef, Stodvadsat'piit' rokov zo slovenskeho zivota 1790-1914, Martin, 1920. 0 Slovcikoch, Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1936. Sobolevskij, A. I., Cerkovno-slavianskije texty moravskogo proischozdenija, Ruskij filologiceskij vestnik, 1900. Stanislav Jan, K jazykovednemu dielu A. Bernolcika, Bratislava, 1941. Pribinovi velmozi, Linguistica slovaca I-II, 1939-1940. "Spisovny jazyk slovensky", Symposium Slovanske jazy ky v dobe pfitomne, Praha, 1937. Dejiny slovenskeho jazyka I-II, Slovenska akademia vied, Bratislava, 1958. Stiebr, Zdislaw, Zarys dialektologii jezykow zachodnio-slowianskich. Warszawa, 1956. Stur, l;udovit, Nauka reci slovenskej, Bratislava, 1846. Ncirecia slovenskuo, Bratislava, 1844. Tibensky, Jan, J. Papanek • J. Sklenar: Obrancovia slovenskej ncirodnosti v XVIII. storoci. Osveta, Martin, 1958. "K problemu hodnotenia bernolactiny a bernolakovskeho hnutia". Historicky casopis, VII., 4, 1959. "Vznik, vyvoj a vyznam vel'komoravskej tradicie v slovenskom narodnom obrodeni. Sbornik O vzcijomnych vzt'ahoch Cechov a Slovcikov, SAV., 1956. Varsik, Branislav, Slovcici na prazskej univerzite do konca stredoveku, Bratislava, 1926. Vilikovsky, Jan, Cantus Catholici, Bratislava, 1935. Vlcek, Jaroslav, Dejiny literatury slovenskej, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1923. Weingart, Milos, 0 najstarsich jazykovych pamcitkach slovenskych, CMF., Prague 1935. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1966, Vol. 16 Description An account of the resource Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOV AKIA Pu-blished by the Slovak League of America VOL. XVI 1966 N O. 39 THE SLOVAK LANGUAGE AND ITS PLACE AM.ONG THE SLAVIC LANGUAGES J. M. Kirschbaum I. Introductory Note A review of symposia, surveys and handbooks,1 dealing with Slavs and their languages, indicates that there is a certain confusion as far as the language of the Slovaks and their literary media are concerned. The confusion seems to have been created, on one hand, by Slavists and literary historians who failed to draw a proper distinction between the native and spoken language of the Slovaks and their written or literary language. On the other hand, the misconceptions were intentionally spread by philologists and literary historians who were influenced by political views and aspirations, and some Slavists accepted them without the necessary caution required in scholarly works. As a result, we find in manuals and symposia on Slavic peoples or in works on philology and Slavic languages either the thesis that the Slovak language is merely a dialect of the Czech, or that Slovak became a literary language only at the beginning of the XIXth century. Some surveys speak even of a Czechoslovak language. Before analyzing these misconceptions, it may perhaps be stated that the claim that Slovak is but a dialect of the Czech language, was not based on facts of history or philology. It was a biased opinion of those who tried to give a scholarly basis to political aspirations denying to the Slovaks the right to their independent national and cultural life. And there lay also the origins of the erroneous thesis that Slovak began to be used as a literary language only from the second half of the nineteenth century. Slovak philologists and linguists (Bernolak, Safarik, Stur, Czambel, Skultety, Bartek, Stanislav, Novak, Pauliny) 2 SLOVAKIA rejected, during the last two centuries, all these biased theories and looked for linguistic criteria to determine the origin and the main characteristics of the Slovak language. They reviewed the historic forms of the Slovak tongue, and by scholarly methods and comparative study of Slavic languages determined the place of Slovak among Slavic languages. 2 Works of Slovak philologists, except for those of Safarik and partly Stur and Czambel, remained, however, for a long time ·e ither unknown to foreign Slavists, or were interpreted incorrectly. As a result, we find only recently in linguistic studies, published outside Slovakia, the proper distinction between the Slovak language and the literary media used by Slovaks, and a rejection of the thesis that Slovak has been but a dialect of the Czech language or that there is a Czechoslovak language. According to these studies, during long centuries, Slovak people spoke their own Slovak dialects, which developed from the primitive Slavic after its disintegration, into the modern Slovak language, but they used several literary media. It was first the Old Church Slavonic, in the 9th and 10th centuries, afterwards the Latin language, the Biblical Czech (used by the Protestant minority until the second half of the 19th century), the literary Slovak based on Slovak western dialects and finally the revised present form , based on central Slovak dialects.3 On the following pages, we shall attempt to p0int out and analyze the main misconceptions about the Slovak language and the literary media used in Slovakia and define the place of Slovak among Slavic languages in the light of recent linguistic research of European Slavists, including the Marxist philologists of Slavic countries.4 II. Views and conceptions of Slovak philologists In their scholarly studies of phonology, etymology, lexicology and grammar Slovak philologists and linguists maintained continuously the point of view that the Slovak language has been distinct from any other Slavic tongue. This was not so clear and evident to Slavists of the 19th century, according to Slovak philologists, because philology was in its infancy and used primitive methods.5 Recent research, how- SLOVAKIA 3 ever, proves that Slovak language has been the real and original national tongue of the inhabitants of Slovakia since the dawn of history, and the linguistic analysis of the fundamental roots of the Czech and Slovak languages and a comparative study of their developments showed that Slovak language never was a part of the Czech or so-called "Czechoslovak" language.6 If we accept the theiiis, supported by Trubeckoj ,7 that in the ninth century the Old Slavonic &1:.ill was the common tongue of the Slavs with a unified phonology, and that from the ninth century different dialects developed into distinct Slavic languages, it is to be assumed, according to Slovak philologists, that among them was also the Slovak tongue. There is no historical or philological reason why it should not be claimed that at the time of disintegration of the Old Slavonic and of the rise of new independent Slavic languages, Slovak was among them and that its development cannot be identified with that of the Czech language.8 This thesis is strengthened also by the fact that the Slovak territory was annexed after the collapse of Great Moravia, by Hungary and, hence, the only contact the Slovaks had with Czechs was through Moravians who have continued to speak a Slovak dialect in spite of the pressure of the Czechs from the West, and to the p-resent time they have retained their own phonological structure. Consequently, the relation between the Czech and Slovak languages became a matter of controversy because of political aspirations of some Czech politicians and scholars and not because of philological reasons - is the view of Slovak philologists. In fact, as early as in the 16th century Vavrinec Benedikti z Nedozier (1555-1615), a learned Slovak philologist and professor at the Prague University exhorted his Slovak countrymen to cultivate their native tongue. He wrote his appeal in a grammar he composed for Czechs, which makes it clear that already for him there were two different languages. 9 From the sixteenth century on, there are numerous proofs that Slovak erudities, with the exception of a few protestants, considered Slovaks as one of the "tribes" of Slavic nation, but speaking their own "dialect" different from the Czech, Polish or Russian, using the word dialect for our term language. Slovak was used not only in homiletic 4 SLOVAKIA writings, but also in scholarly works and poetry, especially since the middle of the 17th century around the University of Trnava (founded 1635) and, at the end of the 18th century, Anton Bernolak only codified a language in use in his linguistic works Dissertatio, Gramatica slavica and his huge pentalingual Dictionary. 10 The well-known Slavist, P. J . Safarik, and initially also Jan Kollar, were aware of the fact that there had been a Slovak ~anguage and Slovak literature, different from the Czech or the other Slavic languages and literatures. Safarik gave testimony to it in his Geschichte der Slawischen Sprache und Literatur in allen Mundarten (1826) , and when some Czech leaders reproached him and his scholarly objectivity, Safarik indignantly announced that he would go even farther in stressing the differences than he did in his book.11 Jan Kollar was also instrumental originally in preparing Sti'.lr's reform and later changed his mind and became an advocate of a common literary language with the Czechs (which he called "old Slovak" ) because of reasons which Slovak literary historians avoid to discuss. The great poet of Panslavism had also some human deficiencies like very high personal pride and terrible temper, and took it as an insult ,that Stur and his group dared to do something in Slovak cultural life without consulting him or without his patronage. 12 This "crimen lesae majestatis" moved Kollar to opose Stu.r's reform and the final acceotance of the Slovak literary language also by Slovak protest;nts. Safarik did not change his scholarly views which he expressed in his Geschichte, but being employed in Prague and financially supported by Czech patriots, he tried to convince his Slovak countrymen that they should not move too far from Czechs and suggested that the Czech should be adjusted to the Slovak linguistic phenomena and peculiarities. "The will of the Slovak groups to assert their own national individuality was, however, too strong", as admitted by Radl, 13 and Stu.r's reform was victorious over Kollar's protests and Safa:rik's advices, because it was in line with the linguistic facts and centuries' long Slovak national development. The reasons for a sporadic use of the Czech language for administrative and partly also for literary purposes (mainly by the Slovak Protestants) which some Czech philologists considered as a proof of national and linguistic unity of the SLOVAKIA 5 Czechs and Slovaks, have been reconsidered by several "bourgeois" and "marxist" philologists and literary historians. There are at least three theories om the penetration of the Czech language into the Slovak territory. One theory refers to the continuation of relations between Slovaks and Moravians (who adopted the Czech language) from trhe time of Great Moravia, which relations survived the collapse of that state and developed between the Moravian cultural center Olomouc arnd Slovak religious centers. More acceptable and also more elaborated is the theory ascribing the use of the Czech language to the fact that Czech clerks were used at certain periods not only in the Slovak territory but also in Hungary and Poland in state and city-administration. 14 In Slovakia, the use of the Czech, adapted to local dialects, survived because of the Reformation which penetrated into Slovakia from Germany and Bohemia with Bible and religious books writteJ) in the old Czech, and because during the Counter-Reformation "many protestant Czechs found shelter in Slovakia and even printed books in Czech for the purpose of smuggling them into Bohemia" .15 Settled in Slovakia, the Czech refugees tried to keep all Slovak protestants linked to Bohemia by language also in secular writings. 16 Around 1840, it became, however, clear to the leaders of the Protestant minority in Slovakia that the Czech language was not intelligible to the common people, that their writings could not reach Slovak population and for reasons which U. Stur explained in his Narecia slovenskuo and other writings, they agreed with Catholics who used the Slovak for homiletic as well as for secular writings from the 16th century, on the reform taking for basis central Slovak dialects, and on the exclusive use of Slovak in Slovak literature. Stur's reform, by which the Slovak language was finally established as a literary medium of all Slovaks, has been accepted by the Slovak intelligentsia within a very short space of time, and it received its final linguistic , form in the grammar of a Catholic priest, Martin Hattala. Thus the peculiar situation of multilingualism in modern Slovak literature was changed. 17 During all these centuries, Slovak people spoke, as we mentioned before, their own Slovak dialects which developed from the Old Slavonic after its disintegration into modern Slovak language, which happened more or less at the same 6 SLOVAKIA time at which other central European peoples began to use vernacular for literary purposes. On the position of Slovak among Slavic languages, Slovak philologists expressed various opinions. 18 V. Jagic in his book Entstehungsgeschichte der Kirchenslawischen Sprache, wrote that "in Great Moravia people must have spoken in the ninth century a tongue which in its fundamentals was identical with the Slovak language of today". J . Dobrovsky admitted that certain linguistic phenomena linked Slovak with South Slavic languages and S. Czambel elaborated linguistically a theory to prove that the question as to whether Slovak is closer to Western Slavic or to the Southern Slavic group of languages deserves to be reconsidered by philologists. Stur viewed the position of the Slovak language as a central clearing house, mainly because he was conscious of many of its similiarities with the Slavic tongues of the East, West, North and South, especially noting the South Slavic dialects with which Slovak came into intimate contact during long centuries. 19 Recent studies indicate that the Slovak language conserved many archaic forms and expr-essions common to all Slavs. Remaining for centuries only a spoken vernacular of the people, it was affected mainly by the influence of neighbouring Slavic peoples, and since it was codified in the era of the revival of Slavonic peoples, the Slovak cultural and political leaders saw to it that Slovak language might conserve its central position and Slavic purity. Kollar himself argued, and some Slavists of that time accepted his idea that the Slovak language "stands grammatically and geographically in the center of all Slav dialects" and the Tatra mountains are the "nest and cradle of all Slavs" which, of course, the modern science of history, archeology and ethnography challenges. However, U1.e central position of the Slovak language, geographically or linguistically, is accepted to a great extent even by modern philology. According to de Bray "the Slovaks have preserved a beautifully soft and musical language, which might well serve as a modern "Common Slav" or lingua franca among the Slavs today. For modern Slovak is the most comprehensible of the living Slavonic languages to all other Slavs. Just as the Slovaks occupy geographically a central position among the Slavs, so, too, their language, in its SLOVAKIA 7 sounds and forms, is the nearest to an all-round compromise between the various Slavonic languages, having features which make it near both to East and South Slav, as well as to the other West Slav languages. 20 In fact, the Slovaks - either educated or common people - do not experience much difficulty in communicating in Slovak with Poles, Ukrainians, C:ziechs, Russians, or Slovenes and Croats, as has been proven even on the American Continent, since basically there ar,e no great differences among Slavic languages, and in the case of the Slovak language, history and geography made it close not only to Polish and Czech, but also to Ukrainian and South Slavic, Slovenian and Croat. 21 Slovak intellectuals of the nineteenth century read not only Polish or Czech poets and writers in original, but also Russian and Ukrainian, Croat and .Slovenian. Modern scientific and literary development drifts the twelve Slavic languages more apart. Nevertheless, even if we cannot agree with the nineteenth century poet that "with the Slovak language you may travel Earth's four corners", the fact remains that Slovaks are able to communicate in their own vernacular with the majority of the Slavic peoples. III. Views and conceptions of European Slavists As for European Slavists, including the present-day Czech philologists, some of their recent studies would indicate that they corrected many of the erroneous views they held on the relation between the Slovak and Czech and the origin of the Slovak literary language. It is evident that the modem techniques in linguistics and philology have thrown new light on the subject and have been instrumental in giving modified conceptions that are far advanced beyond the hasty unwarranted conclusions of the amateur-philologists or linguists serving political aspirations. Noteworthy among the new conceptions are not only those which defend the distinct and ancient character of the Slovak among Slavic languages but also the views that the history of the Slovak literary language necessarily begins in the 9th century with the Old Church Slavonic as the first literary medium in Slovakia. This view has been held by Slovak literary historians .for a long time, but never was considered before by foreign 8 SLOVAKIA Slavists. Recently, howev,er, the well-known Polish philologist T. Lehr-Splawinski expressed the following view: "The beginnings of the literary language in Slovakia are connected with the period of activities of ConstantineCyril and Methodius in the Moravian state. As the whole of Slovakia was, without ,any doubt, a part of that state, and the important centers of its political and cultural life were situated on the Slovak territory, writings in the old ChurchSlavonian language must have undoubtedly developed among the Slovaks in the last quarter of the IXth century". 22 R. Auty, from the University of Cambridge, in his paper, presented to the VIIIth Congress of the International Federation of Modern Languages & Literatures at Liege, August 1960, corrected misconceptions on Bernolak and Stur and their reforms. Anton Bernolak codified in 1870 a language which was already in use, according to Auty, and "in the following fifty or sixty years a considerable number of literary and other works were published or written in this (Bernolak's) form of Slovak". 23 The Czech language was, according to Auty, "sporadicalin Slovakia (with certain local modification) for used ly administrative and, still more occasionally, literary purposes". The reasons for this sporadic usage of Czech for administrative and "mor,e occasionally" also for literary purposes, are explained by Auty in his statement that "since the Reformation the Czech had been the language of the Lutheran scriptures and Church Services in Slovakia". "Stur, Protestant though he was, acted against what he regarded as an unnatural linguistic situation which had been brought about by the hazards of history. His reaction was radical" - says Auty, and gives a detailed picture of the changes which were brought about in the Slovak language by the agreement of the Catholics and Protestants in order to end bilingualism in Slovak literature. Auty's views on the reform of the , Slovak literary language which took place in the 1840's are fairly in line with the historical truth and recent r-esearch. According to him "Catholic and Protestant Slovaks agreed to accept a new written form of their language for all purposes: this has been worked out by U. Stur in discussion with other Slovak intellectual leaders in the perfod 1842-44 and was somewhat modified by M. M. Hodza and M. Hattala in subsequent years". _,/ SLOVAKIA 9 Stur "on more than one occasion praised the work of Bernolak, and above all, the poetry of Jan Holly and fully accepted one element of Bernolak's linguistic reform - the orthographical system" - continues Auty. The general pattern of the language, as fashioned by Stur, was in accordance with the needs of Slovak Society and has proven itself - and Stur's genius - by its survivor". 2 " R. G. A. de Bray, in his Guide to the Slavonic Languages, is equally close to the views of Slovak philologists and literary historians. "It is not true to say" - writes de Bray - "that Slovak was not written till the nineteenth century, as some assert. It is true that the modern literary language, as we know it today, was then first stabilized, but there are traces of the Slovak language in the local Latin documents from the elev,enth to the fifteenth centuries, Latin being the official language at the time". 25 On the relation between the Czech and Slovak de Bray expressed the following view: "While the phonetic system of Slovak is more conservative than that of Czech and so is nearer to that of Old Slavonic and other Slavonic languages, its morphological system has developed further than that of Czech, its nearest relative, mainly through the workiings of analogy and the generalization of certain standard endings, especially in the plural of nouns. Both the 1st and 2nd palatalization of gutturals occur less frequently in the declensions than they do in Czech, owing to the workings of analogy, as in Russian and Slov•enian. And in general Slovak morphology has fewer irregularities, exceptions, and archaic survivals, such as the declension of Kamen (- stone) in Czech. Prof. Roman Smal-Stocki in his paper Discrimination and Bias in Two Unesco Publications also raised his voice against treating Slovak and Czech "as one unit". "From the linguistic point of view" - says Prof. Smal-Stocki - "it js inadmissible to mix state units with existing languages and to treat "as one unit" Czech and Slovak, because the linguistic fact is that in existence are two separate units, Czech and Slovak". 26 The contributors to the Encyclopedia Britanica (1959, Vol. 20) published some correct and some incorrect views, 10 SLOVAKIA but they grasped the essential points of difference between the Czech and Slovak. 27 "The Czech, as spoken and written today in Bohemia, diverges considerably from Slovak - says the Encyclopedia. The disagreement is least marked in vocabulary but appears prominently in the phonetics; in particular the itacism so distinct a characteristic of Czech, is non-existent in Slovak, which has preserved the fuller diphthongs (ia, ie, iu etc.) of the Slavonic languages; a further small.er point is the dz, from Common Slav dj, is used (as in Polish) where Czech has z. In one point only is there a divergence which goes back beyond the time of the common ancestry of the two languages; Slovak has not developed the t, which is characteristic of Czech and in that language occurs since the beginning of its literature. The Slovak palatalization of n, d, t and 1 after e, which does not occur in modern literary Czech, is a further point of disagreement, although this would not be obvious from Slovak spelling which does not find it necessary to distinguish by diacritics; consonanrts are always softened in this position". The Encyclopedia also points out to the relation of Slovak with other Slavic languages. It says: "The dialectical development shows some characteristics identical with those in South Slavonic and Russian. Not everywhere, for example, have u and i been confused, and instead of the e, which is the normal result in Slovak as in Czech, we find in Eastern dialects an o from the u, thus agreeing with Russian. An agreement with South Slavonic is the occurrence of raz- and la- and lo-. Because of these and other phonetic and morphological reasons the grammarian Czambel, a keen opponent of the identity of Czech and Slovak, has asserted that Slovak should rightly be associated with South Slavonic". 28 It would appear from this brief survey that European Sl~vists are very close to the views of Slovak philologists and that misconceptions, which we still can find in American symposia, considered hereafter, are disappearing from European Slavic studies. Very close to the views of European Slavists is also the well-known Canadian Slavist Prof. W. Kirkconnell who already in 1939 stated: "It cannot be too strongly emphasized that the Slovaks are not Czechs, and that there is no such ciieature as a 'Czechoslovak'. While they speak closely related Slavic languages, Slovak is not SLOVAKIA 11 a mere dialect of Czech. The differences are about as great as those between the similarly related languages, Dutch and German. I have on my shelves Miroslav Kalal's Slovak-Czech dictionary (published 1924), in which there are 35,000 Slovak words that were apparently unintelligible to a Czech and hence required definition." (d. Canada, Europe, and Hitler, p. 44) IV. Misconceptions in American symposia and surveys With the sudden development of Slavic Studies on the American continent came hand in hand a large number of symposia, handbooks and surveys on Slavic literatures and langutlges. They are, however, written predominantly by scholars and writers with European schooling and background and, therefore, it is more appropriate to speak, in this respe0t, rather of American symposia than of American Slavists. A survey of several such symposia indicates that there are misconceptions not only in the relation of the Slovak with the Czech, but also on the history of the Slovak literary language and the role of foreign languages in Slovak literature. In this respect, we read not without surprise that even the well-known Slavist, Roman Jakobson, helped to spread some erroneous views on the Slovak language. In his study Slavic Languages, he writes as follows: "Toward the middle of the same (i.e. the 19th) century, the Slovaks, who had used literary Czech (somewhat adapted to their own habits) inaugurated their own literary language based on the central Slovak dialect but patterned after standard Czech". 29 Prof. A. Senn in Strakhovsky's Handbook of Slavic Studies, completed and modified Jakiobson's description of Slovak literary language. His classification of Slovak is correct, but we could hardly agree with certain parts of his definition. Prof. A. Senn says: "Slovak forms a connecting link with the South Slavic Slovenian and is more archaic than Czech. Otherwise differences between Czech and Slovak are not very great. Slovak became a literary language at the beginning of the nineteenth century . . . Slovak and Czech form one "Czechoslovak unit". 12 SLOVAKIA In the same symposium, another contributor, Otto Radl, admitted that "as early as 1635 in Trnava books were printed in different Slovak dialects", but he confusingly states further that it was only i,n 1844, in the period of Romanticism, that "the therefore common written language, the Czech, was being replaced by a newly-originated Slovak literary language". According to Radl "this movement had been begun at the end of the 18th century by the learned Slovak philologist Anton Bernolak who published several works in Latin in which he tried to show that the Slovaks were a separate nation and that they should therefore use their own distinctive written language based on dialects spoken in Western Slovakia". 30 A similar version can be found in Prof. H. S. Thompson's book "Czechoslovakia in European History", who says that "a deliberate effort to substitute for the written Czech then in use in Slovakia a language based upon a local dialect came from the Catholic camp only in 1790, when Anton Bernolak published a Gramatica slavica". However, he asserts further that "about the only followers Bernolak had were Catholic writers, and even among them the vogue for his grammar and dictionary soon died out. The year 1834-1835 is usually given" - concludes Thompson - "as the date of the rise of written Slovak, although strictly speaking, Stur did not make his first formal declarartion until 1846". 31 In R. J. Kerner's symposium Czechoslovakia and in V. Busek-N. Spulber's Czechoslovakia under Communism, we find only slightly modified or re-worded versions of the views mentioned above. "Catholic Slovaks under Bernolak tried to create with indifferent success a written Slovak dialect", we read in Kerner's symposium, and Busek-Spulber's symposium gives the following genesis of the Slovak literary language: " ... the first attempts were made (aside from earlier sporadic ventures) to establish a distinct Slovak literary language in the last decade of the 18th century by Anton Bernolak (1762-1813) who selected the Western Slovak dialects as a basis of the new literary medium: his suggestions, not elaborated linguistically, did not take permanent hold. "The decisive step towards the establishment of Slovak literary language was undertaken through the initiative of the Protestants. Ludovit St(ir selected the central Slovak dialect for the Slovak literary medium. Beginning in the SLOVAKIA 13 1840's, several poets followed Stur and used the new literary language with great skill".32 It is perhaps not necessary to sum up all the mistaken assertions and impressions which we find in the symposia mentioned here. The foregoing views of European and Slovak philologists showed that Slovak was spoken by Slovak people from the dawn of their history and that it was in use for literary purposes from the 17th century, and Bernolak codified only a literary language used by the majority of Slovaks for more than 150 years. The function of the Czech language in Slovakia and the reasons for its sporadic use, besides Latin and Slovak, were also explained by Slovak as well as European Slavists. Responsibility for the lack of precision and mistaken views in American symposia might lay with the sources used by the contributors to these symposia. It would appear that they predominantly relied on old studies, which favoured the biased conceptions of linguistic, cultural -and political unity of Czechs and Slovaks, and which has been abandoned during the past two decades even by the Czech philologists, as we shall see from the survey of Czech and Slovak contemporary linguistic studies. Since all the symposia under review were edited or written by writers who specialized in Slavic studies, we might perhaps mention also at this point that academic precision would have required to say that before Stur's reform Slovaks used for literary purposes far more frequently Latin, on the Catholic side, and German, on the Protestant J.ide, than the Czech "somewhat adapted to their own hal>its". Bernolak codified Slovak language in Latin works, the first works on history of Slovakia were written by their Slovak authors also in Latin, and on the Protestant side Safarik wrote his first scholarly work in German, used Czech later only because he was forced to do it by unhappy circumstances, and Kollar also wrote in German his treatise on Slavic solidarity -Ober die Literarische Wechselseitigkeit zwischen den verschiedenen Stammen und Mundarten der slavischen Nation. Equally imprecise for a scholarly writer is to say that Stur's reform was based "on the central Slovak dialect but patterned after standard Czech". Recent research proves that Stur relied on Bernolak in many respects and that the literary language, reformed by Stur, "was not based on the dialect of any single area, but represented a kind of 'koine' of the 14 SLOVAKIA central Slovak dialects, eschewing features from both the eastern and western dialects" - as R. Auty correctly says and new works on Slovak language confiirm. V. "Marxist" conceptions of literary Slovak and the origins of the Slovak language Slovak philology has been exposed, since the inclusion of Slovakia into the Soviet political and cultural sphere, to the influence of Marxist criteria and method, and is gradually developing with considerable dependence on Soviet philology. There were strong attempts at the beginning to apply to Slovak philology "the theoretical directives given the Marxist philology by J. V. Stalin in his genial work Marxism and Problems of Linguistics"33 and later other Soviet examples were imitated. However, a considerable number of Slovak philologists adhered, in the first place, to scientific principles and methods and results of favourable development of Slovak philology are visible in two recent bibliographies, not only in the number of entries, but also in the number of fields covered. Scholarly research into the Slovak language is, of course, still the principal field of interest. The number of works, studies and articles referring to Slovak, its history and development during the period of 1939-1945 alone was over 1000 and amounts to 700 in Dvonc's Bibliography of Slovak philology which covers only the years 1948-1952. Many of these entries were written by highly qualified philologists of Slovak or foreign origin (J. Stanislav, L. Novak, E. Pauliny, V. Uhlar, A. Janosik, S. Peciar, J. Horecky, V. Blanar, E. Jona, Kniesza, Vazny, Kiraly, Stieber etc.) and they cover the history of literary languages in Slovakia, historical grammar, dialectology, ,etymology, phonology, orthography, vocabulary, etc. From the published works by the "marxist" philologists and literary historians it is obvious that the theses on the Slovak language, on the history of the Slovak literary language and on the function of some fureign languages (Czech, Czechoslovak) in Slovak literature, which theses were intended to support the political theory of a single Czechoslovak nation, have been definitely buried. Particularly noteworthy in this regard is the work of the Czech University Profe~or A. Dostal, 34 and of the Slovak school, Prof. E. Pauliny's Dejiny spisovnej slovenciny (History of Literary Slovak, Brati- SLOVAKIA 15 slava, 1948), and A. Mraz's Dejiny slovenskej literatury (History of Slovak Literature, Bratislava, 1948), as well as the papers read at the Moscow Fourth International Congress of Slavists in 1958. Professor A. Dostal, in his work "Nastin dejin ceskeho a slovenskeho jazyka" published in Prague in 1954, accepted not only the thesis that the Slovak is a distinct and ancient tongue, but he also condemned the traditional views of Czech philologists. "Slovak language whose development goes back to ancient times, was established as a literary language in connection with the formation of Slovaks into a nation", says Dostal. "Its establishment cannot at all be viewed as a separation from the literary Czech language, but as a long, slow development towards a literary language ... " Prof Dostal goes even further and says that the attempts to impose the Czech language upon Slovaks as literary medium must be considered "as a negation of centuries long development which in the 1840's was already a historical fact in Slovakia ... " 35 The paper of Prof. E. Pauliny on bilingualism in the history of the Slovak literary language, d_eserves particular attention. Pauliny tries to explain the function of the Czech language in Slovakia in the XVth and the following centuries on the basis of social and economic phenomena and changes. He has arrived, nevertheless, at the same conclusions as the philologists who did not apply "Marxist criteria" in philology, i.e. that the Czech language was a foreign language in Slovakia and could not stand competition with the Slovak vernacular when the Slovak ethnicum evolved in its national consciousness. Literary Slovak won in spite of the fact that the Protestant minority, predominantly of Czech origin, at that time tried to maintain it even in the XIXth century when the Slovak literary language was established by the Catholic majority (80%) over a century ago. The relation between the Czech and Slovak is, therefore, according to Pauliny, that of bilingualism. 36 In the introduction to his book Dejiny spisovnej slovenciny, Pauliny understands the history of the language as the history of the origin, disappearance and changes of its individual styles. However, in the book itself, he divided the history of the Slovak literary language according to the HS SLOVAKIA languages which were used by the Slovaks as literary languages in addition to the spoken vernacular from the time of the Greater Moravia. He writes: "Although, in this case, the period of the actual Slovak literary language can begin only with Bernolak, or with the period shortly before Bernolak, nevertheless, it is not possible to begin the history of the literary languages of the Slovaks either with Bernolak or Stur, but it is necessary to go deep into the past, all the way to the very beginnings of the historical period of our nation in the Greater Moravian epoch, nay, in certain matters, it is necessary to go even further, into the prehistoric period, when our ancestors were not yet baptized and did not participate in the Eul'opean culture which was introduced to us by Chl'istianity". In his contribution to a volume O vzajomnych vzt'ahoch Cechov a Slovakov, published in 1956 by the Slovak Academy of Sciences, Pauliny states that "Bernolak codified a language which can be traced in the writings of the middle-class, the lower nobility and educated Slovaks back to the 15th century, and this in both Catholic and Protestant writings". 37 Stu.r's reform, which is erroneously presented by some Slavists as the beginning of the Slovak literary language (in this respect even Jakobson is wrong), in Pauliny's view, is but a "younger branch of Bernolak's school". 38 In the opinion of Prof. A. Mraz, who still remains the main authority in Marxist literary history of Slovakia, Anton Bernolak reformed and codified the Slovak literary language and its orthography. 39 Mraz regards the activity which Ol'iginated around the Catholic University of Trnava (1635) as a starting point for introducing Slovak vernacular as a literary medium and stresses that the first manifestation of the new era in Slovak national life was the publication of Cantus Catholici by Benedict Szollosi in 1655. "The book Cantus Catholici", says Mraz, "laid the foundation on which the language used by Slovak Catholic writers, was formed into an independent Slovak literary language. Crystallization of the language, which Slovak Catholic writers used during the period of the University of Trnava (16351777), progressed so far in accordance with the spoken language in Western Slovakia that, when Bernolak and his followers came, at the end of the 18th century, with the idea SLOVAKIA 17 of an independent literary language, they merely codified, in many respects, a language used and domesticated among the Catholic Slovak writers of the preceding period". 40 Scholarly basis to this conception of the development of the Slovak literary language was given by several philologists of today's Slovakia, among whom noteworthy is in the first place Prof. Jan Stanislav with his two volumes on the history of the Slovak language (Dejiny slovenskeho jazyka) and philological studies of J6na, Uhlar, Ruzicka, Peciar etc. 41 By a careful analysis of the fundamental roots of both languages, Czech and Slovak, as well as through the comparative study of their later developments, they revealed the true basis of the Slovak language and have classified it properly as one of the distinct Slavonic languages which developed after the disappearance of the Old Slavonic language. As a result of this development the relation between the two literary languages of today's Czecho-Slovakia is now officially accepted as a relation between two Slavic but distinct languages. The Czech poetry and prose are translated into the Slovak and vice versa as the Polish or Russian have been. Life and historical facts prevailed over artificial tendencies and theories a long time ago, and finally they have prevailed even over the reluctance of some politicians and philologists to recognize their victory. A century-long debate, as to whether Slovak is a dialect of the Czech language or a distinct Slavonic tongue, has thus been "officially" closed by the recognition on both Czech and Slovak sides that, from its earliest beginnings, the Slovak language has always manifested a distinct identity as a Slavonic tongue of the inhabitants of Slovakia. NOTES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY See the following symposia: R. J . Kerner, Czechoslovakia, (Berkeley, Calif., University of California Press, 1949), and L. I. Strakhovsky, ed. Handbook of Slavic Studies ( Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1949) the article by 0 . Rad!. The chapter on the Slavic languages by A. Senn in the same symposium is in accordance with recent research. Slavonic Encyclopedia, chapter by J. S. Roucek (New York, 1949) in the same category as Kerner's symposium. 2. See Eugen Pauliny, Dejiny spisovnej slovenciny (Bratislava, Slovenska Akademia vied a umeni, 1948) . 3. Cf. A. Mraz, Die Literatur der Slovaken (Wien, 1943). 1. 18 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21 . SLOVAKIA Cf. Prof. A. Dostal, Ncistin dejin ceskeho a siovenskeho jazyka (Prague, 1954), pp. 200-206. Cf. J. M. Kirschbaum, "Contemporary Tendencies in Slovak Philoiogy", Etudes siaves et Est Europeennes, IV, (1959-60 ), pp. 163-174. Cf. E. Pauliny, op. cit., and Jan Stanislav, Dejiny siovenskeho jazyka (Bratislava, 1957), p. 326, also H. Bartek, siovensky pravopis, (Whiting, Ind., 1956). N. S. Toubetzkoy, Grundzuge der Phonofogie, (Prague, 1939), pp. 117, 136, 141. J. Dobrovsky and P. J. Safarik have traced the linguistic line which separated the Czech and Slovak dialects around the Moravia. Cf. J. Skultety, Sketches from siovak History, (Middetown, Pa., 1936) and his Stodvadsat'piit' rokov zo siovenskeho zivota, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1920. Cf. E. Pauliny, Dejiny spisovnej siovenciny, p. 41. Benedicti Grammaticae Bohemicae iibri due, (Prague, 1603) p. VI, has written: "Neque tamen ego hie eos ad Bohemicam linguam cogo, sed ad exercitationem et culturam ipsorum idiomatis invito: praesertim cum non tantum in civitatibus et oppidis, sed etiam in pagis scholis abundent". Cf. E. Pauliny, op. cit., pp. 57 and 113, and A. Mraz, Dejiny siovenskej Hteratury, p. 108. See, J. Skultety, op. cit., p. 23, and Jaroslav Vlcek, Medzi Vcihom a Vitavou, (Bratislava 1957), pp. 228-234. J. Skultety, op. cit., pp. 20-30. L. I. Strakhovsky, op. cit., pp. 494-495. E. Pauliny, op. cit., pp. 30-36. 0. Radl, in L. I. Strakhovsky's Handbook of siavic Studies, p. 491. Cf. E. Pauliny, op. cit., p. 36-37 and 53. Pauliny is of the opinion that the occupation of Hungary by Turks (1526) helped the penetration of the Czech language, since there was a sort of common border between Slovakia and Moravia in the Habsburg Monarchy. E. Pauliny, op. cit., p. 17; A. Mraz, op. cit., pp. 12-16, and Jan Stanislav, op. cit. p. 12. J. Dobrovsky in 1875 wrote that Slovak is close to the Croat and Slovene languages in several respects. Zd. Stieber considers certain characteristics of the Slovak language as southern Slavic elements (juhoslavismy) . Cf. Jan Stanislav, Dejiny siovenskeho jazyka, p. 387. V. Jagic, Entstehungsgeschichte der Kirchensiawischen Sprache (Wien, 1900), p. 19; E. Pauliny, 0 vzcijomnych vzt'ahoch cechov a Slovcikov (Bratislava, 1956), p. 101., and David Diringer, Cambridge Univ., England, article in The Encydopedia Americana, Can. Edition, 1963, p. 379-380. S. Czambel, siovenskci rec a jej miesto v rodine siovanskych jazykov, (Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1906), pp. 320, and J. M. Kirschbaum, I!udovit stur and His Piace in the siavic World, Slavistica No. 32, Cleveland, Ohio, 1956. A. Senn "Slavic Linguistics", in Handbook of Slavic Studies, edited by L. I. Strakhovsky, p. 116-139, and R. G. A. de Bray, Guide To The siavonic Languages (London & New York, J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd., 1951), p. 513. J . M. Kirschbaum, "A Note on Two Modern Slovak Translators SLOVAKIA 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 19 of Mickiewicz" in Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature, edited by W. Lednicki, (Berkeley & Los Angeles, Calif. University of Calif. Press, 1956) , p. 487-493. T. Lehr-Splawinski, Preglad i charakterystyka jezykow slowianskich (Warszawa, 1954,) p. 71. Robert Auty, "Dialect, Koine and Tradition in the Formation of Literary Slovak", The Slav onic and East European Review, XXXIX, (1961), p . 331-356. Ibidem, pp. 342-346. R. G. A. de Bray, op. cit., pp. 513-515. Roman Smal-Stocki, Discrimination and Bias in Two UNESCO Publications, (New York, Shevchenko Scientific Society, 1961), p. 3. T. Lehr-Splawinski, op. cit. p. 71. Ibid. p. 800. Roman Jakobson, Slavic Languages (New York, Columbia University Press, 1949) , p. 10. L. I. Strakhovsky, op. cit. p. 491. See S. H . Thomson, Czechoslovakia in European History, (Prince: ton, University Press, 1943) , p. 242-258. V. Busek-Spulber, Czechoslov akia under Communism (New York Mid-European Study Center, 1957) , 193-197. See J. M. Kirschbaum "Contemporary Tendencies in Slovak Philology", Etudes Slaves et Est-Europeennes, vol. IV, (1960), pp. 163-174. A. Dostal, Nastin dejin ceskeho a slovenske ho jazyka (Prague, 1954), pp. 200-201. See also "Die Tschechoslowakische Sprachenwissenschaft in den Jahren 1933 bis 1944" - Zeitschrift fur Slavische Philologie, Band XXIX, XXX, XXXI, Heidelberg, 196263. See esp. Vol. XXX, 1. p. 164-180. A. Dostal, op. cit., pp. 200-201. E. Pauliny, Dejiny spisovnej slovenciny (Bratislava, 1948) , p. 46-108. Symposium O vzajomnych vzt'ahoch techov a Slovakov, (Bratislava, Slovenska Akademia Vied, 1956) . teskoslovenske pfednasky pro IV. Medzinarodni zjezd slavistu v Moskve, ed. Ceskoslovensky komitet slavistu, (Praha, 1958). A. Mraz, Dejiny slovenskej literatury, (Bratislava, 1948) . Ibid. p. 101-118. See Bibliography. BIBLIOGRAPHY of selected works in English, French, German and Italian on Slovak Language and Literature Auty, Robert, The Evolution of Literary Slovak, Cambridge, 1953. Reprint from Transactions of the Philological Society, p. 143-160. Dialect, Koine and Tradition in the Formation of Literary Slovak (Paper presented to the VIIIth Congress of the International Federation of Modern Languages and Literatures at Liege, August 1960), published in The Slavonic and East European Review, Vol. 39, No. 93, London, 1961. 20 SLOVAKIA Bernolak, Anton, Slowakische Grammatik, Aus dem Lateinischen ins Deutsche iibersetzt, gedr. mit konigl. ung. Universitatsschriften, Offen, 1817. Bokes, F., Literarische Vbersicht des geschichtlichen Schaffens in der Slowakei, Leipziger Vierteljahrschrift fiir Siidosteuropa 4, Leipzig, 1940. Bray de, R. G. A., Guide To The Slavonic Languages (London & New York, J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd., 1951) , p. 513. Cizevsky, Dmitry, Outline of Comparative Slavic Literatures, American Academy of Arts and Sciences, Boston, Mass., 1952. On Romanticism in Slavic Literatures, Gravenhage, Monton & Co., 1957. Aus Zwei Welten, Beitrage zur Geschichte der Slawisch-westlichen literarischen Beziehungen, 1956. Mickiewicz, Stur and Kral, in W. Lednicki's Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature, Berkeley, 1956. A Bibliography of the Publications of Dr. Dmitry Cizevsky in the Fields of Literatiire, Language, Philosophy and Culture, Cambridge, Mass., 1952. Denis, Ernest, La question d'Autriche - Les Slovaques, Paris, 1917, Librairie Delagrave. One of the best books on Slovaks before the end of the First World War. His views on Bernolak, Stur, etc. are slightly distorted by the idea of the national and cultural unity of Czechs and Slovaks. Dixon, Charlton, Slovak Grammar for English speaking Students, Middletown, Pa., Jednota Printery, 1935. Harkins, W. E. - Simoncic, K., Czech and Slovak Literature, Oxford, King's Crown Press, 1951. Fischel, Alfred, Panslavismus bis zum Weltkrieg, Stuttgart und Berlin, 1919. One of the best documented works on Panslavism in the German language. Giusti, Walgango, Il Panslavismo, Milano, 1941, Instituto per gli studi di politica internazionale. Rather political than scholarly review of the idea of Panslavism among Slavic peoples. Gross, Felix (ed.), European Ideologies, New York, 1948, Philosophical Library, W. Lednicki's chapter on Panslavism. Scholarly written treatise from the Polish point of view. Hrobak, Philip A., Slovak Lessons, Lakewood, Ohio, Middletown, Pa., Jednota Printery, 1935. The Slovak Language, Book I - II. Middletown, Pa. , Jednota, 1935-1936. Hrusovsky, F., Geschichte der Slowakei, Bratislava, 1942. This is Slovakia, Scranton, Pa., 1953. Jakobson, Roman, Sur l'histoire et sur les relations mutuelles du tcheque et du slovaque. Le Monde slave, XIV., 1937, 353-366. Slavic Languages, Columbia University Press, 1949. Kirschbaum, J . M., Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, New York, Speller & Sons, 1960. Slovak Literature under the Soviet Impact, The Slavic and EastEuropean Studies, Montreal, 1956, Part 1, p. 45-54. nudovit Stur and His Place in Slavic World, Slavistica No. 32, Winnipeg-Cleveland, 1956. Contemporary Tendencies in Slovak Philology, An Offprint from SLOVAKIA 21 Slavic and East-European Studies, Vol. IV, No. 3-4, Montreal, 1960. Pavel Jozef Safarik and His Contribution to Slavic Studies, The Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1962, Slavistica No. 43, p. 51. A Note on Two Slovak Translators of Mickiewicz in W. Lednicki's Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature, Berkeley, 1956. Anton Bernolak - The First Codifier of the Slovak Language, Slavistica No. 52, Cleveland - Winnipeg, 1964. Slovak Literary History in Marxist and Western Interpretations. A reprint from Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. VI, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1964. The Role of the Cyrilo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak National and Political Life. An offprint from Slovak Studies III, Rome, 1963. La litterature de la periode cyrillo-methodienne et la slovaquie. An offprint from Slovak Studies III, Rome, 1963. La place du slovaque parmi les langues slaves. An offprint from Etudes slaves et est-europeennes, Vol. VIII. Fasc. 3-4, Universite de Montreal, 1963. Jan Kollar - Slovak Poet of Pan-Slavism, Slavistica No. 56, The Slovak Institute, Cleveland-Toronto-Winnipeg, 1966. Kohn, Hans, Pan-Slavism, Its History and Ideology, University of Notre Dame Press, 1953. One of the most objective books on Pan-Slavism. Konus, Joseph, Practical Slovak Grammar. A textbook for high schools, colleges and adult private students, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1939. New English-Slovak Dictionary, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1941. Kniezsa, Stefan, Zur Geschichte der Jugoslavismen im Mittelslowakischen, Budapest, 1948, tire a part des Etudes slaves et roumaines, Vol. 1, Fasc. 3. Kramoris, Ivan J., An Anthology of Slovak Poetry, Scranton, 1947. A selection of lyric and narrative poems including some members of Stur's group. Slovakia and Slovak Literature. Reprinted from the Catholic Encyclopedia, New York, 1950. A Chronological Outline of Slovak Literature and History, Passaic, N. J., 1946 Krcmery, Stefan, A Survey of Modern Slovak Literature, Offprint from The Slavonic Review, Vol. VII, No. 19, 1928-1929. Lednicki, Waclaw (ed.), Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature, University of California Press, 1956. Articles by D. Cizevsky and J. M. Kirschbaum. Leger, Louis, Le panslavisme et l'interet francais, Paris, 1917, Ernest Flammarion. Relatively objective study of pan-slavism and Slovak contribution. French point of view. Locher, T. J., Die nationale Differenzierung und Integrierung der Slowaken und Tschechen in ihrem geschichtlichen Verlauf bis 1848, Harlem, 1931. Macartney, C. A ., Hungary and Her Successors, London-New York- Toronto, 1937. Manning, Clarence A. (ed.), An Anthology of Czech and Slovak Poetry, New York, 1929, Columbia University Press. Contains translations by Prof. Kirkconnell, Kramoris, Gallik, Manning, Slabey, Kotouc, etc. 22 SLOVAKIA Meriggi, Bruno, Storia deUe letterature ceca e slovacca. University of Florence, 1959. Mikus, J . A., La Slovaquie dans le drame de l'Europe, Paris, Les Iles d'Or, 1955. La Slovaquie, Individualite politique de l'Europe Centrale, Paris, 1952. Mraz, Andreas, Die Literatur der Slowaken, Wien-Stuttgart, 1943. A History of Slovak literature by a contemporary scholar and professor at the University of Bratislava. The work was completed and edited in the Slovak language in 1948 by The Slovak Academy of Sciences and Arts and presents one of the best works on the history of Slovak literature. Pastrnek, Fr., Beitriige zur Lautlehre der Slowakischen Sprache in Ungarn (Aus dem Sitzungsberichten der philos.-hist. Klasse der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften), Wien, 1888. Petrovich, Michael B., The Emergence of Russian Panslavism, Columbia University Press, 1956. Rekem, John, The Origin and Dei;elopment of the Slovak Language, an offprint from Slovakia, Vol. XII, No. 35, Middletown, Pa., 1962. Slovak Literature and National Consciousness Before Bernolak, Cleveland, 1965. Seton-Watson, R. H. , A History of the Czechs and Slovaks, London, 1943. Scholarly written history by one of the best defenders of the Slovak people at the beginning of this century (see his Racial Problems in Austria-Hungary) who turned against the Slovak movement for autonomy and independence being influenced by his Czech friends. Scotus, Viator, Racial Problems in Hungary, London, 1908. Slovak Studies I, Historica 1, Slovak Institute, Rome, 1961. Safarik, J . P., Geschichte der Slawischen Sprache und Literatur nach allen Mundarten. Mit konigl. ung. Universitatsschriften, Offen, 1826. Skultety, Joseph, Sketches From Slovak History, Middletown, Pa., 1930, Jednota Press. Translation from Slovak by 0 . D. Koreff. Skultety was professor at the University of Bratislava and one of the most outstanding figures in the Slovak cultural life in the first half of the century. Stefanek, Anton, Zur Soziographie der geistigen Kultur in der Slowakei, Bratislava, 1944. Strakhovsky, L. I. (ed.), A Handbook of Slavic Studies, Harvard University Press, 1949, chapters by A. Senn and Otto Radl. Both articles reflect recent research, though Radl's contribution is strongly pro-Czech. Vajda, Jaroslav, Bloody Sonets, transl. from Hviezdoslav, P. 0., Scranton, Pa., 1950. Viktorin, J. K. Gramatik der Slowakischen Sprache. Zurn Schul-und Selbstunterricht, Budapest, 1862. Tourtzer, H. Louis Stur et l'idee de !'independence slovaque, Cahoss et Alencon, Paris, 1913. Trubetzkoy, N. S., Grundzilge der Phonologie, Prag, 1939. (on Slovak language p. 117-118, 136, 141, 143, 161, 167, 170, 175, 208, 245.) Yourchak, Peter P., The Slovaks, Whiting, Ind., 1947, Lach editions, SLOVAKIA 23 chapters from Slovak history and literature destined for Americans of Slovak origin. BIBLIOGRAPHY in Slavic Languages Bartek, Heinrich, Anton Bernolak, Trnava, 1937. £udovit Stur a slovencina, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1943. Krest'anstvo a slovencina, in the Symposium Nadej vit'azna, Scranton, Pa., 1947. Slovensky pravopis s gramatickymi pouckami a slovnikom, Whiting, Ind., Lach Publications, 1956. Spravna vyslovnost' slovenska, Bratislava, 1943. Blanar, Vincent, Bibliografia jazykovedy na Slovensku v rokoch 19391947. Slovenska akademia vied a umeni. Bratislava, 1950. Bobek, W., Prehl'adne dejiny slovenskej literatury, Bratislava, 1939. Mickiewicz v literaturze slowackiej, Praha, 1931. Dzieje literatury slowackiej w zarysie. An offprint from Slowacja i Slowacy, Edit. W. Semkowicz, Krakow, 1938. Czambel, Samo, Prispevky k dejinam jazyka slovenskeho, Budapest, 1887. Slovenska rec a jej miesto v rodine slovanskych jazykov, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1906. Slovensky pravopis. Historicko-kriticky nakres. Budapest', 1890. Dvonc, Ladislav, Bibliografia slovenskej jazykovedy za roky 1948- 1952. Matica slovenska, Martin, 1957. Gajdos, V. J. Slovenske glosy v latinskom missali za XVI. storocia, Historica slovacca I-II, Bratislava, 1940-1941, 221-243. Grabowski, T. S., Dwaja Slowaccy pionerzy oswiecenia i postepu, Bernolak i Fandly, 1951. Hattala, Martin, Kratka mluvnica slovenska, Bratislava, 1852. Gramatica linguae slovenicae, Schemnicii, 1850. Hodza, Michal M., Vetin o slovencine, Levoca, 1848. Isacenko, A. V. Zaciatky vzdelanosti vo Vel'komoravskej risi, Jazykovedny sbornik I-II, 1947, 137-178. Jagic, I. V., Istorija slavianskoj filologii, S. Petersburg, 1910. Jankovic, V. "Prvy preklad slovensky celeho Pisma svateho", Verbum I, Bratislava, 1946-1947. Kondrasov, N. A., Kategorija licnosti i nelicnosti v slovackom jazyku, MGU, 1949. Programma po istoriji slovackogo jazyka. Programma po sovremennom slovackom jazyku, Izdatelstvo Moskovskogo universiteta, 1951. Slavianskaja filologia, Stati i monografiji, Izdatelstvo Moskovskogo univerziteta, 1951. Kotvan, Imrich, "Jozef Ignac Bajza a slovenska rec", Linguistica slovaca III, Bratislava, 1941. Juraj Fandly, Trnava, 1946. "Juraj Fandly a slovensky jazyk", Linguistica slovaca I-II, Bratislava, 1939. Bernolakovci, Trnava, 1948. Bibliografia bernolakovcov, Matica slovenska, Martin, 1957. 24 SLOVAKIA Magiera, J., Literatura czeska i slowacka, Obraz pismiennictwa, Warszawa, 1929. Magnuszewski, J., Mickiewicz wsr6d Slowakow. Wroclaw, 1956. Misianik, Jan, Dejiny starsej slovenskej literatury, SAV, Bratislava, 1958. Stran 320. Mraz, Andrej, Gavlovicova skola krest'anskci. Brati!lava, 1940. Dejiny slovenskej literatury, Bratislava, 1948. Novak, l;udovit, Cestina na Slovensku a vznik spisovnej slovenciny. Odtlacok zo Slovenskych pohl'adov LIV, 1938. Jazykovedne glosy k ceskoslovenskej otcizke, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1935. ~udovit Stur ako jazykovedec, Slovenske pohl'ady III, 1936. Pastrnek, Fr., Starci jazykovci pamcitka slovenskci, Sbornik filologicky VII, 1922. Pauliny, Eugen, Na okraj kamaldulskeho Pisma, Verbum I, 1946-1947. Glosy k pomeru: bernolcictina a sturovcina, Kultura XIV, 1942. Dejiny spisovnej slovenciny, Slovenska akademia vied a umeni, Bratislava, 1948. Pisut, Milan, Literatura ncirodneho obrodenia, SAV, Bratislava, 1960, p. 490. Slovensky litercirny romantizmus, C-sl. prednasky pro medzinarodni sjezd slavistu v Moskve. Semkowicz, W., Slowacia i Slovacy, Krakow, 1937. Skultety, Jozef, Stodvadsat'piit' rokov zo slovenskeho zivota 1790-1914, Martin, 1920. 0 Slovcikoch, Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1936. Sobolevskij, A. I., Cerkovno-slavianskije texty moravskogo proischozdenija, Ruskij filologiceskij vestnik, 1900. Stanislav Jan, K jazykovednemu dielu A. Bernolcika, Bratislava, 1941. Pribinovi velmozi, Linguistica slovaca I-II, 1939-1940. "Spisovny jazyk slovensky", Symposium Slovanske jazy ky v dobe pfitomne, Praha, 1937. Dejiny slovenskeho jazyka I-II, Slovenska akademia vied, Bratislava, 1958. Stiebr, Zdislaw, Zarys dialektologii jezykow zachodnio-slowianskich. Warszawa, 1956. Stur, l;udovit, Nauka reci slovenskej, Bratislava, 1846. Ncirecia slovenskuo, Bratislava, 1844. Tibensky, Jan, J. Papanek • J. Sklenar: Obrancovia slovenskej ncirodnosti v XVIII. storoci. Osveta, Martin, 1958. "K problemu hodnotenia bernolactiny a bernolakovskeho hnutia". Historicky casopis, VII., 4, 1959. "Vznik, vyvoj a vyznam vel'komoravskej tradicie v slovenskom narodnom obrodeni. Sbornik O vzcijomnych vzt'ahoch Cechov a Slovcikov, SAV., 1956. Varsik, Branislav, Slovcici na prazskej univerzite do konca stredoveku, Bratislava, 1926. Vilikovsky, Jan, Cantus Catholici, Bratislava, 1935. Vlcek, Jaroslav, Dejiny literatury slovenskej, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1923. Weingart, Milos, 0 najstarsich jazykovych pamcitkach slovenskych, CMF., Prague 1935.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovak Language and its Place Among the Slavic Languages Description An account of the resource J. M. Kirschbaum Slovakia, Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966 pp. 1-24 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/3c67b573458ddcd07dfab57a20eae2ac.pdf 09d01fafd5281065eaf92974b3355566 PDF Text Text � � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1966, Vol. 16 Description An account of the resource Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 16 (No. 39) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/dd0f7cadc26f8f926b7874ebae07a808.pdf b26c6539621de46f28dc10f06ce5d47e PDF Text Text 178 SLOVAKIA CURRENT ISSUES PRESIDENT DR. JOSEPH TISO They died because they dared, and their daring was in behalf of the Slovak nation in whose behalf they dedicated their lives and fortunes. Slova1k leaders dared to proclaim Sloviak independence in the early spring of 1939 and they succeeded in establishing the Slov,a k Republic, which soon received official diiplomatic recognition by the countries of Europe--induding Germany, Russia, France, Great Britain, Spain, and Italy. Founded in the days of peace-six months before the outbreak of World War II-the Slovak State was destined to flounder in the days of peace after the war in the summer of 1945. Thus, through no fault of its own, the Slovak Republic vanished because of the dictates of those who came disguised as liberators. Its destruction was actually, therefore, the end result of postwar dictatorship. Prime victims of postwar revenge at the hands of the commlllllist coalition in Moscow, Prague and Bratislava were President Tiso and his government officials who had guided the Slovak Republic safely through the storms of World War II, only to have the Slovak Ship of State torpedoed treacherously and dishonorably by the 'liberators'. The Captain went down heroically with his Ship, as did many of his loyal colleagues. Their names are indelibly emblazoned on the glorious pages of Slovak history. Nothing can erase their golden memories from the minds and hearts of their countrymen. Slovak exiles scattered throughout the free world willingly bear witness in behalf of the Slovak Republic. Their testimony shows how grave a:nd injustice was inflicted upon the Slovak people and its government by the so-called liberators of World War II. The only way to correct this act of gross injustice to a freedom-loving people. the Slovaks,. is the restoration of their own independent self-governing state. No one can denv the ever-present reality of religious �SLOVAKIA 179 and political suppression of the Sloviaiks. How long a free world -can tolerate this situation is beyond comprehension, but it somehow indicates the moral bankruptcy of our age when so much injustice, oppression and persecution against so many goes on unchallenged in our times. Rev. Andrew Pir, O.S.B. CLERGY WITH MORAL BLEMISH USED AS COMMUNIST TOOL The conclave of the"peace priests" in Prague has ended. Two active government ministers made very clear the desire of the Communist regime to open negotiations with the Vatican on a modus vivendi between church and state. Although contacts were made with Rome as far back as the last phase of Vatican II, they ran aground due to the failure to reach agreement on several questions. The final note of discord was the appearance of two Slovak bishops-in-exile, Hnilica and Rusnak, which caused keen resentment in Prague, since the two dignitaries openly demanded that the Council plenum brand Communism as the " scourge of the 20th century". Moreover, the three Council fathers from the cSSR did not contradict them. The agreement which the Vatican has meantime con- eluded with Hungary and Yugoslavia, and the relaxation perceptible in its relationship to R um an i a, is causing Prague to fear that Czecho-Slovakia could some day become the victim of isolation. That fear prompted Minister of Education, Hajek to use the forum of the "peace priests" conference to make an offer of reconciliation to the Vatican, in which he appealed to the Pope for "realism". What is probably meant, is that Rome should reward with the title of bishop, those persons who, in the fifties, were installed in office by the Communists as general vicars, although most of them were Communist underlings, not daring to protest again the anti-church discrimination or the imprisonment of their own bishops who were incarcerated without benefit of fair trial. The Holy See, well aware �180 SLOVAKIA of the precarious position of the Prague government, is in no hurry to take Prague up on its offer, especially as the agreement between Hungary and the C h u r c h has not brought the desired results. The bishops installed there proved too ineffective, and consequently were unable to broaden the Church's sphere of operation. Hence the Vatican has chosen to wait and see how the agreement with Yugoslavia - made against the wishes of the bishops there - turns out, before it takes on a new risk with Prague. Informed circles know that one of the conditions for negotiations with the Czech government would be the removal of the governmentempowered persons in all dioceses who, as laymen, are in possession of the episcopal seal, while the vicars, inst a 11 e d simultaneous ly, ( drawn from the ranks of the "peace priests") would have to restrict themselves to a figure-head function in the various parishes. Prague would be willing, if these "peace priests" were to be given official status as bishops, thereby assuring a further Communist hold on the Church. The top echelon "peace priests", it should be noted, have "moral shortcomings", such as having broken their vow of celibacy and caused scandal among their congregations . Priests of this kind are always open to blackmail by the Communist Party, hoping as it does that eventual Vatican approval of such "poor specimens" may lead many of the religious-min ded to desert the church. Heading the "peace priests" is Minister of Health Plojhar, who was excommunica ted some years ago and is hated not only by his co-religionists but even by the Communist Party. An example of this dislike for Plojhar is seen in a resolution drawn up last spring in Olomouc by that city's school of medicine, appealing to Prague's Central Committee to remove Plojhar from his ministerial post on the grounds of being "not qualified" and having recourse to "Stalinist methods of operations". The attempt was, of course, unsuccessful, since President Novotny still needs his faithful henchman to keep the clergy "under control". Plojhar's power has only come to light in the past weeks, with the return of the two "neutral" Slovak bishops, Lazik and Necsey, who had �SLOVAKIA been in Rome for a long papal audience and were forced immediately upon their arrival at the Prague airport, to report to the general secretary of the "peace priests",one Mr. Benes. Prior to that, C a r d i n a 1 Konig, of Vienna, also had an audience with the Pope and reported to him on his impressions gained during a visit to Slovakia in September. According to his story, the bishops there are still under heavy emotional pressure, and after Konig's return to Austria they were immediately put through a thorough-going cross-examination by the secret police as to their conversations with the Viennese cardinal. It is also common knowledge that 181 the Prague "Ecclesiastical Office" forbade the reading of a pastoral letter at the beginning of the school year because it drew the attention of the faithful to the opportunity, under the constitution, for their children to get religious instruction. Should further proof of the Communist regime's hostility toward the church be desired, it can be seen in the fact that in the CSSR Gnly 35 new priests are ordained annually, compared with 300 before the war. The difficulties placed in the path of young people desiring to study theology today show more clearly than anything else that state-church coexistence is still a long way off. w.o. AS OTHERS SEE IT "Slovakia has always been a land of plenty, but never a land of long peace. Its people have been attacked from all sides. They have known the dread of encirclement and destruction by enemies who have looked with covetous eyes upon the Slovak rich land of the Danube Valley. "For more than 1,000 years, since the time St. Cyril and Methodius brought Christianity to the land of the Slovaks, it has been looked on as the birthplace of Christianity in Eastern Europe. In 830 the first Christian church was erected, in Nitra. It still stands today in Slo- vakia, if the Communists have not destroyed it. It is thus understandable that the Christian world witnesses the plight of the Slovak people today with deep concern. We pray that the Slovak people will soon attain their freedom from Soviet totalitarianism. "Nothing can be more harrowing to American citizens of Slovak birth, whose relatives still live in Slovakia, than the knowledge that their original homeland remains enslaved. Their heartstrings long to see them free. "Yet, beneath the iron rule of Slovakia's enslavement, the Slovak �182 SLOVAKIA spirit of independence still struggles against oppression. Under the very eyes of the Kremlin's agents, insurgents spread through the countryside ... "We who enjoy the freedom of the West have a sober lesson to learn from the unfortunate peoples of Slovakia who live under the Communist reign of terror. They have shown us that even in the darkest hours, the love of liberty need not die. Let us hope that the Slovaks are not resisting in vain, that with our help they shall one day be able to live in the atmosphere of freedom and dignity which is the right of all human beings . .. "American citizens of S 1 ova k descent and backround who are carrying on this vigorous battle against communism deserve the plaudits and continued support of all who believe in democracy." Extension of remarks of Honorable Hubert H. Humphrey of Minnesota in the Senate of the United States, Wednesday, April 1, 1953. "Hebrew, Latin, and Greek were the only languages approved for use in the liturgical services of the 9th century. SS. Cyril and Methodius authored and popularized a translation in the Slavonic language, at that time the vernacula r of the Slovaks, Croats, Bulgarians, Moravians, Serbians and Bohemians which is still in use today. They were pioneers centuries before Vatican II authorized the vernacular for all nations." - Rev. Paschal Boland, O.S.B. , S.T.D. "The great Christian historical background of the Slovak nation fitted well in this new country of ours. You may at times have found the task arduous but you can always tell you are on the rigth road if it is upgrade. " It is evident that the seed of Christianity planted in Slovakia more then a thousand years ago had a great influence on all citizens of central and eastern Europe radiating from what was then Great Moravia. It is a great credit to your nation that you have not only maintained the advantages derived from the teachings of the two great saints who evangelized your country but you have enriched a great many by furthering the cause of Christianity in a manner contagious to all other nations surrounding yours. " - Paul Tardif, M .P., Ottawa, Canada "So nationalistic are the Slovaks that they resent and deplore the official spelling of the name of that country. They would have it hyphenated - Czecho-Slovakia - to earn both separation and capitalization. Though they are blood relatives of the Czechs and speak a related language, they are militantly protective of their individuality and nationalism ... "Freedom loving peoples can admire the tenacity of the Slovaks. Slovakia, settled by the Slovaks _in the early middle ages, was dommated by invading Magyars for almost a thousand years. The Magyars who invaded that country in the year 906 forced the Slovaks to submit to cultural and political dominance. "But the Slovaks clung tenaciously and with bravery to their own ways, their own cultures and their own language and preserved them during a very long period when a lesser people would have been assimilated or destroyed as an entity. Pe ace loving, they have been exposed through all of history to wars, revolutions, and dissentions. It is little wonder that they fled their conquered land, where Slovakia was part of Hungary until 1918 ... "One does not willingly mistake a Czech for a Slovak nor a Slovak for a Czech because, despite kinship, both peoples have great pride in �SLOVAKIA their own. The political marriage of the Czechs with the Slovaks in the creation of Czechoslovakia is not a truly happy one. A militant Slovak once said, 'The Slovaks are neither Czechs nor Czechoslovakians, but Slovaks who intend to r e m a i n Slovaks' . . . the Slovaks have no real voice in the (Prague) government ... " - Charlie House, The Milwaukee Journal, December 11, 1966. "Despite their domination by the Soviets and their inferior relationship to their Czech neighbors, the Slovaks are a fiercely nationalistic people who make the most of their own language in their little corner of the Tatra mountains, having had to connive and struggle and die in order to keep their national identity alive. The Devin Fortress, west of the city, rising hundreds of feet above the Danube, is today a center of formal and informal activity as well as a tourist attraction. An amphitheater has been cut out of the slope of the hill running down to a stage platform on the shore of the Danube. In the ruins of this fortress, which N a p o l e o n had blown up in a moment of pique, the Slovak revolutionaries of the middle 1800s, led by I.:udovit Stur, used to gather in secret to sing national songs, to inflame each other to national consciousness, and adopted poetical Slovak names to knit them to their ideal of a free land of their own. Leaving the historic fort so closely identified with the freedom movement of the 19th century, we drove along a double barbed-wire fence separated by a raked 20-foot noman's-land, the 'Iron Cuvtain' dividing the unfree from the free world. "Today one could sense beneath the surface tension of life in a regulated society the sturdy stuborness of previous generations in a similar societal prison. The Czechs continue to distrust the Slovaks, even in the government and enforcement 183 of the Socialist regime. Though the Slovak youth serve in the army in numbers disproportionate to their population (Slovaks number about 25 percent), fewer than 1 percent of their number are officers. Though Socialist slogans adorn every square, red stars top factories and schools, and pictures of Communist le a d er s occupy the walls of public offices. I heard only one woman use the term 'Comrade,' and she was a petty government worker whose job no doubt depended on the use of the right terms. "As unyielding as their national consciousness is the Christian composition of Slovakia. The country is about 80 percent Roman Catholic and about 10 percent Lutheran. (Prior to the Counter-Reformation in the 17th century the ratio was reversed.) This historic division has not been healed completely in the past three centuries ... "And yet the almost total Christian composition of Slovakia has left its mark on the people in various ways. M o r a I i t y is on a higher level, the crime rate is lower, the home more respected than in some of the neighboring countries . . . "I sensed a feeling of resignation on the part of older people. They seemed to have lost trust in any power outside their own, with perhaps the exception of spiritual power. The United Nations is helpless to liberate them." - Rev. Jaroslav Vajda, Editor, This Day, St. Louis, Mo. "In Czecho-Slovakia, Yugoslavia, Hungary and every land under communist dictatorship re 1 i g ion is being put to death." - John Cardinal Heenan of Westminster. "Czecho-Slovakia's communist regime has refused to compromise on other points, especially those involving the 1949 law which restricts the Church. This law gives the government the right to judge the �184 SLOVAKIA qualifications of priests, to prevent a priest from performing his duties, to install pastors and chaplains, to check Church finances, and to hamper the activity of the Church in many other matters." - NCWC News Service, Washington, D.C. miration and respect for the fine inborn qualities of the Slovaks, especially their fighting spirit in defense of ideals and principles which are akin to those of our Confederation." - Paul M. Deac, Executive Vice President. "In this diocese 20 priests die each year; only two new ones have been ordained. Active parish priests average 66 years old. One can accurately judge exactly when there will be no priests here. This is why we constantly pray that God will give His Church liberty before we get too old. " - A priest-worker from Czecho-Slovakia, Petrusblatt, Berlin. "(But) the Czech's most important espionage work is done for the Russians. The Czechs usually surpass the Russians in the quality of 'semi-overt' agents such as accredited diplomats, trade representatives, and journalists, many of whom double as intelligence operatives ... "The Czechoslovak Intelligence Service's work on Cyprus is a good example of how the Czechs serve the Russians. Politics in Cyprus involves a melange of Greek Cypriots, Turkish Cypriots, Communists, non-Communists, Greeks, and Turks. In this complex situation, the Russians must tread cautiously because there are so many toes that can easily be stepped on. In the summer of 1963, before the civil war broke out between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, the Czech embassy in the Cypriot capital of Nicosia was staffed by only three full-time career dtplomats. Today, 32 Czech foreign-service officers are attached to the embassy along with numerous trade representatives, journalists, airline officials, and undefined 'visitors'. This is true also at other Czech embassies in the Middle East." -Leo Heiman. The National Observer, March 13, 1967. " ... the Slovak government, under the reign of Msgr Tiso, did for the Jews what no other statesman dared to do in the Europe controlled by Hitler. During that time, no less than 85 % of Slovakia's Jews were saved from extermination." - J. T. Ryan, Jr., The Tablet, Brooklyn, N. Y. "Father Tiso, as he was best known to his countrymen, was hung for his failure to submit the Slovak nation to Communist ideology after that country had been taken over by the Soviets following World War II. Slovak Independence had been declared in March 1939 and Father Tiso was elected first president by an overwhelming majority in October of that year." - Webster (Mass.) Time, March 22, 1967. "When the American and English films are shown (in Slovakia), the hall is filled with people, mostly younger folks. But when the Russian or Czech films are shown, just a handful of people show up." (Gary, Indiana ) Post-Tribune. "Now you of the second, third, and fourth generations must keep up the faith , customs, and traditions of your forefathers here in this country and for the hope of your opressed people in Slovakia . . Don't abandon any of the past, rather draw on it to preserve the "National Confederation of Amer- treasures of your strong faith, your ican Ethnic Groups have a deep ad- culture, your language, and civic �SLOVAKIA 185 pride handed down by your fore- ism and that complete freedom f at hers." - Most Rev. Joseph and liberty are not evident in their McShea, Bishop of Allentown. home 1 and. " - George Romney, Governor of the State of Michigan. "The Slovaks in America have Jong demonstrated their deep and "Memorandum adopted by the abiding loyalties toward this na- 40th Congress of the Slovak League tion's institutions and ideals. They of America is an absolutely splenhave f o s t e re d brotherhood and did statement of the right of selfshown strong moral conviction for determination pledged in the Atlanmany years in their adopted coun- tic Charter as it applies to the try. Captive Nation Slovakia_ It is also " It is sad to note that their be- a model statement for all the other loved native country is still shack- Captive Nations. " - Prof. A . J . led under the bonds of totalitarian- App, Ph.D ., LaSalle College. CONTRIBUTOR S DR. FRANCIS HRUSOVSKY (September 7, 1903 September 9, 1956) Slovakia's eminent historian who was the first to complete a history of the Slovak people and their historic homeland over a span of 15 centuries, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, was born in Dolne Lovcice, Trnava district, Slovakia. His historical studies took him to Cracow in Poland and Praha in Bohemia. Upon his return home he was named director of the famed KlMtor nad Znievom private school for young men on the junior college level. Here from 1931 to 1945 he established a nationwide reiputation of an excellent educator and administrator as the school prepared hundreds of young Slovaks for successful careers in life. His fame won for him a seat in the Slovak parliament and a professorship at the University of Bratislava_ He was also a member of the board of directors in the Matica Slovenska (Slovak Institute) in Turciansky Sv_ Martin. After World War II he spent two years in historical research in Rome before going to America. In exile because of the postwar communist regime in his native country, he became actively occupied in Slovak affairs designed primarily to keep the hope of liberation alive. Accordingly, he was elected president of the Slovak National Council Abroad upon the death of Karol Sidor in 1953. In Cleveland, Ohio, with Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. of St. Andrew's Abbey he established the Slovak Institute in 1952 and became its first director_ Moreover, he was a teacher of the Slovak language, literature and history at Benedictine High School from 1947 to 1956, editor of the Slovenske Noviny weekly from 1949 to 1952, a regular speaker on the Cleveland Slovak radio program sponsored by the Cleveland Slovak Radio Club, and the recording secretary of the Slovak League of America. Shortly before his premature death at 53 he completed a history of the Slovak Religious Orders in America ( Slovenske re hole v Amerike). He was also the author of a number of other historical works and many articles for Slovak periodicals. Surviving is his widow, Mrs. Adele Hrusovsky. �186 SLOVAK.IA CONSTANTINE CULEN (February 26, 1904 April 7, 1964) Sixty years marked the span of life for the renowned Constantine Culen, Slovak journalist, publicist, author of 35 books and many political, historical and literary articles, and above all, one of Slovakia's leading patriots whose career in life was to serve his Slovak people with loyalty and devotion until his death. A native of Brodske in western Slovakia, Culen completed his education in Skalica. Then for a short while he was employed in the insurance business in Bratislava before receiving appointment to a position in the railways department. Soon, however, he plunged into the journalistic field in which he was destined to remain for the rest of his extremely active life. Acquaintance with the American Slovaks came firsthand when he came to the U.S. with the delegation of the Matica Slovenska in 1936. It was this visit that inspired him to write a history of the American Slovaks that won for him a national award in 1942. He was also made a Knight of the Order of Prince Pribina. Moreover, his popularity won for him election to the Slovak parliament in 1938. Culen's escape to freedom from his communist-ru led homeland af. ter World War II was followed by the editorship of the Kanadsky Slovak weekly from 1949 to 1956. As director of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland he served for two years before going to New York City where he died after suffering from an ailment for several years. Surviving are his wife, daughter and grandchildre n. Praha but interrupted his studies for a doctorate because of the urgency of the times when the Slovaks needed a leader in their struggle for autonomy inside Czecho-Slovakia. As Hlinka's righthand man, Sidor's dynamic leadership inspired the Slovak nation to carry on its fight for self-government until victory in the fall of 1938. His fearless defense of the rights of the Slovak nation was especially effective in his role as editor of the popular siovak daily in Bratislava and as member of the parliament in Praha. Because of his uncompromis ing stand in behalf of the Slovak nation, he was imprisoned by the Czech centralist regime, which only increased his great popularity at home. When the Slovak Republic was established in the spring of 1939 Sidor was named Minister of Interior but was soon afterwards sent to the Vatican as the representative of the newly-establi shed Slovak state. Here he remained until the end of the war in 1945. His most notable work is recorded in Sidor's book, Sest' rokov pri Vatikane, but only his intimate friends discovered that he had spent himself and his personal fortune (modest by any standards) in taking care of thousands of refugees who came to him for help. In exile from his native homeland , Sidor, though broken in health, continued his activity in behalf of the liberation of his communist-ruled postwar Slovakia which was forced back into the Czecho-Slovak Republic after World War II. He remained president of the Slovak National Council Abroad until his premature death at 52 in KAROL SIDOR Montreal, Que., Canada. Surviving (July 16,1901 - October 20,1953) are his widow, Mrs. Angela Sidor, Karol Sidor, a native of Ruzom- 4 sons, 2 daughters and grandberok, Slovakia, studied law in children. �SLOVAKIA NICHOLAS SPRINC (November 30, 1914 Rev. Mikulas Sprinc, a teacher of modern languages (French, Spanish) and Latin at Borromeo Seminary, Wickliffe, Ohio, finds time to edit the influential cultural S 1 o v a k quarterly, M O ST (Bridge). A priest, poet and patriot, Father Sprinc is known throughout the free world as a fearless defender of the Slovak nation's rights to freedom, self-government and statehood. A native of Krompachy, Spis district, Slovakia, Father Sprinc was a priest in the Spis diocese of the immortal Bishop Jan Vojtassak. His escape to freedom from his postwar communist-ruled S 1 o v a k i a brought him to America. After more than a decade as teacher of Latin, French and Spanish at Benedictine High School in Cleveland he was named to the faculty at Borromeo Seminary and College of the diocese. Father Sprinc received his master's degree in French literature from Western Reserve University. 187 FRANCIS VNUK (April 8, 1926 - ) A native son of Slovakia who was born in Veresvar (Cerveny Hradok, near Zlate Mor av c e), Francis Vnuk at 41 is perhaps the most promising versatile writer of the young generation of Slovaks. He interrupted his mining engineering studies in Ostrava to escape to freedom in 1949. The youthful Slovak emigrant spent two years in a foundry in Australia before enrolling at the Institute of Technology of South Australia. Upon completing his course in metallurgy he became a mernber of the faculty there and continued graduate studies in Physics and Mathematics. Then in his spare time he pursued special studies in political science and history at the University of Adelaide from 1955 to 1960. A decade ago Vnuk's name began appearing in the Jednota and Slovak v Amerike as the author of stimulating historical and literary reviews. Since then he has been the s o u r c e of a never-ending s tr ea m of informative, critical works. The torrent of an invigorating current of words has continued in three languages (Slovak, German and English). His views are based solidly, on facts, presenting them in a vigorous, sparing-no-punches style. His contributions have aroused great interest and merit serious analysis. Primarily a poet he has, nevertheless, written works in prose, notably, K slobodnym pobreziam (To the Shores of Freedom) and has edited several worth w hi 1 e publications, eg., Nadej vit'azna (Triumphant Hope), Sviity Andrej Svorad {a biography of St. Andrew Svorad), Slovenska Republika (Slovak Republic) and Slovenska Liga (1947). He is the author of several volumes of poems, among them His books: Neuveritel'ne sprisaTvarou proti slnku (Facing the hanie (Inc red i b 1 e Conspiracy) , Sun), Mladost' orla (The Youth of Middletown, Pa., 1964; Sedemnast' the Eagle), Oci moje putnice (The neurodnych r o k o v (Seventeen Eyes My Pilgrims) and others. He Barren Years), Middletown, Pa., is a chapter member of the Slovak I 1965, and Slovakia's Six Eventful Institute in Cleveland, Ohio. Months, Rome, 1964. �SLOVAKIA 188 REV. ANDREW PfR, O.S.B. (December 26, 1909 - ) A native of Blandburg, Pennsylvania, he completed his elementary and high school education in the local public schols and enrolled at St. Procopius College, Lisle, Illinois, in the fall of 1926. He worked for two years for Harbison Walker Refractories Company (headquarters in Pittsburgh, Pa.) in his home town before becoming a Benedictine monk in 1930. Since 1931, he has been a teacher of History, English, Slovak, Christian Instruction, Civics, Sociology and other courses at Benedictine High School in Cleveland, Ohio. He was ordained in 1937 and received a master's degree in history from Western Reserve University in 1943. radio talks on the Slovak radio program sponsored by the Cleveland Slovak Radio Club, he makes no secret of his pride of ancestry. He is an American Slovak whose love of our common sacred heritage of faith and freedom is in the proper perspective. MARYAGNES KRAJSA At the age of 17, this young student at St. Cyril's Academy, Danville, Pa., has shown an interest in writing about the history, culture and personalities of Slovaks. She was born in Allentown, Pa., and is the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Joseph C. Krajsa, now living in Middletown, Pa. Her father is the Editor of the Catholic weekly, JEDNOTA. Maryagnes Krajsa had an article appear in the Jed not a Annual FURDEK-1967; wrote an analogy of Slovakia's Hlinka and Rome's Cicero; and this spring won first prize in an essay contest on Slovak Culture and Heritage sponsored by the Slovak Catholic Federation of America. Inspired from early youth by his father and friends who were active in the Slovak League of America and the Slovak Catholic Federation, Father Pir has maintained a lifelong interest in the history of the Slovak nation and its emigrants to America. As a member of a number of Slovak fraternal organiAbout the other contributors see zations, co-editor of the Ave Maria last year's edition of Slovakia. magazine, a contributor of articles and a writer of feature columns in several Slovak periodicals the past three decades, director of the Slovak Institute, this youthful Benedictine priest considers himself fortunate to have been associated with many leading Slovak personaAnnual StOV AKIA is publities in the course of his busy life. Perhaps this is another reason for hts willingness to indulge himself in his spare time in a number of translations, among them the translation of the history of the Slovak nation and its historic homeland (Slovenske dejiny) by Dr. Francis Hrusovsky. For this issue of Slovakia, he translated Hrusovsky's, l'.:ulen's, Sidor's and Sprinc's studies. In his articles and occasional lished by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue, Middletown, Pennsylvania. Subscription $2.00. Editor: Dr. Joseph Paufo. �SLOVAKIA BOOK 189 REVIEWS Slovak Literature in the New Catholic Encyclopedia (McGraw-Hill ), 15 vol. , 15,300 p. , 7,500 ill. Price $550.00. After seven years of work by hundreds of scholars the Catholic University of America published 15 volumes of The New Catholic Encyclopedia which will replace the Catholic Encyclopedia of 19071915. The new work has been received by critics as a masterpiece and favorable recensions were published even by non-Catholic press. Accustomed to misrepresentations of Slovakia, of its history and literature in American encyclopedias and symposia, we are agreeably surprised that the editors of The New Catholic Encyclopedia looked for contributors who would avoid old cliches and treat the subject without bias and prejudice. This is at least our impression about the presentation of the Slovak language and literature as well as of individual Slovak writers. The contributions on these subjects were written by professor J . M. Kirschbaum , who for several years lectured on Slovak literature, history and culture at the Department of Slavic Studies, at the University of Montreal, and delivered numerous addresses on the prominent Slovak poets and philologists at the Congresses of the Canadian Association of Slavists. The accounts on Slovak language as well as on Slovak literature in the Encyclopedia are marked by his knowledge of the subject, clear formulations and a genuine attempt at an unbiased presentation of the Slovak cultural past. According to the rules, only the writers who are no more alive, have been included in the Encyclopedia. The editors also determined the size of articles and the number of poets and writers to be included. As a result, there is an account on the Slovak language and literature which presents the development of the Slovak language and literature , their place among Slavic languages and literatures and their main characteristics. Without arguing with misconceptions, Dr. Kirschbaum presented Slovak literature and language in an objective light and put into the 3000 words, he was allowed to write, as much basic information as possible. It is perhaps for the first time that any Encyclopedia published an account on Slovak language and literature with such impartiality and without fundamental errors. Separately are treated in some 2000 words the following writers : Anton Bernolak, Jan Holly. ~udovit Stur, Andrej Sladkovic, P. 0 . Hviezdoslav, S. H. Vajansky, Martin Kukucin and J. C. Hronsky. In a concise form and selected vocabulary Dr. Kirschbaum presented each of these writers and their main works with references to Slovak, German, English and French sources. Selection of bibliography for the Slovak language and literature seems to be also good and comprehensive. The contributions were written over four years ago and therefore some books, especially F . Vnuk's work on Slovak post-World War II literature are missing. Slovak writers in exile are also mentioned, but only in proportion to the Slovak literature as a whole. Who had a glance at the articles on Slovakia in other American or European encyclopedias, will certainly welcome prof. Kirschbaum's contribution on Slovak literature and language in The New Catholic Encyclopedia. It is not only comprehensive, but also without the usual bias with which Slovakia has been presented to the World by non-Slovak J . Pauco scholars. �190 SLOVAKIA Jozef Pauco, Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike 1967 (Literary Almanac of the Slovak in America). Middletown, Pa., pp. 254. The 1967 Literarny Almanach, published by ,the Slovak v Amerike under the editorship of Dr. Joseph Pauco, may be compared to a door which opens into the surprisingly broad field of recent Slovak literary and cultural production in the free world. Already a fleeting glance from the threshold reveals that the field is marvelously fertile and productive, exhibiting a wealth and variety of blooms, colorful in their diversity, charming in their beauty, and attractive in their composition. What is most striking about this flourishing garden is that one encounters here both the producer and the finished product. The garden is portioned off into three areas, the smallest of which is labeled " A Glance at Slovak Literary Creativity in the Free World." Competent authors here present a panoramic view of the conditions under which Slovak culture has expressed itself in recent years in the fields of literature, religion, the arts and nationalism. Poignant in the extreme are the observations of Dr. Joseph Kirschoaum, which are by no means limited in their application to the literary phase of which he writes. The author points out that in fleeing from Slovakia her sons were indeed escaping from hostile forces enveloping their country. But many of them were unable to find refuge even in the West, which was bound especially in those years by political if not friendly ties with their enemies. The Slovaks in exile became marked men. Their enemies, Czech agents in particular, missed no opportunity to make life miserable for them. Doors were closed against them . They experienced harassment, suspicion, false accusations, smear campaigns, denunciations, and outright cruelty and injustice. The marvel is that they were able to accomplish anything at all. Moreover, a distressing lack of research facilities created special difficulties for them and they had no means or very limited ones for the publication of their works. Yet within the past 20 years they have succeeded in catching the ear of the world. Never before, we are told , has the truth about Slovakia been propagated so widely in all the major languages of rthe world. These Slovak writers have become the voice of Slovakia, its conscience and its truest defenders. The second portion of the garden is labeled " Communications from Authors and Poets." In this area the writers show some of their harvestings. Their proven talent is exemplified here in well-constructed, warmly human stories and in lyrics, epigrams, and narrative poems in which the authors reveal their thoughts and share their hopes and yearnings with the reader. The last and by far the largest portion of the garden is marked "Representatives of Slovak Cultural Creativity." Upon entering this area the r eader finds himself in the company of literary scores of eminently distinguished persons, all highly educated, scholarly, and compertent in their respective fields. One beholds them almost with awe- the kind of awe experienced by those who were privileged in 1963 to paiiticipate in the week-long centennial celebrations of the SS. Cyril and Methodius Jubilee in Rome. From the four quarters of the globe Slovaks had assembled in the heart of Christendom to pay tribute to their apostles. In that noble company one recognized prelates and priests, statesmen, writers, artists, missionaries, all of them heroes and leaders, many of whom had for God and country suffered agony, �SLOVAKIA 191 torture, family separation, exile, imprisonment, persecution, starvation, homelessness. To see these people, to meet and talk with them, to be associated with them in prayer was an honor. Something of the same kind of impression is created by the Almanach. Here we not only see this band of leaders, gathered from all the continents of the world, but we are accorded the privilege of a formal introduction to each one by name and, I might add, by pseudonym. In the vicissitudes of flight, exile and adjustment, some of them h&ve assumed a whole series of pseudonyms, interesting to trace and identify. Now we are meeting them, as it were, face to face. We come to know when and where they were born, where they received their education, the manner in which they devote their energies on behalf of Slovakia, how they fared in its downfall, how they wandered from country to country, where they finally settled in the hope of earning a living. Above all, we are informed of the prodigious amount of writing they did "in the interests of truth" in the fields of religion, the arts, history, politics, science and industry. Representative among many in their respective fields are Charles Strmen, poet; Joseph !>uris, musician; Joseph Satin, artist; Michael Gerdelan, novelist; Dr. Joseph A. Mikus, diplomat; Dr. Stanislaus Meciar, literary critic; Eugene Urban, librarian ; Dr. Ferdinand t,urcansky, statesman; Rudolph Petrak, opera singer; Dr. Bonaventure Bue, O.F.M., linguist; Dr. Ivan A. Getting, scientist; Dr. Stephen Polakovic, philosopher; Stephen B. Roman, industrialist; Rudolph Kalencik, businessman; Philip A. Hrobak, journalist; Frico Motoska, sculptor; Rev. Jaroslav J. Vajda, translator; Jaroslav J. Pelikan, Protestant theologian; Boris Gaspar, illustrator; Rev. Julius Gasparik, composer; Francis Vnuk, metallurgist; Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, historian; Felix S. Gula, achitect; Dr. Joseph Stojkovic, physician; Rev. Louis Luzbetak, S.V.D., anthropologist; John Fabianek, biologist; John M. Dafcik, film critic; Mary Michna, pianist; Dr. Francis Zeman, biblical scholar; Dr. Heinrich Bartek, philologist. The list is merely typical; it was by no means easy to omit other names in each category. A survey of the list of works of these men is quite overwhelming. Indeed, if all the books, monographs, articles, works of art, music, paintings, sculpture, scientific studies produced by this group of professionals, were brought together into one collection, the resulting library would be precious beyond measure. In the preface to the Almanach, the renowned poet, Andrej .Zarnov, states that this listing of Slovak intellectuals and writers and the compilation of their representative works is long overdue. One is in for a surprise, he says, because the survey is remarkably revealing and the result tremendously inspiring. A final word from the editor is contained in the Epilogue. Dr. Pauco writes in substance: "It is an honor for us to place this Almanach in the hands of Slovaks wherever they may be. Like its predecessors it has its roots in a genuine love for and intense interest in the flowering of Slovak culture1in a free world. "In its compilation two circumstances brought us uncommon joy: 1) Whereas Americans regard a 10% response to a questionnaire as notably successful, our effort brought an overwhelming 95% response. 2) We have in effect produced here the nucleus of a Who's Who �192 SLOVAKIA Among the Slovaks, an undertaking long recognized as both desirable and necessary. "The two persons responsible for the compilation of personal data for the WHO'S WHO were the editor and, separated from him in faraway Australia, Francis Vnuk, who tackled this gigantic task with truly marvelous zeal and initiative. "In conducting the survey all religious and political dividing lines were disregarded. Beginners and veterans alike were invited to make themselves known, provided they had made some contribution to the treasury of Slovak self-identity and national consciousness." " Our aim," continues Dr. Pauco, "was to bear indisputable histurical witness to the native ability, resourcefulness, talent, energy and aspirations of the Slovaks in a free world; to the wholesomeness and durability of their Slovak culture; and to their determination to cling to and fight for their rights. Indeed, one can pose the question: If this is the output of men living in adverse circumstances, what would it have been in circumstances ideally set up in a free and independent Slovakia?" This ALMAN ACH, therefore, is a manifestation of Slovak talent and Slovak genius, yes, and a confrontation with Slovakia's indomitable courage. Sister M . Tarcisia Gregorovic, SS.C.M. Kalendar Jednota 1967: The 70th edition of the Jednota annual in the Slovak language. Jednota Press, 1967; 232 pp., Middletown, Pa. Ed. By Jozef C. Krajsa. Although the current Jednota annual follows the traditional pattern, it is an up-to-date publication that contains a variety of articles of interest to a wide circle of readers even outside the Jednota membership. Featured in this volume are John Sabol, supreme secretary, who by reason of his many years of devoted service merits the coveted title of 'Mr. Jednota,' and the late Jozef Rusek, who was editor of the Jednota weekly for more than three decades. Moreover, the ecumenical spirit is quite in evidence in the articles about Martin Razus by J. Dend'ur and Svetozar Hurban Vajansky by J . Bor. Many photos from Jednota affairs and Slovak life in general add to the attraction of a highly readable edition. Perhaps the most historical of the articles is the analysis of the view of communistic historians toward the Slovak Republic (1939-1945) by Jozef Kirschbaum, LL.D., Ph.D. As customary, the extensive list of addresses of Slovak clergy and Religious is a valuable asset, but it needs to be A . P. revised and supplemented. Jednota Annual Furdek 1967: This current edition published by the First Catholic Slovak Union, Middletown, Pa., in the English language continues to fulfill its original purpose, ie., to reach the younger set inside and outside the Jednota family. (Jednota Press, Middletown, Pa., 1967, 192 pp.) True to its design, namely, to arouse the interest of the youth, the Furdek features a striking pictorial review of the last year's Jednota college scholarship winners. The articles are, however, of general interest to people interested in American Slovak activities. No doubt the panel of biographies introduced by the editor, Joseph C. Krajsa, �SLOVAKIA 193 promises to inspire a complete series of life sketches of American Slovak leaders in various fields of activity throughout the country. We have something to look forward to next year and in the years to come. A. P, Diamond Jubilee Issue. Published by the 2ivena, Pittsburgh, Pa. Edited by Maria Mravec. 128 pp. in the Slovak language, brief supplements in English. Zivena Beneficial Society of the U.S.A . ( 1891 -1966) - This unusual volume follows an informal and original pattern but is historically valuable for its contents that cover a period of 75 years in the life of this fraternal organization for American Slovak women (also a minority of male members). Brief histories of various assemblies greatly enhance the overall value of the volume. Tributes paid to the founders and prominent leaders of the organization give us a true picture of the 2ivena family in our American Slovak fraternal life. A .P. Ncirodny A mericko -Slov ensky KALEND A R 1967 : 75th edition of the official annual published by the National Slovak Society of the U.S. of America, Pittsburgh, Pa., 224 pp. , 153 pp. in the Slovak language, 48 pp. in English and the rest advertizing. Ed. by Jan Mihal. Dedicated to the memory of Peter P . Rovnianek, founder of the NSS, this oldest of Slovak annuals in America, seeks to convey the old and new spirit of the American Slovak life : a) ,t he old, by recalling the inspiring leadership of our Slovak pioneers who organized our fraternal societies, b) the new, by peering into the future in an ecumenical mood to grasp the spirit of a new age. There are perhaps a number of controversial subjects touched upon here and there, but the spirit of Christian charity bids us to treat these in the spirit of the new ecumenism in an effort to arrive at a common understanding in the hope of Slovak unity that will help our Slovak nation win its struggle against the forces of evil let loose upon the hallowed land of Slovak forefathers. Here in a free land we must cherish our freedom not only in words but in deeds, and we can do no better than follow the shining example of Slovak pioneers who blazed a trail for us to follow, particularly in Slovak fraternal organizations in America. A . P. 1967 - Zi on Calendar: A jubilee issue marking the 450th anniversary of the Reformation. 160 pp. Published by the Slovak Zion Synod of the Lutheran Church in America. Edited by Rev. John Kalny, Rev. John Kovacik and Rev. John Adam. Kalendcir Sion - Although Martin Luther is naturally the centerpiece of this volume in Slovak (80 pp.) and English (50 pp.) , advertizing 30 pp, the history of the Slovak Lutheran parishes is of special interest to those of Slovak origin. The history, too, of Dr. Jozef M. Hurban with accompanying pictures to commemorate the 150th anniversary of the birth of this great 19th century Slovak patriot and religious leader is of great interest to all Slovaks, here or in Slovakia. The names of Slovak Lutheran parishes and their pastors in America are invaluable to the �194 SLOVAKlA historian in search of facts and statistics for a complete history of the Slovaks in America. A. P. Bohemia, Yearbook of the Collegium Carolinum, Munich, Vol. 6, Robert Lerche Verlag, Munich, 1964, DM 45. Die Slowakei als mitteleuropiiisches Problem in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Papers delivered at a symposium of the Collegium Carolinum in Mtinchen-Grtinwald, V. 1 to 3. August 1962. Verlag Robert Lerche, Munich 1965, 235 pp., DM 22.- (cloth bound) DM 19.(cardboard). The Collegium Carolinum, research center on the Bohemian countries, has again published two new volumes: the Bohemia Yearbook (Volume 6) and the papers delivered at a symposium of the Collegium in August 1962 in Grunwald near Munich on "Slovakia as a Central European Problem in Past and Present. " Because of the wealth of material and research findings the Bohemia Yearbooks are not only well-known but practically indispensable to readers especially interested in history. Once again it is difficult to select from the large number of treatises and book reviews a representative extract and although they would deserve mention, lack of space makes it impossible to include all the papers under review. Heribert Sturm, known not only to the people of Eger as an indefatigable researcher of his home area, examined - in a paper delivered in May 1964 in Nuremberg - the mutual relationships between Eger, Nuremberg and Prague in the high and late medieval periods. Also contained herein is Friedrich Prinz' lecture of January 1965 on Bohemia's historical problems between 1848 and 1918 plus his important confrontation of ideology and reality in the national controversy on both sides. By reading and rethinking the issues presented, one spontaneously feels grateful to the publisher for letting important words become printed witnesses to the efforts on behalf of historic trnth and reality. The same might be said of the talks on the Slovak question. Milan Stanislav Durica's contribution on "Slovakia during the March Crisis of 1939" offers valuable new material toward destroying the "Slovak legend": only undifferentiated, black-white presentations of " contemporary history" could and can see Slovakia as a stolid ally of National Socialist Greater Germany. To the historian prone to weigh and balance his material, this work offers a dovetailed mosaic of alliance under international law, ideological (partial) aversion, and power-political weighing of interests. One can only hope that Durica's voluminous tome: "La Slovacchia e le sue relazioni politiche con la Germania 1938-1945" (Padua 1964, lire 4,000) will soon be available in translation. A number of these works should, however, be made available for broader circles, especially the youth. The Collegium Carolinum has assumed the task of "objectively fostering the tradition of the venerable Charles University .. . for the young." One could visualize in connection with the youth organizations well-suited to the task, such as the Sudeten German Youth and the German Youth of the East, a series of publications that would present the selected works of this kind at a price within reach, in greater number. Fritz Peter Habel �SLOVAKIA 195 DO ·N ' T CO U NT US OUT! A COUNTRY WHICH YOU MAY NOT KNOW SLOVAK I A (18,921 square miles, population 4,400,000) is a separate country and the SLOVAK NATION is an individual member of the European family of nations. Though Slovakia lies in the very center of Europe, its name is not heard of in the world. The reason for that is the fate of this country which, for ages, has not been able to emerge in history under its own name, and is not even today an independent country on the map of Europe. The SLOVAKS occupied this country at the end of the 4th century, when it belonged to no one. The ancestors of the Slovak people attached to this country the destiny of all the succeeding Slovak generations, who in turn, established their claim to this land by the1 fact that during their more than thousand year history they never deserted or renounced it. Out of the tiny Slovak principalities a united Slovak State came into existence already in the first half of the 9th century. It was the first organized state in Central Europe. By the year 830 during the reign of Prince Pribina, a Christian church was standing in the ancient home of the Slovak princes of Nitra. It was the first Christian church in the entire territory of the western Slavs. The King Svatopluk (870-894), whom contemporary sources consider "the most glorious of the Slavonic rulers almost as mighty as an emperor" e.lQtended his domain to include the neighboring Czech and Polish tribes. He waged successful wars against his Western neighbors, maintained diplomatic relations and concluded diplomatic peace treaties with neighboring rulers, and safeguarded the independent status of his country. By the end of the 10th century, after the Danube basin was invaded by the Magyars, Slovakia lost the conditions necessary for independent development. Sometime around the year 1000 it became a part of the Hungarian State. A great and glorious chapter of Slovak history was ended, but neither its inspiring memory, nor the right of the Slovak nation to liberty and independence, ever faded. The addition into the heritage Slovaks did not enter the Hungarian State empty-handed. In to the territory of their own country, the Slovaks brought budding Hungarian State their entire material and spiritual and they became a participant in this new phase of history. For a century and a half (from 1540 until the end of the 17th century) Slovakia served as a bastion in the bulwark that defended Christian Europe against the danger from the East-against the attacks of the Turks. The new ideas which later, under the slogan "Liberty, Equality and Fraiternity," resulted in the French Revolution, made their way into the Danube basin and affected also the nations of that region, Slovak �196 SLOVAKIA national consciousness developed and, under the pressure of the subjugation exerted upon the Slovaks by the Magyars, became strongly rooted in Slovak life itself. Soon the Slovaks began to cultivate their own language. Anton Bernolak, in the year 1787 wrote a grammar of literary Slovak. In the year 1843, under I.!udovit Stur, who was the cultural and political leader of his generation, definitive rules of Slovak grammar were established and these became the instrument of an independent literature. In the spring of 1861 the Slovaks called a general assembly to Turciansky Sv. Martin where the prominent attorney Stefan Marko Daxner formulated Slovak policy in the comprehensive Memorandum of the Slovak Nation. Pointing to the conditions which had developed in Hungary, they asked that the Slovak nation be recognized by a special edict, that Slovakia constitute a distinctive administrative unit in Hungary, and that the Slovak people in their own territory be given the right to develop their own life without restriction. The Magyars opposed the petitions of the Slovak nation. They outlawed the assembling Slovaks and treated their political leaders as traitors. When World War I was nearing its end, the leaders of ,t he Slovaks saw that the military defeat of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy would give them the opportunity to attain the goals they were not able to achieve in Hungary. Slovaks took a stand for the right of self-determination On May 30, 1918, representatives of the Slovak League of America met with representatives of Czech organizations and with the President of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, T. G. Masaryk, in Pittsburgh, Pa., and drew up an agreement which guaranteed political and cultural autonomy to Slovakia in the new common State. The Slovaks in the homeland met on October 30, 1918, in Turciansky Sv. Martin, where they organized a Slovak National Council and in separate declaration proclaimed that the Slovaks once and for all were separating themselves from Hungary and were of their own accord joining the Czecho-Slovak State. The Slovak people welcomed the Czecho-Slovak Republic with open joy and sincere hope. But the relaitionship between the Slovak and Czech nations was dimmed :&om the very beginning of their union. On May 4, 1919, the outstanding representative of the Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak National Council, general Milan Rastislav Stefanik, was murdered by a secret order of the Prague Government. But the most important reason why the early enthusiasm of the Slovaks ended in rapid and complete disillusionment was that the Czechs were trying to build the Czecho-Slovak Republic on the same kind of foundation which the Magyars had laid for the creation of an united greater Hungary. The President of the Hungarian Government, Stephen Tisza, declared: "There is no Slovak nation ... " The President of Czecho-Slovakia, T. G. Masaryk, said the same. Magyarization was replaced with Czechization, and the undemocratic centralization by Budapest with the undemocratic centralization by Prague. Slovakia was treated as a colony of the Czechs. �SLOVAKIA 197 Rev. Andrej Hlinka, a fearless political fighter of the Slovaks during the Hungarian regime, renewed the relentless struggle for the honor and rights of his own nation. The policy of his Slovak People's Party was based on the Pittsburgh Agreement. It was drawn up and signed by the President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, T. G. Masaryk, who later declared iit null and void. The disappointed Slovaks united themselves in the predominantly Catholic Slovak People's Party, led by A. Hlinka, and in the Slovak National Party, which had a majority of Lutheran members, headed by Martin Razus, a leading Slovak poet whom the Slovaks called the '' conscience of .the Slovak nation." The Czechs, like the Magyars, did not want to give up their imperialistic plans for Slovakia until they were forced to under the pressure of the international developments. The Czecho-Slovak Republic, preparing to celebrate its 20th anniversary, found itself in the midst of a serious internal crisis and was shaken to its foundations by strong German pressure. After the Allies of the Czecho-Slovak Government dis-associated themselves from the policy of President Benes, the days of Czecho-Slovakia came to an end. Circumstances left .the Slovaks no choice but to shift for themselves. After a great manifestation in Bratislava, on June 5, 1938, where a delegation of the Slovak League of America, led by its president Dr. Peter Hletko, brought along the original of the Pittsburgh Pact, after lengthy and fruitless consultations with representatives of the Prague regime, the Executive Committee of the Slovak People's Party met in 2ilina, on the 6th of October, 1938, and suggested that all power in Slovakia be seized by the Slovaks. This resolution of the Slovak People's Party was accepted and approved in all its parts by delegates of all the remaining non-leftist Slovak parties. According to the declaration of Slovak autonomy, elections for seats in the Slovak Parliament were held as early as December 18, 1938. The Slovak Parliament, elected according to the decree of Slovak autonomy, was called into extraordinary session by the President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, Dr. Emil Hacha, and on March 14, 1939, it dedared Slovakia an independent and self-gov erning state by unanimous resoh.1,tion. This step was the only refuge for Slovakia against the storm threatening 1t in the tense international situation. The independent State of Slovakia was recognized either de jure or de facto by 27 nations. These states included great powers and small countries, neutrals as well as belligerents in the Second World War. On October 26, 1939, Dr. Jozef Tiso was elected the first president of the Slovak Republic and was recognized by the Slovak nation as the successor of the 9th-century Slovak princes. After six years, a great and glorious chapter of Slovak history was ended. On the heels of the Soviet army's divisions and their unspeakable atrocities, came Dr. Eduard Benes with the government of a resurrected Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Slovak nation arrived, against its will and contrary to all the principles of natural and selfdetermining rights, at a position in which it did not care to live at any price, with nothing but slavery staring it in the face . �SLOVAKIA 198 The Slovak nation became a victim of revenge because it waged to declare and to build its own state. The execution of the President of Slovak Republic, Dr. Jozef Tiso, on April 18, 1947, was the condemnation of whole Slovak people. The gallows on which Dr. Jozef Tiso and' the other representatives of the Slovak Republic died a martyr's death, and the time bomb which killed the prominent exilefighter of Slovakia, Matu~ Cernak, in Munich on June 5, 1955, stand above the chasm whica once and for all obliterated any form of Czecho-Slovak state. The spirit and form of the Communist people's democracy are foreign , repulsive and unacceptable to the Slovak nation. With persistent and remarkable consistency, the Slovaks are rejecting everything that the government of Czecho-Slovakia, as a servant of Moscow, is forcing upon them. And they are defending and fighting with heroic courage everything that feeds and strengthens their own life. They will never surrender their claim to a free life in their own state, but insist on an independent position in the great family of nations in Europe. The struggle for this goal is led not just by the Slovak nation behind the Iron Curtain, but by its members in the free world. The Slovaks, through the Slovak League of America, do not cease to call for FREEDOM and INDEPENDENCE for SLOVAKIA . SLOVAK STATE - A DREAM OF THOUSAND YEARS Atty. John F. Spacek March 14, 1939. A thousand years old Slovak dream of self-government realized on this date. The yearnings, wishes and prayers of a courageous people were answered on this date. Slovaks - the " Irish of Central Europe" as they are often called, joined the family of nations. Their freedom, cultural identity, free expression of thought were now a political reality. Let us, for a brief moment, go into history, to the year 1938 and trace the birth and growth of the Slovak state. It was at this time that the avarious eyes of Hitler cast themselves upon the Sudetenland ; his demands were to assimilate the Sudeten Germans into the Third Reich. Fearing the advent of a war the English and the French recommended appeasing Hitler by agreeing to his demands. However, at this time, it was not only -the German that was avarious. The Pole and the Magyar also cast their eyes on Slovakia. It was at this time, it must be remembered, that the thought and dream of an independent Slovakia was nurtured. Faced with the possibility of total digestion by the German and occupation by the Magyar and/or Pole, a decision by Father Dr. Tiso had to be made. It must be remembered that the decision was made reluctantly, since the original intention of those in power was to participate with the Czechs as a part of a federated state of Czechs and Slovaks. This, �SLOVAKIA 199 however, could not be. Condition in the Czecho-Slovakia deteriorated to a point where total occupation by the German army was inevitable. Pressed by the demands of Hitler, the fear of Czech duplicity (again), a fear of occupation by the Magyars together with the centuries old dream of self-government, Slovakia was born. The birth of the Slovak Republic did not come without fanfare. Diplomatic recognition and relations were exchanged by almost every European power, including seventeen (17) who fought on the side of allies or were neutral. Congratulatory notes and wishes were received from every corner of the globe. A constitution was formed. A memorable document embodying every .p rinciple of Christian Law and social justice. A representative. government was adopted. A house consisting of one representative for every 20,000 people. It became a haven for Jews escaping from Poland. Pro-German functionaries were dismissed from office. It became known as a "Christian Oasis" in a Nazi desert - and the "Ireland of Central Europe". However, this dream, this yearning and desire for self-govern• ment was not to last. It became apparent that a Russian occupation was eminent. Various efforts were made to prevent a destruction of the country by the ravages of war and to continue their freedom thereafter. However, communist infiltrators and traitors were not to permit a free Slovakia, causing distrust, turmoils and disorder. The communists now took hold of the country not by the rule of law, but by the rule of force, not by self-determination, but by fear. In history's haste to re-establish Czecho-Slovakia and with a generous assistance of communists and combined with total disregard to the Slovaks' own destiny, the control over Slovakia was once more moved back to Prague. The 1000 years' dream ended after six years. Six years of what? Six years of freedom from fear, freedom from want, six years of economic and cultural development, and of educational advances beyond anyone's dream. - And it ended. It was a dream worth fighting for. It is for this dream that the Slovak League of America exists and continues in the struggle for self-determination and the cause of Slovak freedom. Some historians will criticize this short-lived Slovak Republic for accepting some measure of assistance from the Germans. I say to these: "You are naive . .. From whom was this freedom that had been so long sought to come? From the Russians? The Czechs? The Magyars? What other course was open?" If we criticize Father Tiso, should we not also criticize De Valera of Ireland and Gandhi of India and many others? This struggle is mankind's struggle for self-determination. family of nations at the United Nations began with a handful result of the rights of mankind to determine their own destiny. the family has grown. Has not the philosophy of the Slovaks proven to be correct? The as a And been �200 SLOVAKIA Contents American Democracy and Slovak Life - Hrusovsky - Dr. Francis 1 Constantine Beginnings of The Slovak League of America - Culen - 18 The Slovak League of America and the Slovak Nation's Struggle for Autonomy - Karol Sidor - 29 Slovak League of America and Independent Slovakia - Mikulas Sprinc - 63 Under Dynamic Leadership Peter V. Rovnianek - Sister M. Martina, SS.C.M. - F . Vnuk - A Poet in Exile - Prof. Dr. F . Durcansky - The Slovaks in America - J.M. Kirschbaum - P . V. Rovnianek - 181 As Others See It - 185 189 A Country Which You May Not Know Slovak State - Atty. John F . Spacek - 153 161 178 Current Issues - Book Reviews - 144 Maryagnes Krajsa - Andrej Hlinka - Contributors - Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. - 195 198 173 104 137 �PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA. � 178 SLOVAKIA CURRENT ISSUES PRESIDENT DR. JOSEPH TISO They died because they dared, and their daring was in behalf of the Slovak nation in whose behalf they dedicated their lives and fortunes. Slova1k leaders dared to proclaim Sloviak independence in the early spring of 1939 and they succeeded in establishing the Slov,a k Republic, which soon received official diiplomatic recognition by the countries of Europe--induding Germany, Russia, France, Great Britain, Spain, and Italy. Founded in the days of peace-six months before the outbreak of World War II-the Slovak State was destined to flounder in the days of peace after the war in the summer of 1945. Thus, through no fault of its own, the Slovak Republic vanished because of the dictates of those who came disguised as liberators. Its destruction was actually, therefore, the end result of postwar dictatorship. Prime victims of postwar revenge at the hands of the commlllllist coalition in Moscow, Prague and Bratislava were President Tiso and his government officials who had guided the Slovak Republic safely through the storms of World War II, only to have the Slovak Ship of State torpedoed treacherously and dishonorably by the 'liberators'. The Captain went down heroically with his Ship, as did many of his loyal colleagues. Their names are indelibly emblazoned on the glorious pages of Slovak history. Nothing can erase their golden memories from the minds and hearts of their countrymen. Slovak exiles scattered throughout the free world willingly bear witness in behalf of the Slovak Republic. Their testimony shows how grave a:nd injustice was inflicted upon the Slovak people and its government by the so-called liberators of World War II. The only way to correct this act of gross injustice to a freedom-loving people. the Slovaks,. is the restoration of their own independent self-governing state. No one can denv the ever-present reality of religious �SLOVAKIA 179 and political suppression of the Sloviaiks. How long a free world -can tolerate this situation is beyond comprehension, but it somehow indicates the moral bankruptcy of our age when so much injustice, oppression and persecution against so many goes on unchallenged in our times. Rev. Andrew Pir, O.S.B. CLERGY WITH MORAL BLEMISH USED AS COMMUNIST TOOL The conclave of the"peace priests" in Prague has ended. Two active government ministers made very clear the desire of the Communist regime to open negotiations with the Vatican on a modus vivendi between church and state. Although contacts were made with Rome as far back as the last phase of Vatican II, they ran aground due to the failure to reach agreement on several questions. The final note of discord was the appearance of two Slovak bishops-in-exile, Hnilica and Rusnak, which caused keen resentment in Prague, since the two dignitaries openly demanded that the Council plenum brand Communism as the " scourge of the 20th century". Moreover, the three Council fathers from the cSSR did not contradict them. The agreement which the Vatican has meantime con- eluded with Hungary and Yugoslavia, and the relaxation perceptible in its relationship to R um an i a, is causing Prague to fear that Czecho-Slovakia could some day become the victim of isolation. That fear prompted Minister of Education, Hajek to use the forum of the "peace priests" conference to make an offer of reconciliation to the Vatican, in which he appealed to the Pope for "realism". What is probably meant, is that Rome should reward with the title of bishop, those persons who, in the fifties, were installed in office by the Communists as general vicars, although most of them were Communist underlings, not daring to protest again the anti-church discrimination or the imprisonment of their own bishops who were incarcerated without benefit of fair trial. The Holy See, well aware �180 SLOVAKIA of the precarious position of the Prague government, is in no hurry to take Prague up on its offer, especially as the agreement between Hungary and the C h u r c h has not brought the desired results. The bishops installed there proved too ineffective, and consequently were unable to broaden the Church's sphere of operation. Hence the Vatican has chosen to wait and see how the agreement with Yugoslavia - made against the wishes of the bishops there - turns out, before it takes on a new risk with Prague. Informed circles know that one of the conditions for negotiations with the Czech government would be the removal of the governmentempowered persons in all dioceses who, as laymen, are in possession of the episcopal seal, while the vicars, inst a 11 e d simultaneous ly, ( drawn from the ranks of the "peace priests") would have to restrict themselves to a figure-head function in the various parishes. Prague would be willing, if these "peace priests" were to be given official status as bishops, thereby assuring a further Communist hold on the Church. The top echelon "peace priests", it should be noted, have "moral shortcomings", such as having broken their vow of celibacy and caused scandal among their congregations . Priests of this kind are always open to blackmail by the Communist Party, hoping as it does that eventual Vatican approval of such "poor specimens" may lead many of the religious-min ded to desert the church. Heading the "peace priests" is Minister of Health Plojhar, who was excommunica ted some years ago and is hated not only by his co-religionists but even by the Communist Party. An example of this dislike for Plojhar is seen in a resolution drawn up last spring in Olomouc by that city's school of medicine, appealing to Prague's Central Committee to remove Plojhar from his ministerial post on the grounds of being "not qualified" and having recourse to "Stalinist methods of operations". The attempt was, of course, unsuccessful, since President Novotny still needs his faithful henchman to keep the clergy "under control". Plojhar's power has only come to light in the past weeks, with the return of the two "neutral" Slovak bishops, Lazik and Necsey, who had �SLOVAKIA been in Rome for a long papal audience and were forced immediately upon their arrival at the Prague airport, to report to the general secretary of the "peace priests",one Mr. Benes. Prior to that, C a r d i n a 1 Konig, of Vienna, also had an audience with the Pope and reported to him on his impressions gained during a visit to Slovakia in September. According to his story, the bishops there are still under heavy emotional pressure, and after Konig's return to Austria they were immediately put through a thorough-going cross-examination by the secret police as to their conversations with the Viennese cardinal. It is also common knowledge that 181 the Prague "Ecclesiastical Office" forbade the reading of a pastoral letter at the beginning of the school year because it drew the attention of the faithful to the opportunity, under the constitution, for their children to get religious instruction. Should further proof of the Communist regime's hostility toward the church be desired, it can be seen in the fact that in the CSSR Gnly 35 new priests are ordained annually, compared with 300 before the war. The difficulties placed in the path of young people desiring to study theology today show more clearly than anything else that state-church coexistence is still a long way off. w.o. AS OTHERS SEE IT "Slovakia has always been a land of plenty, but never a land of long peace. Its people have been attacked from all sides. They have known the dread of encirclement and destruction by enemies who have looked with covetous eyes upon the Slovak rich land of the Danube Valley. "For more than 1,000 years, since the time St. Cyril and Methodius brought Christianity to the land of the Slovaks, it has been looked on as the birthplace of Christianity in Eastern Europe. In 830 the first Christian church was erected, in Nitra. It still stands today in Slo- vakia, if the Communists have not destroyed it. It is thus understandable that the Christian world witnesses the plight of the Slovak people today with deep concern. We pray that the Slovak people will soon attain their freedom from Soviet totalitarianism. "Nothing can be more harrowing to American citizens of Slovak birth, whose relatives still live in Slovakia, than the knowledge that their original homeland remains enslaved. Their heartstrings long to see them free. "Yet, beneath the iron rule of Slovakia's enslavement, the Slovak �182 SLOVAKIA spirit of independence still struggles against oppression. Under the very eyes of the Kremlin's agents, insurgents spread through the countryside ... "We who enjoy the freedom of the West have a sober lesson to learn from the unfortunate peoples of Slovakia who live under the Communist reign of terror. They have shown us that even in the darkest hours, the love of liberty need not die. Let us hope that the Slovaks are not resisting in vain, that with our help they shall one day be able to live in the atmosphere of freedom and dignity which is the right of all human beings . .. "American citizens of S 1 ova k descent and backround who are carrying on this vigorous battle against communism deserve the plaudits and continued support of all who believe in democracy." Extension of remarks of Honorable Hubert H. Humphrey of Minnesota in the Senate of the United States, Wednesday, April 1, 1953. "Hebrew, Latin, and Greek were the only languages approved for use in the liturgical services of the 9th century. SS. Cyril and Methodius authored and popularized a translation in the Slavonic language, at that time the vernacula r of the Slovaks, Croats, Bulgarians, Moravians, Serbians and Bohemians which is still in use today. They were pioneers centuries before Vatican II authorized the vernacular for all nations." - Rev. Paschal Boland, O.S.B. , S.T.D. "The great Christian historical background of the Slovak nation fitted well in this new country of ours. You may at times have found the task arduous but you can always tell you are on the rigth road if it is upgrade. " It is evident that the seed of Christianity planted in Slovakia more then a thousand years ago had a great influence on all citizens of central and eastern Europe radiating from what was then Great Moravia. It is a great credit to your nation that you have not only maintained the advantages derived from the teachings of the two great saints who evangelized your country but you have enriched a great many by furthering the cause of Christianity in a manner contagious to all other nations surrounding yours. " - Paul Tardif, M .P., Ottawa, Canada "So nationalistic are the Slovaks that they resent and deplore the official spelling of the name of that country. They would have it hyphenated - Czecho-Slovakia - to earn both separation and capitalization. Though they are blood relatives of the Czechs and speak a related language, they are militantly protective of their individuality and nationalism ... "Freedom loving peoples can admire the tenacity of the Slovaks. Slovakia, settled by the Slovaks _in the early middle ages, was dommated by invading Magyars for almost a thousand years. The Magyars who invaded that country in the year 906 forced the Slovaks to submit to cultural and political dominance. "But the Slovaks clung tenaciously and with bravery to their own ways, their own cultures and their own language and preserved them during a very long period when a lesser people would have been assimilated or destroyed as an entity. Pe ace loving, they have been exposed through all of history to wars, revolutions, and dissentions. It is little wonder that they fled their conquered land, where Slovakia was part of Hungary until 1918 ... "One does not willingly mistake a Czech for a Slovak nor a Slovak for a Czech because, despite kinship, both peoples have great pride in �SLOVAKIA their own. The political marriage of the Czechs with the Slovaks in the creation of Czechoslovakia is not a truly happy one. A militant Slovak once said, 'The Slovaks are neither Czechs nor Czechoslovakians, but Slovaks who intend to r e m a i n Slovaks' . . . the Slovaks have no real voice in the (Prague) government ... " - Charlie House, The Milwaukee Journal, December 11, 1966. "Despite their domination by the Soviets and their inferior relationship to their Czech neighbors, the Slovaks are a fiercely nationalistic people who make the most of their own language in their little corner of the Tatra mountains, having had to connive and struggle and die in order to keep their national identity alive. The Devin Fortress, west of the city, rising hundreds of feet above the Danube, is today a center of formal and informal activity as well as a tourist attraction. An amphitheater has been cut out of the slope of the hill running down to a stage platform on the shore of the Danube. In the ruins of this fortress, which N a p o l e o n had blown up in a moment of pique, the Slovak revolutionaries of the middle 1800s, led by I.:udovit Stur, used to gather in secret to sing national songs, to inflame each other to national consciousness, and adopted poetical Slovak names to knit them to their ideal of a free land of their own. Leaving the historic fort so closely identified with the freedom movement of the 19th century, we drove along a double barbed-wire fence separated by a raked 20-foot noman's-land, the 'Iron Cuvtain' dividing the unfree from the free world. "Today one could sense beneath the surface tension of life in a regulated society the sturdy stuborness of previous generations in a similar societal prison. The Czechs continue to distrust the Slovaks, even in the government and enforcement 183 of the Socialist regime. Though the Slovak youth serve in the army in numbers disproportionate to their population (Slovaks number about 25 percent), fewer than 1 percent of their number are officers. Though Socialist slogans adorn every square, red stars top factories and schools, and pictures of Communist le a d er s occupy the walls of public offices. I heard only one woman use the term 'Comrade,' and she was a petty government worker whose job no doubt depended on the use of the right terms. "As unyielding as their national consciousness is the Christian composition of Slovakia. The country is about 80 percent Roman Catholic and about 10 percent Lutheran. (Prior to the Counter-Reformation in the 17th century the ratio was reversed.) This historic division has not been healed completely in the past three centuries ... "And yet the almost total Christian composition of Slovakia has left its mark on the people in various ways. M o r a I i t y is on a higher level, the crime rate is lower, the home more respected than in some of the neighboring countries . . . "I sensed a feeling of resignation on the part of older people. They seemed to have lost trust in any power outside their own, with perhaps the exception of spiritual power. The United Nations is helpless to liberate them." - Rev. Jaroslav Vajda, Editor, This Day, St. Louis, Mo. "In Czecho-Slovakia, Yugoslavia, Hungary and every land under communist dictatorship re 1 i g ion is being put to death." - John Cardinal Heenan of Westminster. "Czecho-Slovakia's communist regime has refused to compromise on other points, especially those involving the 1949 law which restricts the Church. This law gives the government the right to judge the �184 SLOVAKIA qualifications of priests, to prevent a priest from performing his duties, to install pastors and chaplains, to check Church finances, and to hamper the activity of the Church in many other matters." - NCWC News Service, Washington, D.C. miration and respect for the fine inborn qualities of the Slovaks, especially their fighting spirit in defense of ideals and principles which are akin to those of our Confederation." - Paul M. Deac, Executive Vice President. "In this diocese 20 priests die each year; only two new ones have been ordained. Active parish priests average 66 years old. One can accurately judge exactly when there will be no priests here. This is why we constantly pray that God will give His Church liberty before we get too old. " - A priest-worker from Czecho-Slovakia, Petrusblatt, Berlin. "(But) the Czech's most important espionage work is done for the Russians. The Czechs usually surpass the Russians in the quality of 'semi-overt' agents such as accredited diplomats, trade representatives, and journalists, many of whom double as intelligence operatives ... "The Czechoslovak Intelligence Service's work on Cyprus is a good example of how the Czechs serve the Russians. Politics in Cyprus involves a melange of Greek Cypriots, Turkish Cypriots, Communists, non-Communists, Greeks, and Turks. In this complex situation, the Russians must tread cautiously because there are so many toes that can easily be stepped on. In the summer of 1963, before the civil war broke out between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, the Czech embassy in the Cypriot capital of Nicosia was staffed by only three full-time career dtplomats. Today, 32 Czech foreign-service officers are attached to the embassy along with numerous trade representatives, journalists, airline officials, and undefined 'visitors'. This is true also at other Czech embassies in the Middle East." -Leo Heiman. The National Observer, March 13, 1967. " ... the Slovak government, under the reign of Msgr Tiso, did for the Jews what no other statesman dared to do in the Europe controlled by Hitler. During that time, no less than 85 % of Slovakia's Jews were saved from extermination." - J. T. Ryan, Jr., The Tablet, Brooklyn, N. Y. "Father Tiso, as he was best known to his countrymen, was hung for his failure to submit the Slovak nation to Communist ideology after that country had been taken over by the Soviets following World War II. Slovak Independence had been declared in March 1939 and Father Tiso was elected first president by an overwhelming majority in October of that year." - Webster (Mass.) Time, March 22, 1967. "When the American and English films are shown (in Slovakia), the hall is filled with people, mostly younger folks. But when the Russian or Czech films are shown, just a handful of people show up." (Gary, Indiana ) Post-Tribune. "Now you of the second, third, and fourth generations must keep up the faith , customs, and traditions of your forefathers here in this country and for the hope of your opressed people in Slovakia . . Don't abandon any of the past, rather draw on it to preserve the "National Confederation of Amer- treasures of your strong faith, your ican Ethnic Groups have a deep ad- culture, your language, and civic �SLOVAKIA 185 pride handed down by your fore- ism and that complete freedom f at hers." - Most Rev. Joseph and liberty are not evident in their McShea, Bishop of Allentown. home 1 and. " - George Romney, Governor of the State of Michigan. "The Slovaks in America have Jong demonstrated their deep and "Memorandum adopted by the abiding loyalties toward this na- 40th Congress of the Slovak League tion's institutions and ideals. They of America is an absolutely splenhave f o s t e re d brotherhood and did statement of the right of selfshown strong moral conviction for determination pledged in the Atlanmany years in their adopted coun- tic Charter as it applies to the try. Captive Nation Slovakia_ It is also " It is sad to note that their be- a model statement for all the other loved native country is still shack- Captive Nations. " - Prof. A . J . led under the bonds of totalitarian- App, Ph.D ., LaSalle College. CONTRIBUTOR S DR. FRANCIS HRUSOVSKY (September 7, 1903 September 9, 1956) Slovakia's eminent historian who was the first to complete a history of the Slovak people and their historic homeland over a span of 15 centuries, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, was born in Dolne Lovcice, Trnava district, Slovakia. His historical studies took him to Cracow in Poland and Praha in Bohemia. Upon his return home he was named director of the famed KlMtor nad Znievom private school for young men on the junior college level. Here from 1931 to 1945 he established a nationwide reiputation of an excellent educator and administrator as the school prepared hundreds of young Slovaks for successful careers in life. His fame won for him a seat in the Slovak parliament and a professorship at the University of Bratislava_ He was also a member of the board of directors in the Matica Slovenska (Slovak Institute) in Turciansky Sv_ Martin. After World War II he spent two years in historical research in Rome before going to America. In exile because of the postwar communist regime in his native country, he became actively occupied in Slovak affairs designed primarily to keep the hope of liberation alive. Accordingly, he was elected president of the Slovak National Council Abroad upon the death of Karol Sidor in 1953. In Cleveland, Ohio, with Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. of St. Andrew's Abbey he established the Slovak Institute in 1952 and became its first director_ Moreover, he was a teacher of the Slovak language, literature and history at Benedictine High School from 1947 to 1956, editor of the Slovenske Noviny weekly from 1949 to 1952, a regular speaker on the Cleveland Slovak radio program sponsored by the Cleveland Slovak Radio Club, and the recording secretary of the Slovak League of America. Shortly before his premature death at 53 he completed a history of the Slovak Religious Orders in America ( Slovenske re hole v Amerike). He was also the author of a number of other historical works and many articles for Slovak periodicals. Surviving is his widow, Mrs. Adele Hrusovsky. �186 SLOVAK.IA CONSTANTINE CULEN (February 26, 1904 April 7, 1964) Sixty years marked the span of life for the renowned Constantine Culen, Slovak journalist, publicist, author of 35 books and many political, historical and literary articles, and above all, one of Slovakia's leading patriots whose career in life was to serve his Slovak people with loyalty and devotion until his death. A native of Brodske in western Slovakia, Culen completed his education in Skalica. Then for a short while he was employed in the insurance business in Bratislava before receiving appointment to a position in the railways department. Soon, however, he plunged into the journalistic field in which he was destined to remain for the rest of his extremely active life. Acquaintance with the American Slovaks came firsthand when he came to the U.S. with the delegation of the Matica Slovenska in 1936. It was this visit that inspired him to write a history of the American Slovaks that won for him a national award in 1942. He was also made a Knight of the Order of Prince Pribina. Moreover, his popularity won for him election to the Slovak parliament in 1938. Culen's escape to freedom from his communist-ru led homeland af. ter World War II was followed by the editorship of the Kanadsky Slovak weekly from 1949 to 1956. As director of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland he served for two years before going to New York City where he died after suffering from an ailment for several years. Surviving are his wife, daughter and grandchildre n. Praha but interrupted his studies for a doctorate because of the urgency of the times when the Slovaks needed a leader in their struggle for autonomy inside Czecho-Slovakia. As Hlinka's righthand man, Sidor's dynamic leadership inspired the Slovak nation to carry on its fight for self-government until victory in the fall of 1938. His fearless defense of the rights of the Slovak nation was especially effective in his role as editor of the popular siovak daily in Bratislava and as member of the parliament in Praha. Because of his uncompromis ing stand in behalf of the Slovak nation, he was imprisoned by the Czech centralist regime, which only increased his great popularity at home. When the Slovak Republic was established in the spring of 1939 Sidor was named Minister of Interior but was soon afterwards sent to the Vatican as the representative of the newly-establi shed Slovak state. Here he remained until the end of the war in 1945. His most notable work is recorded in Sidor's book, Sest' rokov pri Vatikane, but only his intimate friends discovered that he had spent himself and his personal fortune (modest by any standards) in taking care of thousands of refugees who came to him for help. In exile from his native homeland , Sidor, though broken in health, continued his activity in behalf of the liberation of his communist-ruled postwar Slovakia which was forced back into the Czecho-Slovak Republic after World War II. He remained president of the Slovak National Council Abroad until his premature death at 52 in KAROL SIDOR Montreal, Que., Canada. Surviving (July 16,1901 - October 20,1953) are his widow, Mrs. Angela Sidor, Karol Sidor, a native of Ruzom- 4 sons, 2 daughters and grandberok, Slovakia, studied law in children. �SLOVAKIA NICHOLAS SPRINC (November 30, 1914 Rev. Mikulas Sprinc, a teacher of modern languages (French, Spanish) and Latin at Borromeo Seminary, Wickliffe, Ohio, finds time to edit the influential cultural S 1 o v a k quarterly, M O ST (Bridge). A priest, poet and patriot, Father Sprinc is known throughout the free world as a fearless defender of the Slovak nation's rights to freedom, self-government and statehood. A native of Krompachy, Spis district, Slovakia, Father Sprinc was a priest in the Spis diocese of the immortal Bishop Jan Vojtassak. His escape to freedom from his postwar communist-ruled S 1 o v a k i a brought him to America. After more than a decade as teacher of Latin, French and Spanish at Benedictine High School in Cleveland he was named to the faculty at Borromeo Seminary and College of the diocese. Father Sprinc received his master's degree in French literature from Western Reserve University. 187 FRANCIS VNUK (April 8, 1926 - ) A native son of Slovakia who was born in Veresvar (Cerveny Hradok, near Zlate Mor av c e), Francis Vnuk at 41 is perhaps the most promising versatile writer of the young generation of Slovaks. He interrupted his mining engineering studies in Ostrava to escape to freedom in 1949. The youthful Slovak emigrant spent two years in a foundry in Australia before enrolling at the Institute of Technology of South Australia. Upon completing his course in metallurgy he became a mernber of the faculty there and continued graduate studies in Physics and Mathematics. Then in his spare time he pursued special studies in political science and history at the University of Adelaide from 1955 to 1960. A decade ago Vnuk's name began appearing in the Jednota and Slovak v Amerike as the author of stimulating historical and literary reviews. Since then he has been the s o u r c e of a never-ending s tr ea m of informative, critical works. The torrent of an invigorating current of words has continued in three languages (Slovak, German and English). His views are based solidly, on facts, presenting them in a vigorous, sparing-no-punches style. His contributions have aroused great interest and merit serious analysis. Primarily a poet he has, nevertheless, written works in prose, notably, K slobodnym pobreziam (To the Shores of Freedom) and has edited several worth w hi 1 e publications, eg., Nadej vit'azna (Triumphant Hope), Sviity Andrej Svorad {a biography of St. Andrew Svorad), Slovenska Republika (Slovak Republic) and Slovenska Liga (1947). He is the author of several volumes of poems, among them His books: Neuveritel'ne sprisaTvarou proti slnku (Facing the hanie (Inc red i b 1 e Conspiracy) , Sun), Mladost' orla (The Youth of Middletown, Pa., 1964; Sedemnast' the Eagle), Oci moje putnice (The neurodnych r o k o v (Seventeen Eyes My Pilgrims) and others. He Barren Years), Middletown, Pa., is a chapter member of the Slovak I 1965, and Slovakia's Six Eventful Institute in Cleveland, Ohio. Months, Rome, 1964. �SLOVAKIA 188 REV. ANDREW PfR, O.S.B. (December 26, 1909 - ) A native of Blandburg, Pennsylvania, he completed his elementary and high school education in the local public schols and enrolled at St. Procopius College, Lisle, Illinois, in the fall of 1926. He worked for two years for Harbison Walker Refractories Company (headquarters in Pittsburgh, Pa.) in his home town before becoming a Benedictine monk in 1930. Since 1931, he has been a teacher of History, English, Slovak, Christian Instruction, Civics, Sociology and other courses at Benedictine High School in Cleveland, Ohio. He was ordained in 1937 and received a master's degree in history from Western Reserve University in 1943. radio talks on the Slovak radio program sponsored by the Cleveland Slovak Radio Club, he makes no secret of his pride of ancestry. He is an American Slovak whose love of our common sacred heritage of faith and freedom is in the proper perspective. MARYAGNES KRAJSA At the age of 17, this young student at St. Cyril's Academy, Danville, Pa., has shown an interest in writing about the history, culture and personalities of Slovaks. She was born in Allentown, Pa., and is the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Joseph C. Krajsa, now living in Middletown, Pa. Her father is the Editor of the Catholic weekly, JEDNOTA. Maryagnes Krajsa had an article appear in the Jed not a Annual FURDEK-1967; wrote an analogy of Slovakia's Hlinka and Rome's Cicero; and this spring won first prize in an essay contest on Slovak Culture and Heritage sponsored by the Slovak Catholic Federation of America. Inspired from early youth by his father and friends who were active in the Slovak League of America and the Slovak Catholic Federation, Father Pir has maintained a lifelong interest in the history of the Slovak nation and its emigrants to America. As a member of a number of Slovak fraternal organiAbout the other contributors see zations, co-editor of the Ave Maria last year's edition of Slovakia. magazine, a contributor of articles and a writer of feature columns in several Slovak periodicals the past three decades, director of the Slovak Institute, this youthful Benedictine priest considers himself fortunate to have been associated with many leading Slovak personaAnnual StOV AKIA is publities in the course of his busy life. Perhaps this is another reason for hts willingness to indulge himself in his spare time in a number of translations, among them the translation of the history of the Slovak nation and its historic homeland (Slovenske dejiny) by Dr. Francis Hrusovsky. For this issue of Slovakia, he translated Hrusovsky's, l'.:ulen's, Sidor's and Sprinc's studies. In his articles and occasional lished by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue, Middletown, Pennsylvania. Subscription $2.00. Editor: Dr. Joseph Paufo. �SLOVAKIA BOOK 189 REVIEWS Slovak Literature in the New Catholic Encyclopedia (McGraw-Hill ), 15 vol. , 15,300 p. , 7,500 ill. Price $550.00. After seven years of work by hundreds of scholars the Catholic University of America published 15 volumes of The New Catholic Encyclopedia which will replace the Catholic Encyclopedia of 19071915. The new work has been received by critics as a masterpiece and favorable recensions were published even by non-Catholic press. Accustomed to misrepresentations of Slovakia, of its history and literature in American encyclopedias and symposia, we are agreeably surprised that the editors of The New Catholic Encyclopedia looked for contributors who would avoid old cliches and treat the subject without bias and prejudice. This is at least our impression about the presentation of the Slovak language and literature as well as of individual Slovak writers. The contributions on these subjects were written by professor J . M. Kirschbaum , who for several years lectured on Slovak literature, history and culture at the Department of Slavic Studies, at the University of Montreal, and delivered numerous addresses on the prominent Slovak poets and philologists at the Congresses of the Canadian Association of Slavists. The accounts on Slovak language as well as on Slovak literature in the Encyclopedia are marked by his knowledge of the subject, clear formulations and a genuine attempt at an unbiased presentation of the Slovak cultural past. According to the rules, only the writers who are no more alive, have been included in the Encyclopedia. The editors also determined the size of articles and the number of poets and writers to be included. As a result, there is an account on the Slovak language and literature which presents the development of the Slovak language and literature , their place among Slavic languages and literatures and their main characteristics. Without arguing with misconceptions, Dr. Kirschbaum presented Slovak literature and language in an objective light and put into the 3000 words, he was allowed to write, as much basic information as possible. It is perhaps for the first time that any Encyclopedia published an account on Slovak language and literature with such impartiality and without fundamental errors. Separately are treated in some 2000 words the following writers : Anton Bernolak, Jan Holly. ~udovit Stur, Andrej Sladkovic, P. 0 . Hviezdoslav, S. H. Vajansky, Martin Kukucin and J. C. Hronsky. In a concise form and selected vocabulary Dr. Kirschbaum presented each of these writers and their main works with references to Slovak, German, English and French sources. Selection of bibliography for the Slovak language and literature seems to be also good and comprehensive. The contributions were written over four years ago and therefore some books, especially F . Vnuk's work on Slovak post-World War II literature are missing. Slovak writers in exile are also mentioned, but only in proportion to the Slovak literature as a whole. Who had a glance at the articles on Slovakia in other American or European encyclopedias, will certainly welcome prof. Kirschbaum's contribution on Slovak literature and language in The New Catholic Encyclopedia. It is not only comprehensive, but also without the usual bias with which Slovakia has been presented to the World by non-Slovak J . Pauco scholars. �190 SLOVAKIA Jozef Pauco, Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike 1967 (Literary Almanac of the Slovak in America). Middletown, Pa., pp. 254. The 1967 Literarny Almanach, published by ,the Slovak v Amerike under the editorship of Dr. Joseph Pauco, may be compared to a door which opens into the surprisingly broad field of recent Slovak literary and cultural production in the free world. Already a fleeting glance from the threshold reveals that the field is marvelously fertile and productive, exhibiting a wealth and variety of blooms, colorful in their diversity, charming in their beauty, and attractive in their composition. What is most striking about this flourishing garden is that one encounters here both the producer and the finished product. The garden is portioned off into three areas, the smallest of which is labeled " A Glance at Slovak Literary Creativity in the Free World." Competent authors here present a panoramic view of the conditions under which Slovak culture has expressed itself in recent years in the fields of literature, religion, the arts and nationalism. Poignant in the extreme are the observations of Dr. Joseph Kirschoaum, which are by no means limited in their application to the literary phase of which he writes. The author points out that in fleeing from Slovakia her sons were indeed escaping from hostile forces enveloping their country. But many of them were unable to find refuge even in the West, which was bound especially in those years by political if not friendly ties with their enemies. The Slovaks in exile became marked men. Their enemies, Czech agents in particular, missed no opportunity to make life miserable for them. Doors were closed against them . They experienced harassment, suspicion, false accusations, smear campaigns, denunciations, and outright cruelty and injustice. The marvel is that they were able to accomplish anything at all. Moreover, a distressing lack of research facilities created special difficulties for them and they had no means or very limited ones for the publication of their works. Yet within the past 20 years they have succeeded in catching the ear of the world. Never before, we are told , has the truth about Slovakia been propagated so widely in all the major languages of rthe world. These Slovak writers have become the voice of Slovakia, its conscience and its truest defenders. The second portion of the garden is labeled " Communications from Authors and Poets." In this area the writers show some of their harvestings. Their proven talent is exemplified here in well-constructed, warmly human stories and in lyrics, epigrams, and narrative poems in which the authors reveal their thoughts and share their hopes and yearnings with the reader. The last and by far the largest portion of the garden is marked "Representatives of Slovak Cultural Creativity." Upon entering this area the r eader finds himself in the company of literary scores of eminently distinguished persons, all highly educated, scholarly, and compertent in their respective fields. One beholds them almost with awe- the kind of awe experienced by those who were privileged in 1963 to paiiticipate in the week-long centennial celebrations of the SS. Cyril and Methodius Jubilee in Rome. From the four quarters of the globe Slovaks had assembled in the heart of Christendom to pay tribute to their apostles. In that noble company one recognized prelates and priests, statesmen, writers, artists, missionaries, all of them heroes and leaders, many of whom had for God and country suffered agony, �SLOVAKIA 191 torture, family separation, exile, imprisonment, persecution, starvation, homelessness. To see these people, to meet and talk with them, to be associated with them in prayer was an honor. Something of the same kind of impression is created by the Almanach. Here we not only see this band of leaders, gathered from all the continents of the world, but we are accorded the privilege of a formal introduction to each one by name and, I might add, by pseudonym. In the vicissitudes of flight, exile and adjustment, some of them h&ve assumed a whole series of pseudonyms, interesting to trace and identify. Now we are meeting them, as it were, face to face. We come to know when and where they were born, where they received their education, the manner in which they devote their energies on behalf of Slovakia, how they fared in its downfall, how they wandered from country to country, where they finally settled in the hope of earning a living. Above all, we are informed of the prodigious amount of writing they did "in the interests of truth" in the fields of religion, the arts, history, politics, science and industry. Representative among many in their respective fields are Charles Strmen, poet; Joseph !>uris, musician; Joseph Satin, artist; Michael Gerdelan, novelist; Dr. Joseph A. Mikus, diplomat; Dr. Stanislaus Meciar, literary critic; Eugene Urban, librarian ; Dr. Ferdinand t,urcansky, statesman; Rudolph Petrak, opera singer; Dr. Bonaventure Bue, O.F.M., linguist; Dr. Ivan A. Getting, scientist; Dr. Stephen Polakovic, philosopher; Stephen B. Roman, industrialist; Rudolph Kalencik, businessman; Philip A. Hrobak, journalist; Frico Motoska, sculptor; Rev. Jaroslav J. Vajda, translator; Jaroslav J. Pelikan, Protestant theologian; Boris Gaspar, illustrator; Rev. Julius Gasparik, composer; Francis Vnuk, metallurgist; Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, historian; Felix S. Gula, achitect; Dr. Joseph Stojkovic, physician; Rev. Louis Luzbetak, S.V.D., anthropologist; John Fabianek, biologist; John M. Dafcik, film critic; Mary Michna, pianist; Dr. Francis Zeman, biblical scholar; Dr. Heinrich Bartek, philologist. The list is merely typical; it was by no means easy to omit other names in each category. A survey of the list of works of these men is quite overwhelming. Indeed, if all the books, monographs, articles, works of art, music, paintings, sculpture, scientific studies produced by this group of professionals, were brought together into one collection, the resulting library would be precious beyond measure. In the preface to the Almanach, the renowned poet, Andrej .Zarnov, states that this listing of Slovak intellectuals and writers and the compilation of their representative works is long overdue. One is in for a surprise, he says, because the survey is remarkably revealing and the result tremendously inspiring. A final word from the editor is contained in the Epilogue. Dr. Pauco writes in substance: "It is an honor for us to place this Almanach in the hands of Slovaks wherever they may be. Like its predecessors it has its roots in a genuine love for and intense interest in the flowering of Slovak culture1in a free world. "In its compilation two circumstances brought us uncommon joy: 1) Whereas Americans regard a 10% response to a questionnaire as notably successful, our effort brought an overwhelming 95% response. 2) We have in effect produced here the nucleus of a Who's Who �192 SLOVAKIA Among the Slovaks, an undertaking long recognized as both desirable and necessary. "The two persons responsible for the compilation of personal data for the WHO'S WHO were the editor and, separated from him in faraway Australia, Francis Vnuk, who tackled this gigantic task with truly marvelous zeal and initiative. "In conducting the survey all religious and political dividing lines were disregarded. Beginners and veterans alike were invited to make themselves known, provided they had made some contribution to the treasury of Slovak self-identity and national consciousness." " Our aim," continues Dr. Pauco, "was to bear indisputable histurical witness to the native ability, resourcefulness, talent, energy and aspirations of the Slovaks in a free world; to the wholesomeness and durability of their Slovak culture; and to their determination to cling to and fight for their rights. Indeed, one can pose the question: If this is the output of men living in adverse circumstances, what would it have been in circumstances ideally set up in a free and independent Slovakia?" This ALMAN ACH, therefore, is a manifestation of Slovak talent and Slovak genius, yes, and a confrontation with Slovakia's indomitable courage. Sister M . Tarcisia Gregorovic, SS.C.M. Kalendar Jednota 1967: The 70th edition of the Jednota annual in the Slovak language. Jednota Press, 1967; 232 pp., Middletown, Pa. Ed. By Jozef C. Krajsa. Although the current Jednota annual follows the traditional pattern, it is an up-to-date publication that contains a variety of articles of interest to a wide circle of readers even outside the Jednota membership. Featured in this volume are John Sabol, supreme secretary, who by reason of his many years of devoted service merits the coveted title of 'Mr. Jednota,' and the late Jozef Rusek, who was editor of the Jednota weekly for more than three decades. Moreover, the ecumenical spirit is quite in evidence in the articles about Martin Razus by J. Dend'ur and Svetozar Hurban Vajansky by J . Bor. Many photos from Jednota affairs and Slovak life in general add to the attraction of a highly readable edition. Perhaps the most historical of the articles is the analysis of the view of communistic historians toward the Slovak Republic (1939-1945) by Jozef Kirschbaum, LL.D., Ph.D. As customary, the extensive list of addresses of Slovak clergy and Religious is a valuable asset, but it needs to be A . P. revised and supplemented. Jednota Annual Furdek 1967: This current edition published by the First Catholic Slovak Union, Middletown, Pa., in the English language continues to fulfill its original purpose, ie., to reach the younger set inside and outside the Jednota family. (Jednota Press, Middletown, Pa., 1967, 192 pp.) True to its design, namely, to arouse the interest of the youth, the Furdek features a striking pictorial review of the last year's Jednota college scholarship winners. The articles are, however, of general interest to people interested in American Slovak activities. No doubt the panel of biographies introduced by the editor, Joseph C. Krajsa, �SLOVAKIA 193 promises to inspire a complete series of life sketches of American Slovak leaders in various fields of activity throughout the country. We have something to look forward to next year and in the years to come. A. P, Diamond Jubilee Issue. Published by the 2ivena, Pittsburgh, Pa. Edited by Maria Mravec. 128 pp. in the Slovak language, brief supplements in English. Zivena Beneficial Society of the U.S.A . ( 1891 -1966) - This unusual volume follows an informal and original pattern but is historically valuable for its contents that cover a period of 75 years in the life of this fraternal organization for American Slovak women (also a minority of male members). Brief histories of various assemblies greatly enhance the overall value of the volume. Tributes paid to the founders and prominent leaders of the organization give us a true picture of the 2ivena family in our American Slovak fraternal life. A .P. Ncirodny A mericko -Slov ensky KALEND A R 1967 : 75th edition of the official annual published by the National Slovak Society of the U.S. of America, Pittsburgh, Pa., 224 pp. , 153 pp. in the Slovak language, 48 pp. in English and the rest advertizing. Ed. by Jan Mihal. Dedicated to the memory of Peter P . Rovnianek, founder of the NSS, this oldest of Slovak annuals in America, seeks to convey the old and new spirit of the American Slovak life : a) ,t he old, by recalling the inspiring leadership of our Slovak pioneers who organized our fraternal societies, b) the new, by peering into the future in an ecumenical mood to grasp the spirit of a new age. There are perhaps a number of controversial subjects touched upon here and there, but the spirit of Christian charity bids us to treat these in the spirit of the new ecumenism in an effort to arrive at a common understanding in the hope of Slovak unity that will help our Slovak nation win its struggle against the forces of evil let loose upon the hallowed land of Slovak forefathers. Here in a free land we must cherish our freedom not only in words but in deeds, and we can do no better than follow the shining example of Slovak pioneers who blazed a trail for us to follow, particularly in Slovak fraternal organizations in America. A . P. 1967 - Zi on Calendar: A jubilee issue marking the 450th anniversary of the Reformation. 160 pp. Published by the Slovak Zion Synod of the Lutheran Church in America. Edited by Rev. John Kalny, Rev. John Kovacik and Rev. John Adam. Kalendcir Sion - Although Martin Luther is naturally the centerpiece of this volume in Slovak (80 pp.) and English (50 pp.) , advertizing 30 pp, the history of the Slovak Lutheran parishes is of special interest to those of Slovak origin. The history, too, of Dr. Jozef M. Hurban with accompanying pictures to commemorate the 150th anniversary of the birth of this great 19th century Slovak patriot and religious leader is of great interest to all Slovaks, here or in Slovakia. The names of Slovak Lutheran parishes and their pastors in America are invaluable to the �194 SLOVAKlA historian in search of facts and statistics for a complete history of the Slovaks in America. A. P. Bohemia, Yearbook of the Collegium Carolinum, Munich, Vol. 6, Robert Lerche Verlag, Munich, 1964, DM 45. Die Slowakei als mitteleuropiiisches Problem in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Papers delivered at a symposium of the Collegium Carolinum in Mtinchen-Grtinwald, V. 1 to 3. August 1962. Verlag Robert Lerche, Munich 1965, 235 pp., DM 22.- (cloth bound) DM 19.(cardboard). The Collegium Carolinum, research center on the Bohemian countries, has again published two new volumes: the Bohemia Yearbook (Volume 6) and the papers delivered at a symposium of the Collegium in August 1962 in Grunwald near Munich on "Slovakia as a Central European Problem in Past and Present. " Because of the wealth of material and research findings the Bohemia Yearbooks are not only well-known but practically indispensable to readers especially interested in history. Once again it is difficult to select from the large number of treatises and book reviews a representative extract and although they would deserve mention, lack of space makes it impossible to include all the papers under review. Heribert Sturm, known not only to the people of Eger as an indefatigable researcher of his home area, examined - in a paper delivered in May 1964 in Nuremberg - the mutual relationships between Eger, Nuremberg and Prague in the high and late medieval periods. Also contained herein is Friedrich Prinz' lecture of January 1965 on Bohemia's historical problems between 1848 and 1918 plus his important confrontation of ideology and reality in the national controversy on both sides. By reading and rethinking the issues presented, one spontaneously feels grateful to the publisher for letting important words become printed witnesses to the efforts on behalf of historic trnth and reality. The same might be said of the talks on the Slovak question. Milan Stanislav Durica's contribution on "Slovakia during the March Crisis of 1939" offers valuable new material toward destroying the "Slovak legend": only undifferentiated, black-white presentations of " contemporary history" could and can see Slovakia as a stolid ally of National Socialist Greater Germany. To the historian prone to weigh and balance his material, this work offers a dovetailed mosaic of alliance under international law, ideological (partial) aversion, and power-political weighing of interests. One can only hope that Durica's voluminous tome: "La Slovacchia e le sue relazioni politiche con la Germania 1938-1945" (Padua 1964, lire 4,000) will soon be available in translation. A number of these works should, however, be made available for broader circles, especially the youth. The Collegium Carolinum has assumed the task of "objectively fostering the tradition of the venerable Charles University .. . for the young." One could visualize in connection with the youth organizations well-suited to the task, such as the Sudeten German Youth and the German Youth of the East, a series of publications that would present the selected works of this kind at a price within reach, in greater number. Fritz Peter Habel �SLOVAKIA 195 DO ·N ' T CO U NT US OUT! A COUNTRY WHICH YOU MAY NOT KNOW SLOVAK I A (18,921 square miles, population 4,400,000) is a separate country and the SLOVAK NATION is an individual member of the European family of nations. Though Slovakia lies in the very center of Europe, its name is not heard of in the world. The reason for that is the fate of this country which, for ages, has not been able to emerge in history under its own name, and is not even today an independent country on the map of Europe. The SLOVAKS occupied this country at the end of the 4th century, when it belonged to no one. The ancestors of the Slovak people attached to this country the destiny of all the succeeding Slovak generations, who in turn, established their claim to this land by the1 fact that during their more than thousand year history they never deserted or renounced it. Out of the tiny Slovak principalities a united Slovak State came into existence already in the first half of the 9th century. It was the first organized state in Central Europe. By the year 830 during the reign of Prince Pribina, a Christian church was standing in the ancient home of the Slovak princes of Nitra. It was the first Christian church in the entire territory of the western Slavs. The King Svatopluk (870-894), whom contemporary sources consider "the most glorious of the Slavonic rulers almost as mighty as an emperor" e.lQtended his domain to include the neighboring Czech and Polish tribes. He waged successful wars against his Western neighbors, maintained diplomatic relations and concluded diplomatic peace treaties with neighboring rulers, and safeguarded the independent status of his country. By the end of the 10th century, after the Danube basin was invaded by the Magyars, Slovakia lost the conditions necessary for independent development. Sometime around the year 1000 it became a part of the Hungarian State. A great and glorious chapter of Slovak history was ended, but neither its inspiring memory, nor the right of the Slovak nation to liberty and independence, ever faded. The addition into the heritage Slovaks did not enter the Hungarian State empty-handed. In to the territory of their own country, the Slovaks brought budding Hungarian State their entire material and spiritual and they became a participant in this new phase of history. For a century and a half (from 1540 until the end of the 17th century) Slovakia served as a bastion in the bulwark that defended Christian Europe against the danger from the East-against the attacks of the Turks. The new ideas which later, under the slogan "Liberty, Equality and Fraiternity," resulted in the French Revolution, made their way into the Danube basin and affected also the nations of that region, Slovak �196 SLOVAKIA national consciousness developed and, under the pressure of the subjugation exerted upon the Slovaks by the Magyars, became strongly rooted in Slovak life itself. Soon the Slovaks began to cultivate their own language. Anton Bernolak, in the year 1787 wrote a grammar of literary Slovak. In the year 1843, under I.!udovit Stur, who was the cultural and political leader of his generation, definitive rules of Slovak grammar were established and these became the instrument of an independent literature. In the spring of 1861 the Slovaks called a general assembly to Turciansky Sv. Martin where the prominent attorney Stefan Marko Daxner formulated Slovak policy in the comprehensive Memorandum of the Slovak Nation. Pointing to the conditions which had developed in Hungary, they asked that the Slovak nation be recognized by a special edict, that Slovakia constitute a distinctive administrative unit in Hungary, and that the Slovak people in their own territory be given the right to develop their own life without restriction. The Magyars opposed the petitions of the Slovak nation. They outlawed the assembling Slovaks and treated their political leaders as traitors. When World War I was nearing its end, the leaders of ,t he Slovaks saw that the military defeat of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy would give them the opportunity to attain the goals they were not able to achieve in Hungary. Slovaks took a stand for the right of self-determination On May 30, 1918, representatives of the Slovak League of America met with representatives of Czech organizations and with the President of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, T. G. Masaryk, in Pittsburgh, Pa., and drew up an agreement which guaranteed political and cultural autonomy to Slovakia in the new common State. The Slovaks in the homeland met on October 30, 1918, in Turciansky Sv. Martin, where they organized a Slovak National Council and in separate declaration proclaimed that the Slovaks once and for all were separating themselves from Hungary and were of their own accord joining the Czecho-Slovak State. The Slovak people welcomed the Czecho-Slovak Republic with open joy and sincere hope. But the relaitionship between the Slovak and Czech nations was dimmed :&om the very beginning of their union. On May 4, 1919, the outstanding representative of the Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak National Council, general Milan Rastislav Stefanik, was murdered by a secret order of the Prague Government. But the most important reason why the early enthusiasm of the Slovaks ended in rapid and complete disillusionment was that the Czechs were trying to build the Czecho-Slovak Republic on the same kind of foundation which the Magyars had laid for the creation of an united greater Hungary. The President of the Hungarian Government, Stephen Tisza, declared: "There is no Slovak nation ... " The President of Czecho-Slovakia, T. G. Masaryk, said the same. Magyarization was replaced with Czechization, and the undemocratic centralization by Budapest with the undemocratic centralization by Prague. Slovakia was treated as a colony of the Czechs. �SLOVAKIA 197 Rev. Andrej Hlinka, a fearless political fighter of the Slovaks during the Hungarian regime, renewed the relentless struggle for the honor and rights of his own nation. The policy of his Slovak People's Party was based on the Pittsburgh Agreement. It was drawn up and signed by the President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, T. G. Masaryk, who later declared iit null and void. The disappointed Slovaks united themselves in the predominantly Catholic Slovak People's Party, led by A. Hlinka, and in the Slovak National Party, which had a majority of Lutheran members, headed by Martin Razus, a leading Slovak poet whom the Slovaks called the '' conscience of .the Slovak nation." The Czechs, like the Magyars, did not want to give up their imperialistic plans for Slovakia until they were forced to under the pressure of the international developments. The Czecho-Slovak Republic, preparing to celebrate its 20th anniversary, found itself in the midst of a serious internal crisis and was shaken to its foundations by strong German pressure. After the Allies of the Czecho-Slovak Government dis-associated themselves from the policy of President Benes, the days of Czecho-Slovakia came to an end. Circumstances left .the Slovaks no choice but to shift for themselves. After a great manifestation in Bratislava, on June 5, 1938, where a delegation of the Slovak League of America, led by its president Dr. Peter Hletko, brought along the original of the Pittsburgh Pact, after lengthy and fruitless consultations with representatives of the Prague regime, the Executive Committee of the Slovak People's Party met in 2ilina, on the 6th of October, 1938, and suggested that all power in Slovakia be seized by the Slovaks. This resolution of the Slovak People's Party was accepted and approved in all its parts by delegates of all the remaining non-leftist Slovak parties. According to the declaration of Slovak autonomy, elections for seats in the Slovak Parliament were held as early as December 18, 1938. The Slovak Parliament, elected according to the decree of Slovak autonomy, was called into extraordinary session by the President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, Dr. Emil Hacha, and on March 14, 1939, it dedared Slovakia an independent and self-gov erning state by unanimous resoh.1,tion. This step was the only refuge for Slovakia against the storm threatening 1t in the tense international situation. The independent State of Slovakia was recognized either de jure or de facto by 27 nations. These states included great powers and small countries, neutrals as well as belligerents in the Second World War. On October 26, 1939, Dr. Jozef Tiso was elected the first president of the Slovak Republic and was recognized by the Slovak nation as the successor of the 9th-century Slovak princes. After six years, a great and glorious chapter of Slovak history was ended. On the heels of the Soviet army's divisions and their unspeakable atrocities, came Dr. Eduard Benes with the government of a resurrected Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Slovak nation arrived, against its will and contrary to all the principles of natural and selfdetermining rights, at a position in which it did not care to live at any price, with nothing but slavery staring it in the face . �SLOVAKIA 198 The Slovak nation became a victim of revenge because it waged to declare and to build its own state. The execution of the President of Slovak Republic, Dr. Jozef Tiso, on April 18, 1947, was the condemnation of whole Slovak people. The gallows on which Dr. Jozef Tiso and' the other representatives of the Slovak Republic died a martyr's death, and the time bomb which killed the prominent exilefighter of Slovakia, Matu~ Cernak, in Munich on June 5, 1955, stand above the chasm whica once and for all obliterated any form of Czecho-Slovak state. The spirit and form of the Communist people's democracy are foreign , repulsive and unacceptable to the Slovak nation. With persistent and remarkable consistency, the Slovaks are rejecting everything that the government of Czecho-Slovakia, as a servant of Moscow, is forcing upon them. And they are defending and fighting with heroic courage everything that feeds and strengthens their own life. They will never surrender their claim to a free life in their own state, but insist on an independent position in the great family of nations in Europe. The struggle for this goal is led not just by the Slovak nation behind the Iron Curtain, but by its members in the free world. The Slovaks, through the Slovak League of America, do not cease to call for FREEDOM and INDEPENDENCE for SLOVAKIA . SLOVAK STATE - A DREAM OF THOUSAND YEARS Atty. John F. Spacek March 14, 1939. A thousand years old Slovak dream of self-government realized on this date. The yearnings, wishes and prayers of a courageous people were answered on this date. Slovaks - the " Irish of Central Europe" as they are often called, joined the family of nations. Their freedom, cultural identity, free expression of thought were now a political reality. Let us, for a brief moment, go into history, to the year 1938 and trace the birth and growth of the Slovak state. It was at this time that the avarious eyes of Hitler cast themselves upon the Sudetenland ; his demands were to assimilate the Sudeten Germans into the Third Reich. Fearing the advent of a war the English and the French recommended appeasing Hitler by agreeing to his demands. However, at this time, it was not only -the German that was avarious. The Pole and the Magyar also cast their eyes on Slovakia. It was at this time, it must be remembered, that the thought and dream of an independent Slovakia was nurtured. Faced with the possibility of total digestion by the German and occupation by the Magyar and/or Pole, a decision by Father Dr. Tiso had to be made. It must be remembered that the decision was made reluctantly, since the original intention of those in power was to participate with the Czechs as a part of a federated state of Czechs and Slovaks. This, �SLOVAKIA 199 however, could not be. Condition in the Czecho-Slovakia deteriorated to a point where total occupation by the German army was inevitable. Pressed by the demands of Hitler, the fear of Czech duplicity (again), a fear of occupation by the Magyars together with the centuries old dream of self-government, Slovakia was born. The birth of the Slovak Republic did not come without fanfare. Diplomatic recognition and relations were exchanged by almost every European power, including seventeen (17) who fought on the side of allies or were neutral. Congratulatory notes and wishes were received from every corner of the globe. A constitution was formed. A memorable document embodying every .p rinciple of Christian Law and social justice. A representative. government was adopted. A house consisting of one representative for every 20,000 people. It became a haven for Jews escaping from Poland. Pro-German functionaries were dismissed from office. It became known as a "Christian Oasis" in a Nazi desert - and the "Ireland of Central Europe". However, this dream, this yearning and desire for self-govern• ment was not to last. It became apparent that a Russian occupation was eminent. Various efforts were made to prevent a destruction of the country by the ravages of war and to continue their freedom thereafter. However, communist infiltrators and traitors were not to permit a free Slovakia, causing distrust, turmoils and disorder. The communists now took hold of the country not by the rule of law, but by the rule of force, not by self-determination, but by fear. In history's haste to re-establish Czecho-Slovakia and with a generous assistance of communists and combined with total disregard to the Slovaks' own destiny, the control over Slovakia was once more moved back to Prague. The 1000 years' dream ended after six years. Six years of what? Six years of freedom from fear, freedom from want, six years of economic and cultural development, and of educational advances beyond anyone's dream. - And it ended. It was a dream worth fighting for. It is for this dream that the Slovak League of America exists and continues in the struggle for self-determination and the cause of Slovak freedom. Some historians will criticize this short-lived Slovak Republic for accepting some measure of assistance from the Germans. I say to these: "You are naive . .. From whom was this freedom that had been so long sought to come? From the Russians? The Czechs? The Magyars? What other course was open?" If we criticize Father Tiso, should we not also criticize De Valera of Ireland and Gandhi of India and many others? This struggle is mankind's struggle for self-determination. family of nations at the United Nations began with a handful result of the rights of mankind to determine their own destiny. the family has grown. Has not the philosophy of the Slovaks proven to be correct? The as a And been �200 SLOVAKIA Contents American Democracy and Slovak Life - Hrusovsky - Dr. Francis 1 Constantine Beginnings of The Slovak League of America - Culen - 18 The Slovak League of America and the Slovak Nation's Struggle for Autonomy - Karol Sidor - 29 Slovak League of America and Independent Slovakia - Mikulas Sprinc - 63 Under Dynamic Leadership Peter V. Rovnianek - Sister M. Martina, SS.C.M. - F . Vnuk - A Poet in Exile - Prof. Dr. F . Durcansky - The Slovaks in America - J.M. Kirschbaum - P . V. Rovnianek - 181 As Others See It - 185 189 A Country Which You May Not Know Slovak State - Atty. John F . Spacek - 153 161 178 Current Issues - Book Reviews - 144 Maryagnes Krajsa - Andrej Hlinka - Contributors - Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. - 195 198 173 104 137 �PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 178 SLOVAKIA CURRENT ISSUES PRESIDENT DR. JOSEPH TISO They died because they dared, and their daring was in behalf of the Slovak nation in whose behalf they dedicated their lives and fortunes. Slova1k leaders dared to proclaim Sloviak independence in the early spring of 1939 and they succeeded in establishing the Slov,a k Republic, which soon received official diiplomatic recognition by the countries of Europe--induding Germany, Russia, France, Great Britain, Spain, and Italy. Founded in the days of peace-six months before the outbreak of World War II-the Slovak State was destined to flounder in the days of peace after the war in the summer of 1945. Thus, through no fault of its own, the Slovak Republic vanished because of the dictates of those who came disguised as liberators. Its destruction was actually, therefore, the end result of postwar dictatorship. Prime victims of postwar revenge at the hands of the commlllllist coalition in Moscow, Prague and Bratislava were President Tiso and his government officials who had guided the Slovak Republic safely through the storms of World War II, only to have the Slovak Ship of State torpedoed treacherously and dishonorably by the 'liberators'. The Captain went down heroically with his Ship, as did many of his loyal colleagues. Their names are indelibly emblazoned on the glorious pages of Slovak history. Nothing can erase their golden memories from the minds and hearts of their countrymen. Slovak exiles scattered throughout the free world willingly bear witness in behalf of the Slovak Republic. Their testimony shows how grave a:nd injustice was inflicted upon the Slovak people and its government by the so-called liberators of World War II. The only way to correct this act of gross injustice to a freedom-loving people. the Slovaks,. is the restoration of their own independent self-governing state. No one can denv the ever-present reality of religious SLOVAKIA 179 and political suppression of the Sloviaiks. How long a free world -can tolerate this situation is beyond comprehension, but it somehow indicates the moral bankruptcy of our age when so much injustice, oppression and persecution against so many goes on unchallenged in our times. Rev. Andrew Pir, O.S.B. CLERGY WITH MORAL BLEMISH USED AS COMMUNIST TOOL The conclave of the"peace priests" in Prague has ended. Two active government ministers made very clear the desire of the Communist regime to open negotiations with the Vatican on a modus vivendi between church and state. Although contacts were made with Rome as far back as the last phase of Vatican II, they ran aground due to the failure to reach agreement on several questions. The final note of discord was the appearance of two Slovak bishops-in-exile, Hnilica and Rusnak, which caused keen resentment in Prague, since the two dignitaries openly demanded that the Council plenum brand Communism as the " scourge of the 20th century". Moreover, the three Council fathers from the cSSR did not contradict them. The agreement which the Vatican has meantime con- eluded with Hungary and Yugoslavia, and the relaxation perceptible in its relationship to R um an i a, is causing Prague to fear that Czecho-Slovakia could some day become the victim of isolation. That fear prompted Minister of Education, Hajek to use the forum of the "peace priests" conference to make an offer of reconciliation to the Vatican, in which he appealed to the Pope for "realism". What is probably meant, is that Rome should reward with the title of bishop, those persons who, in the fifties, were installed in office by the Communists as general vicars, although most of them were Communist underlings, not daring to protest again the anti-church discrimination or the imprisonment of their own bishops who were incarcerated without benefit of fair trial. The Holy See, well aware 180 SLOVAKIA of the precarious position of the Prague government, is in no hurry to take Prague up on its offer, especially as the agreement between Hungary and the C h u r c h has not brought the desired results. The bishops installed there proved too ineffective, and consequently were unable to broaden the Church's sphere of operation. Hence the Vatican has chosen to wait and see how the agreement with Yugoslavia - made against the wishes of the bishops there - turns out, before it takes on a new risk with Prague. Informed circles know that one of the conditions for negotiations with the Czech government would be the removal of the governmentempowered persons in all dioceses who, as laymen, are in possession of the episcopal seal, while the vicars, inst a 11 e d simultaneous ly, ( drawn from the ranks of the "peace priests") would have to restrict themselves to a figure-head function in the various parishes. Prague would be willing, if these "peace priests" were to be given official status as bishops, thereby assuring a further Communist hold on the Church. The top echelon "peace priests", it should be noted, have "moral shortcomings", such as having broken their vow of celibacy and caused scandal among their congregations . Priests of this kind are always open to blackmail by the Communist Party, hoping as it does that eventual Vatican approval of such "poor specimens" may lead many of the religious-min ded to desert the church. Heading the "peace priests" is Minister of Health Plojhar, who was excommunica ted some years ago and is hated not only by his co-religionists but even by the Communist Party. An example of this dislike for Plojhar is seen in a resolution drawn up last spring in Olomouc by that city's school of medicine, appealing to Prague's Central Committee to remove Plojhar from his ministerial post on the grounds of being "not qualified" and having recourse to "Stalinist methods of operations". The attempt was, of course, unsuccessful, since President Novotny still needs his faithful henchman to keep the clergy "under control". Plojhar's power has only come to light in the past weeks, with the return of the two "neutral" Slovak bishops, Lazik and Necsey, who had SLOVAKIA been in Rome for a long papal audience and were forced immediately upon their arrival at the Prague airport, to report to the general secretary of the "peace priests",one Mr. Benes. Prior to that, C a r d i n a 1 Konig, of Vienna, also had an audience with the Pope and reported to him on his impressions gained during a visit to Slovakia in September. According to his story, the bishops there are still under heavy emotional pressure, and after Konig's return to Austria they were immediately put through a thorough-going cross-examination by the secret police as to their conversations with the Viennese cardinal. It is also common knowledge that 181 the Prague "Ecclesiastical Office" forbade the reading of a pastoral letter at the beginning of the school year because it drew the attention of the faithful to the opportunity, under the constitution, for their children to get religious instruction. Should further proof of the Communist regime's hostility toward the church be desired, it can be seen in the fact that in the CSSR Gnly 35 new priests are ordained annually, compared with 300 before the war. The difficulties placed in the path of young people desiring to study theology today show more clearly than anything else that state-church coexistence is still a long way off. w.o. AS OTHERS SEE IT "Slovakia has always been a land of plenty, but never a land of long peace. Its people have been attacked from all sides. They have known the dread of encirclement and destruction by enemies who have looked with covetous eyes upon the Slovak rich land of the Danube Valley. "For more than 1,000 years, since the time St. Cyril and Methodius brought Christianity to the land of the Slovaks, it has been looked on as the birthplace of Christianity in Eastern Europe. In 830 the first Christian church was erected, in Nitra. It still stands today in Slo- vakia, if the Communists have not destroyed it. It is thus understandable that the Christian world witnesses the plight of the Slovak people today with deep concern. We pray that the Slovak people will soon attain their freedom from Soviet totalitarianism. "Nothing can be more harrowing to American citizens of Slovak birth, whose relatives still live in Slovakia, than the knowledge that their original homeland remains enslaved. Their heartstrings long to see them free. "Yet, beneath the iron rule of Slovakia's enslavement, the Slovak 182 SLOVAKIA spirit of independence still struggles against oppression. Under the very eyes of the Kremlin's agents, insurgents spread through the countryside ... "We who enjoy the freedom of the West have a sober lesson to learn from the unfortunate peoples of Slovakia who live under the Communist reign of terror. They have shown us that even in the darkest hours, the love of liberty need not die. Let us hope that the Slovaks are not resisting in vain, that with our help they shall one day be able to live in the atmosphere of freedom and dignity which is the right of all human beings . .. "American citizens of S 1 ova k descent and backround who are carrying on this vigorous battle against communism deserve the plaudits and continued support of all who believe in democracy." Extension of remarks of Honorable Hubert H. Humphrey of Minnesota in the Senate of the United States, Wednesday, April 1, 1953. "Hebrew, Latin, and Greek were the only languages approved for use in the liturgical services of the 9th century. SS. Cyril and Methodius authored and popularized a translation in the Slavonic language, at that time the vernacula r of the Slovaks, Croats, Bulgarians, Moravians, Serbians and Bohemians which is still in use today. They were pioneers centuries before Vatican II authorized the vernacular for all nations." - Rev. Paschal Boland, O.S.B. , S.T.D. "The great Christian historical background of the Slovak nation fitted well in this new country of ours. You may at times have found the task arduous but you can always tell you are on the rigth road if it is upgrade. " It is evident that the seed of Christianity planted in Slovakia more then a thousand years ago had a great influence on all citizens of central and eastern Europe radiating from what was then Great Moravia. It is a great credit to your nation that you have not only maintained the advantages derived from the teachings of the two great saints who evangelized your country but you have enriched a great many by furthering the cause of Christianity in a manner contagious to all other nations surrounding yours. " - Paul Tardif, M .P., Ottawa, Canada "So nationalistic are the Slovaks that they resent and deplore the official spelling of the name of that country. They would have it hyphenated - Czecho-Slovakia - to earn both separation and capitalization. Though they are blood relatives of the Czechs and speak a related language, they are militantly protective of their individuality and nationalism ... "Freedom loving peoples can admire the tenacity of the Slovaks. Slovakia, settled by the Slovaks _in the early middle ages, was dommated by invading Magyars for almost a thousand years. The Magyars who invaded that country in the year 906 forced the Slovaks to submit to cultural and political dominance. "But the Slovaks clung tenaciously and with bravery to their own ways, their own cultures and their own language and preserved them during a very long period when a lesser people would have been assimilated or destroyed as an entity. Pe ace loving, they have been exposed through all of history to wars, revolutions, and dissentions. It is little wonder that they fled their conquered land, where Slovakia was part of Hungary until 1918 ... "One does not willingly mistake a Czech for a Slovak nor a Slovak for a Czech because, despite kinship, both peoples have great pride in SLOVAKIA their own. The political marriage of the Czechs with the Slovaks in the creation of Czechoslovakia is not a truly happy one. A militant Slovak once said, 'The Slovaks are neither Czechs nor Czechoslovakians, but Slovaks who intend to r e m a i n Slovaks' . . . the Slovaks have no real voice in the (Prague) government ... " - Charlie House, The Milwaukee Journal, December 11, 1966. "Despite their domination by the Soviets and their inferior relationship to their Czech neighbors, the Slovaks are a fiercely nationalistic people who make the most of their own language in their little corner of the Tatra mountains, having had to connive and struggle and die in order to keep their national identity alive. The Devin Fortress, west of the city, rising hundreds of feet above the Danube, is today a center of formal and informal activity as well as a tourist attraction. An amphitheater has been cut out of the slope of the hill running down to a stage platform on the shore of the Danube. In the ruins of this fortress, which N a p o l e o n had blown up in a moment of pique, the Slovak revolutionaries of the middle 1800s, led by I.:udovit Stur, used to gather in secret to sing national songs, to inflame each other to national consciousness, and adopted poetical Slovak names to knit them to their ideal of a free land of their own. Leaving the historic fort so closely identified with the freedom movement of the 19th century, we drove along a double barbed-wire fence separated by a raked 20-foot noman's-land, the 'Iron Cuvtain' dividing the unfree from the free world. "Today one could sense beneath the surface tension of life in a regulated society the sturdy stuborness of previous generations in a similar societal prison. The Czechs continue to distrust the Slovaks, even in the government and enforcement 183 of the Socialist regime. Though the Slovak youth serve in the army in numbers disproportionate to their population (Slovaks number about 25 percent), fewer than 1 percent of their number are officers. Though Socialist slogans adorn every square, red stars top factories and schools, and pictures of Communist le a d er s occupy the walls of public offices. I heard only one woman use the term 'Comrade,' and she was a petty government worker whose job no doubt depended on the use of the right terms. "As unyielding as their national consciousness is the Christian composition of Slovakia. The country is about 80 percent Roman Catholic and about 10 percent Lutheran. (Prior to the Counter-Reformation in the 17th century the ratio was reversed.) This historic division has not been healed completely in the past three centuries ... "And yet the almost total Christian composition of Slovakia has left its mark on the people in various ways. M o r a I i t y is on a higher level, the crime rate is lower, the home more respected than in some of the neighboring countries . . . "I sensed a feeling of resignation on the part of older people. They seemed to have lost trust in any power outside their own, with perhaps the exception of spiritual power. The United Nations is helpless to liberate them." - Rev. Jaroslav Vajda, Editor, This Day, St. Louis, Mo. "In Czecho-Slovakia, Yugoslavia, Hungary and every land under communist dictatorship re 1 i g ion is being put to death." - John Cardinal Heenan of Westminster. "Czecho-Slovakia's communist regime has refused to compromise on other points, especially those involving the 1949 law which restricts the Church. This law gives the government the right to judge the 184 SLOVAKIA qualifications of priests, to prevent a priest from performing his duties, to install pastors and chaplains, to check Church finances, and to hamper the activity of the Church in many other matters." - NCWC News Service, Washington, D.C. miration and respect for the fine inborn qualities of the Slovaks, especially their fighting spirit in defense of ideals and principles which are akin to those of our Confederation." - Paul M. Deac, Executive Vice President. "In this diocese 20 priests die each year; only two new ones have been ordained. Active parish priests average 66 years old. One can accurately judge exactly when there will be no priests here. This is why we constantly pray that God will give His Church liberty before we get too old. " - A priest-worker from Czecho-Slovakia, Petrusblatt, Berlin. "(But) the Czech's most important espionage work is done for the Russians. The Czechs usually surpass the Russians in the quality of 'semi-overt' agents such as accredited diplomats, trade representatives, and journalists, many of whom double as intelligence operatives ... "The Czechoslovak Intelligence Service's work on Cyprus is a good example of how the Czechs serve the Russians. Politics in Cyprus involves a melange of Greek Cypriots, Turkish Cypriots, Communists, non-Communists, Greeks, and Turks. In this complex situation, the Russians must tread cautiously because there are so many toes that can easily be stepped on. In the summer of 1963, before the civil war broke out between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, the Czech embassy in the Cypriot capital of Nicosia was staffed by only three full-time career dtplomats. Today, 32 Czech foreign-service officers are attached to the embassy along with numerous trade representatives, journalists, airline officials, and undefined 'visitors'. This is true also at other Czech embassies in the Middle East." -Leo Heiman. The National Observer, March 13, 1967. " ... the Slovak government, under the reign of Msgr Tiso, did for the Jews what no other statesman dared to do in the Europe controlled by Hitler. During that time, no less than 85 % of Slovakia's Jews were saved from extermination." - J. T. Ryan, Jr., The Tablet, Brooklyn, N. Y. "Father Tiso, as he was best known to his countrymen, was hung for his failure to submit the Slovak nation to Communist ideology after that country had been taken over by the Soviets following World War II. Slovak Independence had been declared in March 1939 and Father Tiso was elected first president by an overwhelming majority in October of that year." - Webster (Mass.) Time, March 22, 1967. "When the American and English films are shown (in Slovakia), the hall is filled with people, mostly younger folks. But when the Russian or Czech films are shown, just a handful of people show up." (Gary, Indiana ) Post-Tribune. "Now you of the second, third, and fourth generations must keep up the faith , customs, and traditions of your forefathers here in this country and for the hope of your opressed people in Slovakia . . Don't abandon any of the past, rather draw on it to preserve the "National Confederation of Amer- treasures of your strong faith, your ican Ethnic Groups have a deep ad- culture, your language, and civic SLOVAKIA 185 pride handed down by your fore- ism and that complete freedom f at hers." - Most Rev. Joseph and liberty are not evident in their McShea, Bishop of Allentown. home 1 and. " - George Romney, Governor of the State of Michigan. "The Slovaks in America have Jong demonstrated their deep and "Memorandum adopted by the abiding loyalties toward this na- 40th Congress of the Slovak League tion's institutions and ideals. They of America is an absolutely splenhave f o s t e re d brotherhood and did statement of the right of selfshown strong moral conviction for determination pledged in the Atlanmany years in their adopted coun- tic Charter as it applies to the try. Captive Nation Slovakia_ It is also " It is sad to note that their be- a model statement for all the other loved native country is still shack- Captive Nations. " - Prof. A . J . led under the bonds of totalitarian- App, Ph.D ., LaSalle College. CONTRIBUTOR S DR. FRANCIS HRUSOVSKY (September 7, 1903 September 9, 1956) Slovakia's eminent historian who was the first to complete a history of the Slovak people and their historic homeland over a span of 15 centuries, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, was born in Dolne Lovcice, Trnava district, Slovakia. His historical studies took him to Cracow in Poland and Praha in Bohemia. Upon his return home he was named director of the famed KlMtor nad Znievom private school for young men on the junior college level. Here from 1931 to 1945 he established a nationwide reiputation of an excellent educator and administrator as the school prepared hundreds of young Slovaks for successful careers in life. His fame won for him a seat in the Slovak parliament and a professorship at the University of Bratislava_ He was also a member of the board of directors in the Matica Slovenska (Slovak Institute) in Turciansky Sv_ Martin. After World War II he spent two years in historical research in Rome before going to America. In exile because of the postwar communist regime in his native country, he became actively occupied in Slovak affairs designed primarily to keep the hope of liberation alive. Accordingly, he was elected president of the Slovak National Council Abroad upon the death of Karol Sidor in 1953. In Cleveland, Ohio, with Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. of St. Andrew's Abbey he established the Slovak Institute in 1952 and became its first director_ Moreover, he was a teacher of the Slovak language, literature and history at Benedictine High School from 1947 to 1956, editor of the Slovenske Noviny weekly from 1949 to 1952, a regular speaker on the Cleveland Slovak radio program sponsored by the Cleveland Slovak Radio Club, and the recording secretary of the Slovak League of America. Shortly before his premature death at 53 he completed a history of the Slovak Religious Orders in America ( Slovenske re hole v Amerike). He was also the author of a number of other historical works and many articles for Slovak periodicals. Surviving is his widow, Mrs. Adele Hrusovsky. 186 SLOVAK.IA CONSTANTINE CULEN (February 26, 1904 April 7, 1964) Sixty years marked the span of life for the renowned Constantine Culen, Slovak journalist, publicist, author of 35 books and many political, historical and literary articles, and above all, one of Slovakia's leading patriots whose career in life was to serve his Slovak people with loyalty and devotion until his death. A native of Brodske in western Slovakia, Culen completed his education in Skalica. Then for a short while he was employed in the insurance business in Bratislava before receiving appointment to a position in the railways department. Soon, however, he plunged into the journalistic field in which he was destined to remain for the rest of his extremely active life. Acquaintance with the American Slovaks came firsthand when he came to the U.S. with the delegation of the Matica Slovenska in 1936. It was this visit that inspired him to write a history of the American Slovaks that won for him a national award in 1942. He was also made a Knight of the Order of Prince Pribina. Moreover, his popularity won for him election to the Slovak parliament in 1938. Culen's escape to freedom from his communist-ru led homeland af. ter World War II was followed by the editorship of the Kanadsky Slovak weekly from 1949 to 1956. As director of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland he served for two years before going to New York City where he died after suffering from an ailment for several years. Surviving are his wife, daughter and grandchildre n. Praha but interrupted his studies for a doctorate because of the urgency of the times when the Slovaks needed a leader in their struggle for autonomy inside Czecho-Slovakia. As Hlinka's righthand man, Sidor's dynamic leadership inspired the Slovak nation to carry on its fight for self-government until victory in the fall of 1938. His fearless defense of the rights of the Slovak nation was especially effective in his role as editor of the popular siovak daily in Bratislava and as member of the parliament in Praha. Because of his uncompromis ing stand in behalf of the Slovak nation, he was imprisoned by the Czech centralist regime, which only increased his great popularity at home. When the Slovak Republic was established in the spring of 1939 Sidor was named Minister of Interior but was soon afterwards sent to the Vatican as the representative of the newly-establi shed Slovak state. Here he remained until the end of the war in 1945. His most notable work is recorded in Sidor's book, Sest' rokov pri Vatikane, but only his intimate friends discovered that he had spent himself and his personal fortune (modest by any standards) in taking care of thousands of refugees who came to him for help. In exile from his native homeland , Sidor, though broken in health, continued his activity in behalf of the liberation of his communist-ruled postwar Slovakia which was forced back into the Czecho-Slovak Republic after World War II. He remained president of the Slovak National Council Abroad until his premature death at 52 in KAROL SIDOR Montreal, Que., Canada. Surviving (July 16,1901 - October 20,1953) are his widow, Mrs. Angela Sidor, Karol Sidor, a native of Ruzom- 4 sons, 2 daughters and grandberok, Slovakia, studied law in children. SLOVAKIA NICHOLAS SPRINC (November 30, 1914 Rev. Mikulas Sprinc, a teacher of modern languages (French, Spanish) and Latin at Borromeo Seminary, Wickliffe, Ohio, finds time to edit the influential cultural S 1 o v a k quarterly, M O ST (Bridge). A priest, poet and patriot, Father Sprinc is known throughout the free world as a fearless defender of the Slovak nation's rights to freedom, self-government and statehood. A native of Krompachy, Spis district, Slovakia, Father Sprinc was a priest in the Spis diocese of the immortal Bishop Jan Vojtassak. His escape to freedom from his postwar communist-ruled S 1 o v a k i a brought him to America. After more than a decade as teacher of Latin, French and Spanish at Benedictine High School in Cleveland he was named to the faculty at Borromeo Seminary and College of the diocese. Father Sprinc received his master's degree in French literature from Western Reserve University. 187 FRANCIS VNUK (April 8, 1926 - ) A native son of Slovakia who was born in Veresvar (Cerveny Hradok, near Zlate Mor av c e), Francis Vnuk at 41 is perhaps the most promising versatile writer of the young generation of Slovaks. He interrupted his mining engineering studies in Ostrava to escape to freedom in 1949. The youthful Slovak emigrant spent two years in a foundry in Australia before enrolling at the Institute of Technology of South Australia. Upon completing his course in metallurgy he became a mernber of the faculty there and continued graduate studies in Physics and Mathematics. Then in his spare time he pursued special studies in political science and history at the University of Adelaide from 1955 to 1960. A decade ago Vnuk's name began appearing in the Jednota and Slovak v Amerike as the author of stimulating historical and literary reviews. Since then he has been the s o u r c e of a never-ending s tr ea m of informative, critical works. The torrent of an invigorating current of words has continued in three languages (Slovak, German and English). His views are based solidly, on facts, presenting them in a vigorous, sparing-no-punches style. His contributions have aroused great interest and merit serious analysis. Primarily a poet he has, nevertheless, written works in prose, notably, K slobodnym pobreziam (To the Shores of Freedom) and has edited several worth w hi 1 e publications, eg., Nadej vit'azna (Triumphant Hope), Sviity Andrej Svorad {a biography of St. Andrew Svorad), Slovenska Republika (Slovak Republic) and Slovenska Liga (1947). He is the author of several volumes of poems, among them His books: Neuveritel'ne sprisaTvarou proti slnku (Facing the hanie (Inc red i b 1 e Conspiracy) , Sun), Mladost' orla (The Youth of Middletown, Pa., 1964; Sedemnast' the Eagle), Oci moje putnice (The neurodnych r o k o v (Seventeen Eyes My Pilgrims) and others. He Barren Years), Middletown, Pa., is a chapter member of the Slovak I 1965, and Slovakia's Six Eventful Institute in Cleveland, Ohio. Months, Rome, 1964. SLOVAKIA 188 REV. ANDREW PfR, O.S.B. (December 26, 1909 - ) A native of Blandburg, Pennsylvania, he completed his elementary and high school education in the local public schols and enrolled at St. Procopius College, Lisle, Illinois, in the fall of 1926. He worked for two years for Harbison Walker Refractories Company (headquarters in Pittsburgh, Pa.) in his home town before becoming a Benedictine monk in 1930. Since 1931, he has been a teacher of History, English, Slovak, Christian Instruction, Civics, Sociology and other courses at Benedictine High School in Cleveland, Ohio. He was ordained in 1937 and received a master's degree in history from Western Reserve University in 1943. radio talks on the Slovak radio program sponsored by the Cleveland Slovak Radio Club, he makes no secret of his pride of ancestry. He is an American Slovak whose love of our common sacred heritage of faith and freedom is in the proper perspective. MARYAGNES KRAJSA At the age of 17, this young student at St. Cyril's Academy, Danville, Pa., has shown an interest in writing about the history, culture and personalities of Slovaks. She was born in Allentown, Pa., and is the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Joseph C. Krajsa, now living in Middletown, Pa. Her father is the Editor of the Catholic weekly, JEDNOTA. Maryagnes Krajsa had an article appear in the Jed not a Annual FURDEK-1967; wrote an analogy of Slovakia's Hlinka and Rome's Cicero; and this spring won first prize in an essay contest on Slovak Culture and Heritage sponsored by the Slovak Catholic Federation of America. Inspired from early youth by his father and friends who were active in the Slovak League of America and the Slovak Catholic Federation, Father Pir has maintained a lifelong interest in the history of the Slovak nation and its emigrants to America. As a member of a number of Slovak fraternal organiAbout the other contributors see zations, co-editor of the Ave Maria last year's edition of Slovakia. magazine, a contributor of articles and a writer of feature columns in several Slovak periodicals the past three decades, director of the Slovak Institute, this youthful Benedictine priest considers himself fortunate to have been associated with many leading Slovak personaAnnual StOV AKIA is publities in the course of his busy life. Perhaps this is another reason for hts willingness to indulge himself in his spare time in a number of translations, among them the translation of the history of the Slovak nation and its historic homeland (Slovenske dejiny) by Dr. Francis Hrusovsky. For this issue of Slovakia, he translated Hrusovsky's, l'.:ulen's, Sidor's and Sprinc's studies. In his articles and occasional lished by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue, Middletown, Pennsylvania. Subscription $2.00. Editor: Dr. Joseph Paufo. SLOVAKIA BOOK 189 REVIEWS Slovak Literature in the New Catholic Encyclopedia (McGraw-Hill ), 15 vol. , 15,300 p. , 7,500 ill. Price $550.00. After seven years of work by hundreds of scholars the Catholic University of America published 15 volumes of The New Catholic Encyclopedia which will replace the Catholic Encyclopedia of 19071915. The new work has been received by critics as a masterpiece and favorable recensions were published even by non-Catholic press. Accustomed to misrepresentations of Slovakia, of its history and literature in American encyclopedias and symposia, we are agreeably surprised that the editors of The New Catholic Encyclopedia looked for contributors who would avoid old cliches and treat the subject without bias and prejudice. This is at least our impression about the presentation of the Slovak language and literature as well as of individual Slovak writers. The contributions on these subjects were written by professor J . M. Kirschbaum , who for several years lectured on Slovak literature, history and culture at the Department of Slavic Studies, at the University of Montreal, and delivered numerous addresses on the prominent Slovak poets and philologists at the Congresses of the Canadian Association of Slavists. The accounts on Slovak language as well as on Slovak literature in the Encyclopedia are marked by his knowledge of the subject, clear formulations and a genuine attempt at an unbiased presentation of the Slovak cultural past. According to the rules, only the writers who are no more alive, have been included in the Encyclopedia. The editors also determined the size of articles and the number of poets and writers to be included. As a result, there is an account on the Slovak language and literature which presents the development of the Slovak language and literature , their place among Slavic languages and literatures and their main characteristics. Without arguing with misconceptions, Dr. Kirschbaum presented Slovak literature and language in an objective light and put into the 3000 words, he was allowed to write, as much basic information as possible. It is perhaps for the first time that any Encyclopedia published an account on Slovak language and literature with such impartiality and without fundamental errors. Separately are treated in some 2000 words the following writers : Anton Bernolak, Jan Holly. ~udovit Stur, Andrej Sladkovic, P. 0 . Hviezdoslav, S. H. Vajansky, Martin Kukucin and J. C. Hronsky. In a concise form and selected vocabulary Dr. Kirschbaum presented each of these writers and their main works with references to Slovak, German, English and French sources. Selection of bibliography for the Slovak language and literature seems to be also good and comprehensive. The contributions were written over four years ago and therefore some books, especially F . Vnuk's work on Slovak post-World War II literature are missing. Slovak writers in exile are also mentioned, but only in proportion to the Slovak literature as a whole. Who had a glance at the articles on Slovakia in other American or European encyclopedias, will certainly welcome prof. Kirschbaum's contribution on Slovak literature and language in The New Catholic Encyclopedia. It is not only comprehensive, but also without the usual bias with which Slovakia has been presented to the World by non-Slovak J . Pauco scholars. 190 SLOVAKIA Jozef Pauco, Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike 1967 (Literary Almanac of the Slovak in America). Middletown, Pa., pp. 254. The 1967 Literarny Almanach, published by ,the Slovak v Amerike under the editorship of Dr. Joseph Pauco, may be compared to a door which opens into the surprisingly broad field of recent Slovak literary and cultural production in the free world. Already a fleeting glance from the threshold reveals that the field is marvelously fertile and productive, exhibiting a wealth and variety of blooms, colorful in their diversity, charming in their beauty, and attractive in their composition. What is most striking about this flourishing garden is that one encounters here both the producer and the finished product. The garden is portioned off into three areas, the smallest of which is labeled " A Glance at Slovak Literary Creativity in the Free World." Competent authors here present a panoramic view of the conditions under which Slovak culture has expressed itself in recent years in the fields of literature, religion, the arts and nationalism. Poignant in the extreme are the observations of Dr. Joseph Kirschoaum, which are by no means limited in their application to the literary phase of which he writes. The author points out that in fleeing from Slovakia her sons were indeed escaping from hostile forces enveloping their country. But many of them were unable to find refuge even in the West, which was bound especially in those years by political if not friendly ties with their enemies. The Slovaks in exile became marked men. Their enemies, Czech agents in particular, missed no opportunity to make life miserable for them. Doors were closed against them . They experienced harassment, suspicion, false accusations, smear campaigns, denunciations, and outright cruelty and injustice. The marvel is that they were able to accomplish anything at all. Moreover, a distressing lack of research facilities created special difficulties for them and they had no means or very limited ones for the publication of their works. Yet within the past 20 years they have succeeded in catching the ear of the world. Never before, we are told , has the truth about Slovakia been propagated so widely in all the major languages of rthe world. These Slovak writers have become the voice of Slovakia, its conscience and its truest defenders. The second portion of the garden is labeled " Communications from Authors and Poets." In this area the writers show some of their harvestings. Their proven talent is exemplified here in well-constructed, warmly human stories and in lyrics, epigrams, and narrative poems in which the authors reveal their thoughts and share their hopes and yearnings with the reader. The last and by far the largest portion of the garden is marked "Representatives of Slovak Cultural Creativity." Upon entering this area the r eader finds himself in the company of literary scores of eminently distinguished persons, all highly educated, scholarly, and compertent in their respective fields. One beholds them almost with awe- the kind of awe experienced by those who were privileged in 1963 to paiiticipate in the week-long centennial celebrations of the SS. Cyril and Methodius Jubilee in Rome. From the four quarters of the globe Slovaks had assembled in the heart of Christendom to pay tribute to their apostles. In that noble company one recognized prelates and priests, statesmen, writers, artists, missionaries, all of them heroes and leaders, many of whom had for God and country suffered agony, SLOVAKIA 191 torture, family separation, exile, imprisonment, persecution, starvation, homelessness. To see these people, to meet and talk with them, to be associated with them in prayer was an honor. Something of the same kind of impression is created by the Almanach. Here we not only see this band of leaders, gathered from all the continents of the world, but we are accorded the privilege of a formal introduction to each one by name and, I might add, by pseudonym. In the vicissitudes of flight, exile and adjustment, some of them h&ve assumed a whole series of pseudonyms, interesting to trace and identify. Now we are meeting them, as it were, face to face. We come to know when and where they were born, where they received their education, the manner in which they devote their energies on behalf of Slovakia, how they fared in its downfall, how they wandered from country to country, where they finally settled in the hope of earning a living. Above all, we are informed of the prodigious amount of writing they did "in the interests of truth" in the fields of religion, the arts, history, politics, science and industry. Representative among many in their respective fields are Charles Strmen, poet; Joseph !>uris, musician; Joseph Satin, artist; Michael Gerdelan, novelist; Dr. Joseph A. Mikus, diplomat; Dr. Stanislaus Meciar, literary critic; Eugene Urban, librarian ; Dr. Ferdinand t,urcansky, statesman; Rudolph Petrak, opera singer; Dr. Bonaventure Bue, O.F.M., linguist; Dr. Ivan A. Getting, scientist; Dr. Stephen Polakovic, philosopher; Stephen B. Roman, industrialist; Rudolph Kalencik, businessman; Philip A. Hrobak, journalist; Frico Motoska, sculptor; Rev. Jaroslav J. Vajda, translator; Jaroslav J. Pelikan, Protestant theologian; Boris Gaspar, illustrator; Rev. Julius Gasparik, composer; Francis Vnuk, metallurgist; Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, historian; Felix S. Gula, achitect; Dr. Joseph Stojkovic, physician; Rev. Louis Luzbetak, S.V.D., anthropologist; John Fabianek, biologist; John M. Dafcik, film critic; Mary Michna, pianist; Dr. Francis Zeman, biblical scholar; Dr. Heinrich Bartek, philologist. The list is merely typical; it was by no means easy to omit other names in each category. A survey of the list of works of these men is quite overwhelming. Indeed, if all the books, monographs, articles, works of art, music, paintings, sculpture, scientific studies produced by this group of professionals, were brought together into one collection, the resulting library would be precious beyond measure. In the preface to the Almanach, the renowned poet, Andrej .Zarnov, states that this listing of Slovak intellectuals and writers and the compilation of their representative works is long overdue. One is in for a surprise, he says, because the survey is remarkably revealing and the result tremendously inspiring. A final word from the editor is contained in the Epilogue. Dr. Pauco writes in substance: "It is an honor for us to place this Almanach in the hands of Slovaks wherever they may be. Like its predecessors it has its roots in a genuine love for and intense interest in the flowering of Slovak culture1in a free world. "In its compilation two circumstances brought us uncommon joy: 1) Whereas Americans regard a 10% response to a questionnaire as notably successful, our effort brought an overwhelming 95% response. 2) We have in effect produced here the nucleus of a Who's Who 192 SLOVAKIA Among the Slovaks, an undertaking long recognized as both desirable and necessary. "The two persons responsible for the compilation of personal data for the WHO'S WHO were the editor and, separated from him in faraway Australia, Francis Vnuk, who tackled this gigantic task with truly marvelous zeal and initiative. "In conducting the survey all religious and political dividing lines were disregarded. Beginners and veterans alike were invited to make themselves known, provided they had made some contribution to the treasury of Slovak self-identity and national consciousness." " Our aim," continues Dr. Pauco, "was to bear indisputable histurical witness to the native ability, resourcefulness, talent, energy and aspirations of the Slovaks in a free world; to the wholesomeness and durability of their Slovak culture; and to their determination to cling to and fight for their rights. Indeed, one can pose the question: If this is the output of men living in adverse circumstances, what would it have been in circumstances ideally set up in a free and independent Slovakia?" This ALMAN ACH, therefore, is a manifestation of Slovak talent and Slovak genius, yes, and a confrontation with Slovakia's indomitable courage. Sister M . Tarcisia Gregorovic, SS.C.M. Kalendar Jednota 1967: The 70th edition of the Jednota annual in the Slovak language. Jednota Press, 1967; 232 pp., Middletown, Pa. Ed. By Jozef C. Krajsa. Although the current Jednota annual follows the traditional pattern, it is an up-to-date publication that contains a variety of articles of interest to a wide circle of readers even outside the Jednota membership. Featured in this volume are John Sabol, supreme secretary, who by reason of his many years of devoted service merits the coveted title of 'Mr. Jednota,' and the late Jozef Rusek, who was editor of the Jednota weekly for more than three decades. Moreover, the ecumenical spirit is quite in evidence in the articles about Martin Razus by J. Dend'ur and Svetozar Hurban Vajansky by J . Bor. Many photos from Jednota affairs and Slovak life in general add to the attraction of a highly readable edition. Perhaps the most historical of the articles is the analysis of the view of communistic historians toward the Slovak Republic (1939-1945) by Jozef Kirschbaum, LL.D., Ph.D. As customary, the extensive list of addresses of Slovak clergy and Religious is a valuable asset, but it needs to be A . P. revised and supplemented. Jednota Annual Furdek 1967: This current edition published by the First Catholic Slovak Union, Middletown, Pa., in the English language continues to fulfill its original purpose, ie., to reach the younger set inside and outside the Jednota family. (Jednota Press, Middletown, Pa., 1967, 192 pp.) True to its design, namely, to arouse the interest of the youth, the Furdek features a striking pictorial review of the last year's Jednota college scholarship winners. The articles are, however, of general interest to people interested in American Slovak activities. No doubt the panel of biographies introduced by the editor, Joseph C. Krajsa, SLOVAKIA 193 promises to inspire a complete series of life sketches of American Slovak leaders in various fields of activity throughout the country. We have something to look forward to next year and in the years to come. A. P, Diamond Jubilee Issue. Published by the 2ivena, Pittsburgh, Pa. Edited by Maria Mravec. 128 pp. in the Slovak language, brief supplements in English. Zivena Beneficial Society of the U.S.A . ( 1891 -1966) - This unusual volume follows an informal and original pattern but is historically valuable for its contents that cover a period of 75 years in the life of this fraternal organization for American Slovak women (also a minority of male members). Brief histories of various assemblies greatly enhance the overall value of the volume. Tributes paid to the founders and prominent leaders of the organization give us a true picture of the 2ivena family in our American Slovak fraternal life. A .P. Ncirodny A mericko -Slov ensky KALEND A R 1967 : 75th edition of the official annual published by the National Slovak Society of the U.S. of America, Pittsburgh, Pa., 224 pp. , 153 pp. in the Slovak language, 48 pp. in English and the rest advertizing. Ed. by Jan Mihal. Dedicated to the memory of Peter P . Rovnianek, founder of the NSS, this oldest of Slovak annuals in America, seeks to convey the old and new spirit of the American Slovak life : a) ,t he old, by recalling the inspiring leadership of our Slovak pioneers who organized our fraternal societies, b) the new, by peering into the future in an ecumenical mood to grasp the spirit of a new age. There are perhaps a number of controversial subjects touched upon here and there, but the spirit of Christian charity bids us to treat these in the spirit of the new ecumenism in an effort to arrive at a common understanding in the hope of Slovak unity that will help our Slovak nation win its struggle against the forces of evil let loose upon the hallowed land of Slovak forefathers. Here in a free land we must cherish our freedom not only in words but in deeds, and we can do no better than follow the shining example of Slovak pioneers who blazed a trail for us to follow, particularly in Slovak fraternal organizations in America. A . P. 1967 - Zi on Calendar: A jubilee issue marking the 450th anniversary of the Reformation. 160 pp. Published by the Slovak Zion Synod of the Lutheran Church in America. Edited by Rev. John Kalny, Rev. John Kovacik and Rev. John Adam. Kalendcir Sion - Although Martin Luther is naturally the centerpiece of this volume in Slovak (80 pp.) and English (50 pp.) , advertizing 30 pp, the history of the Slovak Lutheran parishes is of special interest to those of Slovak origin. The history, too, of Dr. Jozef M. Hurban with accompanying pictures to commemorate the 150th anniversary of the birth of this great 19th century Slovak patriot and religious leader is of great interest to all Slovaks, here or in Slovakia. The names of Slovak Lutheran parishes and their pastors in America are invaluable to the 194 SLOVAKlA historian in search of facts and statistics for a complete history of the Slovaks in America. A. P. Bohemia, Yearbook of the Collegium Carolinum, Munich, Vol. 6, Robert Lerche Verlag, Munich, 1964, DM 45. Die Slowakei als mitteleuropiiisches Problem in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Papers delivered at a symposium of the Collegium Carolinum in Mtinchen-Grtinwald, V. 1 to 3. August 1962. Verlag Robert Lerche, Munich 1965, 235 pp., DM 22.- (cloth bound) DM 19.(cardboard). The Collegium Carolinum, research center on the Bohemian countries, has again published two new volumes: the Bohemia Yearbook (Volume 6) and the papers delivered at a symposium of the Collegium in August 1962 in Grunwald near Munich on "Slovakia as a Central European Problem in Past and Present. " Because of the wealth of material and research findings the Bohemia Yearbooks are not only well-known but practically indispensable to readers especially interested in history. Once again it is difficult to select from the large number of treatises and book reviews a representative extract and although they would deserve mention, lack of space makes it impossible to include all the papers under review. Heribert Sturm, known not only to the people of Eger as an indefatigable researcher of his home area, examined - in a paper delivered in May 1964 in Nuremberg - the mutual relationships between Eger, Nuremberg and Prague in the high and late medieval periods. Also contained herein is Friedrich Prinz' lecture of January 1965 on Bohemia's historical problems between 1848 and 1918 plus his important confrontation of ideology and reality in the national controversy on both sides. By reading and rethinking the issues presented, one spontaneously feels grateful to the publisher for letting important words become printed witnesses to the efforts on behalf of historic trnth and reality. The same might be said of the talks on the Slovak question. Milan Stanislav Durica's contribution on "Slovakia during the March Crisis of 1939" offers valuable new material toward destroying the "Slovak legend": only undifferentiated, black-white presentations of " contemporary history" could and can see Slovakia as a stolid ally of National Socialist Greater Germany. To the historian prone to weigh and balance his material, this work offers a dovetailed mosaic of alliance under international law, ideological (partial) aversion, and power-political weighing of interests. One can only hope that Durica's voluminous tome: "La Slovacchia e le sue relazioni politiche con la Germania 1938-1945" (Padua 1964, lire 4,000) will soon be available in translation. A number of these works should, however, be made available for broader circles, especially the youth. The Collegium Carolinum has assumed the task of "objectively fostering the tradition of the venerable Charles University .. . for the young." One could visualize in connection with the youth organizations well-suited to the task, such as the Sudeten German Youth and the German Youth of the East, a series of publications that would present the selected works of this kind at a price within reach, in greater number. Fritz Peter Habel SLOVAKIA 195 DO ·N ' T CO U NT US OUT! A COUNTRY WHICH YOU MAY NOT KNOW SLOVAK I A (18,921 square miles, population 4,400,000) is a separate country and the SLOVAK NATION is an individual member of the European family of nations. Though Slovakia lies in the very center of Europe, its name is not heard of in the world. The reason for that is the fate of this country which, for ages, has not been able to emerge in history under its own name, and is not even today an independent country on the map of Europe. The SLOVAKS occupied this country at the end of the 4th century, when it belonged to no one. The ancestors of the Slovak people attached to this country the destiny of all the succeeding Slovak generations, who in turn, established their claim to this land by the1 fact that during their more than thousand year history they never deserted or renounced it. Out of the tiny Slovak principalities a united Slovak State came into existence already in the first half of the 9th century. It was the first organized state in Central Europe. By the year 830 during the reign of Prince Pribina, a Christian church was standing in the ancient home of the Slovak princes of Nitra. It was the first Christian church in the entire territory of the western Slavs. The King Svatopluk (870-894), whom contemporary sources consider "the most glorious of the Slavonic rulers almost as mighty as an emperor" e.lQtended his domain to include the neighboring Czech and Polish tribes. He waged successful wars against his Western neighbors, maintained diplomatic relations and concluded diplomatic peace treaties with neighboring rulers, and safeguarded the independent status of his country. By the end of the 10th century, after the Danube basin was invaded by the Magyars, Slovakia lost the conditions necessary for independent development. Sometime around the year 1000 it became a part of the Hungarian State. A great and glorious chapter of Slovak history was ended, but neither its inspiring memory, nor the right of the Slovak nation to liberty and independence, ever faded. The addition into the heritage Slovaks did not enter the Hungarian State empty-handed. In to the territory of their own country, the Slovaks brought budding Hungarian State their entire material and spiritual and they became a participant in this new phase of history. For a century and a half (from 1540 until the end of the 17th century) Slovakia served as a bastion in the bulwark that defended Christian Europe against the danger from the East-against the attacks of the Turks. The new ideas which later, under the slogan "Liberty, Equality and Fraiternity," resulted in the French Revolution, made their way into the Danube basin and affected also the nations of that region, Slovak 196 SLOVAKIA national consciousness developed and, under the pressure of the subjugation exerted upon the Slovaks by the Magyars, became strongly rooted in Slovak life itself. Soon the Slovaks began to cultivate their own language. Anton Bernolak, in the year 1787 wrote a grammar of literary Slovak. In the year 1843, under I.!udovit Stur, who was the cultural and political leader of his generation, definitive rules of Slovak grammar were established and these became the instrument of an independent literature. In the spring of 1861 the Slovaks called a general assembly to Turciansky Sv. Martin where the prominent attorney Stefan Marko Daxner formulated Slovak policy in the comprehensive Memorandum of the Slovak Nation. Pointing to the conditions which had developed in Hungary, they asked that the Slovak nation be recognized by a special edict, that Slovakia constitute a distinctive administrative unit in Hungary, and that the Slovak people in their own territory be given the right to develop their own life without restriction. The Magyars opposed the petitions of the Slovak nation. They outlawed the assembling Slovaks and treated their political leaders as traitors. When World War I was nearing its end, the leaders of ,t he Slovaks saw that the military defeat of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy would give them the opportunity to attain the goals they were not able to achieve in Hungary. Slovaks took a stand for the right of self-determination On May 30, 1918, representatives of the Slovak League of America met with representatives of Czech organizations and with the President of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, T. G. Masaryk, in Pittsburgh, Pa., and drew up an agreement which guaranteed political and cultural autonomy to Slovakia in the new common State. The Slovaks in the homeland met on October 30, 1918, in Turciansky Sv. Martin, where they organized a Slovak National Council and in separate declaration proclaimed that the Slovaks once and for all were separating themselves from Hungary and were of their own accord joining the Czecho-Slovak State. The Slovak people welcomed the Czecho-Slovak Republic with open joy and sincere hope. But the relaitionship between the Slovak and Czech nations was dimmed :&om the very beginning of their union. On May 4, 1919, the outstanding representative of the Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak National Council, general Milan Rastislav Stefanik, was murdered by a secret order of the Prague Government. But the most important reason why the early enthusiasm of the Slovaks ended in rapid and complete disillusionment was that the Czechs were trying to build the Czecho-Slovak Republic on the same kind of foundation which the Magyars had laid for the creation of an united greater Hungary. The President of the Hungarian Government, Stephen Tisza, declared: "There is no Slovak nation ... " The President of Czecho-Slovakia, T. G. Masaryk, said the same. Magyarization was replaced with Czechization, and the undemocratic centralization by Budapest with the undemocratic centralization by Prague. Slovakia was treated as a colony of the Czechs. SLOVAKIA 197 Rev. Andrej Hlinka, a fearless political fighter of the Slovaks during the Hungarian regime, renewed the relentless struggle for the honor and rights of his own nation. The policy of his Slovak People's Party was based on the Pittsburgh Agreement. It was drawn up and signed by the President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, T. G. Masaryk, who later declared iit null and void. The disappointed Slovaks united themselves in the predominantly Catholic Slovak People's Party, led by A. Hlinka, and in the Slovak National Party, which had a majority of Lutheran members, headed by Martin Razus, a leading Slovak poet whom the Slovaks called the '' conscience of .the Slovak nation." The Czechs, like the Magyars, did not want to give up their imperialistic plans for Slovakia until they were forced to under the pressure of the international developments. The Czecho-Slovak Republic, preparing to celebrate its 20th anniversary, found itself in the midst of a serious internal crisis and was shaken to its foundations by strong German pressure. After the Allies of the Czecho-Slovak Government dis-associated themselves from the policy of President Benes, the days of Czecho-Slovakia came to an end. Circumstances left .the Slovaks no choice but to shift for themselves. After a great manifestation in Bratislava, on June 5, 1938, where a delegation of the Slovak League of America, led by its president Dr. Peter Hletko, brought along the original of the Pittsburgh Pact, after lengthy and fruitless consultations with representatives of the Prague regime, the Executive Committee of the Slovak People's Party met in 2ilina, on the 6th of October, 1938, and suggested that all power in Slovakia be seized by the Slovaks. This resolution of the Slovak People's Party was accepted and approved in all its parts by delegates of all the remaining non-leftist Slovak parties. According to the declaration of Slovak autonomy, elections for seats in the Slovak Parliament were held as early as December 18, 1938. The Slovak Parliament, elected according to the decree of Slovak autonomy, was called into extraordinary session by the President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, Dr. Emil Hacha, and on March 14, 1939, it dedared Slovakia an independent and self-gov erning state by unanimous resoh.1,tion. This step was the only refuge for Slovakia against the storm threatening 1t in the tense international situation. The independent State of Slovakia was recognized either de jure or de facto by 27 nations. These states included great powers and small countries, neutrals as well as belligerents in the Second World War. On October 26, 1939, Dr. Jozef Tiso was elected the first president of the Slovak Republic and was recognized by the Slovak nation as the successor of the 9th-century Slovak princes. After six years, a great and glorious chapter of Slovak history was ended. On the heels of the Soviet army's divisions and their unspeakable atrocities, came Dr. Eduard Benes with the government of a resurrected Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Slovak nation arrived, against its will and contrary to all the principles of natural and selfdetermining rights, at a position in which it did not care to live at any price, with nothing but slavery staring it in the face . SLOVAKIA 198 The Slovak nation became a victim of revenge because it waged to declare and to build its own state. The execution of the President of Slovak Republic, Dr. Jozef Tiso, on April 18, 1947, was the condemnation of whole Slovak people. The gallows on which Dr. Jozef Tiso and' the other representatives of the Slovak Republic died a martyr's death, and the time bomb which killed the prominent exilefighter of Slovakia, Matu~ Cernak, in Munich on June 5, 1955, stand above the chasm whica once and for all obliterated any form of Czecho-Slovak state. The spirit and form of the Communist people's democracy are foreign , repulsive and unacceptable to the Slovak nation. With persistent and remarkable consistency, the Slovaks are rejecting everything that the government of Czecho-Slovakia, as a servant of Moscow, is forcing upon them. And they are defending and fighting with heroic courage everything that feeds and strengthens their own life. They will never surrender their claim to a free life in their own state, but insist on an independent position in the great family of nations in Europe. The struggle for this goal is led not just by the Slovak nation behind the Iron Curtain, but by its members in the free world. The Slovaks, through the Slovak League of America, do not cease to call for FREEDOM and INDEPENDENCE for SLOVAKIA . SLOVAK STATE - A DREAM OF THOUSAND YEARS Atty. John F. Spacek March 14, 1939. A thousand years old Slovak dream of self-government realized on this date. The yearnings, wishes and prayers of a courageous people were answered on this date. Slovaks - the " Irish of Central Europe" as they are often called, joined the family of nations. Their freedom, cultural identity, free expression of thought were now a political reality. Let us, for a brief moment, go into history, to the year 1938 and trace the birth and growth of the Slovak state. It was at this time that the avarious eyes of Hitler cast themselves upon the Sudetenland ; his demands were to assimilate the Sudeten Germans into the Third Reich. Fearing the advent of a war the English and the French recommended appeasing Hitler by agreeing to his demands. However, at this time, it was not only -the German that was avarious. The Pole and the Magyar also cast their eyes on Slovakia. It was at this time, it must be remembered, that the thought and dream of an independent Slovakia was nurtured. Faced with the possibility of total digestion by the German and occupation by the Magyar and/or Pole, a decision by Father Dr. Tiso had to be made. It must be remembered that the decision was made reluctantly, since the original intention of those in power was to participate with the Czechs as a part of a federated state of Czechs and Slovaks. This, SLOVAKIA 199 however, could not be. Condition in the Czecho-Slovakia deteriorated to a point where total occupation by the German army was inevitable. Pressed by the demands of Hitler, the fear of Czech duplicity (again), a fear of occupation by the Magyars together with the centuries old dream of self-government, Slovakia was born. The birth of the Slovak Republic did not come without fanfare. Diplomatic recognition and relations were exchanged by almost every European power, including seventeen (17) who fought on the side of allies or were neutral. Congratulatory notes and wishes were received from every corner of the globe. A constitution was formed. A memorable document embodying every .p rinciple of Christian Law and social justice. A representative. government was adopted. A house consisting of one representative for every 20,000 people. It became a haven for Jews escaping from Poland. Pro-German functionaries were dismissed from office. It became known as a "Christian Oasis" in a Nazi desert - and the "Ireland of Central Europe". However, this dream, this yearning and desire for self-govern• ment was not to last. It became apparent that a Russian occupation was eminent. Various efforts were made to prevent a destruction of the country by the ravages of war and to continue their freedom thereafter. However, communist infiltrators and traitors were not to permit a free Slovakia, causing distrust, turmoils and disorder. The communists now took hold of the country not by the rule of law, but by the rule of force, not by self-determination, but by fear. In history's haste to re-establish Czecho-Slovakia and with a generous assistance of communists and combined with total disregard to the Slovaks' own destiny, the control over Slovakia was once more moved back to Prague. The 1000 years' dream ended after six years. Six years of what? Six years of freedom from fear, freedom from want, six years of economic and cultural development, and of educational advances beyond anyone's dream. - And it ended. It was a dream worth fighting for. It is for this dream that the Slovak League of America exists and continues in the struggle for self-determination and the cause of Slovak freedom. Some historians will criticize this short-lived Slovak Republic for accepting some measure of assistance from the Germans. I say to these: "You are naive . .. From whom was this freedom that had been so long sought to come? From the Russians? The Czechs? The Magyars? What other course was open?" If we criticize Father Tiso, should we not also criticize De Valera of Ireland and Gandhi of India and many others? This struggle is mankind's struggle for self-determination. family of nations at the United Nations began with a handful result of the rights of mankind to determine their own destiny. the family has grown. Has not the philosophy of the Slovaks proven to be correct? The as a And been 200 SLOVAKIA Contents American Democracy and Slovak Life - Hrusovsky - Dr. Francis 1 Constantine Beginnings of The Slovak League of America - Culen - 18 The Slovak League of America and the Slovak Nation's Struggle for Autonomy - Karol Sidor - 29 Slovak League of America and Independent Slovakia - Mikulas Sprinc - 63 Under Dynamic Leadership Peter V. Rovnianek - Sister M. Martina, SS.C.M. - F . Vnuk - A Poet in Exile - Prof. Dr. F . Durcansky - The Slovaks in America - J.M. Kirschbaum - P . V. Rovnianek - 181 As Others See It - 185 189 A Country Which You May Not Know Slovak State - Atty. John F . Spacek - 153 161 178 Current Issues - Book Reviews - 144 Maryagnes Krajsa - Andrej Hlinka - Contributors - Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. - 195 198 173 104 137 PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40) Description An account of the resource includes Current Issues; As Others See It; Contributors; Book Reviews; A Country Which You May Not Know; Slovak State - A Dream of Thousand Years Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/71bae34ca2b742eed470f4012733733b.pdf 76e73a01850f8e5783386081724e75f0 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 173 THE SLOVAKS IN AMERICA P. V. Rovnianek (This was the first English article about the Slovak people in America. It was written by Peter Rovnianek, editor of the Slov ak Daily in Pittsburgh and founder of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok. It appeared in "Charities" in 1904. - Ed.) Slovak immigration to this country may be said to have come exclusively from the agricultural class, a class which includes a very large part of the Slovak population of Hungary. Previous to 1882 the immigration has been sporadic, but in that year the people began to come in companies of considerable size and settled in the mining and industrial regions of Pennsylvania. At first there was a disposition among them to return to their native country, but in a little while some decided to stay. Then it was that they began to look around them for opportunities to settle on farms and return to the manner of life which they had led at home. There are now hundreds of Slovak farmers in Pennsylvania, Connecticut and Ohio; and in Minnesota, Arkansas, Virginia and Wisconsin there are colonies of them, where for many miles on every side the land is entirely in their possession. It would scarcely be possible to name a state in the Union where a few Slovaks have not settled and obtained farms which they own, having bought them with money earned previously during the time of their employment in the industrial centers. Owing to the political persecutions from which they suffered at home, the Slovaks had little opportunity for acquiring education and knowledge of the ways of civilization. Since they began coming to this country in large numbers their advancement in these respects has been no less remarkable than the improvement in their material condition. This is due largely to the intense religious spirit which prevails among the Slavic people, and to the fact that here they have been able to combine schools with their churches. In every community in which they have settled in considerable numbers, they have started their church congregation and founded their church school where their children are being educated in the English and �174 SLOVAKIA Slovak languages. In Pennsylvania there are now from 120 to 130 Slovak congregations, some of them very large and of considerable wealth. The people are divided in religious affiliation among four principal denominations: the Roman Catholic, the Greek Catholic, (by which is meant that portion of the Greek Catholic Church which is united with the Roman Catholic church, but preserves its own liturgy and customs), the Russian Orthodox, and the Lutheran. About one-half the total number of congregations, and perhaps somewhat more than this proportion of the total number of communicants are Roman Catholics. The Russian and the Lutheran churches have each about ten congregations and the others are Greek Catholics. The missionaries of the Russian church have been very active and considerable numbers have left the Greek to join the Orthodox church. Of late years, too, the Presbyterian and Congregational denominations have been working among the people with churches and missions. Scarcely second to the influences of the churches has been the influence of the newspapers in the elevation of the condition of the Slovaks in their new homes. It required considerable audacity to begin the publication of the first newspaper for circulation among the people in this country. In Hungary they had never read newspapers. They were taught by the Magyar government that newspapers were for the official class only; that the peasants had no business with them. And the government has had means of enforcing its opinion on the subject. So well is it enforced and so well on the other hand do the Slovaks appreciate the priviledge they have in America which is not accorded them at home that after less than twenty years of the experiment there are nearly as many newspapers in the Slovak language published in the United States as in Hungary, while the combined circulation of those published there nowhere nearly approaches the total circulation of those in this country. The first Slovak newspaper published in America, the Amerikansko Slovenske Noviny (American Slavonic Gazet- te) was founded in Pittsburgh in 1886 by Jan Slovensky, a teacher in his native country - here a clerk in the office �SLOVAKIA 175 of the Austro-Hungarian Consul. Associated with him was Julius J. Wolf, also a teacher. Mr. Slovensky retired in 1892 and the writer became associated with Mr. Wolf in the publishing business. We still conduct the paper founded by Mr. Slovensky and also the only Slovak daily paper published in the world. The Slovak Daily is well sustained and is making rapid progress, good evidence that the Slovaks are rapidly attaining a high standard of American citizenship. There are a dozen or more other Slovak weekly and monthly newspapers thriving in various parts of the country. They have been instrumental to no small extent in causing the establishment of a variety of industrial and business enterprises in the Slovak communities through capital stored up by the Slovaks while in the employment of the various concerns. The small mercantile establishments among them are almost numberless. They have their butchers and grocers, their clothing stores, their drug stores, and in fact are equipped throughout for supplying their needs from establishments which they can call their own. In several of the large cities, especially in Philadelphia, New York and Chicago, wire and tinware factories which have been established with Slovak capital and are conducted with Slovak labor are in a fair way to secure the cream of the trade of this kind in the whole country. A peculiar advantage is derived from the fact that for centuries the tinware of Europe was made largely by the Slovaks. In this country, also electrical designs and other skilled work turned out by Slovak plants have attained a very high position in the markets. Organization among Slovaks has played an important role, despite the fact that at home the government had not permitted any form of Slovak organization whatever. Here, again, the results of efforts in this direction were most gratifying. In 1890 the writer instituted the National Slovak Society, the first organization among them, with a membership of 250. It has now over 20,000 active members and 512 lodges. It is primarily a beneficial organization, but it has besides done a work in the education of its members �176 SLOVAKIA and in inducing them and those who come under their influence to become American citizens. As previously stated, the Slovaks who come to America do not as a rule return to their native country. The society requires its members to obtain naturalization papers after a reasonable time, and through the influence of the membership thousands of others, not members, have become citizens. Other societies have made this a feature of their work, so that directly and indirectly the work of the National Slovak Society in making American citizens has been a notable one. Since its organization, the society has paid out nearly a million dollars in benefits on account of the death or injury of members, or the death of members' wives. Besides this the local associations have paid out a total of much more than a million dollars in sick benefits. Further, the society has kept the Slovak spirit alive among immigrants. It is always the first to contribute to Slovak national purposes. It has helped hundreds of Slovak students, both here and in Hungary, giving them allowances sufficient to support them while they were obtaining their education, and has given, also, liberally to the support of national literary and patriotic workers. It has come to the rescue of Slavs in Hungary, who are persecuted by the government on account of their national sentiments, providing the money for the defense at their trials and in cases where they are convicted and imprisoned supporting their families until released. With this National Slovak Society as a root, there have originated many other societies, among them the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Greek Catholic Union, the Evangelical Union, the Pennsylvania Roman and Greek Catholic Union, the zivena (Ladies' Association), the Presbyterian Calvinistic Union, the First Catholic Slovak Ladies' Union, the Sokol (Gymnastic Association), and hundreds of literary, benevolent and political clubs, so that there are now between 100,000 and 125,000 organized Slovaks in the United States. Finally, these societies have sources of moral benefits, almost incalculable. They have given courage and spread the idea of American liberty many years in advance of the �SLOVAKIA 177 time when they could have been obtained by other means. When a Slovak now returns to his native country he does not go to cringe to the official classes; usually he becomes a center of independent spirit from whom ideas of liberty reach the minds of many of his down-trodden countrymen. Sometimes he gets into trouble by reason of his independence, but even the persecutions with which the government officials visit him serve to scatter the seeds of liberty which are bound sooner or later to work a great improvement in the condition of the entire Slav population of Hungary. It is in this respect that the influence of the Slavs in this country upon those at home has been most important. They have even financed the industries of their country in some degree compensating it in a material sense for the withdrawal of their own labor from its agriculture. Counterparts of the organizations among the Slovaks have been formed among the Slavs of almost every nationality that has representatives in this country - the Poles, R.ussians, Bohemians, Slovenians (Wends), Croatians, Serbians, and others. Relations of the utmost cordiality exist among them and they are frequently found working together for their mutual improvement and advantage. The Slovaks in this country have been to some extent hindered in their progress by misunderstandings in the minds of Americans which are gradually being replaced by feelings of friendly interest. The army of the United States contains hundreds of young Slovaks. So also do the higher educational institutions of the country. The immigration is as yet too young to have produced an educated class of professional men in this country, but that condition of things is coming fast. It will be here in a few years and will have arrived much sooner than it did in the case of the Irish or of the Germans, or of any other class of immigrants. Then, the part which the Slovaks are playing, and are to play, in the making of this country will be made to appear in its true light; and their fellow citizens will be ashamed that they have believed them the savages the sensational press has often pictured them. � SLOVAKIA 173 THE SLOVAKS IN AMERICA P. V. Rovnianek (This was the first English article about the Slovak people in America. It was written by Peter Rovnianek, editor of the Slov ak Daily in Pittsburgh and founder of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok. It appeared in "Charities" in 1904. - Ed.) Slovak immigration to this country may be said to have come exclusively from the agricultural class, a class which includes a very large part of the Slovak population of Hungary. Previous to 1882 the immigration has been sporadic, but in that year the people began to come in companies of considerable size and settled in the mining and industrial regions of Pennsylvania. At first there was a disposition among them to return to their native country, but in a little while some decided to stay. Then it was that they began to look around them for opportunities to settle on farms and return to the manner of life which they had led at home. There are now hundreds of Slovak farmers in Pennsylvania, Connecticut and Ohio; and in Minnesota, Arkansas, Virginia and Wisconsin there are colonies of them, where for many miles on every side the land is entirely in their possession. It would scarcely be possible to name a state in the Union where a few Slovaks have not settled and obtained farms which they own, having bought them with money earned previously during the time of their employment in the industrial centers. Owing to the political persecutions from which they suffered at home, the Slovaks had little opportunity for acquiring education and knowledge of the ways of civilization. Since they began coming to this country in large numbers their advancement in these respects has been no less remarkable than the improvement in their material condition. This is due largely to the intense religious spirit which prevails among the Slavic people, and to the fact that here they have been able to combine schools with their churches. In every community in which they have settled in considerable numbers, they have started their church congregation and founded their church school where their children are being educated in the English and �174 SLOVAKIA Slovak languages. In Pennsylvania there are now from 120 to 130 Slovak congregations, some of them very large and of considerable wealth. The people are divided in religious affiliation among four principal denominations: the Roman Catholic, the Greek Catholic, (by which is meant that portion of the Greek Catholic Church which is united with the Roman Catholic church, but preserves its own liturgy and customs), the Russian Orthodox, and the Lutheran. About one-half the total number of congregations, and perhaps somewhat more than this proportion of the total number of communicants are Roman Catholics. The Russian and the Lutheran churches have each about ten congregations and the others are Greek Catholics. The missionaries of the Russian church have been very active and considerable numbers have left the Greek to join the Orthodox church. Of late years, too, the Presbyterian and Congregational denominations have been working among the people with churches and missions. Scarcely second to the influences of the churches has been the influence of the newspapers in the elevation of the condition of the Slovaks in their new homes. It required considerable audacity to begin the publication of the first newspaper for circulation among the people in this country. In Hungary they had never read newspapers. They were taught by the Magyar government that newspapers were for the official class only; that the peasants had no business with them. And the government has had means of enforcing its opinion on the subject. So well is it enforced and so well on the other hand do the Slovaks appreciate the priviledge they have in America which is not accorded them at home that after less than twenty years of the experiment there are nearly as many newspapers in the Slovak language published in the United States as in Hungary, while the combined circulation of those published there nowhere nearly approaches the total circulation of those in this country. The first Slovak newspaper published in America, the Amerikansko Slovenske Noviny (American Slavonic Gazet- te) was founded in Pittsburgh in 1886 by Jan Slovensky, a teacher in his native country - here a clerk in the office �SLOVAKIA 175 of the Austro-Hungarian Consul. Associated with him was Julius J. Wolf, also a teacher. Mr. Slovensky retired in 1892 and the writer became associated with Mr. Wolf in the publishing business. We still conduct the paper founded by Mr. Slovensky and also the only Slovak daily paper published in the world. The Slovak Daily is well sustained and is making rapid progress, good evidence that the Slovaks are rapidly attaining a high standard of American citizenship. There are a dozen or more other Slovak weekly and monthly newspapers thriving in various parts of the country. They have been instrumental to no small extent in causing the establishment of a variety of industrial and business enterprises in the Slovak communities through capital stored up by the Slovaks while in the employment of the various concerns. The small mercantile establishments among them are almost numberless. They have their butchers and grocers, their clothing stores, their drug stores, and in fact are equipped throughout for supplying their needs from establishments which they can call their own. In several of the large cities, especially in Philadelphia, New York and Chicago, wire and tinware factories which have been established with Slovak capital and are conducted with Slovak labor are in a fair way to secure the cream of the trade of this kind in the whole country. A peculiar advantage is derived from the fact that for centuries the tinware of Europe was made largely by the Slovaks. In this country, also electrical designs and other skilled work turned out by Slovak plants have attained a very high position in the markets. Organization among Slovaks has played an important role, despite the fact that at home the government had not permitted any form of Slovak organization whatever. Here, again, the results of efforts in this direction were most gratifying. In 1890 the writer instituted the National Slovak Society, the first organization among them, with a membership of 250. It has now over 20,000 active members and 512 lodges. It is primarily a beneficial organization, but it has besides done a work in the education of its members �176 SLOVAKIA and in inducing them and those who come under their influence to become American citizens. As previously stated, the Slovaks who come to America do not as a rule return to their native country. The society requires its members to obtain naturalization papers after a reasonable time, and through the influence of the membership thousands of others, not members, have become citizens. Other societies have made this a feature of their work, so that directly and indirectly the work of the National Slovak Society in making American citizens has been a notable one. Since its organization, the society has paid out nearly a million dollars in benefits on account of the death or injury of members, or the death of members' wives. Besides this the local associations have paid out a total of much more than a million dollars in sick benefits. Further, the society has kept the Slovak spirit alive among immigrants. It is always the first to contribute to Slovak national purposes. It has helped hundreds of Slovak students, both here and in Hungary, giving them allowances sufficient to support them while they were obtaining their education, and has given, also, liberally to the support of national literary and patriotic workers. It has come to the rescue of Slavs in Hungary, who are persecuted by the government on account of their national sentiments, providing the money for the defense at their trials and in cases where they are convicted and imprisoned supporting their families until released. With this National Slovak Society as a root, there have originated many other societies, among them the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Greek Catholic Union, the Evangelical Union, the Pennsylvania Roman and Greek Catholic Union, the zivena (Ladies' Association), the Presbyterian Calvinistic Union, the First Catholic Slovak Ladies' Union, the Sokol (Gymnastic Association), and hundreds of literary, benevolent and political clubs, so that there are now between 100,000 and 125,000 organized Slovaks in the United States. Finally, these societies have sources of moral benefits, almost incalculable. They have given courage and spread the idea of American liberty many years in advance of the �SLOVAKIA 177 time when they could have been obtained by other means. When a Slovak now returns to his native country he does not go to cringe to the official classes; usually he becomes a center of independent spirit from whom ideas of liberty reach the minds of many of his down-trodden countrymen. Sometimes he gets into trouble by reason of his independence, but even the persecutions with which the government officials visit him serve to scatter the seeds of liberty which are bound sooner or later to work a great improvement in the condition of the entire Slav population of Hungary. It is in this respect that the influence of the Slavs in this country upon those at home has been most important. They have even financed the industries of their country in some degree compensating it in a material sense for the withdrawal of their own labor from its agriculture. Counterparts of the organizations among the Slovaks have been formed among the Slavs of almost every nationality that has representatives in this country - the Poles, R.ussians, Bohemians, Slovenians (Wends), Croatians, Serbians, and others. Relations of the utmost cordiality exist among them and they are frequently found working together for their mutual improvement and advantage. The Slovaks in this country have been to some extent hindered in their progress by misunderstandings in the minds of Americans which are gradually being replaced by feelings of friendly interest. The army of the United States contains hundreds of young Slovaks. So also do the higher educational institutions of the country. The immigration is as yet too young to have produced an educated class of professional men in this country, but that condition of things is coming fast. It will be here in a few years and will have arrived much sooner than it did in the case of the Irish or of the Germans, or of any other class of immigrants. Then, the part which the Slovaks are playing, and are to play, in the making of this country will be made to appear in its true light; and their fellow citizens will be ashamed that they have believed them the savages the sensational press has often pictured them. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 173 THE SLOVAKS IN AMERICA P. V. Rovnianek (This was the first English article about the Slovak people in America. It was written by Peter Rovnianek, editor of the Slov ak Daily in Pittsburgh and founder of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok. It appeared in "Charities" in 1904. - Ed.) Slovak immigration to this country may be said to have come exclusively from the agricultural class, a class which includes a very large part of the Slovak population of Hungary. Previous to 1882 the immigration has been sporadic, but in that year the people began to come in companies of considerable size and settled in the mining and industrial regions of Pennsylvania. At first there was a disposition among them to return to their native country, but in a little while some decided to stay. Then it was that they began to look around them for opportunities to settle on farms and return to the manner of life which they had led at home. There are now hundreds of Slovak farmers in Pennsylvania, Connecticut and Ohio; and in Minnesota, Arkansas, Virginia and Wisconsin there are colonies of them, where for many miles on every side the land is entirely in their possession. It would scarcely be possible to name a state in the Union where a few Slovaks have not settled and obtained farms which they own, having bought them with money earned previously during the time of their employment in the industrial centers. Owing to the political persecutions from which they suffered at home, the Slovaks had little opportunity for acquiring education and knowledge of the ways of civilization. Since they began coming to this country in large numbers their advancement in these respects has been no less remarkable than the improvement in their material condition. This is due largely to the intense religious spirit which prevails among the Slavic people, and to the fact that here they have been able to combine schools with their churches. In every community in which they have settled in considerable numbers, they have started their church congregation and founded their church school where their children are being educated in the English and 174 SLOVAKIA Slovak languages. In Pennsylvania there are now from 120 to 130 Slovak congregations, some of them very large and of considerable wealth. The people are divided in religious affiliation among four principal denominations: the Roman Catholic, the Greek Catholic, (by which is meant that portion of the Greek Catholic Church which is united with the Roman Catholic church, but preserves its own liturgy and customs), the Russian Orthodox, and the Lutheran. About one-half the total number of congregations, and perhaps somewhat more than this proportion of the total number of communicants are Roman Catholics. The Russian and the Lutheran churches have each about ten congregations and the others are Greek Catholics. The missionaries of the Russian church have been very active and considerable numbers have left the Greek to join the Orthodox church. Of late years, too, the Presbyterian and Congregational denominations have been working among the people with churches and missions. Scarcely second to the influences of the churches has been the influence of the newspapers in the elevation of the condition of the Slovaks in their new homes. It required considerable audacity to begin the publication of the first newspaper for circulation among the people in this country. In Hungary they had never read newspapers. They were taught by the Magyar government that newspapers were for the official class only; that the peasants had no business with them. And the government has had means of enforcing its opinion on the subject. So well is it enforced and so well on the other hand do the Slovaks appreciate the priviledge they have in America which is not accorded them at home that after less than twenty years of the experiment there are nearly as many newspapers in the Slovak language published in the United States as in Hungary, while the combined circulation of those published there nowhere nearly approaches the total circulation of those in this country. The first Slovak newspaper published in America, the Amerikansko Slovenske Noviny (American Slavonic Gazet- te) was founded in Pittsburgh in 1886 by Jan Slovensky, a teacher in his native country - here a clerk in the office SLOVAKIA 175 of the Austro-Hungarian Consul. Associated with him was Julius J. Wolf, also a teacher. Mr. Slovensky retired in 1892 and the writer became associated with Mr. Wolf in the publishing business. We still conduct the paper founded by Mr. Slovensky and also the only Slovak daily paper published in the world. The Slovak Daily is well sustained and is making rapid progress, good evidence that the Slovaks are rapidly attaining a high standard of American citizenship. There are a dozen or more other Slovak weekly and monthly newspapers thriving in various parts of the country. They have been instrumental to no small extent in causing the establishment of a variety of industrial and business enterprises in the Slovak communities through capital stored up by the Slovaks while in the employment of the various concerns. The small mercantile establishments among them are almost numberless. They have their butchers and grocers, their clothing stores, their drug stores, and in fact are equipped throughout for supplying their needs from establishments which they can call their own. In several of the large cities, especially in Philadelphia, New York and Chicago, wire and tinware factories which have been established with Slovak capital and are conducted with Slovak labor are in a fair way to secure the cream of the trade of this kind in the whole country. A peculiar advantage is derived from the fact that for centuries the tinware of Europe was made largely by the Slovaks. In this country, also electrical designs and other skilled work turned out by Slovak plants have attained a very high position in the markets. Organization among Slovaks has played an important role, despite the fact that at home the government had not permitted any form of Slovak organization whatever. Here, again, the results of efforts in this direction were most gratifying. In 1890 the writer instituted the National Slovak Society, the first organization among them, with a membership of 250. It has now over 20,000 active members and 512 lodges. It is primarily a beneficial organization, but it has besides done a work in the education of its members 176 SLOVAKIA and in inducing them and those who come under their influence to become American citizens. As previously stated, the Slovaks who come to America do not as a rule return to their native country. The society requires its members to obtain naturalization papers after a reasonable time, and through the influence of the membership thousands of others, not members, have become citizens. Other societies have made this a feature of their work, so that directly and indirectly the work of the National Slovak Society in making American citizens has been a notable one. Since its organization, the society has paid out nearly a million dollars in benefits on account of the death or injury of members, or the death of members' wives. Besides this the local associations have paid out a total of much more than a million dollars in sick benefits. Further, the society has kept the Slovak spirit alive among immigrants. It is always the first to contribute to Slovak national purposes. It has helped hundreds of Slovak students, both here and in Hungary, giving them allowances sufficient to support them while they were obtaining their education, and has given, also, liberally to the support of national literary and patriotic workers. It has come to the rescue of Slavs in Hungary, who are persecuted by the government on account of their national sentiments, providing the money for the defense at their trials and in cases where they are convicted and imprisoned supporting their families until released. With this National Slovak Society as a root, there have originated many other societies, among them the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Greek Catholic Union, the Evangelical Union, the Pennsylvania Roman and Greek Catholic Union, the zivena (Ladies' Association), the Presbyterian Calvinistic Union, the First Catholic Slovak Ladies' Union, the Sokol (Gymnastic Association), and hundreds of literary, benevolent and political clubs, so that there are now between 100,000 and 125,000 organized Slovaks in the United States. Finally, these societies have sources of moral benefits, almost incalculable. They have given courage and spread the idea of American liberty many years in advance of the SLOVAKIA 177 time when they could have been obtained by other means. When a Slovak now returns to his native country he does not go to cringe to the official classes; usually he becomes a center of independent spirit from whom ideas of liberty reach the minds of many of his down-trodden countrymen. Sometimes he gets into trouble by reason of his independence, but even the persecutions with which the government officials visit him serve to scatter the seeds of liberty which are bound sooner or later to work a great improvement in the condition of the entire Slav population of Hungary. It is in this respect that the influence of the Slavs in this country upon those at home has been most important. They have even financed the industries of their country in some degree compensating it in a material sense for the withdrawal of their own labor from its agriculture. Counterparts of the organizations among the Slovaks have been formed among the Slavs of almost every nationality that has representatives in this country - the Poles, R.ussians, Bohemians, Slovenians (Wends), Croatians, Serbians, and others. Relations of the utmost cordiality exist among them and they are frequently found working together for their mutual improvement and advantage. The Slovaks in this country have been to some extent hindered in their progress by misunderstandings in the minds of Americans which are gradually being replaced by feelings of friendly interest. The army of the United States contains hundreds of young Slovaks. So also do the higher educational institutions of the country. The immigration is as yet too young to have produced an educated class of professional men in this country, but that condition of things is coming fast. It will be here in a few years and will have arrived much sooner than it did in the case of the Irish or of the Germans, or of any other class of immigrants. Then, the part which the Slovaks are playing, and are to play, in the making of this country will be made to appear in its true light; and their fellow citizens will be ashamed that they have believed them the savages the sensational press has often pictured them.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovaks in America Description An account of the resource P. V. Rovnianek Editor’s Note: "This was the first English article about the Slovak people in America. It was written by Peter Rovnianek, editor of the Slovak Daily in Pittsburgh and founder of the Národný Slovenský Spolok. It appeared in 'Charities' in 1904." Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 173-177 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Rovnianek-Rovinov, Peter V. (Peter Vitʹazoslav), 1867-1933 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/69822d17319c605cbb8f0c1e6926b300.pdf 676f42f0048a797f1a5304b71c3525b7 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 161 ANDREJ HLINKA By Maryagnes Krajsa "Hlinka was not satisfied with having his people faithful to their reli{ : n alone. He wanted his people to be independent economically; and for this reason, while planning missions for them , he began also to plan for their day-to-day material well-being." - Karol Sidor In the long historic process that determined the political destiny of Slovakia, Andrej Hlinka assumed a decisive r ole in directing the course of his country's development. The great Slovak patriot and political leader was fully conscious of his responsibility to the Slovak people. Hlinka devoted his life to one cause-that of the Christian faithful and the Slovak's fight for political equality. His intense love for the Slovak people had demanded the greatest personal sacrifices from him in a public life of almost fifty years. It was rewarded with as great a love on the part of the Slovak people as a whole. Slovak equality, Slovak autonomy-the long cherished hope of the Slovak people for national self-rule-he never lived to realize . Andrej Hlinka based his program and belief not on securing the favor of any incumbent political party, but on the solid foundation of a free , prosperous Slovak population. He realized that the fight for Slovak liberation would be a long and arduous struggle and that nothing short of an independent and self-sufficient Slovak population could bring it to a triumphant conclusion. The Slovaks have grown strong by hard work and struggle; and have acquired self-confidence and self-reliance, courage and endurance in the process .. . and, above all, they have an invincible faith in God. Such a man was Andrej Hlinka. Andrej Hlinka was born in 1864 of Slovak peasant stock in the village of c ernova. In the village public school, he showed superior talent, and upon the recommendation of the schoolmaster, his parents provided him with the opportunity for a higher education. His choice of the vocation of priest was made early. In the seminary his work was outstanding, as the records show. In the same records, however, appears the ominous, �162 SLOVAKIA notation, "Inclined to Slavism", -a charge bearing the most serious consequences for any Slovak student in the thoroughly Magyarized Hungary of 1887. A further notation emphasizing his "exceptional talent, modesty, and piety", probably accounts for his being permitted to go on. During these trying years in Slovakia, when it was necessary for Slovak theological students to fight for instruction in the Slovak language, which they would need in the pulpit and in public life, only his mother's affection and her great sacrifices and equally great expectations restrained Hlinka from action of any kind that might have incurred immediate dismissal. While he was still in the seminary, ,his father died. Soon after came the death of his mother, almost on the eve of his ordination, in 1889, a blow that seemed cruel and unjust to him, for the reason that his mother had looked forward to the day of his ordination as one that would be the happiest day of her life. Now that he was ordained, he was alone in the world, beginning the life of a priest with his love for his mother and father. A priest dedicated to his Church and Nation. Not only was Hlinka a faithful priest who performed his spiritual duties conscientiously, but he was a teacher, physician, and leader of his Slovak people. As a young priest, Hlinka lived close to his people so that he knew their conditions and studied the various influences that affected their lives. He always kept in mind that his main objective in life as a priest of God was to save immortal souls. He could not ignore the temporal affairs of his people though, because these are too often closely united with the spiritual needs of mankind. The Slovak nation was not only neglected but actually subjected to humiliation and tyranny. The arrogance of the non-Slovak higher classes went so far as to make disparaging references to that "lowly" Slovak and "that poor excuse for a man". This insult to his nation infuriated Hlinka. He felt its sting all the more because it was unChristian and inhuman. Upright in his concept of the dignity of his Slovak nation, Hlinka wanted to share that gift with all his fellow countrymen. This ideal was in accord with God's plan, with the teaching of the Church and with �SLOVAKIA 163 the universal belief of mankind, namely, that "all men are born and created equal". The Slovaks did not deserve to be belittled in view of their rich contributions in all fields of endeavor despite the handicaps for social and economic misery and cultural neglect. The more insolent the attacks became from the Magyars, the greater was Hlinka's courage and determination to fight for the Slovak cause. Truth, Justice, Human Rights, and Religion were the ideals that inspired Hlinka to carry on the struggle in behalf of the Slovak nation. He was convinced that truth and justice must triumph ultimately against the evil forces of untruth and injustice. The important aspect was though that truth and justice were on his side. Hlinka was appointed to his own parish in 1895 and it was then that he became interested in the popular political movement in Slovakia represented by the People's Party. Two years later he became editor of the Eudove Noviny and began vigorously opposing the Magyarization of the Slovaks. His power within the party continued to grow and by 1905, he became pastor of the large parish at Ruzomherok-the city that was to remain the center for most of his activity until the day of his death at the age of seventyfour . Father Hlinka and Francis Skycak formed their own Slovak People's Party on December 5, 1905. This party after World War I, became known as Hlinka's Slovak People's Party, the name it retained until 1945 when it was dissolved by the Prague Government. In 1906, two Slovak deputies were elected to the Diet. Under the leadership of Hlinka and others, the Slovaks increased their representation to seven. All of these men believed in the same truths as Hlinka, namely: linguistic and cultural autonomy for the Slovaks. Their campaign motto was, "For Our Slovak Language". The Magyars blamed Hlinka for the success of the· campaign because of the persuasiveness of his written and . spoken messages to the Slovaks. The Magyars applied pressure on Hlinka's ecclesiastical superiors that he might be suspended from his pastoral duties on charges of si- �164 SLOVAKIA mony. His bishop, Alexander Parvy of Spis, bowed to Magyar pressure. Hlinka, along with fifteen other Slovaks, was arrested on charges for "action against the Magyar nationality. " The t rial was held in Ruzomberok. It was indeed a trumped-up farce. Hlinka's young counsel was warned by the court not to let his defense make him an accomplice to Hlinka's guilt. Hlinka continued to stand his ground. He was found guilty and sentenced to two years in prison. When leaving the courtroom, he added that upon his return he would continue to struggle for Slovak liberty. For this he was sentenced to an additional eighteen months imprisonment . For years Hlinka had wished to build a church in his native Cernova. After years of toil and deprivation- for Cernova was a poor community-the church was completed. The people wanted Hlinka to bless the church. On October 27, 1907, when the Cernovans saw the Magyar magistrate and priest coming, they blocked the way, seized the horses and shouted again for a postponement of the dedication. The Magyar magistrate ordered the gendarmes to open fire on the people of Cernova, and 15 were shot. This was known as the "Cernova Massacre. " This massacre focused the world's attention upon the Magyar tyranny more than any other single event. The events at Cernova also sparked the interest of impartial European scholars who soon thereafter became champions of the Slovak cause. Hlinka was lecturing in Bohemia when the tragedy occured at his birthplace. He spoke in numerous other cities for the cause of his people. His audiences hailed him as the great champion and martyr for Slovak freedom. On November 30, 1907, Hlinka began serving his sentence in Szeged. He once again declared his innocence of any wrong actions . His belief was molding firmer that the liberation of the Slovaks was inevitable. "Truth has never suffered in vain, so even Slovak truth shall not suffer," were his words to the Slovak people as the Magyar jail closed behind him. In May, 1908, he was sentenced to another eighteen months in jail for his newspaper articles. Even while in jail Hlinka continued to work. He translated the Holy Writ into Slovak. Rome found Hlinka in- �SLOVAKIA 165 nocent and on February 23, 1910, justification came to Hlinka. In the winter of 1910 Hlinka returned to his parish in Ruzomberok. By re-emphasizing his belief in Slovak freedom, Hlinka declared war on Magyar Chauvinism by demanding that the Slovaks be permitted to have the language taught in all the schools of the city. Most of Slovakia followed in suit. Slovak national life had continued to feel the pressure of Magyarization. In the election of 1910, only three Slovak deputies were elected. Slovaks continued to be divided into two different groups, one which favored complete Slovak autonomy and ultimate independence as a sovereign nation, and the other advocating a federated republic of Slovak and Czech peoples. The assasination of Arch-Duke Ferdinand on the streets of Sarajevo, plunged the world into the first war of the 20th century. This catastrophe also began tolling the watch for Austro-Magyar domination of Central Europe. On May 24, 1918, Hlinka took the lead for the creation of a new state, comprising Bohemia, Moravia, Slovakia, and Silesia. He drew up a program which stood for the creation of Czecho-Slovakia. "Let us welcome every Czech who is willing to help us," he preached. The followers of s tur, Radlinsky and Vajansky up to 1918 expressed themselves moderately in form, but convincingly in substance. When it came to the breaking of bread in 1918, however, Andrej Hlinka, leader of his party, proclaimed at Turciansky Svaty Martin, "The 1,000 year-old marriage with the Magyars was a failure. We must part." The policy of forcible Magyarization of the Slovaks was undoubtedly the greatest reason for Slovak immigration into America. The Slovaks in America were always mindful of the injustices that had driven them out of the land of their birth, their fatherland. The people were stirred up when they heard the news of the continuous persecution in Slovakia. The Hungarian government still wanted the immigrated Slovaks to feel the pressures of Magyarization but the Slovaks in America could no longer be controlled by forces across the ocean. They continued to make known in America and throughout the rest of the �166 SLOVAKIA world the persecution and injustice that the Slovaks were suffering. The Slovaks were suffering on account of the Magyars and the Czechs, at the hands of the Austrians. The Czechs and Slovaks lived apart. When the Czechs and Slovaks immigrated to this country, they continued to live and to develop here as two separate nations. The Czechs and Slovaks are the two closest Slovanic brothers, but each retained its own separate and definite identity. One of the most stirring incidents that finally completely awakened the Slovaks in America was the massacre in cernova. The founding of the Slovak League of America was the result of the persecution of Andrej Hlinka. The aim of this organization was: "That the Slovak nation may take its place among the other nations as an equal among equals." The Slovaks in America became unified. Meetings were called and the final conclusion was that they had to come to the rescue of their brethren in Slovakia. The Slovaks in America had prepared a Memorandum for all the parliaments of the United States. The Memorandum mainly stated that: "The Slovaks in Hungary should obtain their natural privileges of life, freedom and pursuit of happiness, which they have been deprived of by the dynasty; that the Slovaks be given an opportunity to develop their national spirit, their abilities, and the natural resources of their native land; that the Slovaks be guaranteed the realization of their national ideals and efforts, w hich have been mercilessly trodden by the tyrannical Hungarian Government." The more progressive portion of the Slovak nation was found here in America, and this portion had a full privilege, moral and financial, to speak in behalf of the entire nation. The Cleveland Agreement in 1915 was a fore-runner of the Pittsburgh Pact. The Czech National Alliance officially invited the Slovak League of America to a meeting-the purpose of which was to be: "That we could unite for combined political work." The Czechs soon after already tried to squeeze the Slovaks out. To a proclamation issued in Paris, was signed: "The Foreign Czech Committee" and not a Czecho-Slovak Committee. The difficulties of the co- �SLOVAKIA 167 operation with the Czechs became quite plain to the Slovaks. The Slovaks wanted to be with the Czechs and not under the Czechs. In 1918, the Slovaks' efforts seemed to be leading to success. Their goal-the liberation of Slovakia, and the founding of the Czecho-Slovak state. Small, but significant jncidents kept unfolding in which the Czechs proved to be not fully sincere with the Slovaks. The Slovaks tried to overlook all these though. Even write-ups in the Czech newspapers, such as the arrival of T. G. Masaryk only mentioned facts pertaining to the Czechs. The JEDNOTA-the official weekly of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest and one of the oldest Slovak fraternal organizations in America-acted quickly. The paper criticized Masaryk about never mentioning Slovakia-he completely ignored the Slovak participation in the struggle. The JEDNOT A printed, as it has continued to down through the years, the truth and that was, the Slovaks were gradually becoming subordinate to the Czechs. Masaryk arrived in Pittsburgh on May 30, 1918, where he was received most graciously by our Slovaks. Everything seemed to be ironed out. Masaryk ended his speech by saying, "Everyone shall have his personal liberty guaranteed." That same night Masaryk had a conference with representatives of the Slovaks in the Moose Temple on Pennsylvania Avenue. Many matters were presented which Masaryk answered to the satisfaction of all present. On May 31 , 1918, the representatives of the American Slovaks and Czechs met again. The report states that: "Professor Masaryk performed an act which shall always have historical significance in the history of the Czechs and Slovaks." This act consisted of a new agreement between the Czechs and Slovaks. Professor Masaryk wrote the new agreement himself, and it established the relations between the two nations. According to this agreement: The representatives of the Slovak and Czech organizations in the United States- the Slovak League, the Czech National Alliance , and the Union of Czech Catholics-have deliberated, in the presence of the Chairman of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, Professor Masaryk, on the Czecho-Slovak question and on our previous program manifestations, and have resolved as follows: �168 SLOVAKIA We fa vor a political program whose purpose it shall be to unite the Czechs and Slovaks into an autonomous state comprising the Czech lands and Slovakia. Slovakia shall have her own administration, her own assembly, and her own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the schools, in public offices, and in the public life in general. The Czecho-Slovak State shall be a republic ; its constitution shall be democratic. The cooperation of the Czechs and the Slovaks in the United States shall be intensified and r egulated by mutual consent, according to need and changing situations. Detailed provisions relating to the organization of the CzechoSlovak State shall be left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives. All matters seemed to be settled now--even the JEDNOT A was satisfied. As we shall see, however, the Pact was not kept. Yes, on May 31, 1918, the Pittsburgh Pact was drawn up and signed by Czech and Slovak representatives-as well as by T. G. Masaryk, the future President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. According to this document, Slo• vakia was guaranteed its autonomy, with its own assembly, administration, and department of justice. Andrej Hlinka and the Slovak People's Party incorporated the Pittsburgh Pact in their national party platform. When the Czecho-Slovak State was established, the Slovaks, including Hlinka, had no clear conception of what the new state would be like. It was agreed upon that the new state would be run in the spirit of equality of both nations . The Slovaks would run their country, while the Czechs would be masters of their own household ; if the Slovaks needed help, the Czechs would help, but the quantity and quality of such help would be decided by the Slovaks, not the Czechs. The Czechs agreed with this in principle. Things didn't go according to the Pact though. The narrow political attitude of the Prague government toward the Slovaks as early as 1919 aroused Hlinka and many of the Slovak leaders. The progress of political events from within supported a fanatical centralizing of power at Prague in control largely of certain Czech leaders, which openly transgressed the rights guaranteed by the Pact. When Hlinka arrived in Prague he was welcomed not as the greatest friend of the Czechs, but as the worst enemy �SLOVAKIA 169 of the new state. The Czech section of the government was against him. The attack on Hlinka was continued for the three years that he was serving his term in office. This was a struggle which in the end meant the collapse of Czechoslovakia, the end of Slovak-Czech collaboration for any sort of common political state. On January 23, 1919, the Prague parliament was the scene of the wildest attacks against Hlinka. Hlinka practically stood alone in the defense of the interests of his Slovak people in 1919. He still had a great following in Slovakia. Hlinka became in Slovakia the very symbol of resistance to Prague's domination. Promises had been made to the Slovaks before they decided to join the Czechs to form a joint political state and those promises should have been kept. The Czech "progressives" even had an editorial in the LIDOVE NOV/NY (People's News) that read: "It will take only a few years and things will be the same in Slovakia as they are in the Czech lands." On January 30, 1919, Hlinka returned to Prague and read the records of the parliamentary sessions to learn what was said about him in his absence. In October, 1919, Hlinka left secretly for Paris, determined that the Slovaks would be heard at the Peace Conference which was then in session. Knowing that he would probably not be permitted a Czecho-Slovak passport to go to Paris, Hlinka turned to the Polish authorities for help, and then by way of Poland, Romania, Yugoslavia, Italy, and Switzerland he reached Paris. He asked for the Slovaks the rights of administering their affairs in Slovakia, stating that the Slovaks were not to be regarded as Czechs. He said, "The Slovaks are neither Czechs nor Czechoslovaks, but Slovaks who intend to remain Slovaks." He was ordered to leave at the instigation of the Czech delegates. When he returned to Slovakia, on October 12, 1919, he was seized at night and carted out of Slovakia on the charge of passport irregularity and later on for treason to the Republic. A local revolt broke out as a result of this. He was imprisoned for a period of six months awaiting trial. Meanwhile, on February 29, 1920, the final wording of the Constitution was discussed in the Prague Parliament. �170 SLOVAKIA The Slovak representativ es put a motion before the Constitutional Committee which stated that the vote for such a constitution would not prevent them from persevering in their struggle for autonomy and a legislature for Slovakia. The fundamental act of the Czecho-Slova k State was thereafter voted on February 29, 1920 not by a Constituent Assembly freely elected by the people, but by a revolutionary one. A constitution vote took place and voted on a united "Czechoslova k" nation; this deprived the Slovak nation more of its political and judical individuality and assured the Czechs of the exclusive direction of the State. Thus, the Slovak nation was once again deprived of its right which had been clearly guaranteed by international treaties. On April 18, 1920, Hlinka was elected to the CzechoSlovak Parliament. The authorities were compelled to release him. Hlinka fought now with all his energy and zeal. As the leader of the Autonomists, he fought the Centralists as hard as he had fought the Magyars. The official spelling of the name "Czecho-Slov akia," as found in the treaties at the time of the creation of the new Republic, was now changed to "Czechoslova kia." Instead of fusing the Czechs and Slovaks into a solid Czech whole, this change in the name of the State succeeded in accentuating the differences between them and in rekindling the fight of the Slovaks against denationaliza tion. Hlinka spent the best part of his life in this vital crusade for his beloved people. As an orator and debater, Hlinka was unequalled. As the political controversy grew stronger, so did his fight for the principles of his program. From 1925 on, Hlinka's Slovak People's Party was the most powerful single political party in Slovakia. In order to raise funds to carry on this fight, Hlinka turned to America in 1926 and appealed to the Slovaks here for aid. The welcome to Hlinka and the response to his appeal was more than generous. To write about Hlinka's triumphal tour of the United States is a chapter that deserves a separate presentation. In 1932, the Slovak People's Party and the non-Catholic Slovak National Party, under the leadership of Rev. Martin Razus joined forces and issued a joint declaration: "The �SLOVAKIA 171 individuality of the Slovak nation, which we shall not renounce even at the cost of the Republic, demands the recognition of sovereign rights and therefore a responsive form of political life. The only form, regarded as such by the Slovaks, is the immediate result of Slovak political tradition and agreements concluded during the action of liberation between the Czechs and Slovaks ... " Hlinka, by 1933, had become the most important national figure in Slovakia. That same year the ancient historical city of Nitra observed the eleventh centenary of the founding of the first Christian Church in Slovakia. More than 100,000 patriotic Slovaks gathered there to help celebrate the occasion. It turned out to be a major demonstration for Slovak autonomy. On June 5, 1938, over 100,00 national-minded Slovaks turned out in Bratislava-the capital of Slovakia-to manifest their fidelity to Hlinka's political program for autonomy. This date also commemorated the twentieth anniversary of the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact. The observance was attended by enthusiastic representatives from the whole nation and was visited by a special delegation that brought the original document of that historic agreement direct from America. This memorable occasion was a distinct proof that the Slovak nation had grown to national maturity in its struggle for autonomy. This was to be Hlinka's last public appearance and address to any type of formal assembly. Msgr. Andrej Hlinka saw his goal in sight. Slovakia was on the threshold of self-government. In the years of 1938 and 1939, when the international situation weakened the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak republic, the Slovak nation got the opportunity to take hold of the helm of its own state government. The Slovaks declared independence and were given back their just national freedom just shortly after Hlinka died. The Rt. Rev. Msgr. Andrej Hlinka, the Father of the Slovak Nation, met his everlasting peace on August 16, 1938. His funeral on August 21, 1938 was a national event of respect the likes of which was never seen in the shadow of the Tatra Mountains. Four bishops, over 1,000 prelates and priests, and over 120,000 Slovaks came to pay respect to their "father." �172 SLOVAKIA On October 6, 1938, shortly after Hlinka's death, Slovakia declared its right to self-government. The Slovak Parliament declared its country's independence and established the Slovak State on March 14, 1939. Although Hlinka did not live to see the successful outcome of his life-long struggle, he had prepared the waythe way of truth which did not succumb to all else in the end. Will truth again prevail? As of today, the Slovak nation has never renounced its independence and has never recognized the existence of the " Czechoslovak" nation. There is no such nation! There is a Czech nation and a Slovak nation; and so likewise, there is no "Czechoslovak" language, but there is a Czech language and a Slovak language. The cultural oppression of the Slovak people has an economic background for the benefit of the Czech people. The religious, political, economic and social well-being of the Slovaks is in grave danger. We are now living in the same atmosphere as did Andrej Hlinka. Hlinka, the Father of-the Fighter for-and the Light of the Slovak Nation has gone from this world in bodily appearance. Does his spirit live on? Yes!-in the souls and hearts of "true" Slovaks in America, in the rest of the free world, and those who are suffering in Slovakia. BIBLIOGRAPHY Culen, Constantine. "Andrej Hlinka and Prague", Slovakia. Middletown, Pa.: The Slovak League of America, 1958. Glaser, Kurt. Czecho-Slovakia, A Critical History, Caldwell, Idaho: The Caxton Printers, 1961. Kirschbaum, Joseph. "The Politics of Hlinka's Party in the Slovak Republic". Slovakia. Middletown, Pa. : The Slovak League of America, 1951. Mikus, Joseph A. Slovakia, A Political History, 1918-1950. Milwaukee: The Marquette University Press, 1963. Oddo, Gilbert L.O. Slovakia And Its People. New York: Robert Speller and Sons, 1960. Pauco, Jozef. 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty ( 75 Year History of the First Catholic Slovak Union) . Middletown, Pa.: The Jednota Press, 1965. Sidor, Karl. "The Slovak Republic-Fruit of Hlinka's Struggle", Slovakia. Middletown, Pa.: The Slovak League of America, 1951. Yurchak, Peter P. The Slovaks, Their History And Traditi ons. Whiting, Ind., 1946. � SLOVAKIA 161 ANDREJ HLINKA By Maryagnes Krajsa "Hlinka was not satisfied with having his people faithful to their reli{ : n alone. He wanted his people to be independent economically; and for this reason, while planning missions for them , he began also to plan for their day-to-day material well-being." - Karol Sidor In the long historic process that determined the political destiny of Slovakia, Andrej Hlinka assumed a decisive r ole in directing the course of his country's development. The great Slovak patriot and political leader was fully conscious of his responsibility to the Slovak people. Hlinka devoted his life to one cause-that of the Christian faithful and the Slovak's fight for political equality. His intense love for the Slovak people had demanded the greatest personal sacrifices from him in a public life of almost fifty years. It was rewarded with as great a love on the part of the Slovak people as a whole. Slovak equality, Slovak autonomy-the long cherished hope of the Slovak people for national self-rule-he never lived to realize . Andrej Hlinka based his program and belief not on securing the favor of any incumbent political party, but on the solid foundation of a free , prosperous Slovak population. He realized that the fight for Slovak liberation would be a long and arduous struggle and that nothing short of an independent and self-sufficient Slovak population could bring it to a triumphant conclusion. The Slovaks have grown strong by hard work and struggle; and have acquired self-confidence and self-reliance, courage and endurance in the process .. . and, above all, they have an invincible faith in God. Such a man was Andrej Hlinka. Andrej Hlinka was born in 1864 of Slovak peasant stock in the village of c ernova. In the village public school, he showed superior talent, and upon the recommendation of the schoolmaster, his parents provided him with the opportunity for a higher education. His choice of the vocation of priest was made early. In the seminary his work was outstanding, as the records show. In the same records, however, appears the ominous, �162 SLOVAKIA notation, "Inclined to Slavism", -a charge bearing the most serious consequences for any Slovak student in the thoroughly Magyarized Hungary of 1887. A further notation emphasizing his "exceptional talent, modesty, and piety", probably accounts for his being permitted to go on. During these trying years in Slovakia, when it was necessary for Slovak theological students to fight for instruction in the Slovak language, which they would need in the pulpit and in public life, only his mother's affection and her great sacrifices and equally great expectations restrained Hlinka from action of any kind that might have incurred immediate dismissal. While he was still in the seminary, ,his father died. Soon after came the death of his mother, almost on the eve of his ordination, in 1889, a blow that seemed cruel and unjust to him, for the reason that his mother had looked forward to the day of his ordination as one that would be the happiest day of her life. Now that he was ordained, he was alone in the world, beginning the life of a priest with his love for his mother and father. A priest dedicated to his Church and Nation. Not only was Hlinka a faithful priest who performed his spiritual duties conscientiously, but he was a teacher, physician, and leader of his Slovak people. As a young priest, Hlinka lived close to his people so that he knew their conditions and studied the various influences that affected their lives. He always kept in mind that his main objective in life as a priest of God was to save immortal souls. He could not ignore the temporal affairs of his people though, because these are too often closely united with the spiritual needs of mankind. The Slovak nation was not only neglected but actually subjected to humiliation and tyranny. The arrogance of the non-Slovak higher classes went so far as to make disparaging references to that "lowly" Slovak and "that poor excuse for a man". This insult to his nation infuriated Hlinka. He felt its sting all the more because it was unChristian and inhuman. Upright in his concept of the dignity of his Slovak nation, Hlinka wanted to share that gift with all his fellow countrymen. This ideal was in accord with God's plan, with the teaching of the Church and with �SLOVAKIA 163 the universal belief of mankind, namely, that "all men are born and created equal". The Slovaks did not deserve to be belittled in view of their rich contributions in all fields of endeavor despite the handicaps for social and economic misery and cultural neglect. The more insolent the attacks became from the Magyars, the greater was Hlinka's courage and determination to fight for the Slovak cause. Truth, Justice, Human Rights, and Religion were the ideals that inspired Hlinka to carry on the struggle in behalf of the Slovak nation. He was convinced that truth and justice must triumph ultimately against the evil forces of untruth and injustice. The important aspect was though that truth and justice were on his side. Hlinka was appointed to his own parish in 1895 and it was then that he became interested in the popular political movement in Slovakia represented by the People's Party. Two years later he became editor of the Eudove Noviny and began vigorously opposing the Magyarization of the Slovaks. His power within the party continued to grow and by 1905, he became pastor of the large parish at Ruzomherok-the city that was to remain the center for most of his activity until the day of his death at the age of seventyfour . Father Hlinka and Francis Skycak formed their own Slovak People's Party on December 5, 1905. This party after World War I, became known as Hlinka's Slovak People's Party, the name it retained until 1945 when it was dissolved by the Prague Government. In 1906, two Slovak deputies were elected to the Diet. Under the leadership of Hlinka and others, the Slovaks increased their representation to seven. All of these men believed in the same truths as Hlinka, namely: linguistic and cultural autonomy for the Slovaks. Their campaign motto was, "For Our Slovak Language". The Magyars blamed Hlinka for the success of the· campaign because of the persuasiveness of his written and . spoken messages to the Slovaks. The Magyars applied pressure on Hlinka's ecclesiastical superiors that he might be suspended from his pastoral duties on charges of si- �164 SLOVAKIA mony. His bishop, Alexander Parvy of Spis, bowed to Magyar pressure. Hlinka, along with fifteen other Slovaks, was arrested on charges for "action against the Magyar nationality. " The t rial was held in Ruzomberok. It was indeed a trumped-up farce. Hlinka's young counsel was warned by the court not to let his defense make him an accomplice to Hlinka's guilt. Hlinka continued to stand his ground. He was found guilty and sentenced to two years in prison. When leaving the courtroom, he added that upon his return he would continue to struggle for Slovak liberty. For this he was sentenced to an additional eighteen months imprisonment . For years Hlinka had wished to build a church in his native Cernova. After years of toil and deprivation- for Cernova was a poor community-the church was completed. The people wanted Hlinka to bless the church. On October 27, 1907, when the Cernovans saw the Magyar magistrate and priest coming, they blocked the way, seized the horses and shouted again for a postponement of the dedication. The Magyar magistrate ordered the gendarmes to open fire on the people of Cernova, and 15 were shot. This was known as the "Cernova Massacre. " This massacre focused the world's attention upon the Magyar tyranny more than any other single event. The events at Cernova also sparked the interest of impartial European scholars who soon thereafter became champions of the Slovak cause. Hlinka was lecturing in Bohemia when the tragedy occured at his birthplace. He spoke in numerous other cities for the cause of his people. His audiences hailed him as the great champion and martyr for Slovak freedom. On November 30, 1907, Hlinka began serving his sentence in Szeged. He once again declared his innocence of any wrong actions . His belief was molding firmer that the liberation of the Slovaks was inevitable. "Truth has never suffered in vain, so even Slovak truth shall not suffer," were his words to the Slovak people as the Magyar jail closed behind him. In May, 1908, he was sentenced to another eighteen months in jail for his newspaper articles. Even while in jail Hlinka continued to work. He translated the Holy Writ into Slovak. Rome found Hlinka in- �SLOVAKIA 165 nocent and on February 23, 1910, justification came to Hlinka. In the winter of 1910 Hlinka returned to his parish in Ruzomberok. By re-emphasizing his belief in Slovak freedom, Hlinka declared war on Magyar Chauvinism by demanding that the Slovaks be permitted to have the language taught in all the schools of the city. Most of Slovakia followed in suit. Slovak national life had continued to feel the pressure of Magyarization. In the election of 1910, only three Slovak deputies were elected. Slovaks continued to be divided into two different groups, one which favored complete Slovak autonomy and ultimate independence as a sovereign nation, and the other advocating a federated republic of Slovak and Czech peoples. The assasination of Arch-Duke Ferdinand on the streets of Sarajevo, plunged the world into the first war of the 20th century. This catastrophe also began tolling the watch for Austro-Magyar domination of Central Europe. On May 24, 1918, Hlinka took the lead for the creation of a new state, comprising Bohemia, Moravia, Slovakia, and Silesia. He drew up a program which stood for the creation of Czecho-Slovakia. "Let us welcome every Czech who is willing to help us," he preached. The followers of s tur, Radlinsky and Vajansky up to 1918 expressed themselves moderately in form, but convincingly in substance. When it came to the breaking of bread in 1918, however, Andrej Hlinka, leader of his party, proclaimed at Turciansky Svaty Martin, "The 1,000 year-old marriage with the Magyars was a failure. We must part." The policy of forcible Magyarization of the Slovaks was undoubtedly the greatest reason for Slovak immigration into America. The Slovaks in America were always mindful of the injustices that had driven them out of the land of their birth, their fatherland. The people were stirred up when they heard the news of the continuous persecution in Slovakia. The Hungarian government still wanted the immigrated Slovaks to feel the pressures of Magyarization but the Slovaks in America could no longer be controlled by forces across the ocean. They continued to make known in America and throughout the rest of the �166 SLOVAKIA world the persecution and injustice that the Slovaks were suffering. The Slovaks were suffering on account of the Magyars and the Czechs, at the hands of the Austrians. The Czechs and Slovaks lived apart. When the Czechs and Slovaks immigrated to this country, they continued to live and to develop here as two separate nations. The Czechs and Slovaks are the two closest Slovanic brothers, but each retained its own separate and definite identity. One of the most stirring incidents that finally completely awakened the Slovaks in America was the massacre in cernova. The founding of the Slovak League of America was the result of the persecution of Andrej Hlinka. The aim of this organization was: "That the Slovak nation may take its place among the other nations as an equal among equals." The Slovaks in America became unified. Meetings were called and the final conclusion was that they had to come to the rescue of their brethren in Slovakia. The Slovaks in America had prepared a Memorandum for all the parliaments of the United States. The Memorandum mainly stated that: "The Slovaks in Hungary should obtain their natural privileges of life, freedom and pursuit of happiness, which they have been deprived of by the dynasty; that the Slovaks be given an opportunity to develop their national spirit, their abilities, and the natural resources of their native land; that the Slovaks be guaranteed the realization of their national ideals and efforts, w hich have been mercilessly trodden by the tyrannical Hungarian Government." The more progressive portion of the Slovak nation was found here in America, and this portion had a full privilege, moral and financial, to speak in behalf of the entire nation. The Cleveland Agreement in 1915 was a fore-runner of the Pittsburgh Pact. The Czech National Alliance officially invited the Slovak League of America to a meeting-the purpose of which was to be: "That we could unite for combined political work." The Czechs soon after already tried to squeeze the Slovaks out. To a proclamation issued in Paris, was signed: "The Foreign Czech Committee" and not a Czecho-Slovak Committee. The difficulties of the co- �SLOVAKIA 167 operation with the Czechs became quite plain to the Slovaks. The Slovaks wanted to be with the Czechs and not under the Czechs. In 1918, the Slovaks' efforts seemed to be leading to success. Their goal-the liberation of Slovakia, and the founding of the Czecho-Slovak state. Small, but significant jncidents kept unfolding in which the Czechs proved to be not fully sincere with the Slovaks. The Slovaks tried to overlook all these though. Even write-ups in the Czech newspapers, such as the arrival of T. G. Masaryk only mentioned facts pertaining to the Czechs. The JEDNOTA-the official weekly of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest and one of the oldest Slovak fraternal organizations in America-acted quickly. The paper criticized Masaryk about never mentioning Slovakia-he completely ignored the Slovak participation in the struggle. The JEDNOT A printed, as it has continued to down through the years, the truth and that was, the Slovaks were gradually becoming subordinate to the Czechs. Masaryk arrived in Pittsburgh on May 30, 1918, where he was received most graciously by our Slovaks. Everything seemed to be ironed out. Masaryk ended his speech by saying, "Everyone shall have his personal liberty guaranteed." That same night Masaryk had a conference with representatives of the Slovaks in the Moose Temple on Pennsylvania Avenue. Many matters were presented which Masaryk answered to the satisfaction of all present. On May 31 , 1918, the representatives of the American Slovaks and Czechs met again. The report states that: "Professor Masaryk performed an act which shall always have historical significance in the history of the Czechs and Slovaks." This act consisted of a new agreement between the Czechs and Slovaks. Professor Masaryk wrote the new agreement himself, and it established the relations between the two nations. According to this agreement: The representatives of the Slovak and Czech organizations in the United States- the Slovak League, the Czech National Alliance , and the Union of Czech Catholics-have deliberated, in the presence of the Chairman of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, Professor Masaryk, on the Czecho-Slovak question and on our previous program manifestations, and have resolved as follows: �168 SLOVAKIA We fa vor a political program whose purpose it shall be to unite the Czechs and Slovaks into an autonomous state comprising the Czech lands and Slovakia. Slovakia shall have her own administration, her own assembly, and her own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the schools, in public offices, and in the public life in general. The Czecho-Slovak State shall be a republic ; its constitution shall be democratic. The cooperation of the Czechs and the Slovaks in the United States shall be intensified and r egulated by mutual consent, according to need and changing situations. Detailed provisions relating to the organization of the CzechoSlovak State shall be left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives. All matters seemed to be settled now--even the JEDNOT A was satisfied. As we shall see, however, the Pact was not kept. Yes, on May 31, 1918, the Pittsburgh Pact was drawn up and signed by Czech and Slovak representatives-as well as by T. G. Masaryk, the future President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. According to this document, Slo• vakia was guaranteed its autonomy, with its own assembly, administration, and department of justice. Andrej Hlinka and the Slovak People's Party incorporated the Pittsburgh Pact in their national party platform. When the Czecho-Slovak State was established, the Slovaks, including Hlinka, had no clear conception of what the new state would be like. It was agreed upon that the new state would be run in the spirit of equality of both nations . The Slovaks would run their country, while the Czechs would be masters of their own household ; if the Slovaks needed help, the Czechs would help, but the quantity and quality of such help would be decided by the Slovaks, not the Czechs. The Czechs agreed with this in principle. Things didn't go according to the Pact though. The narrow political attitude of the Prague government toward the Slovaks as early as 1919 aroused Hlinka and many of the Slovak leaders. The progress of political events from within supported a fanatical centralizing of power at Prague in control largely of certain Czech leaders, which openly transgressed the rights guaranteed by the Pact. When Hlinka arrived in Prague he was welcomed not as the greatest friend of the Czechs, but as the worst enemy �SLOVAKIA 169 of the new state. The Czech section of the government was against him. The attack on Hlinka was continued for the three years that he was serving his term in office. This was a struggle which in the end meant the collapse of Czechoslovakia, the end of Slovak-Czech collaboration for any sort of common political state. On January 23, 1919, the Prague parliament was the scene of the wildest attacks against Hlinka. Hlinka practically stood alone in the defense of the interests of his Slovak people in 1919. He still had a great following in Slovakia. Hlinka became in Slovakia the very symbol of resistance to Prague's domination. Promises had been made to the Slovaks before they decided to join the Czechs to form a joint political state and those promises should have been kept. The Czech "progressives" even had an editorial in the LIDOVE NOV/NY (People's News) that read: "It will take only a few years and things will be the same in Slovakia as they are in the Czech lands." On January 30, 1919, Hlinka returned to Prague and read the records of the parliamentary sessions to learn what was said about him in his absence. In October, 1919, Hlinka left secretly for Paris, determined that the Slovaks would be heard at the Peace Conference which was then in session. Knowing that he would probably not be permitted a Czecho-Slovak passport to go to Paris, Hlinka turned to the Polish authorities for help, and then by way of Poland, Romania, Yugoslavia, Italy, and Switzerland he reached Paris. He asked for the Slovaks the rights of administering their affairs in Slovakia, stating that the Slovaks were not to be regarded as Czechs. He said, "The Slovaks are neither Czechs nor Czechoslovaks, but Slovaks who intend to remain Slovaks." He was ordered to leave at the instigation of the Czech delegates. When he returned to Slovakia, on October 12, 1919, he was seized at night and carted out of Slovakia on the charge of passport irregularity and later on for treason to the Republic. A local revolt broke out as a result of this. He was imprisoned for a period of six months awaiting trial. Meanwhile, on February 29, 1920, the final wording of the Constitution was discussed in the Prague Parliament. �170 SLOVAKIA The Slovak representativ es put a motion before the Constitutional Committee which stated that the vote for such a constitution would not prevent them from persevering in their struggle for autonomy and a legislature for Slovakia. The fundamental act of the Czecho-Slova k State was thereafter voted on February 29, 1920 not by a Constituent Assembly freely elected by the people, but by a revolutionary one. A constitution vote took place and voted on a united "Czechoslova k" nation; this deprived the Slovak nation more of its political and judical individuality and assured the Czechs of the exclusive direction of the State. Thus, the Slovak nation was once again deprived of its right which had been clearly guaranteed by international treaties. On April 18, 1920, Hlinka was elected to the CzechoSlovak Parliament. The authorities were compelled to release him. Hlinka fought now with all his energy and zeal. As the leader of the Autonomists, he fought the Centralists as hard as he had fought the Magyars. The official spelling of the name "Czecho-Slov akia," as found in the treaties at the time of the creation of the new Republic, was now changed to "Czechoslova kia." Instead of fusing the Czechs and Slovaks into a solid Czech whole, this change in the name of the State succeeded in accentuating the differences between them and in rekindling the fight of the Slovaks against denationaliza tion. Hlinka spent the best part of his life in this vital crusade for his beloved people. As an orator and debater, Hlinka was unequalled. As the political controversy grew stronger, so did his fight for the principles of his program. From 1925 on, Hlinka's Slovak People's Party was the most powerful single political party in Slovakia. In order to raise funds to carry on this fight, Hlinka turned to America in 1926 and appealed to the Slovaks here for aid. The welcome to Hlinka and the response to his appeal was more than generous. To write about Hlinka's triumphal tour of the United States is a chapter that deserves a separate presentation. In 1932, the Slovak People's Party and the non-Catholic Slovak National Party, under the leadership of Rev. Martin Razus joined forces and issued a joint declaration: "The �SLOVAKIA 171 individuality of the Slovak nation, which we shall not renounce even at the cost of the Republic, demands the recognition of sovereign rights and therefore a responsive form of political life. The only form, regarded as such by the Slovaks, is the immediate result of Slovak political tradition and agreements concluded during the action of liberation between the Czechs and Slovaks ... " Hlinka, by 1933, had become the most important national figure in Slovakia. That same year the ancient historical city of Nitra observed the eleventh centenary of the founding of the first Christian Church in Slovakia. More than 100,000 patriotic Slovaks gathered there to help celebrate the occasion. It turned out to be a major demonstration for Slovak autonomy. On June 5, 1938, over 100,00 national-minded Slovaks turned out in Bratislava-the capital of Slovakia-to manifest their fidelity to Hlinka's political program for autonomy. This date also commemorated the twentieth anniversary of the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact. The observance was attended by enthusiastic representatives from the whole nation and was visited by a special delegation that brought the original document of that historic agreement direct from America. This memorable occasion was a distinct proof that the Slovak nation had grown to national maturity in its struggle for autonomy. This was to be Hlinka's last public appearance and address to any type of formal assembly. Msgr. Andrej Hlinka saw his goal in sight. Slovakia was on the threshold of self-government. In the years of 1938 and 1939, when the international situation weakened the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak republic, the Slovak nation got the opportunity to take hold of the helm of its own state government. The Slovaks declared independence and were given back their just national freedom just shortly after Hlinka died. The Rt. Rev. Msgr. Andrej Hlinka, the Father of the Slovak Nation, met his everlasting peace on August 16, 1938. His funeral on August 21, 1938 was a national event of respect the likes of which was never seen in the shadow of the Tatra Mountains. Four bishops, over 1,000 prelates and priests, and over 120,000 Slovaks came to pay respect to their "father." �172 SLOVAKIA On October 6, 1938, shortly after Hlinka's death, Slovakia declared its right to self-government. The Slovak Parliament declared its country's independence and established the Slovak State on March 14, 1939. Although Hlinka did not live to see the successful outcome of his life-long struggle, he had prepared the waythe way of truth which did not succumb to all else in the end. Will truth again prevail? As of today, the Slovak nation has never renounced its independence and has never recognized the existence of the " Czechoslovak" nation. There is no such nation! There is a Czech nation and a Slovak nation; and so likewise, there is no "Czechoslovak" language, but there is a Czech language and a Slovak language. The cultural oppression of the Slovak people has an economic background for the benefit of the Czech people. The religious, political, economic and social well-being of the Slovaks is in grave danger. We are now living in the same atmosphere as did Andrej Hlinka. Hlinka, the Father of-the Fighter for-and the Light of the Slovak Nation has gone from this world in bodily appearance. Does his spirit live on? Yes!-in the souls and hearts of "true" Slovaks in America, in the rest of the free world, and those who are suffering in Slovakia. BIBLIOGRAPHY Culen, Constantine. "Andrej Hlinka and Prague", Slovakia. Middletown, Pa.: The Slovak League of America, 1958. Glaser, Kurt. Czecho-Slovakia, A Critical History, Caldwell, Idaho: The Caxton Printers, 1961. Kirschbaum, Joseph. "The Politics of Hlinka's Party in the Slovak Republic". Slovakia. Middletown, Pa. : The Slovak League of America, 1951. Mikus, Joseph A. Slovakia, A Political History, 1918-1950. Milwaukee: The Marquette University Press, 1963. Oddo, Gilbert L.O. Slovakia And Its People. New York: Robert Speller and Sons, 1960. Pauco, Jozef. 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty ( 75 Year History of the First Catholic Slovak Union) . Middletown, Pa.: The Jednota Press, 1965. Sidor, Karl. "The Slovak Republic-Fruit of Hlinka's Struggle", Slovakia. Middletown, Pa.: The Slovak League of America, 1951. Yurchak, Peter P. The Slovaks, Their History And Traditi ons. Whiting, Ind., 1946. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 161 ANDREJ HLINKA By Maryagnes Krajsa "Hlinka was not satisfied with having his people faithful to their reli{ : n alone. He wanted his people to be independent economically; and for this reason, while planning missions for them , he began also to plan for their day-to-day material well-being." - Karol Sidor In the long historic process that determined the political destiny of Slovakia, Andrej Hlinka assumed a decisive r ole in directing the course of his country's development. The great Slovak patriot and political leader was fully conscious of his responsibility to the Slovak people. Hlinka devoted his life to one cause-that of the Christian faithful and the Slovak's fight for political equality. His intense love for the Slovak people had demanded the greatest personal sacrifices from him in a public life of almost fifty years. It was rewarded with as great a love on the part of the Slovak people as a whole. Slovak equality, Slovak autonomy-the long cherished hope of the Slovak people for national self-rule-he never lived to realize . Andrej Hlinka based his program and belief not on securing the favor of any incumbent political party, but on the solid foundation of a free , prosperous Slovak population. He realized that the fight for Slovak liberation would be a long and arduous struggle and that nothing short of an independent and self-sufficient Slovak population could bring it to a triumphant conclusion. The Slovaks have grown strong by hard work and struggle; and have acquired self-confidence and self-reliance, courage and endurance in the process .. . and, above all, they have an invincible faith in God. Such a man was Andrej Hlinka. Andrej Hlinka was born in 1864 of Slovak peasant stock in the village of c ernova. In the village public school, he showed superior talent, and upon the recommendation of the schoolmaster, his parents provided him with the opportunity for a higher education. His choice of the vocation of priest was made early. In the seminary his work was outstanding, as the records show. In the same records, however, appears the ominous, 162 SLOVAKIA notation, "Inclined to Slavism", -a charge bearing the most serious consequences for any Slovak student in the thoroughly Magyarized Hungary of 1887. A further notation emphasizing his "exceptional talent, modesty, and piety", probably accounts for his being permitted to go on. During these trying years in Slovakia, when it was necessary for Slovak theological students to fight for instruction in the Slovak language, which they would need in the pulpit and in public life, only his mother's affection and her great sacrifices and equally great expectations restrained Hlinka from action of any kind that might have incurred immediate dismissal. While he was still in the seminary, ,his father died. Soon after came the death of his mother, almost on the eve of his ordination, in 1889, a blow that seemed cruel and unjust to him, for the reason that his mother had looked forward to the day of his ordination as one that would be the happiest day of her life. Now that he was ordained, he was alone in the world, beginning the life of a priest with his love for his mother and father. A priest dedicated to his Church and Nation. Not only was Hlinka a faithful priest who performed his spiritual duties conscientiously, but he was a teacher, physician, and leader of his Slovak people. As a young priest, Hlinka lived close to his people so that he knew their conditions and studied the various influences that affected their lives. He always kept in mind that his main objective in life as a priest of God was to save immortal souls. He could not ignore the temporal affairs of his people though, because these are too often closely united with the spiritual needs of mankind. The Slovak nation was not only neglected but actually subjected to humiliation and tyranny. The arrogance of the non-Slovak higher classes went so far as to make disparaging references to that "lowly" Slovak and "that poor excuse for a man". This insult to his nation infuriated Hlinka. He felt its sting all the more because it was unChristian and inhuman. Upright in his concept of the dignity of his Slovak nation, Hlinka wanted to share that gift with all his fellow countrymen. This ideal was in accord with God's plan, with the teaching of the Church and with SLOVAKIA 163 the universal belief of mankind, namely, that "all men are born and created equal". The Slovaks did not deserve to be belittled in view of their rich contributions in all fields of endeavor despite the handicaps for social and economic misery and cultural neglect. The more insolent the attacks became from the Magyars, the greater was Hlinka's courage and determination to fight for the Slovak cause. Truth, Justice, Human Rights, and Religion were the ideals that inspired Hlinka to carry on the struggle in behalf of the Slovak nation. He was convinced that truth and justice must triumph ultimately against the evil forces of untruth and injustice. The important aspect was though that truth and justice were on his side. Hlinka was appointed to his own parish in 1895 and it was then that he became interested in the popular political movement in Slovakia represented by the People's Party. Two years later he became editor of the Eudove Noviny and began vigorously opposing the Magyarization of the Slovaks. His power within the party continued to grow and by 1905, he became pastor of the large parish at Ruzomherok-the city that was to remain the center for most of his activity until the day of his death at the age of seventyfour . Father Hlinka and Francis Skycak formed their own Slovak People's Party on December 5, 1905. This party after World War I, became known as Hlinka's Slovak People's Party, the name it retained until 1945 when it was dissolved by the Prague Government. In 1906, two Slovak deputies were elected to the Diet. Under the leadership of Hlinka and others, the Slovaks increased their representation to seven. All of these men believed in the same truths as Hlinka, namely: linguistic and cultural autonomy for the Slovaks. Their campaign motto was, "For Our Slovak Language". The Magyars blamed Hlinka for the success of the· campaign because of the persuasiveness of his written and . spoken messages to the Slovaks. The Magyars applied pressure on Hlinka's ecclesiastical superiors that he might be suspended from his pastoral duties on charges of si- 164 SLOVAKIA mony. His bishop, Alexander Parvy of Spis, bowed to Magyar pressure. Hlinka, along with fifteen other Slovaks, was arrested on charges for "action against the Magyar nationality. " The t rial was held in Ruzomberok. It was indeed a trumped-up farce. Hlinka's young counsel was warned by the court not to let his defense make him an accomplice to Hlinka's guilt. Hlinka continued to stand his ground. He was found guilty and sentenced to two years in prison. When leaving the courtroom, he added that upon his return he would continue to struggle for Slovak liberty. For this he was sentenced to an additional eighteen months imprisonment . For years Hlinka had wished to build a church in his native Cernova. After years of toil and deprivation- for Cernova was a poor community-the church was completed. The people wanted Hlinka to bless the church. On October 27, 1907, when the Cernovans saw the Magyar magistrate and priest coming, they blocked the way, seized the horses and shouted again for a postponement of the dedication. The Magyar magistrate ordered the gendarmes to open fire on the people of Cernova, and 15 were shot. This was known as the "Cernova Massacre. " This massacre focused the world's attention upon the Magyar tyranny more than any other single event. The events at Cernova also sparked the interest of impartial European scholars who soon thereafter became champions of the Slovak cause. Hlinka was lecturing in Bohemia when the tragedy occured at his birthplace. He spoke in numerous other cities for the cause of his people. His audiences hailed him as the great champion and martyr for Slovak freedom. On November 30, 1907, Hlinka began serving his sentence in Szeged. He once again declared his innocence of any wrong actions . His belief was molding firmer that the liberation of the Slovaks was inevitable. "Truth has never suffered in vain, so even Slovak truth shall not suffer," were his words to the Slovak people as the Magyar jail closed behind him. In May, 1908, he was sentenced to another eighteen months in jail for his newspaper articles. Even while in jail Hlinka continued to work. He translated the Holy Writ into Slovak. Rome found Hlinka in- SLOVAKIA 165 nocent and on February 23, 1910, justification came to Hlinka. In the winter of 1910 Hlinka returned to his parish in Ruzomberok. By re-emphasizing his belief in Slovak freedom, Hlinka declared war on Magyar Chauvinism by demanding that the Slovaks be permitted to have the language taught in all the schools of the city. Most of Slovakia followed in suit. Slovak national life had continued to feel the pressure of Magyarization. In the election of 1910, only three Slovak deputies were elected. Slovaks continued to be divided into two different groups, one which favored complete Slovak autonomy and ultimate independence as a sovereign nation, and the other advocating a federated republic of Slovak and Czech peoples. The assasination of Arch-Duke Ferdinand on the streets of Sarajevo, plunged the world into the first war of the 20th century. This catastrophe also began tolling the watch for Austro-Magyar domination of Central Europe. On May 24, 1918, Hlinka took the lead for the creation of a new state, comprising Bohemia, Moravia, Slovakia, and Silesia. He drew up a program which stood for the creation of Czecho-Slovakia. "Let us welcome every Czech who is willing to help us," he preached. The followers of s tur, Radlinsky and Vajansky up to 1918 expressed themselves moderately in form, but convincingly in substance. When it came to the breaking of bread in 1918, however, Andrej Hlinka, leader of his party, proclaimed at Turciansky Svaty Martin, "The 1,000 year-old marriage with the Magyars was a failure. We must part." The policy of forcible Magyarization of the Slovaks was undoubtedly the greatest reason for Slovak immigration into America. The Slovaks in America were always mindful of the injustices that had driven them out of the land of their birth, their fatherland. The people were stirred up when they heard the news of the continuous persecution in Slovakia. The Hungarian government still wanted the immigrated Slovaks to feel the pressures of Magyarization but the Slovaks in America could no longer be controlled by forces across the ocean. They continued to make known in America and throughout the rest of the 166 SLOVAKIA world the persecution and injustice that the Slovaks were suffering. The Slovaks were suffering on account of the Magyars and the Czechs, at the hands of the Austrians. The Czechs and Slovaks lived apart. When the Czechs and Slovaks immigrated to this country, they continued to live and to develop here as two separate nations. The Czechs and Slovaks are the two closest Slovanic brothers, but each retained its own separate and definite identity. One of the most stirring incidents that finally completely awakened the Slovaks in America was the massacre in cernova. The founding of the Slovak League of America was the result of the persecution of Andrej Hlinka. The aim of this organization was: "That the Slovak nation may take its place among the other nations as an equal among equals." The Slovaks in America became unified. Meetings were called and the final conclusion was that they had to come to the rescue of their brethren in Slovakia. The Slovaks in America had prepared a Memorandum for all the parliaments of the United States. The Memorandum mainly stated that: "The Slovaks in Hungary should obtain their natural privileges of life, freedom and pursuit of happiness, which they have been deprived of by the dynasty; that the Slovaks be given an opportunity to develop their national spirit, their abilities, and the natural resources of their native land; that the Slovaks be guaranteed the realization of their national ideals and efforts, w hich have been mercilessly trodden by the tyrannical Hungarian Government." The more progressive portion of the Slovak nation was found here in America, and this portion had a full privilege, moral and financial, to speak in behalf of the entire nation. The Cleveland Agreement in 1915 was a fore-runner of the Pittsburgh Pact. The Czech National Alliance officially invited the Slovak League of America to a meeting-the purpose of which was to be: "That we could unite for combined political work." The Czechs soon after already tried to squeeze the Slovaks out. To a proclamation issued in Paris, was signed: "The Foreign Czech Committee" and not a Czecho-Slovak Committee. The difficulties of the co- SLOVAKIA 167 operation with the Czechs became quite plain to the Slovaks. The Slovaks wanted to be with the Czechs and not under the Czechs. In 1918, the Slovaks' efforts seemed to be leading to success. Their goal-the liberation of Slovakia, and the founding of the Czecho-Slovak state. Small, but significant jncidents kept unfolding in which the Czechs proved to be not fully sincere with the Slovaks. The Slovaks tried to overlook all these though. Even write-ups in the Czech newspapers, such as the arrival of T. G. Masaryk only mentioned facts pertaining to the Czechs. The JEDNOTA-the official weekly of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest and one of the oldest Slovak fraternal organizations in America-acted quickly. The paper criticized Masaryk about never mentioning Slovakia-he completely ignored the Slovak participation in the struggle. The JEDNOT A printed, as it has continued to down through the years, the truth and that was, the Slovaks were gradually becoming subordinate to the Czechs. Masaryk arrived in Pittsburgh on May 30, 1918, where he was received most graciously by our Slovaks. Everything seemed to be ironed out. Masaryk ended his speech by saying, "Everyone shall have his personal liberty guaranteed." That same night Masaryk had a conference with representatives of the Slovaks in the Moose Temple on Pennsylvania Avenue. Many matters were presented which Masaryk answered to the satisfaction of all present. On May 31 , 1918, the representatives of the American Slovaks and Czechs met again. The report states that: "Professor Masaryk performed an act which shall always have historical significance in the history of the Czechs and Slovaks." This act consisted of a new agreement between the Czechs and Slovaks. Professor Masaryk wrote the new agreement himself, and it established the relations between the two nations. According to this agreement: The representatives of the Slovak and Czech organizations in the United States- the Slovak League, the Czech National Alliance , and the Union of Czech Catholics-have deliberated, in the presence of the Chairman of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, Professor Masaryk, on the Czecho-Slovak question and on our previous program manifestations, and have resolved as follows: 168 SLOVAKIA We fa vor a political program whose purpose it shall be to unite the Czechs and Slovaks into an autonomous state comprising the Czech lands and Slovakia. Slovakia shall have her own administration, her own assembly, and her own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the schools, in public offices, and in the public life in general. The Czecho-Slovak State shall be a republic ; its constitution shall be democratic. The cooperation of the Czechs and the Slovaks in the United States shall be intensified and r egulated by mutual consent, according to need and changing situations. Detailed provisions relating to the organization of the CzechoSlovak State shall be left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives. All matters seemed to be settled now--even the JEDNOT A was satisfied. As we shall see, however, the Pact was not kept. Yes, on May 31, 1918, the Pittsburgh Pact was drawn up and signed by Czech and Slovak representatives-as well as by T. G. Masaryk, the future President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. According to this document, Slo• vakia was guaranteed its autonomy, with its own assembly, administration, and department of justice. Andrej Hlinka and the Slovak People's Party incorporated the Pittsburgh Pact in their national party platform. When the Czecho-Slovak State was established, the Slovaks, including Hlinka, had no clear conception of what the new state would be like. It was agreed upon that the new state would be run in the spirit of equality of both nations . The Slovaks would run their country, while the Czechs would be masters of their own household ; if the Slovaks needed help, the Czechs would help, but the quantity and quality of such help would be decided by the Slovaks, not the Czechs. The Czechs agreed with this in principle. Things didn't go according to the Pact though. The narrow political attitude of the Prague government toward the Slovaks as early as 1919 aroused Hlinka and many of the Slovak leaders. The progress of political events from within supported a fanatical centralizing of power at Prague in control largely of certain Czech leaders, which openly transgressed the rights guaranteed by the Pact. When Hlinka arrived in Prague he was welcomed not as the greatest friend of the Czechs, but as the worst enemy SLOVAKIA 169 of the new state. The Czech section of the government was against him. The attack on Hlinka was continued for the three years that he was serving his term in office. This was a struggle which in the end meant the collapse of Czechoslovakia, the end of Slovak-Czech collaboration for any sort of common political state. On January 23, 1919, the Prague parliament was the scene of the wildest attacks against Hlinka. Hlinka practically stood alone in the defense of the interests of his Slovak people in 1919. He still had a great following in Slovakia. Hlinka became in Slovakia the very symbol of resistance to Prague's domination. Promises had been made to the Slovaks before they decided to join the Czechs to form a joint political state and those promises should have been kept. The Czech "progressives" even had an editorial in the LIDOVE NOV/NY (People's News) that read: "It will take only a few years and things will be the same in Slovakia as they are in the Czech lands." On January 30, 1919, Hlinka returned to Prague and read the records of the parliamentary sessions to learn what was said about him in his absence. In October, 1919, Hlinka left secretly for Paris, determined that the Slovaks would be heard at the Peace Conference which was then in session. Knowing that he would probably not be permitted a Czecho-Slovak passport to go to Paris, Hlinka turned to the Polish authorities for help, and then by way of Poland, Romania, Yugoslavia, Italy, and Switzerland he reached Paris. He asked for the Slovaks the rights of administering their affairs in Slovakia, stating that the Slovaks were not to be regarded as Czechs. He said, "The Slovaks are neither Czechs nor Czechoslovaks, but Slovaks who intend to remain Slovaks." He was ordered to leave at the instigation of the Czech delegates. When he returned to Slovakia, on October 12, 1919, he was seized at night and carted out of Slovakia on the charge of passport irregularity and later on for treason to the Republic. A local revolt broke out as a result of this. He was imprisoned for a period of six months awaiting trial. Meanwhile, on February 29, 1920, the final wording of the Constitution was discussed in the Prague Parliament. 170 SLOVAKIA The Slovak representativ es put a motion before the Constitutional Committee which stated that the vote for such a constitution would not prevent them from persevering in their struggle for autonomy and a legislature for Slovakia. The fundamental act of the Czecho-Slova k State was thereafter voted on February 29, 1920 not by a Constituent Assembly freely elected by the people, but by a revolutionary one. A constitution vote took place and voted on a united "Czechoslova k" nation; this deprived the Slovak nation more of its political and judical individuality and assured the Czechs of the exclusive direction of the State. Thus, the Slovak nation was once again deprived of its right which had been clearly guaranteed by international treaties. On April 18, 1920, Hlinka was elected to the CzechoSlovak Parliament. The authorities were compelled to release him. Hlinka fought now with all his energy and zeal. As the leader of the Autonomists, he fought the Centralists as hard as he had fought the Magyars. The official spelling of the name "Czecho-Slov akia," as found in the treaties at the time of the creation of the new Republic, was now changed to "Czechoslova kia." Instead of fusing the Czechs and Slovaks into a solid Czech whole, this change in the name of the State succeeded in accentuating the differences between them and in rekindling the fight of the Slovaks against denationaliza tion. Hlinka spent the best part of his life in this vital crusade for his beloved people. As an orator and debater, Hlinka was unequalled. As the political controversy grew stronger, so did his fight for the principles of his program. From 1925 on, Hlinka's Slovak People's Party was the most powerful single political party in Slovakia. In order to raise funds to carry on this fight, Hlinka turned to America in 1926 and appealed to the Slovaks here for aid. The welcome to Hlinka and the response to his appeal was more than generous. To write about Hlinka's triumphal tour of the United States is a chapter that deserves a separate presentation. In 1932, the Slovak People's Party and the non-Catholic Slovak National Party, under the leadership of Rev. Martin Razus joined forces and issued a joint declaration: "The SLOVAKIA 171 individuality of the Slovak nation, which we shall not renounce even at the cost of the Republic, demands the recognition of sovereign rights and therefore a responsive form of political life. The only form, regarded as such by the Slovaks, is the immediate result of Slovak political tradition and agreements concluded during the action of liberation between the Czechs and Slovaks ... " Hlinka, by 1933, had become the most important national figure in Slovakia. That same year the ancient historical city of Nitra observed the eleventh centenary of the founding of the first Christian Church in Slovakia. More than 100,000 patriotic Slovaks gathered there to help celebrate the occasion. It turned out to be a major demonstration for Slovak autonomy. On June 5, 1938, over 100,00 national-minded Slovaks turned out in Bratislava-the capital of Slovakia-to manifest their fidelity to Hlinka's political program for autonomy. This date also commemorated the twentieth anniversary of the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact. The observance was attended by enthusiastic representatives from the whole nation and was visited by a special delegation that brought the original document of that historic agreement direct from America. This memorable occasion was a distinct proof that the Slovak nation had grown to national maturity in its struggle for autonomy. This was to be Hlinka's last public appearance and address to any type of formal assembly. Msgr. Andrej Hlinka saw his goal in sight. Slovakia was on the threshold of self-government. In the years of 1938 and 1939, when the international situation weakened the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak republic, the Slovak nation got the opportunity to take hold of the helm of its own state government. The Slovaks declared independence and were given back their just national freedom just shortly after Hlinka died. The Rt. Rev. Msgr. Andrej Hlinka, the Father of the Slovak Nation, met his everlasting peace on August 16, 1938. His funeral on August 21, 1938 was a national event of respect the likes of which was never seen in the shadow of the Tatra Mountains. Four bishops, over 1,000 prelates and priests, and over 120,000 Slovaks came to pay respect to their "father." 172 SLOVAKIA On October 6, 1938, shortly after Hlinka's death, Slovakia declared its right to self-government. The Slovak Parliament declared its country's independence and established the Slovak State on March 14, 1939. Although Hlinka did not live to see the successful outcome of his life-long struggle, he had prepared the waythe way of truth which did not succumb to all else in the end. Will truth again prevail? As of today, the Slovak nation has never renounced its independence and has never recognized the existence of the " Czechoslovak" nation. There is no such nation! There is a Czech nation and a Slovak nation; and so likewise, there is no "Czechoslovak" language, but there is a Czech language and a Slovak language. The cultural oppression of the Slovak people has an economic background for the benefit of the Czech people. The religious, political, economic and social well-being of the Slovaks is in grave danger. We are now living in the same atmosphere as did Andrej Hlinka. Hlinka, the Father of-the Fighter for-and the Light of the Slovak Nation has gone from this world in bodily appearance. Does his spirit live on? Yes!-in the souls and hearts of "true" Slovaks in America, in the rest of the free world, and those who are suffering in Slovakia. BIBLIOGRAPHY Culen, Constantine. "Andrej Hlinka and Prague", Slovakia. Middletown, Pa.: The Slovak League of America, 1958. Glaser, Kurt. Czecho-Slovakia, A Critical History, Caldwell, Idaho: The Caxton Printers, 1961. Kirschbaum, Joseph. "The Politics of Hlinka's Party in the Slovak Republic". Slovakia. Middletown, Pa. : The Slovak League of America, 1951. Mikus, Joseph A. Slovakia, A Political History, 1918-1950. Milwaukee: The Marquette University Press, 1963. Oddo, Gilbert L.O. Slovakia And Its People. New York: Robert Speller and Sons, 1960. Pauco, Jozef. 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty ( 75 Year History of the First Catholic Slovak Union) . Middletown, Pa.: The Jednota Press, 1965. Sidor, Karl. "The Slovak Republic-Fruit of Hlinka's Struggle", Slovakia. Middletown, Pa.: The Slovak League of America, 1951. Yurchak, Peter P. The Slovaks, Their History And Traditi ons. Whiting, Ind., 1946.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Andrej Hlinka Description An account of the resource Maryagnes Krajsa Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 161-172 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Krajsa, Maryagnes A. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/0b5d64855f73b86814c1701e758e50d5.pdf 3477b337422365a8252c90db4ec08f03 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 153 PROF. DR. F. DURcANSKY - POLITICIAN, SCHOLAR AND FIGHTER FOR SLOVAKIA'S INDEPENDENCE If one could say that Slovak politics were for a long time a domain of dedicated amateur politicians, in 1930' this period ended with the emergence of a new Slovak generation, educated at universities at home and abroad, who regarded politics not only as a patriotic duty towards their oppressed nation, but also as a profession requiring thorough preparation. One of the most prominent representatives of this new generation has been Prof. Ferdinand nurcansky, LL.D.,Dip.Sc.Pol., author of several scholarly writings and the first Foreign Minister of the Slovak Re-public, who was 60 years old on December 18, 1966. Whoever will write the history of Slovakia during the dramatic years 1938-1945, will be forced to come to grips with the impact this dynamic and highly educated personality left on the relations between Czechs and Slovaks in the last year of the pre-war Czecho-Slovakia. And ~imilarly no honest historian can omit the dominant role which Dr. Durcansky played in the emergence of the Slovak Republic and in her domestic and foreign policy in 19391940. Unlike some other politicians of his generation, Prof. nurcansky did not come into politics from student's organizations-the general preparatory school for politicians in Central Europe-but from behind an university chair. The years which other students spent in academic associations and party politics, Dr. f>urcansky was dedicated to studies abroad and to the preparation for an university career, specializing in political science and international law. The University of Bratislava was, however, not only dominated by Czech professors and administrators, but her aim was also to serve the official policy of Prague, directed at the political and economic domination of Slovakia and assimilation of Slovaks. Coming from a family of well known fighters for Slovakia's autonomy (his father was a senator and his older brother was a publisher of the political periodical Ndstup) , Dr. nurcansky could not get his "veniam docendi" at such university and the scholar was plunged into politics during the crucial years of his country. �154 SLOVAKIA !.>urcansky's education in law and political science at The Hague and in Paris, his knowledge of foreign languages, his elan and inexhaustible energy were welcomed by the leaders of the Slovak autonomist movement and he became overnight, at the age of 32, one of the leading politicians in Slovakia, cabinet minister in the first Slovak autonomous government and one of the main promoters of the idea of Slovak independence. Actually he marked very strongly the whole autonomist movement in its last phase, not only because the proposal of autonomy, submitted to Prague by the Hlinka Populist Party in June 1938, was his work, but also because he influenced the movement in its attitude towards Prague in the fall of 1938, mainly through the political periodical Ndstup, around which the young educated generation was grouped. When on October 6th, 1938, the Prague Government finally agreed to grant Slovakia political autonomy, which was stipulated to Slovaks before they entered into the union with the Czechs in 1918, it was only natural that Durcansky would be called upon by the leaders of the autonomist movement to be a member of the first Slovak government. In fact, he became very soon one of the leading members, since the international situation, the territorial demands of Slovakia's neighbors and very soon also Prague's manoeuvres aiming at undoing what they granted Slovaks when they agreed to federalize Czecho-Slovakia, required a man of his knowledge of law, foreign languages and his self-confidence. Since Germany was given practically a free hand in Central Europe by the Agreement of Munich, sanctioned by all European Great Powers, it was to Berlin that the Slovaks had to turn either in their defence of their territory against unjust claims of their neighbors or when economically pressed by Prague. From these contacts it became clear to the Slovak politicians that the situation created in Munich was a temporary one and that the peoples of Central Europe had to "make the best terms they could with the triumphant Nazi Power" as Churchill expressed it in the British Parliament on September 1938. As a member of Slovak delegations which defended the territory of �SLOVAKIA 155 Slovakia at the Vienna Conference or which looked for economic co-operation with Germany, :ourcansky naturally came in the forefront and, aware of the dangers faced by Slovaks if they remained inactive, became a staunch advocate of the idea of Slovakia's independence. As a result, the historical events which in March 1939 saved Slovakia from division among her neighbors and put it on the map of Europe as a Slovak Republic, are very hard to be dissociated from the foresight, courage and patriotism of Dr. :ourcansky. He also deserves credit as the first Minister of External Affairs for the rapid international recognition of the Slovak state by practically all European nations and the establishment of diplomatic relations, and, as Minister of interior, for peaceful transition to independence. An expert in international law and a patriot educated in the atmosphere of struggle for self-determination and self-government, :ourcansky understood, however, the notion of independence in its theoretical and legal connotations and inevitably came into conflict with the Government of the Third Reich from the beginning of the existence of the Slovak Republic. In 1940, not even a year and a half in his portfolio, nurcansky was forced to leave Slovak political life and, as prove the Documents on German Foreign Policy, published by the Government of the United States and England, it was for reasons of defending the Slovak interests, for trying to keep Slovakia neutral and for resisting introduction of Nazism in Slovakia. The wrath of Berlin against him was so intensive that the German Ambassador to Slovakia reported on August 19th, 1940: "the name t>urcansky and Kirschbaum should not appear anymore in any newspaper. If they do, I shall ask to forbid publication of the newspaper .. ." Ousted from politics, Dr. :ourcansky went back to the University, which at this time was in Slovak hands, and practiced law. At the end of the War he was, however, again on the political barricades and tried to save the Slovak Republic and Slovakia from catastrophy. Unwilling to make �156 SLOVAKIA deal with Moscow, he left for the West and for the past twenty years he was one of the anti-communist exiled leaders against whom the Communist regime in Prague organized the most vicious smear campaigns and on several occasions asked for his extradition. ~ Scholarly and Political Writings Originally set for a scholarly career, Dr. Durcansky used his education and knowledge for giving higher standards first to Slovak politics and later in exile to the struggle for Slovak independence. His book, Pohl'ad na slovensku minulost', ( A Look on the Slovak Past, Bratislava, 1943) many memoranda, his huge White book (Buenos Aires, 1954) and dozens of shorter studies in foreign languages published during the War or in exile, are marked by his academic background and large intelectual horizons . Given more favourable circumstances, Dr. f>urcansky would have certainly been one of the first Slovak politicians and statesmen who had not only formal education for politics but also scores of books elevating Slovak politics from provincialism to European standards. His first book M edzindrodnd intervencia (The international Intervention, Bratislava, 1936) was actually his academic thesis on the basis of which he was supposed to obtain "veniam docendi" - his professorship at the Faculty of Law of the Commenius University in Bratislava. There was no doubt whatsoever, that the scientific work met the requirements, it was nevertheless rejected because of Durcansky's political views on the relations between Czechs and Slovaks in Czechoslovakia. The work was the result of Durcansky's studies at the Institut de Hautes Etcodes Internacionales in Paris as well as the Academy of International Law at the Hague. Submitted again for acceptance in 1938 it became the basis for his teaching position first as "Docent" (Associate professor) and from 1941 as full professor. The first political work by nurcansky was his Pohl'ad na slovensk1i, minulost' ( A Look on the Slovak Past, Bratislava, 1943) in which he presented not only a new interpretation of the history of Slovaks and Slovakia, but in �SLOVAKIA 157 which was also searching for the meaning of various political actions of Slovak generations and found their logical culmination in the national independence. By its method, thorough knowledge of sources and literature and clear style the book deserves to be considered among the best political writings on Slovakia's past. An extensive summary in German made the book accesible also to scholars of other nationalities and there are references to it even now by foreign historians. Before the end of the War Durcansky published in English, French, Spanish and German several scholarly writings which aimed at acquainting the World with the Slovak problem and Slovakia's right to independence. Among them should be mentioned a historical study of the events which led to Slovakia's independence, The Way t o Slovak Freedom, published also in German as: Der Weg zur slowakischer Freiheit (Bratislava, 1944) and a political and juridicial essay on the right of small states to their existence: Die Existenzberechtigung der Kleinen Staaten (Bratislava, 1944) and a historical survey on Central Europe: Mitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Zukunft (Bratislava, 1944). The last one was published also in Spanish in Madrid and in French by the Revue de droit international in Geneva (Vol. XXII, 1944) under the title "£'Europe Centrale dans le passe at dans l'avenir". The author advocated in it the idea of federation in Central Europe and the right of Slovak's to political equality with other Central European peoples. Equally in French Durcansky denied in the same periodical any right to existence of Czechoslovakia in a well written article: Le probleme de l'existencie de la TchecoSlovaquie, ( The Problem of Czecho-Slovakia's Existence, Vol. XXI, 1944 ) . Writings Published in Exile Even though circumstances after the Second World War have been for Slovak political exiles the most unfavourable, Durcansky disregarded the difficulties and serious danger to his own safety and fought from the first moment for Slovakia's right to independence in post-war Europe. Believing in justice and later in a possible clash between the Western Powers and the Soviets, who in spite of all �158 SLOVAKIA assurances and solemn declarations were imposing their rule and Communist system on Eastern European nations, Durcansky organized from Austria Slovak political refugees and presented several memoranda to the Peace Conference in Paris in French and English advocating either the necessity of a treaty of Peace with Slovakia, or a plebiscite, or arguing against the "rationality of the existence of CzechoSlovakia (Rome, 1946). Considering the fact that the Government of Prague was organizing an international hunt for his capture, Durcansky undoubtedly displayed an uncommon courage when he went personally to Paris or when, believing in the right of political asylum in neutral countries, he made a dangerous journey through the Alps to Geneva, and from there to Rome. In Rome he tried to write various factions of Slovak refugees into one organized body, but circumstances were not only unfavourable for such an endeavor but also dangerous and therefore he left Europe in 1947 for Argentina with a group of Slovak intellectuals, with whom he created the Slovak Action Committee. There he continued to publish books and studies until 1952 when he returned to Germany. Among the books and studies which Durcansky wrote or prepared in exile for publication, the huge volume of documents (998 pages) called Prdvo Slovdkov na samostatnost' vo svetle dokumentov, Biela kniha, (The Right of Slovaks to Independence in the Light of Documents, or White Book; Buenos Aires, in April 1954), deserves special consideration. Even though his fighting temperament led him to disregard or to misrepresent the activities of other exiled Slovak organizations (such as the Slovak National Council Abroad) and even if a smaller volume in some foreign language might have been more useful, one has to recognize the assiduous work, patience and knowledge which were required for publication of this first and most camplete collection of documents on the Slovak question. The work was published thanks to the financial support of two outstanding Slovaks: Stephen B. Roman from Canada and Rev. John J . Lach, from Whiting, Ind., U.S.A. A shorter, concise study of the international aspect of the Slovak question was published by Durcansky in 1954 �SLOVAKIA 159 in German, in 1955 in English and in 1957 in Spanish under the titles: Die Slovakische Frage als eine internationale Frage (Munich, 44 p.); The International Aspects of the Slovak Qu.estion (38 p.) and El aspecto internacional de la question eslovaca (Buenos Aires, 54 p.). As in all his writings nurcansky displayed in this booklet a thorough knowledge of political literature in several languages as well as his versatility in International Law. In addition to these publications Durcansky contributed from 1952, when he settled in Europe, to various leading political and scholarly periodicals, mostly German and Austrian, such as: Politische Studien (Munich), Donauraum (Vienna), Der Europiiische Osten (Munich) ect. All these contributions ( some 20 of them are listed in his bibliography) aim at explaining to the Western World basic Slovak political problems or defending Slovakia and Slovaks against the ruthless Czech and Communist propaganda. In style and contents they meet and sometimes even overpass the high standards of European political literature and the same can be said of the memoranda (15 altogether) which :ourcansky alone or in co-operation with others published in various foreign languages on the Slovak question. A Struggle Against Many Odds From the beginning of his political career Dr. :ourcansky was engaged in a struggle against many odds. Rarely in Slovak history any political leader faced so many times a serious danger to his own safety and hardly anyone's political conceptions were subject to such a barrage of lies and misrepresentations as it was the case of :ourcansky's fight for Slovakia's independence. He faced them all as a man and never failed to believe that Slovaks can achieve an equal status with other Central European nations if they fight and make sacrifices for it. By his own activities, courage and perseverance :ourcansky set an example which deserves recognition by everyone for whom freedom, justice and human progress have any value. History of Slovakia in the crucial years before and during the Second World War was shaped by him more than his friends or adversaries have been ready to admit. In the first Slovak �160 SLOVAKIA political exile he was undoubtedly spiritus moveus and at times regarded as the uncompromising leader if not by all, certainly by a great number of those who left Slovakia in 1945. If for some period of time his methods did not lead to the intergration of all Slovaks in the free world for a united action in favour of Slovakia's liberation, it would be unjust to put the blame on him alone. Exiled groups with greater political experience and waves of political emigrees before them, passed through the same phases of mutual struggles, distrust and disunity. Slovaks in the free world could not escape the special "climate" which the circumstances of the exile generate, but even in this regard, Slovaks achieved what no other exiled group achieved: intergration of both political Slovak representations in the free world into the Slovak Liberation Council, of which Dr. nurcansky became the first president of the Executive Committee. His sixtieth birthday finds Dr. nurcansky still in undiminished activity for the Slovak cause and with unbroken belief that the Slovak struggle - a struggle against many odds - will finally be victorious . We greet him in the same spirit and cordially wish him also on behalf of those who are silenced in Slovakia: Ad multos annos! J.M. Kirschbaum THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America has always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialir.tic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth. � SLOVAKIA 153 PROF. DR. F. DURcANSKY - POLITICIAN, SCHOLAR AND FIGHTER FOR SLOVAKIA'S INDEPENDENCE If one could say that Slovak politics were for a long time a domain of dedicated amateur politicians, in 1930' this period ended with the emergence of a new Slovak generation, educated at universities at home and abroad, who regarded politics not only as a patriotic duty towards their oppressed nation, but also as a profession requiring thorough preparation. One of the most prominent representatives of this new generation has been Prof. Ferdinand nurcansky, LL.D.,Dip.Sc.Pol., author of several scholarly writings and the first Foreign Minister of the Slovak Re-public, who was 60 years old on December 18, 1966. Whoever will write the history of Slovakia during the dramatic years 1938-1945, will be forced to come to grips with the impact this dynamic and highly educated personality left on the relations between Czechs and Slovaks in the last year of the pre-war Czecho-Slovakia. And ~imilarly no honest historian can omit the dominant role which Dr. Durcansky played in the emergence of the Slovak Republic and in her domestic and foreign policy in 19391940. Unlike some other politicians of his generation, Prof. nurcansky did not come into politics from student's organizations-the general preparatory school for politicians in Central Europe-but from behind an university chair. The years which other students spent in academic associations and party politics, Dr. f>urcansky was dedicated to studies abroad and to the preparation for an university career, specializing in political science and international law. The University of Bratislava was, however, not only dominated by Czech professors and administrators, but her aim was also to serve the official policy of Prague, directed at the political and economic domination of Slovakia and assimilation of Slovaks. Coming from a family of well known fighters for Slovakia's autonomy (his father was a senator and his older brother was a publisher of the political periodical Ndstup) , Dr. nurcansky could not get his "veniam docendi" at such university and the scholar was plunged into politics during the crucial years of his country. �154 SLOVAKIA !.>urcansky's education in law and political science at The Hague and in Paris, his knowledge of foreign languages, his elan and inexhaustible energy were welcomed by the leaders of the Slovak autonomist movement and he became overnight, at the age of 32, one of the leading politicians in Slovakia, cabinet minister in the first Slovak autonomous government and one of the main promoters of the idea of Slovak independence. Actually he marked very strongly the whole autonomist movement in its last phase, not only because the proposal of autonomy, submitted to Prague by the Hlinka Populist Party in June 1938, was his work, but also because he influenced the movement in its attitude towards Prague in the fall of 1938, mainly through the political periodical Ndstup, around which the young educated generation was grouped. When on October 6th, 1938, the Prague Government finally agreed to grant Slovakia political autonomy, which was stipulated to Slovaks before they entered into the union with the Czechs in 1918, it was only natural that Durcansky would be called upon by the leaders of the autonomist movement to be a member of the first Slovak government. In fact, he became very soon one of the leading members, since the international situation, the territorial demands of Slovakia's neighbors and very soon also Prague's manoeuvres aiming at undoing what they granted Slovaks when they agreed to federalize Czecho-Slovakia, required a man of his knowledge of law, foreign languages and his self-confidence. Since Germany was given practically a free hand in Central Europe by the Agreement of Munich, sanctioned by all European Great Powers, it was to Berlin that the Slovaks had to turn either in their defence of their territory against unjust claims of their neighbors or when economically pressed by Prague. From these contacts it became clear to the Slovak politicians that the situation created in Munich was a temporary one and that the peoples of Central Europe had to "make the best terms they could with the triumphant Nazi Power" as Churchill expressed it in the British Parliament on September 1938. As a member of Slovak delegations which defended the territory of �SLOVAKIA 155 Slovakia at the Vienna Conference or which looked for economic co-operation with Germany, :ourcansky naturally came in the forefront and, aware of the dangers faced by Slovaks if they remained inactive, became a staunch advocate of the idea of Slovakia's independence. As a result, the historical events which in March 1939 saved Slovakia from division among her neighbors and put it on the map of Europe as a Slovak Republic, are very hard to be dissociated from the foresight, courage and patriotism of Dr. :ourcansky. He also deserves credit as the first Minister of External Affairs for the rapid international recognition of the Slovak state by practically all European nations and the establishment of diplomatic relations, and, as Minister of interior, for peaceful transition to independence. An expert in international law and a patriot educated in the atmosphere of struggle for self-determination and self-government, :ourcansky understood, however, the notion of independence in its theoretical and legal connotations and inevitably came into conflict with the Government of the Third Reich from the beginning of the existence of the Slovak Republic. In 1940, not even a year and a half in his portfolio, nurcansky was forced to leave Slovak political life and, as prove the Documents on German Foreign Policy, published by the Government of the United States and England, it was for reasons of defending the Slovak interests, for trying to keep Slovakia neutral and for resisting introduction of Nazism in Slovakia. The wrath of Berlin against him was so intensive that the German Ambassador to Slovakia reported on August 19th, 1940: "the name t>urcansky and Kirschbaum should not appear anymore in any newspaper. If they do, I shall ask to forbid publication of the newspaper .. ." Ousted from politics, Dr. :ourcansky went back to the University, which at this time was in Slovak hands, and practiced law. At the end of the War he was, however, again on the political barricades and tried to save the Slovak Republic and Slovakia from catastrophy. Unwilling to make �156 SLOVAKIA deal with Moscow, he left for the West and for the past twenty years he was one of the anti-communist exiled leaders against whom the Communist regime in Prague organized the most vicious smear campaigns and on several occasions asked for his extradition. ~ Scholarly and Political Writings Originally set for a scholarly career, Dr. Durcansky used his education and knowledge for giving higher standards first to Slovak politics and later in exile to the struggle for Slovak independence. His book, Pohl'ad na slovensku minulost', ( A Look on the Slovak Past, Bratislava, 1943) many memoranda, his huge White book (Buenos Aires, 1954) and dozens of shorter studies in foreign languages published during the War or in exile, are marked by his academic background and large intelectual horizons . Given more favourable circumstances, Dr. f>urcansky would have certainly been one of the first Slovak politicians and statesmen who had not only formal education for politics but also scores of books elevating Slovak politics from provincialism to European standards. His first book M edzindrodnd intervencia (The international Intervention, Bratislava, 1936) was actually his academic thesis on the basis of which he was supposed to obtain "veniam docendi" - his professorship at the Faculty of Law of the Commenius University in Bratislava. There was no doubt whatsoever, that the scientific work met the requirements, it was nevertheless rejected because of Durcansky's political views on the relations between Czechs and Slovaks in Czechoslovakia. The work was the result of Durcansky's studies at the Institut de Hautes Etcodes Internacionales in Paris as well as the Academy of International Law at the Hague. Submitted again for acceptance in 1938 it became the basis for his teaching position first as "Docent" (Associate professor) and from 1941 as full professor. The first political work by nurcansky was his Pohl'ad na slovensk1i, minulost' ( A Look on the Slovak Past, Bratislava, 1943) in which he presented not only a new interpretation of the history of Slovaks and Slovakia, but in �SLOVAKIA 157 which was also searching for the meaning of various political actions of Slovak generations and found their logical culmination in the national independence. By its method, thorough knowledge of sources and literature and clear style the book deserves to be considered among the best political writings on Slovakia's past. An extensive summary in German made the book accesible also to scholars of other nationalities and there are references to it even now by foreign historians. Before the end of the War Durcansky published in English, French, Spanish and German several scholarly writings which aimed at acquainting the World with the Slovak problem and Slovakia's right to independence. Among them should be mentioned a historical study of the events which led to Slovakia's independence, The Way t o Slovak Freedom, published also in German as: Der Weg zur slowakischer Freiheit (Bratislava, 1944) and a political and juridicial essay on the right of small states to their existence: Die Existenzberechtigung der Kleinen Staaten (Bratislava, 1944) and a historical survey on Central Europe: Mitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Zukunft (Bratislava, 1944). The last one was published also in Spanish in Madrid and in French by the Revue de droit international in Geneva (Vol. XXII, 1944) under the title "£'Europe Centrale dans le passe at dans l'avenir". The author advocated in it the idea of federation in Central Europe and the right of Slovak's to political equality with other Central European peoples. Equally in French Durcansky denied in the same periodical any right to existence of Czechoslovakia in a well written article: Le probleme de l'existencie de la TchecoSlovaquie, ( The Problem of Czecho-Slovakia's Existence, Vol. XXI, 1944 ) . Writings Published in Exile Even though circumstances after the Second World War have been for Slovak political exiles the most unfavourable, Durcansky disregarded the difficulties and serious danger to his own safety and fought from the first moment for Slovakia's right to independence in post-war Europe. Believing in justice and later in a possible clash between the Western Powers and the Soviets, who in spite of all �158 SLOVAKIA assurances and solemn declarations were imposing their rule and Communist system on Eastern European nations, Durcansky organized from Austria Slovak political refugees and presented several memoranda to the Peace Conference in Paris in French and English advocating either the necessity of a treaty of Peace with Slovakia, or a plebiscite, or arguing against the "rationality of the existence of CzechoSlovakia (Rome, 1946). Considering the fact that the Government of Prague was organizing an international hunt for his capture, Durcansky undoubtedly displayed an uncommon courage when he went personally to Paris or when, believing in the right of political asylum in neutral countries, he made a dangerous journey through the Alps to Geneva, and from there to Rome. In Rome he tried to write various factions of Slovak refugees into one organized body, but circumstances were not only unfavourable for such an endeavor but also dangerous and therefore he left Europe in 1947 for Argentina with a group of Slovak intellectuals, with whom he created the Slovak Action Committee. There he continued to publish books and studies until 1952 when he returned to Germany. Among the books and studies which Durcansky wrote or prepared in exile for publication, the huge volume of documents (998 pages) called Prdvo Slovdkov na samostatnost' vo svetle dokumentov, Biela kniha, (The Right of Slovaks to Independence in the Light of Documents, or White Book; Buenos Aires, in April 1954), deserves special consideration. Even though his fighting temperament led him to disregard or to misrepresent the activities of other exiled Slovak organizations (such as the Slovak National Council Abroad) and even if a smaller volume in some foreign language might have been more useful, one has to recognize the assiduous work, patience and knowledge which were required for publication of this first and most camplete collection of documents on the Slovak question. The work was published thanks to the financial support of two outstanding Slovaks: Stephen B. Roman from Canada and Rev. John J . Lach, from Whiting, Ind., U.S.A. A shorter, concise study of the international aspect of the Slovak question was published by Durcansky in 1954 �SLOVAKIA 159 in German, in 1955 in English and in 1957 in Spanish under the titles: Die Slovakische Frage als eine internationale Frage (Munich, 44 p.); The International Aspects of the Slovak Qu.estion (38 p.) and El aspecto internacional de la question eslovaca (Buenos Aires, 54 p.). As in all his writings nurcansky displayed in this booklet a thorough knowledge of political literature in several languages as well as his versatility in International Law. In addition to these publications Durcansky contributed from 1952, when he settled in Europe, to various leading political and scholarly periodicals, mostly German and Austrian, such as: Politische Studien (Munich), Donauraum (Vienna), Der Europiiische Osten (Munich) ect. All these contributions ( some 20 of them are listed in his bibliography) aim at explaining to the Western World basic Slovak political problems or defending Slovakia and Slovaks against the ruthless Czech and Communist propaganda. In style and contents they meet and sometimes even overpass the high standards of European political literature and the same can be said of the memoranda (15 altogether) which :ourcansky alone or in co-operation with others published in various foreign languages on the Slovak question. A Struggle Against Many Odds From the beginning of his political career Dr. :ourcansky was engaged in a struggle against many odds. Rarely in Slovak history any political leader faced so many times a serious danger to his own safety and hardly anyone's political conceptions were subject to such a barrage of lies and misrepresentations as it was the case of :ourcansky's fight for Slovakia's independence. He faced them all as a man and never failed to believe that Slovaks can achieve an equal status with other Central European nations if they fight and make sacrifices for it. By his own activities, courage and perseverance :ourcansky set an example which deserves recognition by everyone for whom freedom, justice and human progress have any value. History of Slovakia in the crucial years before and during the Second World War was shaped by him more than his friends or adversaries have been ready to admit. In the first Slovak �160 SLOVAKIA political exile he was undoubtedly spiritus moveus and at times regarded as the uncompromising leader if not by all, certainly by a great number of those who left Slovakia in 1945. If for some period of time his methods did not lead to the intergration of all Slovaks in the free world for a united action in favour of Slovakia's liberation, it would be unjust to put the blame on him alone. Exiled groups with greater political experience and waves of political emigrees before them, passed through the same phases of mutual struggles, distrust and disunity. Slovaks in the free world could not escape the special "climate" which the circumstances of the exile generate, but even in this regard, Slovaks achieved what no other exiled group achieved: intergration of both political Slovak representations in the free world into the Slovak Liberation Council, of which Dr. nurcansky became the first president of the Executive Committee. His sixtieth birthday finds Dr. nurcansky still in undiminished activity for the Slovak cause and with unbroken belief that the Slovak struggle - a struggle against many odds - will finally be victorious . We greet him in the same spirit and cordially wish him also on behalf of those who are silenced in Slovakia: Ad multos annos! J.M. Kirschbaum THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America has always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialir.tic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 153 PROF. DR. F. DURcANSKY - POLITICIAN, SCHOLAR AND FIGHTER FOR SLOVAKIA'S INDEPENDENCE If one could say that Slovak politics were for a long time a domain of dedicated amateur politicians, in 1930' this period ended with the emergence of a new Slovak generation, educated at universities at home and abroad, who regarded politics not only as a patriotic duty towards their oppressed nation, but also as a profession requiring thorough preparation. One of the most prominent representatives of this new generation has been Prof. Ferdinand nurcansky, LL.D.,Dip.Sc.Pol., author of several scholarly writings and the first Foreign Minister of the Slovak Re-public, who was 60 years old on December 18, 1966. Whoever will write the history of Slovakia during the dramatic years 1938-1945, will be forced to come to grips with the impact this dynamic and highly educated personality left on the relations between Czechs and Slovaks in the last year of the pre-war Czecho-Slovakia. And ~imilarly no honest historian can omit the dominant role which Dr. Durcansky played in the emergence of the Slovak Republic and in her domestic and foreign policy in 19391940. Unlike some other politicians of his generation, Prof. nurcansky did not come into politics from student's organizations-the general preparatory school for politicians in Central Europe-but from behind an university chair. The years which other students spent in academic associations and party politics, Dr. f>urcansky was dedicated to studies abroad and to the preparation for an university career, specializing in political science and international law. The University of Bratislava was, however, not only dominated by Czech professors and administrators, but her aim was also to serve the official policy of Prague, directed at the political and economic domination of Slovakia and assimilation of Slovaks. Coming from a family of well known fighters for Slovakia's autonomy (his father was a senator and his older brother was a publisher of the political periodical Ndstup) , Dr. nurcansky could not get his "veniam docendi" at such university and the scholar was plunged into politics during the crucial years of his country. 154 SLOVAKIA !.>urcansky's education in law and political science at The Hague and in Paris, his knowledge of foreign languages, his elan and inexhaustible energy were welcomed by the leaders of the Slovak autonomist movement and he became overnight, at the age of 32, one of the leading politicians in Slovakia, cabinet minister in the first Slovak autonomous government and one of the main promoters of the idea of Slovak independence. Actually he marked very strongly the whole autonomist movement in its last phase, not only because the proposal of autonomy, submitted to Prague by the Hlinka Populist Party in June 1938, was his work, but also because he influenced the movement in its attitude towards Prague in the fall of 1938, mainly through the political periodical Ndstup, around which the young educated generation was grouped. When on October 6th, 1938, the Prague Government finally agreed to grant Slovakia political autonomy, which was stipulated to Slovaks before they entered into the union with the Czechs in 1918, it was only natural that Durcansky would be called upon by the leaders of the autonomist movement to be a member of the first Slovak government. In fact, he became very soon one of the leading members, since the international situation, the territorial demands of Slovakia's neighbors and very soon also Prague's manoeuvres aiming at undoing what they granted Slovaks when they agreed to federalize Czecho-Slovakia, required a man of his knowledge of law, foreign languages and his self-confidence. Since Germany was given practically a free hand in Central Europe by the Agreement of Munich, sanctioned by all European Great Powers, it was to Berlin that the Slovaks had to turn either in their defence of their territory against unjust claims of their neighbors or when economically pressed by Prague. From these contacts it became clear to the Slovak politicians that the situation created in Munich was a temporary one and that the peoples of Central Europe had to "make the best terms they could with the triumphant Nazi Power" as Churchill expressed it in the British Parliament on September 1938. As a member of Slovak delegations which defended the territory of SLOVAKIA 155 Slovakia at the Vienna Conference or which looked for economic co-operation with Germany, :ourcansky naturally came in the forefront and, aware of the dangers faced by Slovaks if they remained inactive, became a staunch advocate of the idea of Slovakia's independence. As a result, the historical events which in March 1939 saved Slovakia from division among her neighbors and put it on the map of Europe as a Slovak Republic, are very hard to be dissociated from the foresight, courage and patriotism of Dr. :ourcansky. He also deserves credit as the first Minister of External Affairs for the rapid international recognition of the Slovak state by practically all European nations and the establishment of diplomatic relations, and, as Minister of interior, for peaceful transition to independence. An expert in international law and a patriot educated in the atmosphere of struggle for self-determination and self-government, :ourcansky understood, however, the notion of independence in its theoretical and legal connotations and inevitably came into conflict with the Government of the Third Reich from the beginning of the existence of the Slovak Republic. In 1940, not even a year and a half in his portfolio, nurcansky was forced to leave Slovak political life and, as prove the Documents on German Foreign Policy, published by the Government of the United States and England, it was for reasons of defending the Slovak interests, for trying to keep Slovakia neutral and for resisting introduction of Nazism in Slovakia. The wrath of Berlin against him was so intensive that the German Ambassador to Slovakia reported on August 19th, 1940: "the name t>urcansky and Kirschbaum should not appear anymore in any newspaper. If they do, I shall ask to forbid publication of the newspaper .. ." Ousted from politics, Dr. :ourcansky went back to the University, which at this time was in Slovak hands, and practiced law. At the end of the War he was, however, again on the political barricades and tried to save the Slovak Republic and Slovakia from catastrophy. Unwilling to make 156 SLOVAKIA deal with Moscow, he left for the West and for the past twenty years he was one of the anti-communist exiled leaders against whom the Communist regime in Prague organized the most vicious smear campaigns and on several occasions asked for his extradition. ~ Scholarly and Political Writings Originally set for a scholarly career, Dr. Durcansky used his education and knowledge for giving higher standards first to Slovak politics and later in exile to the struggle for Slovak independence. His book, Pohl'ad na slovensku minulost', ( A Look on the Slovak Past, Bratislava, 1943) many memoranda, his huge White book (Buenos Aires, 1954) and dozens of shorter studies in foreign languages published during the War or in exile, are marked by his academic background and large intelectual horizons . Given more favourable circumstances, Dr. f>urcansky would have certainly been one of the first Slovak politicians and statesmen who had not only formal education for politics but also scores of books elevating Slovak politics from provincialism to European standards. His first book M edzindrodnd intervencia (The international Intervention, Bratislava, 1936) was actually his academic thesis on the basis of which he was supposed to obtain "veniam docendi" - his professorship at the Faculty of Law of the Commenius University in Bratislava. There was no doubt whatsoever, that the scientific work met the requirements, it was nevertheless rejected because of Durcansky's political views on the relations between Czechs and Slovaks in Czechoslovakia. The work was the result of Durcansky's studies at the Institut de Hautes Etcodes Internacionales in Paris as well as the Academy of International Law at the Hague. Submitted again for acceptance in 1938 it became the basis for his teaching position first as "Docent" (Associate professor) and from 1941 as full professor. The first political work by nurcansky was his Pohl'ad na slovensk1i, minulost' ( A Look on the Slovak Past, Bratislava, 1943) in which he presented not only a new interpretation of the history of Slovaks and Slovakia, but in SLOVAKIA 157 which was also searching for the meaning of various political actions of Slovak generations and found their logical culmination in the national independence. By its method, thorough knowledge of sources and literature and clear style the book deserves to be considered among the best political writings on Slovakia's past. An extensive summary in German made the book accesible also to scholars of other nationalities and there are references to it even now by foreign historians. Before the end of the War Durcansky published in English, French, Spanish and German several scholarly writings which aimed at acquainting the World with the Slovak problem and Slovakia's right to independence. Among them should be mentioned a historical study of the events which led to Slovakia's independence, The Way t o Slovak Freedom, published also in German as: Der Weg zur slowakischer Freiheit (Bratislava, 1944) and a political and juridicial essay on the right of small states to their existence: Die Existenzberechtigung der Kleinen Staaten (Bratislava, 1944) and a historical survey on Central Europe: Mitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Zukunft (Bratislava, 1944). The last one was published also in Spanish in Madrid and in French by the Revue de droit international in Geneva (Vol. XXII, 1944) under the title "£'Europe Centrale dans le passe at dans l'avenir". The author advocated in it the idea of federation in Central Europe and the right of Slovak's to political equality with other Central European peoples. Equally in French Durcansky denied in the same periodical any right to existence of Czechoslovakia in a well written article: Le probleme de l'existencie de la TchecoSlovaquie, ( The Problem of Czecho-Slovakia's Existence, Vol. XXI, 1944 ) . Writings Published in Exile Even though circumstances after the Second World War have been for Slovak political exiles the most unfavourable, Durcansky disregarded the difficulties and serious danger to his own safety and fought from the first moment for Slovakia's right to independence in post-war Europe. Believing in justice and later in a possible clash between the Western Powers and the Soviets, who in spite of all 158 SLOVAKIA assurances and solemn declarations were imposing their rule and Communist system on Eastern European nations, Durcansky organized from Austria Slovak political refugees and presented several memoranda to the Peace Conference in Paris in French and English advocating either the necessity of a treaty of Peace with Slovakia, or a plebiscite, or arguing against the "rationality of the existence of CzechoSlovakia (Rome, 1946). Considering the fact that the Government of Prague was organizing an international hunt for his capture, Durcansky undoubtedly displayed an uncommon courage when he went personally to Paris or when, believing in the right of political asylum in neutral countries, he made a dangerous journey through the Alps to Geneva, and from there to Rome. In Rome he tried to write various factions of Slovak refugees into one organized body, but circumstances were not only unfavourable for such an endeavor but also dangerous and therefore he left Europe in 1947 for Argentina with a group of Slovak intellectuals, with whom he created the Slovak Action Committee. There he continued to publish books and studies until 1952 when he returned to Germany. Among the books and studies which Durcansky wrote or prepared in exile for publication, the huge volume of documents (998 pages) called Prdvo Slovdkov na samostatnost' vo svetle dokumentov, Biela kniha, (The Right of Slovaks to Independence in the Light of Documents, or White Book; Buenos Aires, in April 1954), deserves special consideration. Even though his fighting temperament led him to disregard or to misrepresent the activities of other exiled Slovak organizations (such as the Slovak National Council Abroad) and even if a smaller volume in some foreign language might have been more useful, one has to recognize the assiduous work, patience and knowledge which were required for publication of this first and most camplete collection of documents on the Slovak question. The work was published thanks to the financial support of two outstanding Slovaks: Stephen B. Roman from Canada and Rev. John J . Lach, from Whiting, Ind., U.S.A. A shorter, concise study of the international aspect of the Slovak question was published by Durcansky in 1954 SLOVAKIA 159 in German, in 1955 in English and in 1957 in Spanish under the titles: Die Slovakische Frage als eine internationale Frage (Munich, 44 p.); The International Aspects of the Slovak Qu.estion (38 p.) and El aspecto internacional de la question eslovaca (Buenos Aires, 54 p.). As in all his writings nurcansky displayed in this booklet a thorough knowledge of political literature in several languages as well as his versatility in International Law. In addition to these publications Durcansky contributed from 1952, when he settled in Europe, to various leading political and scholarly periodicals, mostly German and Austrian, such as: Politische Studien (Munich), Donauraum (Vienna), Der Europiiische Osten (Munich) ect. All these contributions ( some 20 of them are listed in his bibliography) aim at explaining to the Western World basic Slovak political problems or defending Slovakia and Slovaks against the ruthless Czech and Communist propaganda. In style and contents they meet and sometimes even overpass the high standards of European political literature and the same can be said of the memoranda (15 altogether) which :ourcansky alone or in co-operation with others published in various foreign languages on the Slovak question. A Struggle Against Many Odds From the beginning of his political career Dr. :ourcansky was engaged in a struggle against many odds. Rarely in Slovak history any political leader faced so many times a serious danger to his own safety and hardly anyone's political conceptions were subject to such a barrage of lies and misrepresentations as it was the case of :ourcansky's fight for Slovakia's independence. He faced them all as a man and never failed to believe that Slovaks can achieve an equal status with other Central European nations if they fight and make sacrifices for it. By his own activities, courage and perseverance :ourcansky set an example which deserves recognition by everyone for whom freedom, justice and human progress have any value. History of Slovakia in the crucial years before and during the Second World War was shaped by him more than his friends or adversaries have been ready to admit. In the first Slovak 160 SLOVAKIA political exile he was undoubtedly spiritus moveus and at times regarded as the uncompromising leader if not by all, certainly by a great number of those who left Slovakia in 1945. If for some period of time his methods did not lead to the intergration of all Slovaks in the free world for a united action in favour of Slovakia's liberation, it would be unjust to put the blame on him alone. Exiled groups with greater political experience and waves of political emigrees before them, passed through the same phases of mutual struggles, distrust and disunity. Slovaks in the free world could not escape the special "climate" which the circumstances of the exile generate, but even in this regard, Slovaks achieved what no other exiled group achieved: intergration of both political Slovak representations in the free world into the Slovak Liberation Council, of which Dr. nurcansky became the first president of the Executive Committee. His sixtieth birthday finds Dr. nurcansky still in undiminished activity for the Slovak cause and with unbroken belief that the Slovak struggle - a struggle against many odds - will finally be victorious . We greet him in the same spirit and cordially wish him also on behalf of those who are silenced in Slovakia: Ad multos annos! J.M. Kirschbaum THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America has always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialir.tic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Prof. Dr. F. Ďurčansk - Politician, Scholar and Fighter for Slovakia’s Independence Description An account of the resource J.M. Kirschbaum Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 153-160 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/fdb93e6ed9406306d8954d1dc629e5c0.pdf 24d8a956f6cc031275dec34b129b38c8 PDF Text Text 144 SLOVAKIA A POET IN EXILE ( Msgr. M . K. Mlynarovic celebrates his 80th birthday on October 11, 1967) Milos Klement Mlyna.rovic is a unique phenomenon of Slovak literature 1 in more than one respect. First of all, he is the oldest living Slovak poet. His literary contemporaries ( I. Grebac-Orlov, M. Razus, V. Roy, P. Kompis, K. F. Urbanovic ) have now all died and their work has been a closed chapter for the last two or three decades. Mlynarovic, on the other hand, has established himself as a mature and productive writer mainly in the last two decades. Secondly, all his literary output (amounting to 15 books of poetry, novels and religious writing) has been produced in exile, away from his native land. In spite of this physical and geographical separation Mlynarovic has maintained close and unbroken ties with the country of his birth. And finally, his poetry, as if untouched by the fashions and vicissitudes of the day, remains faithful to his three-pronged love: God, Church and nation. In this sense Mlynarovic is a traditional poet and a true son of his nation. These three themes (God, Church and nation) have dominated Slovak poetry since the time of the National Awakening (end of the 18th century) but never more intensely than in the time of national oppression which befell the Slovak nation after the Austro-Hungarian 'Ausgleich' (1867 ) and did not cease until 1918. For the generations of Slovak writers and poets living on hope and trusting in God's justice these three themes comprised a programme to which they faithfully adhered. Thus Andrej Truchly-Sytniansky proclaimed in the poem, "Kto som?": P<in Bah, cirkev, rod slovensky; srdca m6jho vz<icny predmet. Tymto tram ze vzdycky zijem, nedal by ch sa za eel'!} svet. 2 (God, Church and Slovak nation/ are precious themes of my heart./ I always live for these three/ and would not give them up for the whole world.) These three themes were passed on as a historical �SLOVAKIA 145 message from fathers to sons. The form may have changed, but the content did not. Kraska, Roy, Razus - the pioneer of modern Slovak poetry - were echoing them in their verses on the eve of the First World War, 3 when the young Franciscan priest, Father Benedict Mlynarovic, OFM, left Slovakia for the U.S.A. In the strange new world, among a sizable Slovak emigration which he came to serve, these three themes acquired a new meaning and became the cornerstone of his pastoral, fraternalistic and literary activities. The new environment in which the young priest-poet found himself in the U.S .A. differed drastically from that which he had left behind. Back in old Hungary ( of which Slovakia was then a part) the aspiring poet and young priest-lecturer had moved in the intellectual milieu of Magyar culture. Towards the end of the 19th century Magyar culture and literature caught up with the West, while the oppressed and struggling Slovak literature was still lagging behind. For young ambitious intellectuals the adoption of the culture of the dominating Magyar nation had much more to offer not only intellectually but also materially. It required a strong conviction and even stronger devotion to one's own nation to resist Magyar lures, enticements and ever-mounting pressure. Many Slovak intellectuals were thus lost to their own nation. It was a doubly tragic loss since it strengthened and enriched the ranks of the oppressors of the Slovak nation. Even the greatest Slovak poet, Hviezdoslav, succumbed initially to these temptations and began to write his verses in Magyar. 4 In a similar way we find the first literary contributions of M. K. Mlynarovic in Magyar language periodicals ( Religio, Alkotmdny, etc.) . The poet has left us an autobiographic record of his struggle and victory. 5 A tempting voice called him : Pis bdsne mad'arsky a nie viac zobrdcky! (Write Magyar poems/ and nothing more of this beggar's language!) . But he overcame the temptation. He realized his indebtedness to his family, to his native village �146 SLOVAKIA and to his nation suffering under the lashes of the tyrant's whip. No, he would not "kiss the whip": Oprety o stip bulvdra hl'add si chlapec cestu spat a slzou si ju otvdra. (Leaning against the column of Budapest's boulevard/ the young lad looks for a road which will take him back/ and unlocks it with a tear.) At an important cross-road of his life the poet listened to the voice of his heart and made his irrevocable choice which was soon to bear precious fruit. During the war-years 1914-1918 the Slovaks in America were the most active section of the Slovak national community and it was largely through their efforts that in the postwar rearrangement of Central Europe Slovaks opted for a common state with the Czechs. The striving, sacrifices and other heroic deeds and splendid achievements of Slovak people in a free - though foreign - country were an eloquent testimony of the capabilities inherent in the Slovak nation. Through their accomplishments and experiences in the U.S.A. Slovaks were shedding their national inferiority complex and becoming confident and conscious citizens. And here among them the patriotism of a young priest-poet acquired a new dimension. His devotion to the Slovak national heritage deepened. Deprived of opportunities to study his native language and culture at home (where during his school-years the education was offered only in the Magyar language and spirit), he made up for it in America. Painstakingly and steadfastly he studied Slovak grammar, Slovak history and Slovak literature. From among the Slovak poets he developed a special affection for Hviezdoslav and Krasko, two of the brightest stars in the Slovak literary firmament. In 1919 he published his first book of verse, Sldvia. It was a small volume of warm patriotic poetry, expressing joy over the liberation of Slovakia, welcoming the new dawn of the freed nation and thanking God for the favours in which the dreams of generations had materialized. By its content the book fitted into the pattern of the poetical �SLOVAKIA 147 production appearing in those days in Slovakia,6 but artistically the verse still lacked the force and refinement appropriate to the festive and hymnic message it tried to convey. In the following years Mlynarovic wrote several prose works and only occasionally published a poem here and there in Slovak journals and magazines. Then in 1934 there appeared his second book of poetry, Veliky Boh malych. (Great God of the little ones) It contained mainly meditative and religious poems of intense sincerity and Franciscan humility. In the lines one could detect the strong influence of Krasko, 7 but the poems bore the unmistakable imprint of Mlynarovic's individuality. Spiritual depth and heartfelt intimacy rank these poems with the best religious poetry written in the Slovak language. Especially moving is the poem, Vel' ky piatok, (Good Friday) the opening verses of which run: Beyond the stars now He doth dwell And I below, a shattered bell, Unworthy to ring out His name. Age-old, my heart cried out in pain, When my tongue moved, but all in vain To turn the evil when He came. Good Friday once again is here. The cross looks down from everywhere As Son unto His Father dies .. .8 The next volume of Mlynarovic's poetry, Boha hl'addm,9 was published in Slovakia shortly after the Second World War (1948). In a way it was a revelation: it was not only a voice from the other side of the Ocean but also from another era. In the immediate post-war years mankind was taking account of its misery and self-inflicted suffering. The Slovak poetry of the day was full of sadness, nostalgia, remorse and dissonant voices. Then in its unobtrusive whisper entered Mlynarovic's poetry to remind one of the overlooked honesty in human action, of the purposefulness of human life, and of the human heart's everlasting search for God: �148 SLOVAKIA Tisic rdz nasiel som 1'a, tisic rdz stratil, Veen'!}, bludickou budem v priestore kruzit' tulavym behom vzd'alovat' sa, blizit', a vzdy 1'a ndjdem, jak vtdk svoje hniezdo, ja maly prach Tvoj, satelit. 10 A thousand times I have found You, A thousand times I have lost You again, Everlasting One! As an errant star I will soar through the space, In roving course I get further, closer, But always I find You As a bird finds its nest, I, Your little speck of dust, Your satellite. It was indeed a tender, deeply human and humanistic kind of poetry. In delicate verses the poet records the reminiscences of his youth, identifies himself with the humble, suffering and downtrodden, pays homage to the memory of Father Damien de Veuster ( the missionary of the lepers' colony at Molokai) and meditates upon God's goodness and eternity: Chcem den. co neznd rdna, vecera nie, Zen poludnie; chcem vecne slnka Pdna, ziariace do mna, do studne. 11 I wish for a day which has no sunrise and no sunset, only a lasting noon; I crave for the Lord's sun which never sets but radiates into me as into a well. Prayer clothed in poetry was the central theme of Mlynarovic's book of poems, Testament krdl'a sfdc. 12 In meditative lyrical poetry the author "looks into secrets, investigates the world behind the veil, searches into mysteries of human existence." 13 It is, in a way, a continuation of the search for God undertaken in an earlier book, but this time the intensity of the spiritual quest is even more emphasized in reflective monologues of prayer-like sin- �SLOVAKIA 149 cerity. The poems are grouped into five cycles: Broken Rhythm, Meditations at Holy Mass, Sayings of the Word Made Flesh, Seven Words and At the Sepulchre. Many poems are introduced with appropriate quotations taken from the Scriptures - not unlike antiphons preceding psalms in the Divine Office. The value of this poetry of pure spirituality is even more enhanced when one places it alongside the versifications produced at the same time in the poet's native count ry. There, under the compulsive guidance of the Communist Party, poetry and all arts were harnessed into the service of "the cause of Socialism." Only a "functional" poetry, that is a poetry helping the masses to build up Communism, was permitted; and what was not explicitly permitted was virtually outlawed. In those lean years of Slovak literature the good name and the artistic honour of Slovak poetry were saved by the writings of the emigre poets, Milos K. Mlynarovic being foremost among them. While in the previous books of verse Mlynarovic had repeatedly proclaimed his soaring devotion to God, in the book, z l'udu - za l'ud,14 he comes down to earth and the object of his inspiration is man. His warm sympathy extends to all people everywhere, but in particular two sections of mankind lie deep in his heart: the hard-pressed Slovak nation in Communist captivity and the struggling negro race both in Africa and the U.S.A. Eud a ja . . . zijem si s nim vzdy povedomy ja, diet'a domca, svatych prdv a borieb a dnes sa zakolisat', Boze m6j, nedaj mi! 15 My people and I . . . As a child of humble abode I live with them, constantly aware of their sacred rights and struggles; Do not ever let me, o my God, waver in this conviction. Here again - even more frequently than in the previous book - each poem is prefaced by one or more quotations. A brief glance at these quotations is a convenient key to the inspirational sources of Mlynarovic's poetry. They range from the Bible, classical authors and Slovak �150 SLOVAKIA poets to Shakespeare, Petofi, Mada.ch, Keats, Masefield, etc. The last poetical work of M. K. Mlynarovic is a slim volume of verse, entitled Dejiny srdca. 16 Some of the poems in this collection had been published earlier and here they reappear in a somewhat modified form. Some poems were written as early as 1911, others in the autum of the poet's fruitful life. Arranged in chronological order they represent a concise cross-section of Mlynarovic's creative activity and the poetical manifesto of a writer in exile. The poet equates himself to a tree transplanted to new ground, but the soil of the new environment failed "to change the tune of his heart" .17 In the last poem of the collection, Vlak (the Train), the poet with calm and resignation writes the last chapter of the history of his heart. The train of his life is approaching its terminus and he is preparing to alight. He sings in a melancholy strain: Pride tci stanica a vlak m6j pozastane; padne mi pero, stichne hlas a svetlo dohori. Vtedy mi bratia-sestry, zrobte po v6li : na mna si spomente, jak ja na vcis spominam/ 18 The station where my train will stop is already in sight; then the pen will fall from my fingers, my voice will be silenced, my light will go out. At that time, my brothers and sisters, grant me this wish: Remember me, as I am now remembering you! Difficult is the life of a poet in exile. The separation from his native soil - and especially when he is separated by an Iron Curtain - may be a source of nostalgic inspiration but then it denies the poet everything else: favourable working conditions, publishing opportunities, and above all - a sizable and appreciative audience. In spite of these difficulties the creative spark in the poet's bosom makes it "impossible not to write". And thanks to this compelling and driving force Slovak literature has been enriched by verses of lasting beauty. The creator of this �SLOVAKIA 151 poetry never intended to be modern or fashionable yet he succeeded in making his presence in the Slovak literary field vividly felt and wrote his name across the pages of the histories of Slovak literature. F. Vnuk, Australia FOOTNOTES 1. Milos K. Mlynarovic was born on October 11, 1887 at Hasprunka (now called Studienka), near Malacky in West Slovakia. He attended High School at Trnava. Later he entered the Franciscan order and accepted the name Benedict. His theological studies were completed at Bratislava and in 1910 he was ordained. Shortly after his ordination he was appointed to lecture in Rhetoric and Biblical studies at a Franciscan seminary. In 1914 he left his native country and emigrated to the U.S.A. hoping to join the Slovak Franciscan Commissariate and to work among the Slovak settlers in the U.S.A. But owing <to the political pressure exercised by the anti-Slovak Magyars even within the monastic orders, he was prevented from realizing his youthful dreams. In order to stay in the U.S.A. and to work among the Slovak emigrants he had to become a secular priest. As an administrator of the Slovak Catholic parish of the Assumption of Our Lady at Indiana Harbor (now East Chicago), Ind., he spent 35 years in active pastoral service. He built a beautiful church, presbytery, school and convent. In addition to his parochial duties he took an active part in numerous Slovak fraternalistic associations. In 1950 he retired and since then he has lived with the Slovak Franciscan community (Seven Dolors Shrine) at Valparaiso, Indiana. This essay attempts to give a brief outline of his poetical work, leaving aside his prose writing, religious books and occasional journalistic activity. For a more comprehensive treatment of Mlynarovic's life and literary work the reader is advised <to consult J. E. Bor: Msgr. Milos K. Mlynarovic; osobnost', dielo a posolstvo (Whiting, Ind., 1957). 2. Sokol (literary monthly) , No. 7, 1869. 3. Of these only Kraska published his poems in two slim volumes of verse. The others contributed to various Slovak journals and periodicals such as Prudy (Roy, Razus) , Narodne noviny (Razus, GrebacOrlov), 13udove noviny ( Grebac-Orlov). 4. This lapse later led Hviezdoslav to a rhapsodic ode on the Slovak language: Mn.a kedys' zvadzal svet, mi hovoriac: Rec, ktoru z domu vies, o, jak je licha . .. 0, mojej matky rec je krasota, je milota, je rozko~, laska svata .. . (The world once tried to seduce me, saying: The language you learned at home, oh, how base it is .. ./ To which the poet makes this noble reply: / Oh, the language taught by my mother is loveliness, is tenderness, is delight and holy love ... ) �152 SLOVAKIA 5. See his poem Budapest', jun 1914 in Dejiny srdca (Story of a heart, Middletown, Pa., 1964, pp. 5-6) from which account of the poet's decision is reconstructed. 6. e.g. Martin Razus : Hoj, zem dralui (1919), Vladimir Roy: Ked' miznu hmly (1920), Stefan Krcmery: Ked' sa sloboda rodila (1920), Ignac Grebac-Orlov: V povichrici (1922), etc. 7. Even the title of Mlynarovic's book of verse, Vel'kiJ Boh malych, reminds one of the famous verses of I. Krasko: 0, Boze ubohych a ponizenych, modlitbu moju milosrdne prijmi! Ty vel'kiJ, pretoze Si Bohom malych ... (Oh God of poor and humble ones,/ graciously accept my prayer./ You the great One, because You deign to be the God of little ones .. . ) 8. Translation by Ivan J . Kramoris, published in his "Anthology of Slovak Poetry" (Scranton, Pa., 1947), p. 131. 9. Boha hl'adam (In search of God, Trnava 1948), 62 pages. 10. Boha hl'adam, p. 35. 11. Boha hl'adam, p . 50. 12. Testament kral'a sfdc (Testament of the King of Human Hearts, Buenos Aires, n.d.), 78 pages. 13. T estament kral'a sfdc, p. 9. 14. Z l'udu - za l'ud (From the People ,vhiting, Ind., 1956) , 67 pages. 15. Z l'udu - For the People, za l'ud, p. 12. 16. Dejiny srdca (Story of a Heart, Middletown, Pa., 1964), 39 pages. 17. Dejiny srdca, p. 11. 18. Dejiny srdca, p . 39. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA as a Christian and democratic organization, is resolutely against the domination and exploitation of the Slovak nation by any other nation or political state; the Slovaks did not want to be ruled over by the Magyars and, today, do not want to be subservient to the Czech nation. � 144 SLOVAKIA A POET IN EXILE ( Msgr. M . K. Mlynarovic celebrates his 80th birthday on October 11, 1967) Milos Klement Mlyna.rovic is a unique phenomenon of Slovak literature 1 in more than one respect. First of all, he is the oldest living Slovak poet. His literary contemporaries ( I. Grebac-Orlov, M. Razus, V. Roy, P. Kompis, K. F. Urbanovic ) have now all died and their work has been a closed chapter for the last two or three decades. Mlynarovic, on the other hand, has established himself as a mature and productive writer mainly in the last two decades. Secondly, all his literary output (amounting to 15 books of poetry, novels and religious writing) has been produced in exile, away from his native land. In spite of this physical and geographical separation Mlynarovic has maintained close and unbroken ties with the country of his birth. And finally, his poetry, as if untouched by the fashions and vicissitudes of the day, remains faithful to his three-pronged love: God, Church and nation. In this sense Mlynarovic is a traditional poet and a true son of his nation. These three themes (God, Church and nation) have dominated Slovak poetry since the time of the National Awakening (end of the 18th century) but never more intensely than in the time of national oppression which befell the Slovak nation after the Austro-Hungarian 'Ausgleich' (1867 ) and did not cease until 1918. For the generations of Slovak writers and poets living on hope and trusting in God's justice these three themes comprised a programme to which they faithfully adhered. Thus Andrej Truchly-Sytniansky proclaimed in the poem, "Kto som?": P<in Bah, cirkev, rod slovensky; srdca m6jho vz<icny predmet. Tymto tram ze vzdycky zijem, nedal by ch sa za eel'!} svet. 2 (God, Church and Slovak nation/ are precious themes of my heart./ I always live for these three/ and would not give them up for the whole world.) These three themes were passed on as a historical �SLOVAKIA 145 message from fathers to sons. The form may have changed, but the content did not. Kraska, Roy, Razus - the pioneer of modern Slovak poetry - were echoing them in their verses on the eve of the First World War, 3 when the young Franciscan priest, Father Benedict Mlynarovic, OFM, left Slovakia for the U.S.A. In the strange new world, among a sizable Slovak emigration which he came to serve, these three themes acquired a new meaning and became the cornerstone of his pastoral, fraternalistic and literary activities. The new environment in which the young priest-poet found himself in the U.S .A. differed drastically from that which he had left behind. Back in old Hungary ( of which Slovakia was then a part) the aspiring poet and young priest-lecturer had moved in the intellectual milieu of Magyar culture. Towards the end of the 19th century Magyar culture and literature caught up with the West, while the oppressed and struggling Slovak literature was still lagging behind. For young ambitious intellectuals the adoption of the culture of the dominating Magyar nation had much more to offer not only intellectually but also materially. It required a strong conviction and even stronger devotion to one's own nation to resist Magyar lures, enticements and ever-mounting pressure. Many Slovak intellectuals were thus lost to their own nation. It was a doubly tragic loss since it strengthened and enriched the ranks of the oppressors of the Slovak nation. Even the greatest Slovak poet, Hviezdoslav, succumbed initially to these temptations and began to write his verses in Magyar. 4 In a similar way we find the first literary contributions of M. K. Mlynarovic in Magyar language periodicals ( Religio, Alkotmdny, etc.) . The poet has left us an autobiographic record of his struggle and victory. 5 A tempting voice called him : Pis bdsne mad'arsky a nie viac zobrdcky! (Write Magyar poems/ and nothing more of this beggar's language!) . But he overcame the temptation. He realized his indebtedness to his family, to his native village �146 SLOVAKIA and to his nation suffering under the lashes of the tyrant's whip. No, he would not "kiss the whip": Oprety o stip bulvdra hl'add si chlapec cestu spat a slzou si ju otvdra. (Leaning against the column of Budapest's boulevard/ the young lad looks for a road which will take him back/ and unlocks it with a tear.) At an important cross-road of his life the poet listened to the voice of his heart and made his irrevocable choice which was soon to bear precious fruit. During the war-years 1914-1918 the Slovaks in America were the most active section of the Slovak national community and it was largely through their efforts that in the postwar rearrangement of Central Europe Slovaks opted for a common state with the Czechs. The striving, sacrifices and other heroic deeds and splendid achievements of Slovak people in a free - though foreign - country were an eloquent testimony of the capabilities inherent in the Slovak nation. Through their accomplishments and experiences in the U.S.A. Slovaks were shedding their national inferiority complex and becoming confident and conscious citizens. And here among them the patriotism of a young priest-poet acquired a new dimension. His devotion to the Slovak national heritage deepened. Deprived of opportunities to study his native language and culture at home (where during his school-years the education was offered only in the Magyar language and spirit), he made up for it in America. Painstakingly and steadfastly he studied Slovak grammar, Slovak history and Slovak literature. From among the Slovak poets he developed a special affection for Hviezdoslav and Krasko, two of the brightest stars in the Slovak literary firmament. In 1919 he published his first book of verse, Sldvia. It was a small volume of warm patriotic poetry, expressing joy over the liberation of Slovakia, welcoming the new dawn of the freed nation and thanking God for the favours in which the dreams of generations had materialized. By its content the book fitted into the pattern of the poetical �SLOVAKIA 147 production appearing in those days in Slovakia,6 but artistically the verse still lacked the force and refinement appropriate to the festive and hymnic message it tried to convey. In the following years Mlynarovic wrote several prose works and only occasionally published a poem here and there in Slovak journals and magazines. Then in 1934 there appeared his second book of poetry, Veliky Boh malych. (Great God of the little ones) It contained mainly meditative and religious poems of intense sincerity and Franciscan humility. In the lines one could detect the strong influence of Krasko, 7 but the poems bore the unmistakable imprint of Mlynarovic's individuality. Spiritual depth and heartfelt intimacy rank these poems with the best religious poetry written in the Slovak language. Especially moving is the poem, Vel' ky piatok, (Good Friday) the opening verses of which run: Beyond the stars now He doth dwell And I below, a shattered bell, Unworthy to ring out His name. Age-old, my heart cried out in pain, When my tongue moved, but all in vain To turn the evil when He came. Good Friday once again is here. The cross looks down from everywhere As Son unto His Father dies .. .8 The next volume of Mlynarovic's poetry, Boha hl'addm,9 was published in Slovakia shortly after the Second World War (1948). In a way it was a revelation: it was not only a voice from the other side of the Ocean but also from another era. In the immediate post-war years mankind was taking account of its misery and self-inflicted suffering. The Slovak poetry of the day was full of sadness, nostalgia, remorse and dissonant voices. Then in its unobtrusive whisper entered Mlynarovic's poetry to remind one of the overlooked honesty in human action, of the purposefulness of human life, and of the human heart's everlasting search for God: �148 SLOVAKIA Tisic rdz nasiel som 1'a, tisic rdz stratil, Veen'!}, bludickou budem v priestore kruzit' tulavym behom vzd'alovat' sa, blizit', a vzdy 1'a ndjdem, jak vtdk svoje hniezdo, ja maly prach Tvoj, satelit. 10 A thousand times I have found You, A thousand times I have lost You again, Everlasting One! As an errant star I will soar through the space, In roving course I get further, closer, But always I find You As a bird finds its nest, I, Your little speck of dust, Your satellite. It was indeed a tender, deeply human and humanistic kind of poetry. In delicate verses the poet records the reminiscences of his youth, identifies himself with the humble, suffering and downtrodden, pays homage to the memory of Father Damien de Veuster ( the missionary of the lepers' colony at Molokai) and meditates upon God's goodness and eternity: Chcem den. co neznd rdna, vecera nie, Zen poludnie; chcem vecne slnka Pdna, ziariace do mna, do studne. 11 I wish for a day which has no sunrise and no sunset, only a lasting noon; I crave for the Lord's sun which never sets but radiates into me as into a well. Prayer clothed in poetry was the central theme of Mlynarovic's book of poems, Testament krdl'a sfdc. 12 In meditative lyrical poetry the author "looks into secrets, investigates the world behind the veil, searches into mysteries of human existence." 13 It is, in a way, a continuation of the search for God undertaken in an earlier book, but this time the intensity of the spiritual quest is even more emphasized in reflective monologues of prayer-like sin- �SLOVAKIA 149 cerity. The poems are grouped into five cycles: Broken Rhythm, Meditations at Holy Mass, Sayings of the Word Made Flesh, Seven Words and At the Sepulchre. Many poems are introduced with appropriate quotations taken from the Scriptures - not unlike antiphons preceding psalms in the Divine Office. The value of this poetry of pure spirituality is even more enhanced when one places it alongside the versifications produced at the same time in the poet's native count ry. There, under the compulsive guidance of the Communist Party, poetry and all arts were harnessed into the service of "the cause of Socialism." Only a "functional" poetry, that is a poetry helping the masses to build up Communism, was permitted; and what was not explicitly permitted was virtually outlawed. In those lean years of Slovak literature the good name and the artistic honour of Slovak poetry were saved by the writings of the emigre poets, Milos K. Mlynarovic being foremost among them. While in the previous books of verse Mlynarovic had repeatedly proclaimed his soaring devotion to God, in the book, z l'udu - za l'ud,14 he comes down to earth and the object of his inspiration is man. His warm sympathy extends to all people everywhere, but in particular two sections of mankind lie deep in his heart: the hard-pressed Slovak nation in Communist captivity and the struggling negro race both in Africa and the U.S.A. Eud a ja . . . zijem si s nim vzdy povedomy ja, diet'a domca, svatych prdv a borieb a dnes sa zakolisat', Boze m6j, nedaj mi! 15 My people and I . . . As a child of humble abode I live with them, constantly aware of their sacred rights and struggles; Do not ever let me, o my God, waver in this conviction. Here again - even more frequently than in the previous book - each poem is prefaced by one or more quotations. A brief glance at these quotations is a convenient key to the inspirational sources of Mlynarovic's poetry. They range from the Bible, classical authors and Slovak �150 SLOVAKIA poets to Shakespeare, Petofi, Mada.ch, Keats, Masefield, etc. The last poetical work of M. K. Mlynarovic is a slim volume of verse, entitled Dejiny srdca. 16 Some of the poems in this collection had been published earlier and here they reappear in a somewhat modified form. Some poems were written as early as 1911, others in the autum of the poet's fruitful life. Arranged in chronological order they represent a concise cross-section of Mlynarovic's creative activity and the poetical manifesto of a writer in exile. The poet equates himself to a tree transplanted to new ground, but the soil of the new environment failed "to change the tune of his heart" .17 In the last poem of the collection, Vlak (the Train), the poet with calm and resignation writes the last chapter of the history of his heart. The train of his life is approaching its terminus and he is preparing to alight. He sings in a melancholy strain: Pride tci stanica a vlak m6j pozastane; padne mi pero, stichne hlas a svetlo dohori. Vtedy mi bratia-sestry, zrobte po v6li : na mna si spomente, jak ja na vcis spominam/ 18 The station where my train will stop is already in sight; then the pen will fall from my fingers, my voice will be silenced, my light will go out. At that time, my brothers and sisters, grant me this wish: Remember me, as I am now remembering you! Difficult is the life of a poet in exile. The separation from his native soil - and especially when he is separated by an Iron Curtain - may be a source of nostalgic inspiration but then it denies the poet everything else: favourable working conditions, publishing opportunities, and above all - a sizable and appreciative audience. In spite of these difficulties the creative spark in the poet's bosom makes it "impossible not to write". And thanks to this compelling and driving force Slovak literature has been enriched by verses of lasting beauty. The creator of this �SLOVAKIA 151 poetry never intended to be modern or fashionable yet he succeeded in making his presence in the Slovak literary field vividly felt and wrote his name across the pages of the histories of Slovak literature. F. Vnuk, Australia FOOTNOTES 1. Milos K. Mlynarovic was born on October 11, 1887 at Hasprunka (now called Studienka), near Malacky in West Slovakia. He attended High School at Trnava. Later he entered the Franciscan order and accepted the name Benedict. His theological studies were completed at Bratislava and in 1910 he was ordained. Shortly after his ordination he was appointed to lecture in Rhetoric and Biblical studies at a Franciscan seminary. In 1914 he left his native country and emigrated to the U.S.A. hoping to join the Slovak Franciscan Commissariate and to work among the Slovak settlers in the U.S.A. But owing <to the political pressure exercised by the anti-Slovak Magyars even within the monastic orders, he was prevented from realizing his youthful dreams. In order to stay in the U.S.A. and to work among the Slovak emigrants he had to become a secular priest. As an administrator of the Slovak Catholic parish of the Assumption of Our Lady at Indiana Harbor (now East Chicago), Ind., he spent 35 years in active pastoral service. He built a beautiful church, presbytery, school and convent. In addition to his parochial duties he took an active part in numerous Slovak fraternalistic associations. In 1950 he retired and since then he has lived with the Slovak Franciscan community (Seven Dolors Shrine) at Valparaiso, Indiana. This essay attempts to give a brief outline of his poetical work, leaving aside his prose writing, religious books and occasional journalistic activity. For a more comprehensive treatment of Mlynarovic's life and literary work the reader is advised <to consult J. E. Bor: Msgr. Milos K. Mlynarovic; osobnost', dielo a posolstvo (Whiting, Ind., 1957). 2. Sokol (literary monthly) , No. 7, 1869. 3. Of these only Kraska published his poems in two slim volumes of verse. The others contributed to various Slovak journals and periodicals such as Prudy (Roy, Razus) , Narodne noviny (Razus, GrebacOrlov), 13udove noviny ( Grebac-Orlov). 4. This lapse later led Hviezdoslav to a rhapsodic ode on the Slovak language: Mn.a kedys' zvadzal svet, mi hovoriac: Rec, ktoru z domu vies, o, jak je licha . .. 0, mojej matky rec je krasota, je milota, je rozko~, laska svata .. . (The world once tried to seduce me, saying: The language you learned at home, oh, how base it is .. ./ To which the poet makes this noble reply: / Oh, the language taught by my mother is loveliness, is tenderness, is delight and holy love ... ) �152 SLOVAKIA 5. See his poem Budapest', jun 1914 in Dejiny srdca (Story of a heart, Middletown, Pa., 1964, pp. 5-6) from which account of the poet's decision is reconstructed. 6. e.g. Martin Razus : Hoj, zem dralui (1919), Vladimir Roy: Ked' miznu hmly (1920), Stefan Krcmery: Ked' sa sloboda rodila (1920), Ignac Grebac-Orlov: V povichrici (1922), etc. 7. Even the title of Mlynarovic's book of verse, Vel'kiJ Boh malych, reminds one of the famous verses of I. Krasko: 0, Boze ubohych a ponizenych, modlitbu moju milosrdne prijmi! Ty vel'kiJ, pretoze Si Bohom malych ... (Oh God of poor and humble ones,/ graciously accept my prayer./ You the great One, because You deign to be the God of little ones .. . ) 8. Translation by Ivan J . Kramoris, published in his "Anthology of Slovak Poetry" (Scranton, Pa., 1947), p. 131. 9. Boha hl'adam (In search of God, Trnava 1948), 62 pages. 10. Boha hl'adam, p. 35. 11. Boha hl'adam, p . 50. 12. Testament kral'a sfdc (Testament of the King of Human Hearts, Buenos Aires, n.d.), 78 pages. 13. T estament kral'a sfdc, p. 9. 14. Z l'udu - za l'ud (From the People ,vhiting, Ind., 1956) , 67 pages. 15. Z l'udu - For the People, za l'ud, p. 12. 16. Dejiny srdca (Story of a Heart, Middletown, Pa., 1964), 39 pages. 17. Dejiny srdca, p. 11. 18. Dejiny srdca, p . 39. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA as a Christian and democratic organization, is resolutely against the domination and exploitation of the Slovak nation by any other nation or political state; the Slovaks did not want to be ruled over by the Magyars and, today, do not want to be subservient to the Czech nation. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 144 SLOVAKIA A POET IN EXILE ( Msgr. M . K. Mlynarovic celebrates his 80th birthday on October 11, 1967) Milos Klement Mlyna.rovic is a unique phenomenon of Slovak literature 1 in more than one respect. First of all, he is the oldest living Slovak poet. His literary contemporaries ( I. Grebac-Orlov, M. Razus, V. Roy, P. Kompis, K. F. Urbanovic ) have now all died and their work has been a closed chapter for the last two or three decades. Mlynarovic, on the other hand, has established himself as a mature and productive writer mainly in the last two decades. Secondly, all his literary output (amounting to 15 books of poetry, novels and religious writing) has been produced in exile, away from his native land. In spite of this physical and geographical separation Mlynarovic has maintained close and unbroken ties with the country of his birth. And finally, his poetry, as if untouched by the fashions and vicissitudes of the day, remains faithful to his three-pronged love: God, Church and nation. In this sense Mlynarovic is a traditional poet and a true son of his nation. These three themes (God, Church and nation) have dominated Slovak poetry since the time of the National Awakening (end of the 18th century) but never more intensely than in the time of national oppression which befell the Slovak nation after the Austro-Hungarian 'Ausgleich' (1867 ) and did not cease until 1918. For the generations of Slovak writers and poets living on hope and trusting in God's justice these three themes comprised a programme to which they faithfully adhered. Thus Andrej Truchly-Sytniansky proclaimed in the poem, "Kto som?": P<in Bah, cirkev, rod slovensky; srdca m6jho vz<icny predmet. Tymto tram ze vzdycky zijem, nedal by ch sa za eel'!} svet. 2 (God, Church and Slovak nation/ are precious themes of my heart./ I always live for these three/ and would not give them up for the whole world.) These three themes were passed on as a historical SLOVAKIA 145 message from fathers to sons. The form may have changed, but the content did not. Kraska, Roy, Razus - the pioneer of modern Slovak poetry - were echoing them in their verses on the eve of the First World War, 3 when the young Franciscan priest, Father Benedict Mlynarovic, OFM, left Slovakia for the U.S.A. In the strange new world, among a sizable Slovak emigration which he came to serve, these three themes acquired a new meaning and became the cornerstone of his pastoral, fraternalistic and literary activities. The new environment in which the young priest-poet found himself in the U.S .A. differed drastically from that which he had left behind. Back in old Hungary ( of which Slovakia was then a part) the aspiring poet and young priest-lecturer had moved in the intellectual milieu of Magyar culture. Towards the end of the 19th century Magyar culture and literature caught up with the West, while the oppressed and struggling Slovak literature was still lagging behind. For young ambitious intellectuals the adoption of the culture of the dominating Magyar nation had much more to offer not only intellectually but also materially. It required a strong conviction and even stronger devotion to one's own nation to resist Magyar lures, enticements and ever-mounting pressure. Many Slovak intellectuals were thus lost to their own nation. It was a doubly tragic loss since it strengthened and enriched the ranks of the oppressors of the Slovak nation. Even the greatest Slovak poet, Hviezdoslav, succumbed initially to these temptations and began to write his verses in Magyar. 4 In a similar way we find the first literary contributions of M. K. Mlynarovic in Magyar language periodicals ( Religio, Alkotmdny, etc.) . The poet has left us an autobiographic record of his struggle and victory. 5 A tempting voice called him : Pis bdsne mad'arsky a nie viac zobrdcky! (Write Magyar poems/ and nothing more of this beggar's language!) . But he overcame the temptation. He realized his indebtedness to his family, to his native village 146 SLOVAKIA and to his nation suffering under the lashes of the tyrant's whip. No, he would not "kiss the whip": Oprety o stip bulvdra hl'add si chlapec cestu spat a slzou si ju otvdra. (Leaning against the column of Budapest's boulevard/ the young lad looks for a road which will take him back/ and unlocks it with a tear.) At an important cross-road of his life the poet listened to the voice of his heart and made his irrevocable choice which was soon to bear precious fruit. During the war-years 1914-1918 the Slovaks in America were the most active section of the Slovak national community and it was largely through their efforts that in the postwar rearrangement of Central Europe Slovaks opted for a common state with the Czechs. The striving, sacrifices and other heroic deeds and splendid achievements of Slovak people in a free - though foreign - country were an eloquent testimony of the capabilities inherent in the Slovak nation. Through their accomplishments and experiences in the U.S.A. Slovaks were shedding their national inferiority complex and becoming confident and conscious citizens. And here among them the patriotism of a young priest-poet acquired a new dimension. His devotion to the Slovak national heritage deepened. Deprived of opportunities to study his native language and culture at home (where during his school-years the education was offered only in the Magyar language and spirit), he made up for it in America. Painstakingly and steadfastly he studied Slovak grammar, Slovak history and Slovak literature. From among the Slovak poets he developed a special affection for Hviezdoslav and Krasko, two of the brightest stars in the Slovak literary firmament. In 1919 he published his first book of verse, Sldvia. It was a small volume of warm patriotic poetry, expressing joy over the liberation of Slovakia, welcoming the new dawn of the freed nation and thanking God for the favours in which the dreams of generations had materialized. By its content the book fitted into the pattern of the poetical SLOVAKIA 147 production appearing in those days in Slovakia,6 but artistically the verse still lacked the force and refinement appropriate to the festive and hymnic message it tried to convey. In the following years Mlynarovic wrote several prose works and only occasionally published a poem here and there in Slovak journals and magazines. Then in 1934 there appeared his second book of poetry, Veliky Boh malych. (Great God of the little ones) It contained mainly meditative and religious poems of intense sincerity and Franciscan humility. In the lines one could detect the strong influence of Krasko, 7 but the poems bore the unmistakable imprint of Mlynarovic's individuality. Spiritual depth and heartfelt intimacy rank these poems with the best religious poetry written in the Slovak language. Especially moving is the poem, Vel' ky piatok, (Good Friday) the opening verses of which run: Beyond the stars now He doth dwell And I below, a shattered bell, Unworthy to ring out His name. Age-old, my heart cried out in pain, When my tongue moved, but all in vain To turn the evil when He came. Good Friday once again is here. The cross looks down from everywhere As Son unto His Father dies .. .8 The next volume of Mlynarovic's poetry, Boha hl'addm,9 was published in Slovakia shortly after the Second World War (1948). In a way it was a revelation: it was not only a voice from the other side of the Ocean but also from another era. In the immediate post-war years mankind was taking account of its misery and self-inflicted suffering. The Slovak poetry of the day was full of sadness, nostalgia, remorse and dissonant voices. Then in its unobtrusive whisper entered Mlynarovic's poetry to remind one of the overlooked honesty in human action, of the purposefulness of human life, and of the human heart's everlasting search for God: 148 SLOVAKIA Tisic rdz nasiel som 1'a, tisic rdz stratil, Veen'!}, bludickou budem v priestore kruzit' tulavym behom vzd'alovat' sa, blizit', a vzdy 1'a ndjdem, jak vtdk svoje hniezdo, ja maly prach Tvoj, satelit. 10 A thousand times I have found You, A thousand times I have lost You again, Everlasting One! As an errant star I will soar through the space, In roving course I get further, closer, But always I find You As a bird finds its nest, I, Your little speck of dust, Your satellite. It was indeed a tender, deeply human and humanistic kind of poetry. In delicate verses the poet records the reminiscences of his youth, identifies himself with the humble, suffering and downtrodden, pays homage to the memory of Father Damien de Veuster ( the missionary of the lepers' colony at Molokai) and meditates upon God's goodness and eternity: Chcem den. co neznd rdna, vecera nie, Zen poludnie; chcem vecne slnka Pdna, ziariace do mna, do studne. 11 I wish for a day which has no sunrise and no sunset, only a lasting noon; I crave for the Lord's sun which never sets but radiates into me as into a well. Prayer clothed in poetry was the central theme of Mlynarovic's book of poems, Testament krdl'a sfdc. 12 In meditative lyrical poetry the author "looks into secrets, investigates the world behind the veil, searches into mysteries of human existence." 13 It is, in a way, a continuation of the search for God undertaken in an earlier book, but this time the intensity of the spiritual quest is even more emphasized in reflective monologues of prayer-like sin- SLOVAKIA 149 cerity. The poems are grouped into five cycles: Broken Rhythm, Meditations at Holy Mass, Sayings of the Word Made Flesh, Seven Words and At the Sepulchre. Many poems are introduced with appropriate quotations taken from the Scriptures - not unlike antiphons preceding psalms in the Divine Office. The value of this poetry of pure spirituality is even more enhanced when one places it alongside the versifications produced at the same time in the poet's native count ry. There, under the compulsive guidance of the Communist Party, poetry and all arts were harnessed into the service of "the cause of Socialism." Only a "functional" poetry, that is a poetry helping the masses to build up Communism, was permitted; and what was not explicitly permitted was virtually outlawed. In those lean years of Slovak literature the good name and the artistic honour of Slovak poetry were saved by the writings of the emigre poets, Milos K. Mlynarovic being foremost among them. While in the previous books of verse Mlynarovic had repeatedly proclaimed his soaring devotion to God, in the book, z l'udu - za l'ud,14 he comes down to earth and the object of his inspiration is man. His warm sympathy extends to all people everywhere, but in particular two sections of mankind lie deep in his heart: the hard-pressed Slovak nation in Communist captivity and the struggling negro race both in Africa and the U.S.A. Eud a ja . . . zijem si s nim vzdy povedomy ja, diet'a domca, svatych prdv a borieb a dnes sa zakolisat', Boze m6j, nedaj mi! 15 My people and I . . . As a child of humble abode I live with them, constantly aware of their sacred rights and struggles; Do not ever let me, o my God, waver in this conviction. Here again - even more frequently than in the previous book - each poem is prefaced by one or more quotations. A brief glance at these quotations is a convenient key to the inspirational sources of Mlynarovic's poetry. They range from the Bible, classical authors and Slovak 150 SLOVAKIA poets to Shakespeare, Petofi, Mada.ch, Keats, Masefield, etc. The last poetical work of M. K. Mlynarovic is a slim volume of verse, entitled Dejiny srdca. 16 Some of the poems in this collection had been published earlier and here they reappear in a somewhat modified form. Some poems were written as early as 1911, others in the autum of the poet's fruitful life. Arranged in chronological order they represent a concise cross-section of Mlynarovic's creative activity and the poetical manifesto of a writer in exile. The poet equates himself to a tree transplanted to new ground, but the soil of the new environment failed "to change the tune of his heart" .17 In the last poem of the collection, Vlak (the Train), the poet with calm and resignation writes the last chapter of the history of his heart. The train of his life is approaching its terminus and he is preparing to alight. He sings in a melancholy strain: Pride tci stanica a vlak m6j pozastane; padne mi pero, stichne hlas a svetlo dohori. Vtedy mi bratia-sestry, zrobte po v6li : na mna si spomente, jak ja na vcis spominam/ 18 The station where my train will stop is already in sight; then the pen will fall from my fingers, my voice will be silenced, my light will go out. At that time, my brothers and sisters, grant me this wish: Remember me, as I am now remembering you! Difficult is the life of a poet in exile. The separation from his native soil - and especially when he is separated by an Iron Curtain - may be a source of nostalgic inspiration but then it denies the poet everything else: favourable working conditions, publishing opportunities, and above all - a sizable and appreciative audience. In spite of these difficulties the creative spark in the poet's bosom makes it "impossible not to write". And thanks to this compelling and driving force Slovak literature has been enriched by verses of lasting beauty. The creator of this SLOVAKIA 151 poetry never intended to be modern or fashionable yet he succeeded in making his presence in the Slovak literary field vividly felt and wrote his name across the pages of the histories of Slovak literature. F. Vnuk, Australia FOOTNOTES 1. Milos K. Mlynarovic was born on October 11, 1887 at Hasprunka (now called Studienka), near Malacky in West Slovakia. He attended High School at Trnava. Later he entered the Franciscan order and accepted the name Benedict. His theological studies were completed at Bratislava and in 1910 he was ordained. Shortly after his ordination he was appointed to lecture in Rhetoric and Biblical studies at a Franciscan seminary. In 1914 he left his native country and emigrated to the U.S.A. hoping to join the Slovak Franciscan Commissariate and to work among the Slovak settlers in the U.S.A. But owing <to the political pressure exercised by the anti-Slovak Magyars even within the monastic orders, he was prevented from realizing his youthful dreams. In order to stay in the U.S.A. and to work among the Slovak emigrants he had to become a secular priest. As an administrator of the Slovak Catholic parish of the Assumption of Our Lady at Indiana Harbor (now East Chicago), Ind., he spent 35 years in active pastoral service. He built a beautiful church, presbytery, school and convent. In addition to his parochial duties he took an active part in numerous Slovak fraternalistic associations. In 1950 he retired and since then he has lived with the Slovak Franciscan community (Seven Dolors Shrine) at Valparaiso, Indiana. This essay attempts to give a brief outline of his poetical work, leaving aside his prose writing, religious books and occasional journalistic activity. For a more comprehensive treatment of Mlynarovic's life and literary work the reader is advised <to consult J. E. Bor: Msgr. Milos K. Mlynarovic; osobnost', dielo a posolstvo (Whiting, Ind., 1957). 2. Sokol (literary monthly) , No. 7, 1869. 3. Of these only Kraska published his poems in two slim volumes of verse. The others contributed to various Slovak journals and periodicals such as Prudy (Roy, Razus) , Narodne noviny (Razus, GrebacOrlov), 13udove noviny ( Grebac-Orlov). 4. This lapse later led Hviezdoslav to a rhapsodic ode on the Slovak language: Mn.a kedys' zvadzal svet, mi hovoriac: Rec, ktoru z domu vies, o, jak je licha . .. 0, mojej matky rec je krasota, je milota, je rozko~, laska svata .. . (The world once tried to seduce me, saying: The language you learned at home, oh, how base it is .. ./ To which the poet makes this noble reply: / Oh, the language taught by my mother is loveliness, is tenderness, is delight and holy love ... ) 152 SLOVAKIA 5. See his poem Budapest', jun 1914 in Dejiny srdca (Story of a heart, Middletown, Pa., 1964, pp. 5-6) from which account of the poet's decision is reconstructed. 6. e.g. Martin Razus : Hoj, zem dralui (1919), Vladimir Roy: Ked' miznu hmly (1920), Stefan Krcmery: Ked' sa sloboda rodila (1920), Ignac Grebac-Orlov: V povichrici (1922), etc. 7. Even the title of Mlynarovic's book of verse, Vel'kiJ Boh malych, reminds one of the famous verses of I. Krasko: 0, Boze ubohych a ponizenych, modlitbu moju milosrdne prijmi! Ty vel'kiJ, pretoze Si Bohom malych ... (Oh God of poor and humble ones,/ graciously accept my prayer./ You the great One, because You deign to be the God of little ones .. . ) 8. Translation by Ivan J . Kramoris, published in his "Anthology of Slovak Poetry" (Scranton, Pa., 1947), p. 131. 9. Boha hl'adam (In search of God, Trnava 1948), 62 pages. 10. Boha hl'adam, p. 35. 11. Boha hl'adam, p . 50. 12. Testament kral'a sfdc (Testament of the King of Human Hearts, Buenos Aires, n.d.), 78 pages. 13. T estament kral'a sfdc, p. 9. 14. Z l'udu - za l'ud (From the People ,vhiting, Ind., 1956) , 67 pages. 15. Z l'udu - For the People, za l'ud, p. 12. 16. Dejiny srdca (Story of a Heart, Middletown, Pa., 1964), 39 pages. 17. Dejiny srdca, p. 11. 18. Dejiny srdca, p . 39. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA as a Christian and democratic organization, is resolutely against the domination and exploitation of the Slovak nation by any other nation or political state; the Slovaks did not want to be ruled over by the Magyars and, today, do not want to be subservient to the Czech nation.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Poet in Exile Description An account of the resource Msgr. M. K. Mlynarovič celebrates his 80th birthday on October 11, 1967 F. Vnuk Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 144-152 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Vnuk, František, 1926- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/8255f67ae9326bbaccfa1149b4eb8341.pdf 5dd7297cebc2e0a57e099b2be6b7a886 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 137 PETER V. ROVNIANEK (1867-1967) He sat in his room at St. Mary's College in Cleveland, Ohio, and looked upon groups of seminarians who were out for a bit of relaxation. Spring quickened the air. It was the spring of 1889 and memories thronged upon him, and prospects and promise burned in his soul. But problems lay heavy upon his heart. It is likely that you have never heard of him although he had been a striking personality and a powerful leader of men in his day. He was Peter Victor Rovnianek. God blessed him with many gifts: a mind that was keener than average, a strong body and distinguished appearance, noble idealism and energetic force, unusual qualities for leadership and organization, and apparently a vocation to the priesthood. He was born in Dolny Hricov, Trencin County, Slovakia, on June 27, 1867 and had come to America on September 5, 1888, one of many hopeful immigrants brought tram the port of Bremen, Germany, on the ship Adler (Eagle). Here he hoped to find freedom to assert his Slovak nationalism, the opportunity to complete his priestly studies without oppression or political interference, and a pastorate among Slovak immigrants. All this he wished to do, vibrant with patriotism and fortified by the religious training of a good Catholic mother and father. He seemed to be filled with eagerness almost beyond control. "Studying your lecture notes?" It was his friend Vaclav Panuska who addressed him. "Don't need to," Peter answered. "I've studied most of this before I reached America, so it comes easily. Besides, I think I've completed the prescribed studies." He had been terribly lonely in this new country but he had gradually adjusted himself. "You're gifted anyway," commented Vaclav with admiration. He knew of Peter's brilliant achievements in Europe, of his prizes for scholarship and writing and pub- �138 SLOVAKIA lie speaking. "Then what do you do with all your spare time?" Vaclav asked. "O, I follow the schedule of prayers and meditations, and then the rest of the time is for something like this," answered Peter as he pointed to his much loved collection of Slovak books. "I read, I think, and I write." Vaclav Panuska noticed that among the Slovak books there were other volumes, works by Dostojevsky, Lermontov, Turgenev, and Tolstoj. He may have commented that French writers were missing on the shelves, for Peter observed that he had studied French literature but considered it frivolous. Neither did he care for German literary influence because he found it materialistic in comparison with Slav culture. The Slavs respect the soul. He had long cultivated a taste for foreign writers and he was fond of translating stories from his favorite works. Often he sent translations out for newspaper publication, using the pen name of Rovinov. In this capacity of free lance writer he gradually became associated with several Catholic newspapers as well as with the non-sectarian Ndrodne Noviny abroad. In America he had made close connections with Novd Vlast' of Streator, Illinois, and even closer bonds with the Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Noviny founded by Julius Wolf and Janko Slovensky in Pittsburgh. Just at this moment Wolf and Slovensky were pleading with him for the benefit of his talents. For a moment Peter's racing thoughts turned to the past and he recalled that in the course of time he had, as Rovinov, varied the tone of his writings. His first contributions had been entertaining stories. Later he wrote essays of various sorts, then instructive and religious articles. As time went on, however, he became more and more carried away by nationalism. The spirit of freedom that America offered to all comers inspired him to work with unbounded energies in behalf of his countrymen living here in a land of opportunity. Now he began to envision the founding of a National Slovak Society in America and he planned to urge vehe- �SLOVAKIA 139 mently that all creeds and classes of Slovaks should belong to this organization. It seemed to be such a wonderful enterprise and so necessary. His pen and all his gifts he would dedicate to this cause. He had great dreams and great energies, and he was in a land where no laws hindered their fulfillment. In his homeland he had suffered severe penalties for his devotion to Slovak interests. In spite of all, however, he had refused to renounce his Slovak language or to deny his nationality. Magyar students had mocked him and his professors openly showed their disfavor of his Slovak loyalty though they had to credit his brilliance and his scholastic achievements. While he was a student at the theological seminary in Budapest all this ferment mounted to a climax. Now in Cleveland he remembered distinctly how he had learned about the active literary club which an earlier generation of Slovak students had cultivated at this same Budapest seminary. He recalled how he had discovered a locked room in the library. He knew that it was the room where the Slovak books of this society were stored because the Magyar authorities had suppressed the organization and had put its library under ban. He was determined to reach that forbidden collection and to feast his spirit upon it. It was still exciting for him to recall how he had ingratiated himself with the seminary librarian who was a Czech; how he had won his sympathies and confidence and finally held in his hand the coveted key to that book treasure. A trusted ally was with him-Andrew Bielek. Secretly they explored this proscribed territory; very cautiously they ventured there once, twice, oftener. The risk was great but they felt that the rewards were greater. Here they had access to a wonderland of unparalleled beauty expressed in Slovak prose and poetry. Gradually they grew bolder, bold enough to hide some of these books under their coats, to smuggle them out on loan to their own rooms and to revel in the reading there. With utmost care they would lock these books into their trunks after the reading because it was a serious offense �140 SLOVAKIA to read Slovak books or to have them in one's possession here. Over two hundred Slovak students had been expelled from Hungarian schools for this reason, and the Magyar government would not allow the Slovaks to have any schools of their own. It was a case of obey the law, renege your Slovak loyalties, or else. Of course, the inevitable happened to Rovnianek and his colleagues. They were suspected; they were watched; they were reported. There followed an investigation of their rooms by the authorities and when the locks were wrenched off their trunks for an offcial searching, the contraband books were found and confiscated. Expulsion followed because this transgression was considered unpardonable . This was the sequence of events that had really made Rovnianek leave his homeland. He continued his studies in Austria where there was more freedom but finally the lure of America was irresistible and here he was. In this spring of 1889, Peter was about ready for ordination but his bishop felt that he was too young for the sacred oils and the aspiring seminarian himself realized that it was so. The impatience of youth, however, prompted him to wait no longer. He toyed with the idea that he would rather return to Europe than wait longer in an American seminary. Should he really do that? He sensed that the attraction for returning home grew upon him steadily. This was the problem with which he was troubled as he looked out upon the seminarians on the grounds of St. Mary's College as we opened our account. How did he decide? Did he leave or did he stay? No one interfered with his free choice. There was urgent need for priests among the Slovak people of America but no one would induce Peter to stay against his own will. He battled in spirit. All his life of twenty-two years he had been looking forward to the priesthood and preparing for it. By his own free choice he did not become a priest. Nor did he return to Europe as he had planned. On June 28, 1889, he left Cleveland and his life's dreams to follow the call of ambition through a journalistic career. He had the �SLOVAKIA 141 capacities for leadership and he had a gifted and prolific pen. He easily set himself to become the teacher of thousands. He had many inborn virtues and ideal home training yet he did not attain the renown or the nobility for which he seemed to have been destined. He worked tirelesly and persistently but perhaps he was under some undesirable influence or in unwholesome surroundings which warped his natural goodness or stilled the workings of God's grace within him. It is pathetic to read in his memoirs that when he left Pittsburgh on July 26, 1911, after twenty-three years of uninterrupted labors in behalf of nationalism, he was not only far poorer in material goods than he had been when he first entered that Pittsburgh newspaper office but he was also woefully impoverished in spiritual assets. We are not to conclude, however, that his whole life and efforts were just wasted. He did attain some of his goals. In the first place, he raised the tone, the literary standards, and the circulation of the Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny, and in 1889 he launched the organization of the N<irodny Slovensky Spolok v Amerike. This was just three months before the Reverend Stephen Furdek founded the Katolicka Slovensk<i Jednota. Peter Rovnianek's ambition was to organize all the Slovaks in America, regardless of creed, for beneficial and national purposes whereas Father Furdek aimed to create a purely Catholic fraternal organization which would in the first place preserve moral and religious ideals and secondarily safeguard Slovak national culture and help Slovak immigrants living in America. Rovnianek did all in his power to gain Father Furdek's support in organizing the N<irodny Spolok, urging that one strongly organized body was the prime necessity but Father Furdek refused to be attracted by gilded values and by proffered honors, and he consistently declined association with Rovnianek's group . Father Furdek's priestly zeal made it a vital duty for him to shepherd the soul of his good people and he was convinced that once their spiritual interests were secure, it would naturally follow that the Slovak spirit in America would be preserved together with Slovakia's heritage, the Catholic faith . Father Furdek gener- �142 SLOVAKIA ously gave Rovnianek credit for his upright aims but he insisted that the things of God must come first. It was Rovnianek's tragic mistake to compromise and to capitalize on the interest of this world even at the cost of spiritual values. Consequently, the Slovak element in America seemed to be drawn into two great camps: Rovnianek's under the national emblem alone and Father Furdek's bearing the cause of nationalism under the symbol of the cross. Many Slovaks were members of both societies but the years eventually bred more or less rivalry between them. Both survived, however, and today Rovnianek's Ndrodny Spolok in America numbers over 30,000 members, Furdek's Katolicka Jednota has a membership of 105,000. Its counterpart for the ladies, the Katolicka zenskd Jednota numbers 103,000 members. Rovnianek at this time became an outstanding Slovak leader in America. He was noticed and honored in political circles. He was also very successful in the business of publication, was much in demand as a lecturer, and he was a capable editor. By 1901 his weekly Gazette had 30,000 subscribers and his Daily had 8,000. He began a literary magazine called Majak (Beacon) which showed great promise but survived only eighteen months. His humorous Rardsek (Puck) fared better. It continued to appear for eighteen years. Success smiled on Rovnianek and he enjoyed prosperity. People had very great confidence in him and entrusted their savings to him. He became a promising banker. If Rovnianek had died with these accomplishments in fraternalism and journalism and business to his credit, we might still look to him with a measure of undisguised admiration. Unfortunately he became involved in major business reverses and financial troubles which took on tragic proportions and affected hundreds of poor and middle class Slovak people. In 1902 he had reached the peak of his fame and he gloried in the fact that he had effected the cooperation of Catholics and atheists and mixed creeds in behalf of a national cause. But he did not reap joy in his accomplishment. Did his ambition reach too far? Did he �SLOVAKIA 143 build on an unworthy foundation? Did he allow his own plans to become perverted? Or was he just victimized? We cannot judge. One after another his banking and business enterprises failed in the hard years around 1908. Then the fickle voices of acclaim that had once hailed him began to shout loud reproach and even hate. Rovnianek tasted of both the ambrosia of glory and the ashes of humiliation. He knew blackmail and fraud, lawsuits and scheming, and in the bitterness of his disillusion and frustration he walked the brink of near-despair as he left Pittsburgh on July 26, 1911, beggared both materially and spiritually. He set out for a secluded place in the open spaces of the West and tried to numb painful memories with hard work in Nevada and in California. From 1911 on, he lived in virtual exile and in 1916 he was even divested of membership of the N <irodny Spolok, the very organization he had founded. He did not regain recognition in his lifetime. He died on November 16, 1933, at Hornitos in California. He is buried in the Bohemian National Cemetery in Chicago. Sister M. Martina, SS.CM. SOURCES: Peter V. Rovnianek, Zapisky za ziva pochovaneho . Kon~tantin Culen, Slovaci v Amerike. Narodny Kalendar, 1935. Dr. Jozef Pauco, 75 rokoi, Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty. Vincent Bolecek, Peter V . Rovnianek. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate manuals and brochures in Slovak and English. � SLOVAKIA 137 PETER V. ROVNIANEK (1867-1967) He sat in his room at St. Mary's College in Cleveland, Ohio, and looked upon groups of seminarians who were out for a bit of relaxation. Spring quickened the air. It was the spring of 1889 and memories thronged upon him, and prospects and promise burned in his soul. But problems lay heavy upon his heart. It is likely that you have never heard of him although he had been a striking personality and a powerful leader of men in his day. He was Peter Victor Rovnianek. God blessed him with many gifts: a mind that was keener than average, a strong body and distinguished appearance, noble idealism and energetic force, unusual qualities for leadership and organization, and apparently a vocation to the priesthood. He was born in Dolny Hricov, Trencin County, Slovakia, on June 27, 1867 and had come to America on September 5, 1888, one of many hopeful immigrants brought tram the port of Bremen, Germany, on the ship Adler (Eagle). Here he hoped to find freedom to assert his Slovak nationalism, the opportunity to complete his priestly studies without oppression or political interference, and a pastorate among Slovak immigrants. All this he wished to do, vibrant with patriotism and fortified by the religious training of a good Catholic mother and father. He seemed to be filled with eagerness almost beyond control. "Studying your lecture notes?" It was his friend Vaclav Panuska who addressed him. "Don't need to," Peter answered. "I've studied most of this before I reached America, so it comes easily. Besides, I think I've completed the prescribed studies." He had been terribly lonely in this new country but he had gradually adjusted himself. "You're gifted anyway," commented Vaclav with admiration. He knew of Peter's brilliant achievements in Europe, of his prizes for scholarship and writing and pub- �138 SLOVAKIA lie speaking. "Then what do you do with all your spare time?" Vaclav asked. "O, I follow the schedule of prayers and meditations, and then the rest of the time is for something like this," answered Peter as he pointed to his much loved collection of Slovak books. "I read, I think, and I write." Vaclav Panuska noticed that among the Slovak books there were other volumes, works by Dostojevsky, Lermontov, Turgenev, and Tolstoj. He may have commented that French writers were missing on the shelves, for Peter observed that he had studied French literature but considered it frivolous. Neither did he care for German literary influence because he found it materialistic in comparison with Slav culture. The Slavs respect the soul. He had long cultivated a taste for foreign writers and he was fond of translating stories from his favorite works. Often he sent translations out for newspaper publication, using the pen name of Rovinov. In this capacity of free lance writer he gradually became associated with several Catholic newspapers as well as with the non-sectarian Ndrodne Noviny abroad. In America he had made close connections with Novd Vlast' of Streator, Illinois, and even closer bonds with the Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Noviny founded by Julius Wolf and Janko Slovensky in Pittsburgh. Just at this moment Wolf and Slovensky were pleading with him for the benefit of his talents. For a moment Peter's racing thoughts turned to the past and he recalled that in the course of time he had, as Rovinov, varied the tone of his writings. His first contributions had been entertaining stories. Later he wrote essays of various sorts, then instructive and religious articles. As time went on, however, he became more and more carried away by nationalism. The spirit of freedom that America offered to all comers inspired him to work with unbounded energies in behalf of his countrymen living here in a land of opportunity. Now he began to envision the founding of a National Slovak Society in America and he planned to urge vehe- �SLOVAKIA 139 mently that all creeds and classes of Slovaks should belong to this organization. It seemed to be such a wonderful enterprise and so necessary. His pen and all his gifts he would dedicate to this cause. He had great dreams and great energies, and he was in a land where no laws hindered their fulfillment. In his homeland he had suffered severe penalties for his devotion to Slovak interests. In spite of all, however, he had refused to renounce his Slovak language or to deny his nationality. Magyar students had mocked him and his professors openly showed their disfavor of his Slovak loyalty though they had to credit his brilliance and his scholastic achievements. While he was a student at the theological seminary in Budapest all this ferment mounted to a climax. Now in Cleveland he remembered distinctly how he had learned about the active literary club which an earlier generation of Slovak students had cultivated at this same Budapest seminary. He recalled how he had discovered a locked room in the library. He knew that it was the room where the Slovak books of this society were stored because the Magyar authorities had suppressed the organization and had put its library under ban. He was determined to reach that forbidden collection and to feast his spirit upon it. It was still exciting for him to recall how he had ingratiated himself with the seminary librarian who was a Czech; how he had won his sympathies and confidence and finally held in his hand the coveted key to that book treasure. A trusted ally was with him-Andrew Bielek. Secretly they explored this proscribed territory; very cautiously they ventured there once, twice, oftener. The risk was great but they felt that the rewards were greater. Here they had access to a wonderland of unparalleled beauty expressed in Slovak prose and poetry. Gradually they grew bolder, bold enough to hide some of these books under their coats, to smuggle them out on loan to their own rooms and to revel in the reading there. With utmost care they would lock these books into their trunks after the reading because it was a serious offense �140 SLOVAKIA to read Slovak books or to have them in one's possession here. Over two hundred Slovak students had been expelled from Hungarian schools for this reason, and the Magyar government would not allow the Slovaks to have any schools of their own. It was a case of obey the law, renege your Slovak loyalties, or else. Of course, the inevitable happened to Rovnianek and his colleagues. They were suspected; they were watched; they were reported. There followed an investigation of their rooms by the authorities and when the locks were wrenched off their trunks for an offcial searching, the contraband books were found and confiscated. Expulsion followed because this transgression was considered unpardonable . This was the sequence of events that had really made Rovnianek leave his homeland. He continued his studies in Austria where there was more freedom but finally the lure of America was irresistible and here he was. In this spring of 1889, Peter was about ready for ordination but his bishop felt that he was too young for the sacred oils and the aspiring seminarian himself realized that it was so. The impatience of youth, however, prompted him to wait no longer. He toyed with the idea that he would rather return to Europe than wait longer in an American seminary. Should he really do that? He sensed that the attraction for returning home grew upon him steadily. This was the problem with which he was troubled as he looked out upon the seminarians on the grounds of St. Mary's College as we opened our account. How did he decide? Did he leave or did he stay? No one interfered with his free choice. There was urgent need for priests among the Slovak people of America but no one would induce Peter to stay against his own will. He battled in spirit. All his life of twenty-two years he had been looking forward to the priesthood and preparing for it. By his own free choice he did not become a priest. Nor did he return to Europe as he had planned. On June 28, 1889, he left Cleveland and his life's dreams to follow the call of ambition through a journalistic career. He had the �SLOVAKIA 141 capacities for leadership and he had a gifted and prolific pen. He easily set himself to become the teacher of thousands. He had many inborn virtues and ideal home training yet he did not attain the renown or the nobility for which he seemed to have been destined. He worked tirelesly and persistently but perhaps he was under some undesirable influence or in unwholesome surroundings which warped his natural goodness or stilled the workings of God's grace within him. It is pathetic to read in his memoirs that when he left Pittsburgh on July 26, 1911, after twenty-three years of uninterrupted labors in behalf of nationalism, he was not only far poorer in material goods than he had been when he first entered that Pittsburgh newspaper office but he was also woefully impoverished in spiritual assets. We are not to conclude, however, that his whole life and efforts were just wasted. He did attain some of his goals. In the first place, he raised the tone, the literary standards, and the circulation of the Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny, and in 1889 he launched the organization of the N<irodny Slovensky Spolok v Amerike. This was just three months before the Reverend Stephen Furdek founded the Katolicka Slovensk<i Jednota. Peter Rovnianek's ambition was to organize all the Slovaks in America, regardless of creed, for beneficial and national purposes whereas Father Furdek aimed to create a purely Catholic fraternal organization which would in the first place preserve moral and religious ideals and secondarily safeguard Slovak national culture and help Slovak immigrants living in America. Rovnianek did all in his power to gain Father Furdek's support in organizing the N<irodny Spolok, urging that one strongly organized body was the prime necessity but Father Furdek refused to be attracted by gilded values and by proffered honors, and he consistently declined association with Rovnianek's group . Father Furdek's priestly zeal made it a vital duty for him to shepherd the soul of his good people and he was convinced that once their spiritual interests were secure, it would naturally follow that the Slovak spirit in America would be preserved together with Slovakia's heritage, the Catholic faith . Father Furdek gener- �142 SLOVAKIA ously gave Rovnianek credit for his upright aims but he insisted that the things of God must come first. It was Rovnianek's tragic mistake to compromise and to capitalize on the interest of this world even at the cost of spiritual values. Consequently, the Slovak element in America seemed to be drawn into two great camps: Rovnianek's under the national emblem alone and Father Furdek's bearing the cause of nationalism under the symbol of the cross. Many Slovaks were members of both societies but the years eventually bred more or less rivalry between them. Both survived, however, and today Rovnianek's Ndrodny Spolok in America numbers over 30,000 members, Furdek's Katolicka Jednota has a membership of 105,000. Its counterpart for the ladies, the Katolicka zenskd Jednota numbers 103,000 members. Rovnianek at this time became an outstanding Slovak leader in America. He was noticed and honored in political circles. He was also very successful in the business of publication, was much in demand as a lecturer, and he was a capable editor. By 1901 his weekly Gazette had 30,000 subscribers and his Daily had 8,000. He began a literary magazine called Majak (Beacon) which showed great promise but survived only eighteen months. His humorous Rardsek (Puck) fared better. It continued to appear for eighteen years. Success smiled on Rovnianek and he enjoyed prosperity. People had very great confidence in him and entrusted their savings to him. He became a promising banker. If Rovnianek had died with these accomplishments in fraternalism and journalism and business to his credit, we might still look to him with a measure of undisguised admiration. Unfortunately he became involved in major business reverses and financial troubles which took on tragic proportions and affected hundreds of poor and middle class Slovak people. In 1902 he had reached the peak of his fame and he gloried in the fact that he had effected the cooperation of Catholics and atheists and mixed creeds in behalf of a national cause. But he did not reap joy in his accomplishment. Did his ambition reach too far? Did he �SLOVAKIA 143 build on an unworthy foundation? Did he allow his own plans to become perverted? Or was he just victimized? We cannot judge. One after another his banking and business enterprises failed in the hard years around 1908. Then the fickle voices of acclaim that had once hailed him began to shout loud reproach and even hate. Rovnianek tasted of both the ambrosia of glory and the ashes of humiliation. He knew blackmail and fraud, lawsuits and scheming, and in the bitterness of his disillusion and frustration he walked the brink of near-despair as he left Pittsburgh on July 26, 1911, beggared both materially and spiritually. He set out for a secluded place in the open spaces of the West and tried to numb painful memories with hard work in Nevada and in California. From 1911 on, he lived in virtual exile and in 1916 he was even divested of membership of the N <irodny Spolok, the very organization he had founded. He did not regain recognition in his lifetime. He died on November 16, 1933, at Hornitos in California. He is buried in the Bohemian National Cemetery in Chicago. Sister M. Martina, SS.CM. SOURCES: Peter V. Rovnianek, Zapisky za ziva pochovaneho . Kon~tantin Culen, Slovaci v Amerike. Narodny Kalendar, 1935. Dr. Jozef Pauco, 75 rokoi, Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty. Vincent Bolecek, Peter V . Rovnianek. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate manuals and brochures in Slovak and English. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 137 PETER V. ROVNIANEK (1867-1967) He sat in his room at St. Mary's College in Cleveland, Ohio, and looked upon groups of seminarians who were out for a bit of relaxation. Spring quickened the air. It was the spring of 1889 and memories thronged upon him, and prospects and promise burned in his soul. But problems lay heavy upon his heart. It is likely that you have never heard of him although he had been a striking personality and a powerful leader of men in his day. He was Peter Victor Rovnianek. God blessed him with many gifts: a mind that was keener than average, a strong body and distinguished appearance, noble idealism and energetic force, unusual qualities for leadership and organization, and apparently a vocation to the priesthood. He was born in Dolny Hricov, Trencin County, Slovakia, on June 27, 1867 and had come to America on September 5, 1888, one of many hopeful immigrants brought tram the port of Bremen, Germany, on the ship Adler (Eagle). Here he hoped to find freedom to assert his Slovak nationalism, the opportunity to complete his priestly studies without oppression or political interference, and a pastorate among Slovak immigrants. All this he wished to do, vibrant with patriotism and fortified by the religious training of a good Catholic mother and father. He seemed to be filled with eagerness almost beyond control. "Studying your lecture notes?" It was his friend Vaclav Panuska who addressed him. "Don't need to," Peter answered. "I've studied most of this before I reached America, so it comes easily. Besides, I think I've completed the prescribed studies." He had been terribly lonely in this new country but he had gradually adjusted himself. "You're gifted anyway," commented Vaclav with admiration. He knew of Peter's brilliant achievements in Europe, of his prizes for scholarship and writing and pub- 138 SLOVAKIA lie speaking. "Then what do you do with all your spare time?" Vaclav asked. "O, I follow the schedule of prayers and meditations, and then the rest of the time is for something like this," answered Peter as he pointed to his much loved collection of Slovak books. "I read, I think, and I write." Vaclav Panuska noticed that among the Slovak books there were other volumes, works by Dostojevsky, Lermontov, Turgenev, and Tolstoj. He may have commented that French writers were missing on the shelves, for Peter observed that he had studied French literature but considered it frivolous. Neither did he care for German literary influence because he found it materialistic in comparison with Slav culture. The Slavs respect the soul. He had long cultivated a taste for foreign writers and he was fond of translating stories from his favorite works. Often he sent translations out for newspaper publication, using the pen name of Rovinov. In this capacity of free lance writer he gradually became associated with several Catholic newspapers as well as with the non-sectarian Ndrodne Noviny abroad. In America he had made close connections with Novd Vlast' of Streator, Illinois, and even closer bonds with the Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Noviny founded by Julius Wolf and Janko Slovensky in Pittsburgh. Just at this moment Wolf and Slovensky were pleading with him for the benefit of his talents. For a moment Peter's racing thoughts turned to the past and he recalled that in the course of time he had, as Rovinov, varied the tone of his writings. His first contributions had been entertaining stories. Later he wrote essays of various sorts, then instructive and religious articles. As time went on, however, he became more and more carried away by nationalism. The spirit of freedom that America offered to all comers inspired him to work with unbounded energies in behalf of his countrymen living here in a land of opportunity. Now he began to envision the founding of a National Slovak Society in America and he planned to urge vehe- SLOVAKIA 139 mently that all creeds and classes of Slovaks should belong to this organization. It seemed to be such a wonderful enterprise and so necessary. His pen and all his gifts he would dedicate to this cause. He had great dreams and great energies, and he was in a land where no laws hindered their fulfillment. In his homeland he had suffered severe penalties for his devotion to Slovak interests. In spite of all, however, he had refused to renounce his Slovak language or to deny his nationality. Magyar students had mocked him and his professors openly showed their disfavor of his Slovak loyalty though they had to credit his brilliance and his scholastic achievements. While he was a student at the theological seminary in Budapest all this ferment mounted to a climax. Now in Cleveland he remembered distinctly how he had learned about the active literary club which an earlier generation of Slovak students had cultivated at this same Budapest seminary. He recalled how he had discovered a locked room in the library. He knew that it was the room where the Slovak books of this society were stored because the Magyar authorities had suppressed the organization and had put its library under ban. He was determined to reach that forbidden collection and to feast his spirit upon it. It was still exciting for him to recall how he had ingratiated himself with the seminary librarian who was a Czech; how he had won his sympathies and confidence and finally held in his hand the coveted key to that book treasure. A trusted ally was with him-Andrew Bielek. Secretly they explored this proscribed territory; very cautiously they ventured there once, twice, oftener. The risk was great but they felt that the rewards were greater. Here they had access to a wonderland of unparalleled beauty expressed in Slovak prose and poetry. Gradually they grew bolder, bold enough to hide some of these books under their coats, to smuggle them out on loan to their own rooms and to revel in the reading there. With utmost care they would lock these books into their trunks after the reading because it was a serious offense 140 SLOVAKIA to read Slovak books or to have them in one's possession here. Over two hundred Slovak students had been expelled from Hungarian schools for this reason, and the Magyar government would not allow the Slovaks to have any schools of their own. It was a case of obey the law, renege your Slovak loyalties, or else. Of course, the inevitable happened to Rovnianek and his colleagues. They were suspected; they were watched; they were reported. There followed an investigation of their rooms by the authorities and when the locks were wrenched off their trunks for an offcial searching, the contraband books were found and confiscated. Expulsion followed because this transgression was considered unpardonable . This was the sequence of events that had really made Rovnianek leave his homeland. He continued his studies in Austria where there was more freedom but finally the lure of America was irresistible and here he was. In this spring of 1889, Peter was about ready for ordination but his bishop felt that he was too young for the sacred oils and the aspiring seminarian himself realized that it was so. The impatience of youth, however, prompted him to wait no longer. He toyed with the idea that he would rather return to Europe than wait longer in an American seminary. Should he really do that? He sensed that the attraction for returning home grew upon him steadily. This was the problem with which he was troubled as he looked out upon the seminarians on the grounds of St. Mary's College as we opened our account. How did he decide? Did he leave or did he stay? No one interfered with his free choice. There was urgent need for priests among the Slovak people of America but no one would induce Peter to stay against his own will. He battled in spirit. All his life of twenty-two years he had been looking forward to the priesthood and preparing for it. By his own free choice he did not become a priest. Nor did he return to Europe as he had planned. On June 28, 1889, he left Cleveland and his life's dreams to follow the call of ambition through a journalistic career. He had the SLOVAKIA 141 capacities for leadership and he had a gifted and prolific pen. He easily set himself to become the teacher of thousands. He had many inborn virtues and ideal home training yet he did not attain the renown or the nobility for which he seemed to have been destined. He worked tirelesly and persistently but perhaps he was under some undesirable influence or in unwholesome surroundings which warped his natural goodness or stilled the workings of God's grace within him. It is pathetic to read in his memoirs that when he left Pittsburgh on July 26, 1911, after twenty-three years of uninterrupted labors in behalf of nationalism, he was not only far poorer in material goods than he had been when he first entered that Pittsburgh newspaper office but he was also woefully impoverished in spiritual assets. We are not to conclude, however, that his whole life and efforts were just wasted. He did attain some of his goals. In the first place, he raised the tone, the literary standards, and the circulation of the Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny, and in 1889 he launched the organization of the N<irodny Slovensky Spolok v Amerike. This was just three months before the Reverend Stephen Furdek founded the Katolicka Slovensk<i Jednota. Peter Rovnianek's ambition was to organize all the Slovaks in America, regardless of creed, for beneficial and national purposes whereas Father Furdek aimed to create a purely Catholic fraternal organization which would in the first place preserve moral and religious ideals and secondarily safeguard Slovak national culture and help Slovak immigrants living in America. Rovnianek did all in his power to gain Father Furdek's support in organizing the N<irodny Spolok, urging that one strongly organized body was the prime necessity but Father Furdek refused to be attracted by gilded values and by proffered honors, and he consistently declined association with Rovnianek's group . Father Furdek's priestly zeal made it a vital duty for him to shepherd the soul of his good people and he was convinced that once their spiritual interests were secure, it would naturally follow that the Slovak spirit in America would be preserved together with Slovakia's heritage, the Catholic faith . Father Furdek gener- 142 SLOVAKIA ously gave Rovnianek credit for his upright aims but he insisted that the things of God must come first. It was Rovnianek's tragic mistake to compromise and to capitalize on the interest of this world even at the cost of spiritual values. Consequently, the Slovak element in America seemed to be drawn into two great camps: Rovnianek's under the national emblem alone and Father Furdek's bearing the cause of nationalism under the symbol of the cross. Many Slovaks were members of both societies but the years eventually bred more or less rivalry between them. Both survived, however, and today Rovnianek's Ndrodny Spolok in America numbers over 30,000 members, Furdek's Katolicka Jednota has a membership of 105,000. Its counterpart for the ladies, the Katolicka zenskd Jednota numbers 103,000 members. Rovnianek at this time became an outstanding Slovak leader in America. He was noticed and honored in political circles. He was also very successful in the business of publication, was much in demand as a lecturer, and he was a capable editor. By 1901 his weekly Gazette had 30,000 subscribers and his Daily had 8,000. He began a literary magazine called Majak (Beacon) which showed great promise but survived only eighteen months. His humorous Rardsek (Puck) fared better. It continued to appear for eighteen years. Success smiled on Rovnianek and he enjoyed prosperity. People had very great confidence in him and entrusted their savings to him. He became a promising banker. If Rovnianek had died with these accomplishments in fraternalism and journalism and business to his credit, we might still look to him with a measure of undisguised admiration. Unfortunately he became involved in major business reverses and financial troubles which took on tragic proportions and affected hundreds of poor and middle class Slovak people. In 1902 he had reached the peak of his fame and he gloried in the fact that he had effected the cooperation of Catholics and atheists and mixed creeds in behalf of a national cause. But he did not reap joy in his accomplishment. Did his ambition reach too far? Did he SLOVAKIA 143 build on an unworthy foundation? Did he allow his own plans to become perverted? Or was he just victimized? We cannot judge. One after another his banking and business enterprises failed in the hard years around 1908. Then the fickle voices of acclaim that had once hailed him began to shout loud reproach and even hate. Rovnianek tasted of both the ambrosia of glory and the ashes of humiliation. He knew blackmail and fraud, lawsuits and scheming, and in the bitterness of his disillusion and frustration he walked the brink of near-despair as he left Pittsburgh on July 26, 1911, beggared both materially and spiritually. He set out for a secluded place in the open spaces of the West and tried to numb painful memories with hard work in Nevada and in California. From 1911 on, he lived in virtual exile and in 1916 he was even divested of membership of the N <irodny Spolok, the very organization he had founded. He did not regain recognition in his lifetime. He died on November 16, 1933, at Hornitos in California. He is buried in the Bohemian National Cemetery in Chicago. Sister M. Martina, SS.CM. SOURCES: Peter V. Rovnianek, Zapisky za ziva pochovaneho . Kon~tantin Culen, Slovaci v Amerike. Narodny Kalendar, 1935. Dr. Jozef Pauco, 75 rokoi, Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty. Vincent Bolecek, Peter V . Rovnianek. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate manuals and brochures in Slovak and English.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Peter V. Rovnianek (1867-1967) Description An account of the resource Sister M. Martina, SS.C.M. Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 137-143 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Tybor, Sister M. Martina, SS.C.M. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/464320d721fd4e1726f6e1a34dd49137.pdf 8726645fda2d11f5c3fd66e29386b1ec PDF Text Text 104 SLOVAKIA UNDER DYNAMIC LEADERSHI P Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. The activity of the Slovak League of America in its 40th year centered around Slovakia and the person of the president of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso. President Peter Jurcak, in his report to the League's 29th congress on October 20, 1947 in Cleveland, Ohio, disclosed that the Slovak League of America had sent "more than 40,000 letters to official circles, congressmen and senators, to all the delegates to the United Nations, and to leading personalities in the United States, underlining its anti-Communist policies, and placing particular stress on the trend of events in the land of our forefathers." 1 The League had undertaken this action because "just one year past, American official circles and the press had been speaking of some sort of Czecho-Slova k bridge. The assumption was fostered that this bridge would entice the Soviet bear into Western Europe, and that once there he would be transformed into a lamb. There existed a wide-spread belief in the possibility of such a miracle. Generally overlooked was the fact that this bridge was occupied by the Soviet army, which would blow it to smithereens, the moment it lost its prerogative to control traffic, and thus abruptly bring to a halt any such 'monkey business'." Jurcak's report sheds light on the attitude of the Slovak League of America towards the president of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso, at that most critical moment. Before the verdict of the "People's Court" in Bratislava was given "we sent more than 20,000 letters", states Jurcak, " to every imaginable recipient, from the smallest fraternal branch to the President of the United States." Jurcak as president of the Slovak League made eight trips to Washington to raise his voice in the cause of saving Dr. Tiso. The Slovak League published a distinguished brochure in defense of Dr. Tiso titled The Truth about Slovakia.2 This action demonstrated the love of American Slovaks for the nation of their origin, and their devotion to the personality of Dr. Joseph Tiso. American Slovaks under the leadership of the League appealed to the Amer- �SLOVAKIA 105 ican Government to save the live of Dr. Joseph Tiso. They defended the policies of the president of the Slovak Republic, and pointed out that his case was not merely an internal matter of the "pertinent country", but that all Slovaks must work towards its just disposition, and that America might demonstrate by saving Tiso's life how committed she is to the strengthening of democratic infuences in a country which contains some of our most devoted allies in the current conflict between the USSR and the Western Democracies. The Slovak League distributed the brochure The Truth about Slovakia to all senators, congressmen, to all the delegates to the United Nations, and to many newspapers. In addition to this the League prepared a special appeal to the President of the United States, which was sent for signing to all its branches and to all its affiliated organizations and church parishes. In the appeal American Slovaks protested the cynical trial of Dr. Tiso and preparations for his execution, and they urged President Truman to intercede in the matter with the Prague government. This appeal evoked a huge response among American Slovaks. Indeed, it was signed by many non-Slovaks. At the behest of the First Catholic Slovak Women's Union, presented in the form of a motion at its annual meeting, the Slovak League called a conference of all American-Slovak organizations in Washington, D.C., placing at the top of the agenda the goal of obtaining an audience with President Truman. This conference was attended by representatives of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, and the Women's Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union. President Truman sent a representative of the State Department to the Conference. Peter P. Jurcak in his report to the 29th congress noted: "We did not suceed in saving the life of the president of the Slovak State, but at least we acquainted the American public, more than ever before in the history of the Slovak League, with the Slovak nation and the Slovak question. Many congressmen became our friends; the fate of the Slovak hero so touched them that they expressed their convictions about this unpleasant affair publicly in �106 SLOVAKIA the forum of the United States Congress and thus before the whole world." In particular, the speeches of Congressmen Madden and O'Konski received wide publicity. Peter P. Jurcak was convinced that Dr. Joseph Tiso "would receive from history quite a different verdict from that of his present judges. When future generation s, particularly in America, compare his conduct with the voluntary embracem ent of Communis m by those who convicted him-whom do you think they will consider the greater enemy of American democracy ? Considerab le time may yet pass, but eventually the outside world will come to the realization that had Tiso voluntarily turned over Slovakia to the Communis ts, he might have preserved the Slovak state, and his life to boot." The 29th congress of the Slovak League of America adopted the viewpoint of Peter Jurcak, and in a policy statement added: The Czecho-Slovak government in Prague has committed (April 18, 1947) the gravest kind of injustice in .t he hanging of Monsignore Joseph Tiso, an exemplary priest, a staunch Slovak patriot, and wartime president of the Slovak Republic. This act defies the will of the entire Slovak nation and inflicts a most damaging blow to Czech Slovak relations. We are convinced that this is a case of the most arbitrary parody of justice, and we cannot but decisively condemn Dr. Eduard Benes and his government. This declaration expresses the anti-Comm unist sentiments of the Slovak League, and brings witness to the historic reality that "the Slovak Republic was destroyed by a self-appoin ted Communis t political regime and by brute military force-with out consultatio n of the will of the Slovak people", and that the new regime "distinguis hes itself with terror and the totalitarian conquest of a country by a minority which employs any means to impose its rule over Slovakia." Furthermo re the declaration demands free elections in Slovakia, commentin g: We are fully convinced that Czecho-Slovakia is not a democracy in the sense accepted in this country. In the 'people's democracy', as Czecho-Slovakia now styles itself, the government controls all political parties, the press, and the air-waves-a state of affairs which is at obvious odds with the fundamental principles embraced by all democratic governments . The declaration requests that the President and Con- �SLOVAKIA 107 gress of the United States protest the occupation of Slovakia and "the persecution of Slovak ecclesiastical, cultural and political leaders." Peter Jurcak was reelected president of the Slovak League of America, and John Kocur secretary. Shortly after the congress Jurcak sent a telegram to President Truman, in the name of the League, stating: To say nothing about what is happening in Slovakia today is but another form o:fl appeasement which will make the eventual liberation of the countries of Central Europe more difficult and more costly to the United States and will leave these people without hope.a The Slovak League also turned its attention to the problem of the expatriation of the Slovak nationals to the Sudetenland. According to a news release appearing in cas, the official administration newspaper in Bratislava, February 5, 1947 issue, 200,000 Slovaks had already been moved to the Sudetenland as of that date. On February 24, 1947 the Slovak League (Jurcak and Kocur) sent a petition to the President of the United States which read: We specifically appeal with reference to the proposed expatriation of several hundred thousand Slovaks from their homeland to the Sudetenland in Czecho-Slovakia. There is reason to believe that this is another effort to dismember this small nation and defeat permanently any effort at independence by the Slovak people.4 On March 29, 1947 Joseph Rusek, a past president of the Slovak League and an outstanding Slovak newspaperman, died in Palmyra, Pennsylvania. Husek's name is closely associated with almost half a century's activity among American Slovaks. As editor of the weekly Jednota he stood in the front ranks as a defender of Slovak national individuality he had few peers in America. He was one of the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, and remained and unswerving proponent of its letter and spirit. Not a single question affecting Slovak welfare either in America or the old country escaped his attention in the columns of his newspaper; his analyses covered a broad spectrum of problems - social, economic, cultural and national. The uniqueness of Husek's journalistic contributions lay in his penetrating criticism. Joseph Rusek was without doubt one of the greatest Slovak newsmen of his time, or any time. To promote interest in the plight of Slovakia the �108 SLOVAKIA League opened a campaign, headed by the Rev. John J . Lach of Whiting, Indiana, for distribution of Freedom for Slovakia stamps. The profit was to be channeled into a Fund for Slovak Freedom, established to support efforts for the liberation of the Slovak nation and the organization of a democratic government in a hoped-for independent Slovak state. In addition the League's attention was taken by the bitter fate of Slovak exiles, who were not recognized by the Western powers as refugees and who therefore failed to meet eligibility requirements for legal and material assistence in resettlement. A change was achieved through the efforts of the Slovak League, which through the intervention of its president Peter Jurcak engaged the favorable attention of the International Refugee Organization, and saw its representative, Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, received in the European headquarters of IRO in Geneva. As a result the IRO took the Slovak exile community under its protective wing. The League held a special meeting on this matter in Washington, D.C. on January 19 and 20, 1948, and committees visited American congressmen and administrative officials to work towards solution of this problem. On the 13th of July, 1948, in Springdale, Pennsylvania, John Kocur, long-time secretary of the Slovak League, died at the age of 61. The historian Dr. Francis Hrusovsky wrote of him: John A. Kocu r , in his uprightness of• char acter , his firmness of conviction, and his deep love of the Slovak nation, was a beautiful exemplification of the perfect American of Slovak extraction, who t hrough his tireless labor cultivated a deep furrow in Slovak life in America and earned an honorable niche in the history of his nation.s On December 20, 1948, in Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, Peter P . Jurcak, attorney and president of the Slovak League, died at the age of only 48 years. With Peter Jurcak had begun a new era in the Slovak League of America-an era of dynamic workers, born in America, to be sure, but in their love for Slovakia holding steadily to the ideals of the founders and promoters of the League. Jurcak was the first president of the Slovak League who through English books and memoranda, as well as personal contacts, worked mightily to persuade American political and cultural workers to recognize the individuality and cultural �SLOVAKIA 109 distinctiveness of the Slovak nation. His activity in the Slovak League of America falls into the }lectic post-war years. He proved himself an aggressive and resourceful leader, such as was sorely needed by the Slovak League and the Slovak cause in general. During the 30th congress of the Slovak League of America on March 1 and 2, 1949 in Chicago, the delegates expressed their opposition to any form of Czecho-Slovakia, and by resolution took a stand on the Communist putsch there in February 1948: The Slovak nation by no means condones the aggressive tactics of the Communist party, but on the contrary, demanding respect for the convictions and will of the overwhelming majority, most resolutely condemns these tactics, and awaits only the opportunity to cast off this government by terror and violence.6 The congress also took a stand with respect to the new currents that appeared in the Slovak and Czech exile communities. It recognized the Slovak National Council Abroad, with Karol Sidor at the helm, as the leader in the fight for the independence of Slovakia.On the other hand "the Slovak League extends no recognition whatsoever to the Council of Free Czecho-Slovakia", wrote the new president of the League, Paul Jamriska; "it does not concede any right to the Czechs to meddle in the fate of Slovakia, and it considers those 'Czecho-Slovaks' who support the afore-mentioned organization enemies of their own nation." 7 The new vice-president of the Slovak League, Phillip A. Hrobak, began to publish in January 1949 a monthly Slovak Newsletter, dedicated to the defense of Slovak interests and the informing of American public opinion. The first issues of this periodical were devoted largely to countering the claims and theses of the Council of Free CzechoSlovakia, about which organization a leading American journal ( America) wrote: The leaders of the newly formed Council are Marxists - can Bolshevism be defeated by its own ideas? They are free thinkers and opponents of any religious instruction. What cultural ideas will they give to the unhappy Slovak people? They will have to rule in Slovakia by sheer force - could that be called democracy?B The Slovak League gained extraordinary recognition on June 26, 1949 in the House of Representatives, when the �110 SLOVAKIA Un-American Activities Committee issued a Report on the American Slav CO?uJress and Associated Organizations. This official report Cit_es the opposition of the Slovak League of America to the American Slav Congress. A whole passage is quoted from the declaration issued by the League's 29th congress, and in conclusion the Report remarks that the Slovak League and its affiliated organizations "are on record as opposed to Communist rule and as supporting 'present American foreign policy'." On the other hand this same repor~ notes that the organizations defending the idea of Czecho-Slovak unity were a mainstay of the American Slav Congress, and against them stood "the opposition of the American-Slovak League." Further the Report states : ... the friendly relations between the Benes government and the Soviet Union insured the cooperation of the bulk of the Czecho-Slovakian organizations, which constituted one of the most dependable elements in the American Slav Congress.9 The 31st congress of the Slovak League of America was held in the city of Cleveland. The delegates issued a manifest on May 24, 1950, in which they state among other things: At the end of World War II the Slovak nation found itself, despite great-power declarations affirming the principle of the self-determination of nations, back in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, in which it had no desire to live, under any condiUons. In the renewed Czecho-Slovak Republic the Slovaks lost all the prerequisites for their free national development, and in this 'people's democracy' they are suffering the unendurable fate of helpless slaves. To this political degradation, economic misery and cultural enslavement has been added religious persecution, which is designed to break the moral strength of the Slovak nation, to destroy its peculiarly Christian character, so eventually a way of life might be forced on it that would obliterate its distinctive temperament, its convictions, its long Christian traditions, and its goals. The Slovak League, in the name of justice and human rights, most resolutely protests this ruthless enslavement of the Slovak nation, and sees in the progressive constriction of the rights of the churches and the disruption of religious life in Slovakia, the rawest form of Communist barbarity.10 The opponents of the movement for independeJt Slovakia continued to bring heavy pressures against the natural leaders of the Slovak nation, even on the soil of the free nations of the world. They attempted to prevent the very visit to America of Karol Sidor, author, journalist, �SLOVAKIA 111 and one-time minister in the Slovak Republic. The strength of the Slovak League, however, rallied to the occasion, and persuaded the State Department to grant a visa to Sidor as a guest of the League. Minister Karol Sidor received a warm welcome from the delegates at the League's 31st congress. Afterwards he visited almost all the Slovak centers in the United States. He made tens of speeches, leaving deep impressions with his listeners, and helping the broad Slovak masses to orient themselves in the welter of influences and events. Phillip A. Hrobak became the new president of the Slovak League of America. In January 1951 he was the first American-Slovak leader to raise his voice against the recent trial and conviction of Slovak bishops by Communist courts in Czecho-Slovakia. He sent a memorandum to the President and Congress of the United States in which he appealed to the Government to protest publicly against these convictions and the religious persecution in Slovakia, and to sever diplomatic relations with the Prague government "which has sinned so grievously against humanity and the fundamental principles of freedom." Lastly, Hrobak requested that the American Government present a resolution to the United Nations demanding an investigation of all the crimes committed against the Slovak nation.11 In April 1951 the Slovak League sent a further memorandum to the President and Congress of the United States, in which it appealed for independence of Slovakia and again underscored its anti-Communist sentiments.12 On May 21, 1951 the delegates to the League's 32nd congress, held in New York City, adopted a declaration condemning Communism and ... the insincere and false peace propaganda which by attractive slogans of world peace is attempting to still the consciences of individual nations, and thus to distract their attention from preparations for aggression and world rule. In Moscow's peace propaganda we are witness to duplicity of such dimensions as has no parallel in history. As citizens of a free and democratic country, which guarantees us not only all rights, but also all the conditions for material welfare and spiritual progress, we construe every aggressive war as criminal, but we see as no less criminal the immoral abuse of peace slogans for military buld-up, which threatens international peace and drives humanity towards a new catastrophe. �112 SLOVAKIA The 32nd congress of the Slovak League was attended by an official representativ e of the State Department in the person of Barstow H. Underwill. Also, the American publicist, Ann Su Cardwell, presented a significant speech to the delegates. A Slovak guest was the author and journalist, general-secre tary of the Slovak National Council Abroad, Peter Pridavok, from London, England. On the occasion of this congress the Slovak League published the first issue of a quarterly called Slovakia, which was edited by its president, Phillip Hrobak. This publication presented historical and topical articles, designed to furnish accurate information about Slovakia to the American political and cultural-scien tific communities. Phillip A. Hrobak was again elected president and Dr. Francis Hrusovsky became secretary for the third time. In early 1952 the Slovak League opened an information office in the nation's capital, Washington, D.C., directed by the former Slovak diplomat Dr. Joseph Mikus. On the 23rd of May 1952 the League held a conference in Washingto, which was attended by representativ es of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the First Catholic Slovak Women's Union, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Women's Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Slovak Catholic Cadet Union, the Federation of Slovak Catholics, and representativ es of the Slovak Press in America. The conference heard addresses by Senator Theodore F. Green and Congressman Charles J. Kersten. The conferees issued a declaration in which the Slovak League and its affiliated organizations reaffirmed the appeals on behalf of Slovakia presented to the U.S. Government in past years. 13 On October 28, 1952, in Monessen, Pennsylvania , died Michael Sincak, former vice-presiden t of the Slovak League and well-known fraternalist. He had been one of the most energetic organizers of Slovak life in America, devoting his efforts with particular affection to Slovak song. He collected several hundred Slovak songs and promoted them enthusiastically . The Slovak public had met his name often on the pages of Slovak newspapers. The 33rd congress of the Slovak League of America �SLOVAKIA 113 was held on the 27th and 28th of April, 1953, in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. In the two preceeding years the League's membership had increased by 2,000, its information office had proved its value, and the work of the League had aroused interest in many quarters. Among other things the League, in these two years, had presented 60 film showings. Many American politicians sent greetings to this congress. Foremost among them was the President of the United States, Dwight D. Eisenhower, who stated in his message: Our nation has been enriched by the contribution to our spiritual and economic welfare by the hundreds of thousands of Slovak people who have emigrated to the United States to find freedom and better livelihood. Experiencing and treasuring our representative democracy, our religious freedom, and our economic prosperity, Americans of Slovak descent naturally look forward eagerly to the day when the homeland of their forefathers may again know these blessings.14 This congress too passed a memorandum addressed to the President and Congress of the United States. Among other things it states: It is only natural that Americans of Slovak descent are vitally interested in the question of the national existence of the nation they are descended from. And since the Slovak nation cannot speak freely for itself, imprisoned as it is behind a forced iron curtain, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the recognition and respect for the fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. Those rights are predicated in the elementary democratic principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally obligated and entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend rights to survival and selffulfillment. The members of the Slovak League of America, including the membership of the organizations actively affiliated with it, are loyal to America because to them America is the ideal - the living symbol of freedom, tolerance and justice. They seek no special favors for the people from which they are descended but only the recognition of and respect for, the inherent and fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. We firmly believe that it is in the highest interests of America and the rest of the free world that the Slovaks be free and have their independent state.1s At the 33rd congress, which again elected Phillip A. Hrobak president, an honored guest was the former Slovak diplomat and active political worker in exile, Matus Cernak, from Munich, Germany. His speeches among American Slovaks provided a strong stimulus to interests in Slovak affairs . • On March 5, 1953, in Scranton, Pennsylvania, died the �114 SLOVAKIA Reverend John Porubsky, first secretary of the Slovak League, author and newspaperman of extraordinary talent. He was 79 years old. For half a century he had filled the columns of Slovak newspapers and almanacs in America, under his own name as well as under several pseudonyms (Sestros, Stary Farmer). John Porubsky was a living Slovak chronicle. He knew the history of the Slovak nation, particularly that of its American off-shoot. He applied himself on the one hand to the earthy problems of animal husbandry and farming, and on the other, to the more elevated fields of history and literature. Slovak literature he enriched with scores of essays and articles, crowning his efforts with a History of Slovak Literature. On October 20, 1953, in Montreal, Canada, died Karol Sidor, who in the Slovak movement for independence, occupies a position only slightly behind Andrej Hlinka and Dr. Joseph Tiso. The range of his interests was wide and varied, including at many points the affairs of American Slovaks. He had contacts with them, recognized their existence and needs; and it was Karol Sidor who first approached the writing of serious American-Slovak history with his work Slovdci v zahranicnom odboji (1928) (The Contributions of Slovaks Abroad to the Struggle for Independence of Slovakia). Sidor had particularly warm relations with the Slovak League of America. Among his personal friends were Phillip A. Hrobak and Dr. Peter P. Hletko. On the 24th and 25th of May, 1954 the Slovak League held another conference in WRshington, D.C. Tens of congressmen came to extend their greetings, as did representatives of various Central-European nationalities and exile groups. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, Vice-President Richard M. Nixon, and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles sent separate messages to the conference. Dulles' statement included the following : Our government is deeply concerned about the plight of the Slovak people and of the other peoples of Central and Eastern Europe under the present Soviet-controlled regimes.16 The conference issued a declaration which touches on a number of topical subjects. It reads in part: We heartily commend all efforts on the part of our Government, �SLOVAKIA 115 its agencies and Congressional Committee to ferret out, unmask and prosecute all subversive elements, specifically all communists and fellow-travellers, which propagate class hatreds, economic strife, chaos and anarchy. All persons and organizations, who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism, should be thoroughly investigated by the proper organs of the Government. Concerning Slovakia the declaration emphasizes: As Christians and adherents of the democratic way of life, we resolutely oppose the domination and exploiitation of any nation by any other nation or political state. The Slovak nation did not want to be dominated by the Magyars prior to 1918 and, today, does not want to be ruled by the Czech nation. We firmly believe that the national existence and the welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own Slovak Republic.17 In the year 1954, thanks to the efforts of Phillip Hrobak, president of the Slovak League, a number of Slovaks testified before committees of the American Congress which were investigating the fate of nations behind the iron curtain. Phillip Hrobak presented testimony in which he reviewed the history of the Slovak nation, with emphasis on its contemporary tribulations. In the Congress a special subcommittee was formed for Poland, Lithuania and Slovakia, and the testimony was printed in a publication titled Investigation of Communist Takeover and Occupation of Poland, Lithuania, and Slovakia. In these hearings American officials received more information about Slovakia and the Slovaks than ever before. The greatest credit for enabling the Slovaks to speak freely before the committee of the American Congress belong to Congressman Charles J. Kersten, Chairman of the Committee, and Congressman Alvin N. Bentley, a member of the Committee. Congressman Bentley was a guest of the Slovak League at its 34th congress, which took place on the 23rd and 24th of May, 1955, in Washington, D.C. In his address he designated as the greatest bane of the Slovak nation the socalled Czech Slovaks. He declared at the same time that the American Government should recognize the demands of the Slovak League of America. Vice-President Nixon spoke for the Administration in a written message to the congress. The 130 delegates approved a memorandum which in substance made the same demands for Slovak rights as had previous memoranda. �116 SLOVAKIA This congress also observed the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of the League's founder, the Reverend Stephen Furdek. On this occasion the Slovak League made a decision to sponsor the publication of a history of Slovakia in the English language. This announcement evoked such enthusiasm among the delegates and guests that they contributed more than $5,000.00 to the treasury of the League for this end. The Slovak League again commemorated the onehundredth anniversary of the birth of its founder in a joint observance with the First Catholic Slovak Union, held in Cleveland, Ohio, on the 4th and 5th of September, 1955. Approximately 10,000 American Slovaks attended the affair. The life and work of the Reverend Furdek were presented by Phillip Hrobak in a booklet titled The Reverend Stephen Furdek. 1855-1955. For Slovak readers a booklet by Joseph Pauco was issued, under the title stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo (Stephen Furdek and the Slovak Immigration). On November 20, 1955, in Lakewood, Ohio, Martin Slimak, a past vice-president of the Slovak League, and otherwise well-known fraternalist and financier, died at the age of 70. He was one of the most colorful figures in American-Slovak life. On July 5, 1955 news spread through the world of the dastardly murder of the outstanding Slovak politician, Matus Cernak. He was assassinated in Munich, Germany. The world press concluded unanimously that the case involved political murder. The culprits were never discovered by the police, but in Slovak circles little doubt exists that they were Communist agents. In 1956 the Slovak League was accorded one of the highest distinctions possible when on October 24th its eight-member delegation was received in audience by Secretary-of-State John F. Dulles. The Secretary entertained the delegates for almost half an hour and answered a whole series of questions which they put to him. At the head of this delegation was Phillip A. Hrobak, president of the League. The Hungarian uprising in 1956 touched off strong reverberations in Slovakia, as it did elsewhere. Reports in �SLOVAKIA 117 the American press spoke of unrest in Slovak towns and a general mood for revolt. But the eruption of rebellious feelings into overt act was effectively forestalled by the Czecho-Slovak army, which was controlled in all key positions by Czech officers. These circumstances and realities were pointed out by the Slovak League and the Slovak National Council Abroad in a joint memorandum to the United Nations. This memorandum presented a detailed description of the mood in Slovakia and reviewed the events had taken place there since 1945. The memorandum also notes the fact that by 1956, 320,000 Slovaks had been resettled in the Sudetenland. "This transfer of Slovak population," states the memorandum, "has much in common with deportations of the Baltic population to Siberia by the Soviets. The main purpose of the Prague Government is to cut people from their native roots and thus weaken the resistance which the compact mass of the Slovak population could exert against both Communism and also Czech domination. Prague obviously figures that the Slovak population, submerged thus by its new Czech environment, will finally lose its original Slovak character and become either entirely Czech, or at least proletarian."18 On May 31, 1956, in Owosso, Michigan, Julius Janci, American-Slovak doctor, member of the executive board of the Slovak League of America, and promoter of Slovak culture in America, died at the age of 51. He was one of the best known figures of Slovak life in the United States. On September 9, 1956 the Slovak League lost its secretary, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky. Death took him at the age of 53. He had plowed a deep furrow in Slovak life--as a national historian, and as an expert in the history and contemporary affairs of the American Slovaks. He was also an outstanding newspaperman and first-rate speaker. His loss was particularly painful for the Slovak League of America. The Abbot of the Monastery of St. Andrew Svorad in Cleveland, Ohio, Right Reverend Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. wrote of this outstanding Slovak: When nine years ago he came to us in Cleveland, it was as if the whole of Slovakia had come to us: with his simple faith in God, �116 SLOVAKIA his broad erudition, his intense desire for freedom and justice, his modesty, his industry, all his beauty of soul, Dr. Hru~ovsky personified the best of Slovak virtue and nobility.1 9 The 50th anniversary of the founding of the Slovak League of America came in the year 1957. The occasion was celebrated in conjunction with the League's 35th congress, which was held in Cleveland on the 26th to the 28th of May. A distinguished guest was the American bishop of Slovak extraction, the Right Reverend Andrew Grutka, D. D., of Gary, Indiana, who stated in an address: The Slovaks are one of the most godfearing of nations: this makes me happy to profess my national origin ; I love my native tongue. 20 During the congress extraordinary attention was aroused by a display featuring the life of the American Slovaks from the days of the pioneers to recent times. The exhibit in pictures, documents, newspapers, carvings, and statistical charts, engaged the interest of the Slovak public, and the American public as well. It was viewed in Benedectine High School by approximately 7,000 Slovaks and non-Slovaks. The local press, radio and television gave it exceptionally good coverage. In the preparation of this exhibit Constantine Culen, author and secretary of the Slovak League, accomplished a most worth-while bit of work. The leading Slovak writer and last director of the free Matica Slovenska, J . C. Hronsky, gave symbolic voice to the sentiments of the humiliated and silenced Slovak nation in anniversary greetings to this congress. "Slovak blood sends you greetings here today," went his salutation from far-off Argentina, "bidding you joy in your deliberations - because you have not betrayed it; because it still flows robustly in your veins; because it remains the same proud blood that has refused to bow in Slovakia, and has so often in the past been tempered to toughness by dungeon and gallow, as it continues to be today; because it refuses to stoop to self-betrayal."21 The delegates to the 35th congress of the Slovak League, who again elected Phillip Hrobak president and Constantine Culen secretary, adopted a memorandum in which they stressed: We rededicate ourselves to the preservation of the basic moral �SLOVAKIA 119 principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, the Con• stitution, and the Bill of Rights of the United States of America . They declared further : .. . on the solemn occasion of our Golden Jubilee, as represen• tatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group, we deem it our moral right and obligation to respectfully request, seek, and, if the need arises, to insist that our Government through its executive branch, in its various sections and divisions, not excluding our able ambassador to the United Nations, take all legitimate avenues of action in keeping with the sacred moral law of God and the law of nations to make certain that a true and lasting independent Slovakia may again take its rightful place in the community of nations which seek to preserve peace and promulgate the brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God.22 The leaders of the Slovak League prepared a special bi-lingual publication for this occasion, in which they reviewed the broad principles of the jubilating organiza. tion.23 The jubilee observance was rounded out by a com• plementary festivity - the first presentation on American soil of the "Andrew Hlinka Cup". The keepers of the cup, with Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum at their head, honored the president of the Slovak League and longtime editor of the newspaper Jednota, Phillip Hrobak, for his many contribu• tions to Slovak life, in particular for his contribution to American Slovaks of "a grammar and dictionary, and because with his aggresive elan, his perseverance and fear• lessness both as a newspaperman and as an organizer, he personifies the finest qualities, such as graced not only Uudovit stur, but also the first recipient of the cup, Andrew Hlinka, and those who came after."24 Phillip Hrobak remained at his post alert to developments on the international scene, and at the same time keeping American administrative circles informed of Slovak interests. He made several trips to Washington in 1958. His appeals and petitions were corroborated by reports in the American press, which wrote with admiration of developments in Slovakia. For instance the New York Times on January 13, 1958 carried a report which read: "The imperialists want to overthrow," announced the Czech communist, general-secretary of the Communist Party in Slovakia, Karel Bacilek, "our people's democracy by using Slovakia as a channel. Bourgeois nationalism is �120 SLOVAKIA allied with Ludakism and finds expression in an outcry against Czechs working in Slovakia." Another American newspaper disclosed: Slovakia, which has been more anti-Communist than some other East European countries, has experienced a new wave of anti-Czech, anti-Russian feeling in the past few months, and with Bulgaria is considered one of the Russian's most restless satellites.25 The League conducted its 36th congress on the 14th and 15th of June 1959 in Johnstown, Pennsylvania. It directed its attention to matters of American-Slovak cultural and civic life, and again declared itself for freedom and independence of Slovakia in the spirit of the address of its honorary president, Msgr. Francis Dubosh, who asserted: Our duty is to persevere in the struggle against Communism and to bolster everywhere the principles of democratic thought, democratic action, and the victory of democracy over dictatorship. This must also be the motivation of all our efforts with respect to the Slovak nation, to which we wish the same kind of freedom that we ourselves enjoy. In the struggle for an independent Slovakia the Slovak League will never, under any circumstances, capitulate. 26 The delegates unanimously reinstated Phillip Hrobak at the helm of the League, and Constantine culen at the post of secretary. In 1959 regional and local assemblies of the League prepared fitting commemorations of the 20th anniversary of the establishment of the Slovak Republic. A year later, through the initiative of Phillip Hrobak, president of the League, for the first time a public prayer for the Slovak nation was invoked on the floor of the American Congress. The March 14, 1960 session of the House of Representatives was opened by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., with the following prayer: Almighty God, heavenly Father, we beseach Thee to continue to bless our leaders so that they may always conscientiously serve the best interest of our nation and its people and thus remain in the favor of Thy Divine Providence. We pray Thee, God of Mercy, to mitigate the sufferings of all enslaved victims of brutal Communism and, in particular, on this solemn occasion of the Twenty-First Anniversary of the Proclamation of Slovak Independence, we implore Thee to grant the same blessings of freedom to the Slovak nation as Thou hast deigned to give us in our United States, so that Slovakia likewise, should have a 'government of the people, by the people, for the people'. �SLOVAKIA 121 Lord, hear our prayers. And let our cries come unto Thee. Amen. 2 7 On May 9, 1960, in Whiting, Indiana, died the Reverend John Lach, a former member of the executive board of the Slovak League, cultural and social worker, particularly well-known as a generous patron of Slovak literary endeavors. "He was known and beloved not only among American Slovaks, but also among the Slovaks beyond the sea. His place was among the outstanding personalities of Slovak national life. He radiated love for his priestly calling, and for the Slovak people, and the Slovak people responded with the kind of love only they can show for the priests they love and for their genuine leaders ... " 28 The 37th congress of the Slovak League took place in the city of New York, on the 29th and 30th of May, 1961. It was conducted in the spirit of the preceeding congresses. The president of the First Catholic Slovak Union, John A. Sabol, described the Slovak League of America on this occasion as the finest heritage left by its founder Stephen Furdek. 29 This congress too, aproved a comprehensive memorandum in which the League expressed its loyalty to the United States and its government, and at the same time renewed its pleas for the liberation of the Slovak nation. In the memorandum are found the following statements: As Americans we sincerely believe that every nation, large and small, has the inherent, God-given right to freedom and independence, the right to its own nationhood and statehood. We believe, too, that liberty cannot be exercised by proxy and that all nations are entitled to a voice in the determination of their own destinies ... It is only natural that Americans of Slovak descent are vitally interested in the question of the national existence of the nation they are descended from. And since the Slovak nation cannot speak freely for itself, imprisoned as it is behind the Iron Curtain, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the recognition of and respect for the fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. These rights are predicated in the elementary democratic principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally obligated and entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend their rights to survival and self-fulfillment.30 Phillip Hrobak was again elected to the post of president of the Slovak League. The preceding five years had witnessed an outbreak �122 SLOVAKIA of considerable feuding among American Slovaks. The strife carried over into the Slovak League, which was thus hampered in the conduct of the activities which clamored for its attention. In the year 1962 all the clashes and disputes in the Slovak press were brought to a close. The 38th congress, convened in Detroit, Michigan, on the 27th to the 29th of May, turned its attention to this problem. It reflects well on the perspicacity of all the groups which sent delegates to this congress, that they were able to reach an agreement and to dispel the belligerence that had discouraged and retarded the cultural and national activities of American Slovaks. Dr. Peter P. Hletko became the new president of the League at this congress. Also, a decision was made to restore the office of the secretary, and to this post was elected Dr. Joseph Pauco. The proceedings of the congress were conducted on a high level. It was visited and addressed by several American politicians, foremost among whom was the Governor of the State of Michigan, J. S . Swainson. In 1963 American Slovaks joined everywhere in the free world in commemorating with appropriate ceremony and solemnity the 1100th anniversary of the advent of the apostles Cyril and Methodius in Slovakia. The League rose to its calling on this occasion, too. Phillip Hrobak, continuing in the post of editor of the periodical Slovakia, dedicated the 1963 issue to the memorable Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee. He himself, along with other contributors, illuminated the importance and far-reaching significance of Christian culture and Christian morals for the Slovak nation. In addition, the Slovak League convoked a national conference in Washington, D.C., on the 5th and 6th of April, 1963, which marked this anniversary with fitting observances, and also commemorated another event of great national significance, the centenary of the founding of the Matica Slovenska, the outstanding Slovak cultural institution. Lectures on the significance of these anniversaries were presented in Slovak by Dr. Joseph Stasko, and in English by Phillip A. Hrobak. The occasion was also observed with religious ceremonies in the National Shrine of the �SLOVAKIA 123 Immaculate Conception, in Washington, D.C., which were conducted by the Reverend Paul Miklosovic, J.C.D., of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Also on this occasion, a delegation of the Slovak League, led by its president Peter P. Hletko and Phillip A. Hrobak, executive-board member, visited the State Department and again ventilated the demands of the Slovak League in the interest of the liberation of Slovakia. Thanks to the initiative of Phillip A. Hrobak the Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee received a signal commemoration on the floor of the American House of Representatives, when on March 14, 1963, the invocation was spoken by the Very Reverend Joseph Baran, V.F., from Lansford, Pennsylvania. A further project of the Slovak League of America in this connection was developed primarily through the initiative of its secretary: requests were sent to the governors of the States of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Michigan to declare days, weeks or months as commemorative observances of the CyriloMethodian Jubilee. Such observances were in fact proclaimed in all seven of the above-named states, which contain an absolute majority of Slovaks living in the United States. 31 The Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee and the Matica centenary called forth the finest efforts of the Slovak League, because the events they commemorate are deeply woven into the fabric of the Slovak national character-they form the pith and substance of the Slovak national heritage. To review: The Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee recalls the historical fact that the Slovaks are one of the oldest nations in Central Europe. Eleven hundred years ago they accepted Christianity and with it also Christian culture and civilization, whereby they definitely joined themselves with the western cultural world. The entire history of the Slovak people is characterized by this orientation. After the advent of the Slovak Apostles, a wealth of Slovak literature emanated in Slovakia which later became also the foundation of the literary culture of the other Slovanic nations. With the fall of Great Moravia, at the beginning of the tenth century, this culture gradually disappeared in Slovakia, because the Slovaks, after the collapse of their first political entity, came under the hegemony of the Magyars in Hungary, where Latin gradually replaced the ancient Slovak language as a literary medium. Politically, however, Slovakia retained �124 SLOVAKIA its independent status for many years. During the reign of Matus (Matthew) Cak of Trencin in the 14th century who controlled a large part of the Slovak country, Slovakia had its own army and its own mint ; and Matus concluded his own treaties with other countries without regard for Hungarian kings. Despite the fact that Slovaks had to suffer the hegemony of the Magyars for long centuries, they never renounced their Cyrilo-Methodian tradition, which became an integral part of their national ideology_ From the fifteenth century they are manifesting their adherence to the glorious past of their ancestors in numerous songs and historical works, thus demonstrating their antiquity and their claim to equality with the Magyars in old Hungary. In the middle of the nineteenth century the Slovaks, under the leadership of Louis Stur, Joseph Miloslav Hurban and Michael Hodfa, declared their independence and broke out in armed revolt against Magyar hegemony. In this struggle the Slovaks fondly recalled their first political entity, Great Moravia of the ninth century, and their national culture which was founded by SS. Cyril and Methodius. In 1863, despite the disfavor and opposition of Magyar authorities, the Slovaks celebrated the Millenium of the advent of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia in practically every town and hamlet. The same year, to honor their Apostles, the Slovaks established the Matica Slovenska. And in the first half of the nineteenth century the bard of Slovakia, Jan Holly, wrote his great epic "Cyrilo-Methodiada," which is unique in European literature, glorifying the merits of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius is wide-spread not only in Slovakia, but also wherever the Slovaks live, especially in the United States of America. This certainly is proof positive that the Slovaks are conscious of their cultural and .political antiquity. In America this cult is attested to by the numerous churches, schools, monasteries and fraternal societies that bear the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The Slovaks in the free world are commemorating the 1,lO0th anniversary of the advent of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia in a grandiose manner. Besides religious and national celebrations in the United States and Canada, the Slovaks are planning two pilgrimages to Rome, the Eternal City where St. Cyril is buried, where they will dedicate the Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius on September 15, 1963, the seminary made possible by the gifts of Slovaks in the free world to train young men for the priesthood who will one day, God willing, do missionary work in a free Slovakia. Slovak poets of the free world are publishing a collection of poems to honor the memory of the Slovak Apostles; writers and journalists are extending themselves to the utmost to make the cult of 88. Cyril and Methodius better known to the non-Slovak world. All this forcefully stresses the fact that the Slovaks - after 1,100 years - are still spiritually connected with their ancient past, with their own Great Moravian Empire, and with the foundations of the literary culture established by SS. Cyril and Methodius. All these celebrations and commemorations are at the same time a clear expression of the desire of the Slovaks for political freedom, for a free culture, for a free religious life. The Slovaks in the free world, under the leadership of the Slovak League of America, are at this time also reminding the free world that �SLOVAKIA 125 their brethren in Slovakia, suffering under the brutal tyranny of the communists of Prague and Moscow, never did and never shall renounce their right to the political independence of Slovakia. This their right emanates from their political history and from their national and cultural antiquity. From Slovakia eleven hundred years ago Christianity spread to the Czech land, to Poland, to Hungary, to Bulgaria, and even to Russia. All these nations enjoyed a more fortunate past, they were able to create their own political states, only the Slovaks - one of the oldest nations in Central Europe - could not validate for long centuries their yearning and their right to their own state, because of the chauvinism and avariciousness of the nations that ruled over them. This year's great jubilee of the Slovak past is again a confirmation of the viability of the Slovak nation, of its loyalty to valid Christian val ues and, at the same time, an expression of the firm will of the Slovak to live an independent life, the kind of life ordained by God for man and for nations, the kind of life all nations of the world have the inherent right to live. The Slovak League of America, fully aware of its responsibility and fully conscious of its historical mission, expresses its profound feelings of fraternal relations with the suffering nation we are descended from, and in this great Slovak year, assembled in Washington, D.C., we again solemnly declare that we shall continue to exert ourselves, by all legal and ethical means at our disposal, for the preservation of the heritage of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Bernolak, and the Matica Slovenska, among American Slovaks, and that we shall continue in our effort to gain the favor of our American Government in the interest of renewing the free Slovak State in which, with the cooperation of all free nations, the Slovaks will fully enjoy the blessings of true freedom, the beginning and the end of which is the Gospel, and the most beautiful fruit of which. is contained in the testament of our Slovak Apostles, SS. Cyril and Methodius.32 Whereas the Slovak League had directed the Washington Declaration of 1963 to the American public at large, it addressed itself anew to topical political demands in a memorandum sent to Secretary-of-State Dean Rusk on October 7, 1963. This memorandum reads in part: As a representative of the United States government the President has asked me to tell you that the United States will continue to support the just aspirations of all people in the world for independence and liberty-aspirations which the Slovaks share today with many other captive nations. We hail and welcome this assurance from our President and we request, Mr. Secretary of State, that you graciously recognize the fact that the Slovak League of America represents over 300,000 organized Americans of Slovak extraction and as such deems it its sacred duty to speak before the American Government in behalf of the Slovak nation which now lives under a Communist form of government and is unable to speak out for its rights and self-determination of its freedom and independence. The movement for an independent Slovakia is very strong at this time in Europe as well as here in America. Just in the past few months -as may be verified by our Ambassador in Prague, a strong wave of �126 SLOVAKIA resistance swept across Slovakia against the Czech Stalinists who for years were represented in Bratislava by their own man, Karel Bacilek, the secretary general of the Communist party. Slovak Communists with strong nationalistic inclinations forced the Prague government to recall Bacilek, and another Stalinist, Premier Viliam Siroky. In addition, they forced the posthumous rehabilitation of the former secretary of foreign affairs, Vlado Clementis, a Slovak, whom the Stalinists have executed. Along with Clementis, other nationalistically inclined Communists in Slovakia, who had been jailed during <the era of the Czech Stalinists, were pardoned, namely: Dr. Gustav Husak and Ladislav Novomesky. Membership in the Communist party was restored to both and their voice is now being heard more and more in Slovakia. Husak was removed some 10 years ago because immediately after the Second World War he clamored for an independent Soviet Slovak Republic and took a stand against the Czecho-Slovak Republic. According to information we have, the situation in Slovakia during the last four months is very similar and almost as explosive as was the situation in Hungary in 1956, which led to the well-known revolt against the Soviets. The Slovaks, of course, have no assurance from the outside world that they would be provided help if they revolted against the Prague and Moscow governments. Without such assurance any attempted revolt must prove foolhardy. The recent retreat of Moscow in Prague, while only in the Communist ranks thus for, is apparent in Slovakia. The nationalists are acquiring a voice and it appears that there is no force that can stop them . Naturally, we in no way support and will not support any Communist movement. But it is apparent and clear to us that Slovak patriotism in the political aspects has deep roots in the anti-Communist movement in Slovakia as well as in the ranks of the Slovak Communists themeselves. For that reason we are stronger and stronger in our conviction that it is our moral duty to come to the defense of the sovereign rights of the Slovak nation from which we have descended and to ask for that much recognition in a practical political sense as was expressed and interpreted to us by the brother of our President, John F. Kennedy. 33 The historic city of Philadelphia hosted the 39th Congress of the Slovak League of America, on the 3rd to the 5th of May, 1964. The highlight of the Congress was a conference of young Americans of Slovak extraction. More than 80 young men and women participated. All walks of American-Slovak life were represented, and the discussion was extremely lively as the young people made suggestions for new forms of work. Out of the conference came a recommendation for the reorganization of courses in the Slovak language at various American centers. And the meeting issued an unanimous affirmation of the political program of the Slovak League: "Independence for Slovakia. This program is the most effective means of upholding Slovak consciousness."34 �SLOVAKIA 127 The 39th Congress set forth its sympathetic support of the aspirations of the Slovak nation, when it declared in a special proclamation: As representatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group of Americans, we deem it our moral duty to move for, seek and, as dutiful citizens, rightfully demand, that our duly elected officialsnational, state and municipal-give a sympathetic ear to our pleas and that they take all legitimate avenues of action to bring about their fruition . Soberly mindful of the soul searching efforts of the Constitutional Fathers, ·here in this City of Brotherly Love, and in a humble effort to make comparable worthy contributions towards the liberation of our brethren and kinfolk from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic Soviet Communism in our ancestral land of Slovakia, we unanimously adopt this form of proclamation to put in operation our highly principled aims. We, accordingly, request our member organizations and their membership to solicit their local, state and federal officials for the assistance needed to reestablish, in God's good time, Slovakia as a free state in central Europe, an independent Slovakia, firmly dedicated to the moral principles upon which our own United States of America and all Western civilization stand and must stand or be doomed to the extinction that befell the Roman civilization and its predecessors.35 1 From the comprehensive report presented to the 39th Congress of the Slovak League by its president, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, clear evidence emerges that the League had advanced both morally and materially in the period following the Detroit congress. A generally enlivened interest had coursed through the organization, which was reflected in positive responses, from the Slovak man-in-the-street, as well as from American politicians - governors of states to members of Congress. Several regional conferences of the Slovak League were conducted with marked success, and the treasury of the League recorded a gain of over $10,000.00.36 President Hletko declined to run for reelection and in his place the delegates to the 39th Congress elected Mr. Stephen J. Tkac; Dr. Pauco was reelected to the office of Secretary-Treasurer. In 1964 the Slovak League of America commemorated, with a special declaration, the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of Andrew Hlinka, and the twenty-fifth anniversary of the declaration of Slovak independence. In the declaration it reaffirmed that: �128 SLOVAKIA The 14th of March remains an extraordinarily important milestone in Slovak history. This is true not only because, after long centuries of subjection, the Slovak nation had once more become master of its own destinies, but also because after March 14, 1939, there is no power on earth that can wipe from the souls of nationally conscious Slovaks the desire for independence and their own democratically administered state.37 The Slovak League and American Slovaks in general suffered painful losses in the year 1964. On January 10, in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, died Phillip A. Hrobak. "Only future decades will reveal what a loss for all of us was the death of the zealous, industrious, and noble Phillip Hrobak ... his drive was not after venal mammon, or earthly glory - on the contrary, the work of his life was motivated by sincere conviction and holy enthusiasm", wrote Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B.38 Bishop Andrew Grutka rounded out Hrobak's profile: His departure deprives Slovaks and people of Slovak extraction of a courageous defender and zealous promoter whose weapons and tool was a pen. With the pen he has enshrined himself in the hearts of Slovaks. The world over his name will be indelibly inscribed in the pages of history as one who labored for God and country untiringly and unselfishly.39 Phillip Hrobak "never wavered, never strayed from the Slovak line; never backed down - but stood an unflinching guard over the finest aspirations of his nation; he was the gallant warrior who was not affraid of battle, and who always knew that his place was in the raging center of the battle."40 Another worker of great merit in the spheres of church and nationality, Monsignore Francis Dubosh, spoke the following testimonial: ... a man like Phillip Hrobak is outstanding. To him, an American of Slovak origin, freedom was not an empty word, it was not a fetish, but it was something real. It was an actual right given by the Creator himself, and not by some human government. Some human governments have usurped to themselves the right of granting or denying freedom to men and nations. Against these, Phillip Hrobak, a man of deep faith and love for God and men, took up the cudgel and fought, in season and out of season, to restore the divine right of freedom to all men, and in particular to the Slovak nation, from which he descended, of which he was never ashamed, and which nation he loved.41 Almost never before had an American-Slovak leader received the kind of recognition that came to the deceased Phillip Hrobak, and this was so because, in the words of �SLOVAKIA 129 the editor af Slovenska Obrana, "we can say without fear of contradiction that Hrobak performed a service of high merit for his nation. He left behind himself work of lasting value." 42 Shortly after Hrobak another eminent Slovak newspaperman and writer died: the former Secretary of the Slovak League, Constantine culen. Death struck him in the city of New York, on April 7, 1964. In culen the Slovaks lost one of the most aggressive and representative figures of their era. Constantine culen was the first Slovak writer to undertake systematic research in the history of American Slovaks, and the first to write a part of that history. He prepared many rich chapters in the history of parishes, movements, organizations, societies; he wrote biographies of priests; and he steadily pursued this line of work to the end. Even the first biography of the Reverend Stephen Furdek was prepared by Constantine culen. This work was written during the period of the Slovak Republic, when the daily siovak, in particular, regularly featured sketches of American-Slovak past and present, from the pen of Constantine culen. Constantine culen was first to bring about a reapprochement between Slovak America and the land of its origins. And had he accomplished nothing more as a writer and newspaperman, this accomplishment alone would rate him with the best - to be remembered as one of the foremost Slovak intellectuals of our century.43 On May 8, 1964, in the city of New York, died a former vice-president of the Slovak League of America and versatile correspondent of the Slovak newspapers, a man beloved among the Slovak rank-and-file-John Horecky. In Philadelphia the second vice-president-elect of the Slovak League, Dr. Paul Miklosovic, died suddenly on June 26, 1964, not having yet assumed office. He had been one of the most enlightened Slovak priests in America. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the declaration of the Slovak Republic he had pronounced the invocation to a session of the Senate of the United States. In it he spoke of the Slovaks, who "had always turned their eyes and hearts to the United States of America, knowing it to be strong, magnanimous, patient, and understanding."44 The new officers of the Slovak League of America addressed both candidates for the Presidency of the United States in a letter dated October 14, 1964, which stated in part: �130 SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America is concerned that up to this time there has not been an announcement by your party about the future of the peoples in Central Europe, where -0ur heritage stems and where over four million Slovaks suffer under Russian Communism and Czech domination and centralization. It is our conviction that the Slovaks have the God-given right to independence, because it is a people with over 1100 years of cultural background and a nation that has been striving for hundreds of years for freedom ... The Slovak League of America requests full recognition of American Slovaks in matters concerning ethnic groups and asks that our foreign policy concerned with oppressed peoples does not forget about the Slovaks in Central Europe and their birthright for independence. On October 21, 1965 the Slovak League addressed a letter to President L. B. Johnson, expressing approval of his policies in Vietnam, but reminding him at the same time of the plight of the Slovaks under Communism and their struggle for freedom and independence. In the spirit of the above-mentioned letters delegations of the Slovak League, headed by its president Stephen J. Tkac, visited the State Department on September 3, 1965 and March 28, 1966, where they presented petitions concerning the Voice of America and other administrative agencies. In these petitions the League requested that the organizational structure of these agencies be adjusted to allow for Slovak sections, separate and apart from existing Czech and Czecho-Slovak counterparts. Likewise, these delegations informed the State Department of the situation in Slovakia, placing particular stress on evidence that the Slovak movement for complete freedom was now much stronger than it had been in the years 1938-1939. The leadership of the League was given assurances that its petitions and related information were under study and had been passed on to the proper channels. In the spirit of the decisions of the 39th Congress of the Slovak League, its chief officers made overtures to the Slovak Lutherans (Evangelicals) of the United States for a strengthening of mutual ties and cooperation. This work was carried on by members of a special committee, which included Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., Dr. Peter P. Hletko, and Paul Jamriska. Particularly wide-ranging efforts in this direction were developed by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary-Treasurer of the League - through personal and �SLOVAKIA 131 official contacts with various religious, national, and fraternal organizations of the Slovak Lutherans of the United States. A special campaign for reapproachment with the Lutherans was conducted on the pages of the weekly Slovak v Amerike, of which Dr. Pauco is publisher. An address which the Secretary-Treasurer presented to the Synod of the Slovak Lutherans held in Johnstown, Pennsylvania, on June 2, 1965, was described in their official publication as historic. "All these steps", said the president of the League Stephen J. Tkac in his report to the 40th Congress, "the meetings, articles, discussions and solemn pronouncements, have brought forth fruit. There is noticeable, in the first place, a relaxation of mutual tensions, and in both camps exploration of grounds for cooperation. I think that a most essential step has been taken and we have begun to talk. Our discussions are calm, we are exchanging views and accomplishing in the social and national spheres what has been taking place among Christian church groups in matters of a spiritual nature." 45 Cooperation with Slovak organizations and periodicals between the 39th and 40th congress was very good. Many regional and local units of the League held observances in 1965 and 1966, as in prior years, of March 14, Slovak Independence Day. These observances were designed to call to the American public's attention the fact that free Slovaks earnestly support freedom and independence for the nation from which they are descended. The publication Slovakia was issued in the years 1965 and 1966 under the editorship of Dr. Joseph Pauco, in 160 pages. Many universities, public libraries, and many young Slovak Americans evinced interest in this periodical, which is dedicated to Slovak cultural and national matters of the past and present. Financially the Slovak League entered the 40th Congress with a cash balance of over $18,000.00. The 40th Congress of the Slovak League was conducted on the 15th to the 17th of May, 1966, in the city of Youngstown, Ohio. A second conference of young people was �132 SLOVAKIA attended by over 100 participants. With Dr. Peter Hletko at the chair many matters of interest to young American Slovaks were debated and the participants expressed their viewpoints. Attorney Edward J. Behuncik, first vice-president of the League, delivered a talk on Slovak self-respect and pride. The young people requested further such conferences, in conjunction with congresses of the League, and outside them. The Slovak League also arranged with representatives of organizations which lively interest was developed for in the preservation of Slovak cultural in America. special conferences and periodicals, at further cooperation and national values The Congress approved the establishment of a scholarship fund for American college students of Slovak extraction, who would study Slovak history and arts, and would write serious studies in these fields. Discussion in the Congress was constructive and favorable to the strengthening of ecumenical ideas. At the closing banquet the benediction was invoked by a Lutheran Dean, Rev. August skodacek; another Lutheran pastor, the Reverend Andrew Rolik sent written salutations; and the Reverend Rudolph Flachbarth came to extend personal well-wishes, and to sit with the League's leaders in work sessions. At the banquet of the 40th Congress the principal address was presented by Congressman Michael A. Feighan, who evaluated the patriotic program of the Slovak League, expressed high praise for the Christian ideals of the Slovak nation, and announced that he had presented a demand to the Administration for a separate Slovak section in the Voice of America. In closing he declared: While the evil hand of Russian Communism continues its attempts to destroy the very spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius and to reduce the Slovak people to a state of complete servility, the Slovak people refuse to surrender that which, over a thousand years, they have continued to fi ght for - their spirit of independence, of justice and of freedom.46 The 40th Congress too approved a meaningful memorandum, in which the delegates noted, among other things: The eventual liberation of our brethren and kinfolk, and, in the �SLOVAKIA 133 ecumenical spirit, all mankind from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic materialism of Communism must and will be our continuous goal. The reestablishment of an independent Slovakia as a free state in a united Europe must be, and, in God's good time, will be brought about through the efforts of our members and the peoples of other God fearing, oppressed ethnic groups and nations.4 7 The local American press, as well as radio and television, brought noteworthy attention to the 40th Congress of the Slovak League of America. From this standpoint it was one of the most successful congresses in the history of the League. The delegates in Youngstown approved a motion to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the founding of the League in the month of May 1966, in the city of Cleveland, Ohio. Preparations were started immediately after the conclusion of the congress and the executive board shifted most of its energies to this purpose. Nevertheless, oranizational and cultural work was by no means neglected, and further contacts with Administration people were steadily cultivated. President Stephen J. Tkac and Secretary-Treasurer Joseph Pauco wrote to President Lyndon Johnson to remind him that 20 years had passed since American-Slovak periodicals had been banned in Slovakia, while Communists continued to freely spread their propaganda throughout the free world. The honorary president of the League, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, had preserved in his possession a copy of a film produced by the Matica Slovenska (The Slovak Institute) titled Zem spieva (Song of the Earth). The League held showings of this film at various locations in the period preceding its jubilee celebration. The film arroused lively interest particularly among Slovak oldtimers and contributed to the enlivening of Slovak life in America. On the eve of the jubilee observance, held on the 27th and 28th of May, 1967, the publication Slovakia issued from the presses, again under the editorship of SecretaryTreasurer Pauco. This issue presents a compact history of the Slovak League of America, from its founding to the present, as well as other noteworthy contributions. The pre-jubilee mood among American Slovaks reflected a spirit of harmony, which had in recent years �134 SLOVAKIA become noticeable along the whole line of Slovak endeavors. The observance of the 60th anniversary of the Slovak League was conducted without the participation of a most prominent personality, one who had played an eminent role in Slovak life, particularly in the Slovak League of America: On January 17, 1967 in Chicago, Illinois died Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, perennial first lady of the League's Women's Auxiliary, the Vcielky (Bees), for many years vice-president of the League itself, and since 1966, its honorary vice-president. More than half a century of educational, organizational and charitable work is associated with the name of Julia Krajcovic. The charitable and patriotic work of the Vcielky under her leadership, as is pointed out elsewhere in this issue of Slovakia, comprises one of the finest chapters in the history of the Slovak League of America. One instance was the Vcielky's effective and substantial aid to Slovak victims of World War II, which presented a shining example of Slovak unity and harmony. Without Julia Krajcovic Slovak life in Chicago and all of America would hardly have flourished as it had during the days of the fullness of her vigor and elan. She was everywhere, and she did everything possible to promote love for the Slovak people and the Slovak word, to strengthen it, and to demonstrate it to the world.48 In its 60th year the Slovak League of America was poorer by many a distinguished colleague, including precious workers of the distaff side - but its momentum was full-forward, and its posture reflected readiness to continue its work for the preservation of Slovak consciousness, Slovak culture and Slovak traditions in America, and for a free Slovakia. FOOTNOTES 1. Zprava predsedu S'lovenskej Ligy v Amerike podana na XXIX . kongrese. (Report of the President of the Slovak League of America 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Presented to the 29th Congress.), Cleveland, Ohio, 1947. Published for distribution. Yurchak, Peter P. The Truth about Slovakia. 1947. Jednota. November 12, 1947. Jednota. March 12, 1947 "Prve vyrocie smrti Jana A. Kocura. " (The First Anniversary of the Death of John A. Kocur.) Jednota, July 20, 1949. Pauco, Joseph. Slovcici a komunizmus. (The Slovaks and Communism), Middletown, Pa., 1957, pg. 306. �SLOVAKIA 135 7. "Vedieme boj a z boja neustt'.ipime." (We Are Engaged in Battle and Will Never Retreat from the Field), Jednota, April 27, 1947. 8. "The Czechoslovak Council." America, March 19, 1949. 9. Report on the American Slav Congress and Associated Organizations. Prepared and released by the Committee on Un-American Activities, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C., 1949. 10. Pauco, Joseph. Sfovcici a komunizmus. pg. 307. 11. Full text in Jednota, January 31, 1951. 12. "To the President and Congress of the United States." Jednota, May 9, 1951. 13. Report on the conference in Jednota, May 28, 1952. 14. Jednota. May 6, 1953. 15. The memorandum was published for distribution under the title : Memorandum to the President and the Congress of the United States of America. Issued by the Thirty-Third Congress of the Slovak League of America, April 28, 1953, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 16. Jednota. June 9, 1954. 17. Declaration of the National Conferenc e of Americans of Slovak Descent. May 24-25, 1954, Washington, D.C. Eight-page publication with photostatic copies of the signatures of the participants. 18. Memorandum Concerning the Czech-Communist Military Intervention in Slovakia. Presented to the United Nations General Assembly by the Slovak League of America and Slovak National Council Abroad . Middletown, Pa., December 22, 1956. Published for distribution. 19. "Za Dr. Frantiskom Hrusovskym." (In Memoriam to Dr. Francis Hrusovsky.) , Kalendcir Jednota 1957, pg. 23. 20. "Biskup Grutka na kongrese Slovenskej Ligy." (Bishop Grutka at the Congress of the Slovak League,), Jednota, May 29, 1957. 21. "Slovenskej Lige v Amerike." (To the Slovak League of America.), Jednota, May 22, 1957. 22. Memorandum to the President of the United States of America, the Hon. Secretary of State of the United States of America, and the Hon. Ambassador of the United States to the United Nations by the Thirty-Fifth Congress of the Slovak League of America. Cleveland, Ohio, May 28, 1957. Published for distribution. 23. Golden Jubilee and the XXXV Congress of the Slovak League of America. May 26-28, 1957, Cleveland, Ohio, 96 pp. Contributors: Phillip A. Hrobak, Msgr. Francis Dubosh, Julia Krajcovic, Paul Jamriska, and Dr. Joseph A. Mikus. The publication is bi-lingual. 24. From the speech of Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, as quoted in Jednota, March 27, 1957. 25. "Czech Trials Seen as Sign of Red Fears." Sunday News. New York City, March 16, 1958. 26. Jednota. June 24, 1959. 27. Full text in Jednota, March 16, 1960. 28. From an eulogy by Bishop Andrew Grutka, as quoted in Jednota, May 18, 1960. 29. The complete text of Sabol's salutation in Jednota, June 7, 1961. 30. Memorandum to the President and the Congress of the United �136 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. SLOVAKIA States of America. The XXXVII Congress of the Slovak League of America, May 29-30, 1961, New York, N. Y., 4 pp. "Slovenska Liga oznamuje." (The Slovak League Announces.), Jednota, August 7, 1963. "Proclamation of the Slovak League of America, Washington, D.C., April 5, 1963." Jednota, April 17, 1963. The full text of the memorandum in Jednota, October 16, 1963. From a report published in Jednota, May 6, 1964. Proclam ati on of May 5, 1964. 39th Congress - Slovak League of America. Philadelphia, Pa., 4 pp. Jednota published the full text of Dr. Peter Hletko's report in its issues of May 20 and 27, 1964. "Na pamat' storocnice Andreja Hlinku a 25. vyrocia vyhlasenia Slovenskej Republiky." (In Commemoration of the Hlinka Centennial and the 25th Anniversary of the Declaration of Slovak Independence.), Jednota, March 11, 1964. The declaration was signed by the chief officers and executive board of the Slovak League of America, as well as by the presidents of all its affiliated organizations. "Nad smrt'ou Filipa Hrobaka. " (Reflections on the Death of Phillip Hrobak.),Jednota, January 22, 1964. "In Memoriam." Ibid. " Tryzna za Filipom Hrobakom." (An Elegy to Phillip Hrobak. ), Mikulas Sprinc, Jednota, January 29, 1964. " Phillip Anthony Hrobak." Jednota, February 12, 1964. "Za Filipom Hrobakom." (In Memory of Phillip Hrobak. ), Slov enska Obr ana, Scranton, Pa., January 21, 1964. Additional data from the life of Phillip Hrobak appears in Literarny Almanach Slovaka v A m erike, Middletown, Pa., 1967, pp. 157-158. Jednota. April 15, 1964. More about Constantine Culen in the abovecited Literarny Alm anach Slovaka v Amerike, pp. 129-130. Jedn ota. April 1, 1964. 45. Zprav a preds edu Slovensk ej L i gy v Amerike Stefana J. Tkaca na 40. kongrese v o Voyager Motor Inn, Youngstown, Ohio, 16. maja 1966. (Report of the President of the Slovak League of America Stephen J. Tkac at the 40th Congress in the Voyager Motor Inn, Youngstown, Ohio, May 16, 1966.), pg. 7. 46. Slov akia. Middletown, Pa., Volume XVI, 1966. pp. 126-127. 47. M emorandum Adopted Unani mously by the 40th Congress of the Slov ak League of America. Youngstown, Ohio, May 17, 1966. 4 pp. 48. " Chicago stratilo najpoprednejsiu Slovenku." (Chicago Loses its Foremost Slovak Lady.)), Nase Hlasy, February 1967. Anna Kolena eulogized the life and work of Julia Krajcovic in an extensive necrology titled "Za Juliou Krajcovicovou." (In Memory of Julia Krajcovic ), Slovak v Amerike, February 1, 1967. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is an AMERICAN INSTITUTION; it was organized May 26, 1907, at Cleveland, 0 ., by the Rev. Stephen Furdek. � 104 SLOVAKIA UNDER DYNAMIC LEADERSHI P Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. The activity of the Slovak League of America in its 40th year centered around Slovakia and the person of the president of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso. President Peter Jurcak, in his report to the League's 29th congress on October 20, 1947 in Cleveland, Ohio, disclosed that the Slovak League of America had sent "more than 40,000 letters to official circles, congressmen and senators, to all the delegates to the United Nations, and to leading personalities in the United States, underlining its anti-Communist policies, and placing particular stress on the trend of events in the land of our forefathers." 1 The League had undertaken this action because "just one year past, American official circles and the press had been speaking of some sort of Czecho-Slova k bridge. The assumption was fostered that this bridge would entice the Soviet bear into Western Europe, and that once there he would be transformed into a lamb. There existed a wide-spread belief in the possibility of such a miracle. Generally overlooked was the fact that this bridge was occupied by the Soviet army, which would blow it to smithereens, the moment it lost its prerogative to control traffic, and thus abruptly bring to a halt any such 'monkey business'." Jurcak's report sheds light on the attitude of the Slovak League of America towards the president of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso, at that most critical moment. Before the verdict of the "People's Court" in Bratislava was given "we sent more than 20,000 letters", states Jurcak, " to every imaginable recipient, from the smallest fraternal branch to the President of the United States." Jurcak as president of the Slovak League made eight trips to Washington to raise his voice in the cause of saving Dr. Tiso. The Slovak League published a distinguished brochure in defense of Dr. Tiso titled The Truth about Slovakia.2 This action demonstrated the love of American Slovaks for the nation of their origin, and their devotion to the personality of Dr. Joseph Tiso. American Slovaks under the leadership of the League appealed to the Amer- �SLOVAKIA 105 ican Government to save the live of Dr. Joseph Tiso. They defended the policies of the president of the Slovak Republic, and pointed out that his case was not merely an internal matter of the "pertinent country", but that all Slovaks must work towards its just disposition, and that America might demonstrate by saving Tiso's life how committed she is to the strengthening of democratic infuences in a country which contains some of our most devoted allies in the current conflict between the USSR and the Western Democracies. The Slovak League distributed the brochure The Truth about Slovakia to all senators, congressmen, to all the delegates to the United Nations, and to many newspapers. In addition to this the League prepared a special appeal to the President of the United States, which was sent for signing to all its branches and to all its affiliated organizations and church parishes. In the appeal American Slovaks protested the cynical trial of Dr. Tiso and preparations for his execution, and they urged President Truman to intercede in the matter with the Prague government. This appeal evoked a huge response among American Slovaks. Indeed, it was signed by many non-Slovaks. At the behest of the First Catholic Slovak Women's Union, presented in the form of a motion at its annual meeting, the Slovak League called a conference of all American-Slovak organizations in Washington, D.C., placing at the top of the agenda the goal of obtaining an audience with President Truman. This conference was attended by representatives of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, and the Women's Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union. President Truman sent a representative of the State Department to the Conference. Peter P. Jurcak in his report to the 29th congress noted: "We did not suceed in saving the life of the president of the Slovak State, but at least we acquainted the American public, more than ever before in the history of the Slovak League, with the Slovak nation and the Slovak question. Many congressmen became our friends; the fate of the Slovak hero so touched them that they expressed their convictions about this unpleasant affair publicly in �106 SLOVAKIA the forum of the United States Congress and thus before the whole world." In particular, the speeches of Congressmen Madden and O'Konski received wide publicity. Peter P. Jurcak was convinced that Dr. Joseph Tiso "would receive from history quite a different verdict from that of his present judges. When future generation s, particularly in America, compare his conduct with the voluntary embracem ent of Communis m by those who convicted him-whom do you think they will consider the greater enemy of American democracy ? Considerab le time may yet pass, but eventually the outside world will come to the realization that had Tiso voluntarily turned over Slovakia to the Communis ts, he might have preserved the Slovak state, and his life to boot." The 29th congress of the Slovak League of America adopted the viewpoint of Peter Jurcak, and in a policy statement added: The Czecho-Slovak government in Prague has committed (April 18, 1947) the gravest kind of injustice in .t he hanging of Monsignore Joseph Tiso, an exemplary priest, a staunch Slovak patriot, and wartime president of the Slovak Republic. This act defies the will of the entire Slovak nation and inflicts a most damaging blow to Czech Slovak relations. We are convinced that this is a case of the most arbitrary parody of justice, and we cannot but decisively condemn Dr. Eduard Benes and his government. This declaration expresses the anti-Comm unist sentiments of the Slovak League, and brings witness to the historic reality that "the Slovak Republic was destroyed by a self-appoin ted Communis t political regime and by brute military force-with out consultatio n of the will of the Slovak people", and that the new regime "distinguis hes itself with terror and the totalitarian conquest of a country by a minority which employs any means to impose its rule over Slovakia." Furthermo re the declaration demands free elections in Slovakia, commentin g: We are fully convinced that Czecho-Slovakia is not a democracy in the sense accepted in this country. In the 'people's democracy', as Czecho-Slovakia now styles itself, the government controls all political parties, the press, and the air-waves-a state of affairs which is at obvious odds with the fundamental principles embraced by all democratic governments . The declaration requests that the President and Con- �SLOVAKIA 107 gress of the United States protest the occupation of Slovakia and "the persecution of Slovak ecclesiastical, cultural and political leaders." Peter Jurcak was reelected president of the Slovak League of America, and John Kocur secretary. Shortly after the congress Jurcak sent a telegram to President Truman, in the name of the League, stating: To say nothing about what is happening in Slovakia today is but another form o:fl appeasement which will make the eventual liberation of the countries of Central Europe more difficult and more costly to the United States and will leave these people without hope.a The Slovak League also turned its attention to the problem of the expatriation of the Slovak nationals to the Sudetenland. According to a news release appearing in cas, the official administration newspaper in Bratislava, February 5, 1947 issue, 200,000 Slovaks had already been moved to the Sudetenland as of that date. On February 24, 1947 the Slovak League (Jurcak and Kocur) sent a petition to the President of the United States which read: We specifically appeal with reference to the proposed expatriation of several hundred thousand Slovaks from their homeland to the Sudetenland in Czecho-Slovakia. There is reason to believe that this is another effort to dismember this small nation and defeat permanently any effort at independence by the Slovak people.4 On March 29, 1947 Joseph Rusek, a past president of the Slovak League and an outstanding Slovak newspaperman, died in Palmyra, Pennsylvania. Husek's name is closely associated with almost half a century's activity among American Slovaks. As editor of the weekly Jednota he stood in the front ranks as a defender of Slovak national individuality he had few peers in America. He was one of the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, and remained and unswerving proponent of its letter and spirit. Not a single question affecting Slovak welfare either in America or the old country escaped his attention in the columns of his newspaper; his analyses covered a broad spectrum of problems - social, economic, cultural and national. The uniqueness of Husek's journalistic contributions lay in his penetrating criticism. Joseph Rusek was without doubt one of the greatest Slovak newsmen of his time, or any time. To promote interest in the plight of Slovakia the �108 SLOVAKIA League opened a campaign, headed by the Rev. John J . Lach of Whiting, Indiana, for distribution of Freedom for Slovakia stamps. The profit was to be channeled into a Fund for Slovak Freedom, established to support efforts for the liberation of the Slovak nation and the organization of a democratic government in a hoped-for independent Slovak state. In addition the League's attention was taken by the bitter fate of Slovak exiles, who were not recognized by the Western powers as refugees and who therefore failed to meet eligibility requirements for legal and material assistence in resettlement. A change was achieved through the efforts of the Slovak League, which through the intervention of its president Peter Jurcak engaged the favorable attention of the International Refugee Organization, and saw its representative, Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, received in the European headquarters of IRO in Geneva. As a result the IRO took the Slovak exile community under its protective wing. The League held a special meeting on this matter in Washington, D.C. on January 19 and 20, 1948, and committees visited American congressmen and administrative officials to work towards solution of this problem. On the 13th of July, 1948, in Springdale, Pennsylvania, John Kocur, long-time secretary of the Slovak League, died at the age of 61. The historian Dr. Francis Hrusovsky wrote of him: John A. Kocu r , in his uprightness of• char acter , his firmness of conviction, and his deep love of the Slovak nation, was a beautiful exemplification of the perfect American of Slovak extraction, who t hrough his tireless labor cultivated a deep furrow in Slovak life in America and earned an honorable niche in the history of his nation.s On December 20, 1948, in Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, Peter P . Jurcak, attorney and president of the Slovak League, died at the age of only 48 years. With Peter Jurcak had begun a new era in the Slovak League of America-an era of dynamic workers, born in America, to be sure, but in their love for Slovakia holding steadily to the ideals of the founders and promoters of the League. Jurcak was the first president of the Slovak League who through English books and memoranda, as well as personal contacts, worked mightily to persuade American political and cultural workers to recognize the individuality and cultural �SLOVAKIA 109 distinctiveness of the Slovak nation. His activity in the Slovak League of America falls into the }lectic post-war years. He proved himself an aggressive and resourceful leader, such as was sorely needed by the Slovak League and the Slovak cause in general. During the 30th congress of the Slovak League of America on March 1 and 2, 1949 in Chicago, the delegates expressed their opposition to any form of Czecho-Slovakia, and by resolution took a stand on the Communist putsch there in February 1948: The Slovak nation by no means condones the aggressive tactics of the Communist party, but on the contrary, demanding respect for the convictions and will of the overwhelming majority, most resolutely condemns these tactics, and awaits only the opportunity to cast off this government by terror and violence.6 The congress also took a stand with respect to the new currents that appeared in the Slovak and Czech exile communities. It recognized the Slovak National Council Abroad, with Karol Sidor at the helm, as the leader in the fight for the independence of Slovakia.On the other hand "the Slovak League extends no recognition whatsoever to the Council of Free Czecho-Slovakia", wrote the new president of the League, Paul Jamriska; "it does not concede any right to the Czechs to meddle in the fate of Slovakia, and it considers those 'Czecho-Slovaks' who support the afore-mentioned organization enemies of their own nation." 7 The new vice-president of the Slovak League, Phillip A. Hrobak, began to publish in January 1949 a monthly Slovak Newsletter, dedicated to the defense of Slovak interests and the informing of American public opinion. The first issues of this periodical were devoted largely to countering the claims and theses of the Council of Free CzechoSlovakia, about which organization a leading American journal ( America) wrote: The leaders of the newly formed Council are Marxists - can Bolshevism be defeated by its own ideas? They are free thinkers and opponents of any religious instruction. What cultural ideas will they give to the unhappy Slovak people? They will have to rule in Slovakia by sheer force - could that be called democracy?B The Slovak League gained extraordinary recognition on June 26, 1949 in the House of Representatives, when the �110 SLOVAKIA Un-American Activities Committee issued a Report on the American Slav CO?uJress and Associated Organizations. This official report Cit_es the opposition of the Slovak League of America to the American Slav Congress. A whole passage is quoted from the declaration issued by the League's 29th congress, and in conclusion the Report remarks that the Slovak League and its affiliated organizations "are on record as opposed to Communist rule and as supporting 'present American foreign policy'." On the other hand this same repor~ notes that the organizations defending the idea of Czecho-Slovak unity were a mainstay of the American Slav Congress, and against them stood "the opposition of the American-Slovak League." Further the Report states : ... the friendly relations between the Benes government and the Soviet Union insured the cooperation of the bulk of the Czecho-Slovakian organizations, which constituted one of the most dependable elements in the American Slav Congress.9 The 31st congress of the Slovak League of America was held in the city of Cleveland. The delegates issued a manifest on May 24, 1950, in which they state among other things: At the end of World War II the Slovak nation found itself, despite great-power declarations affirming the principle of the self-determination of nations, back in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, in which it had no desire to live, under any condiUons. In the renewed Czecho-Slovak Republic the Slovaks lost all the prerequisites for their free national development, and in this 'people's democracy' they are suffering the unendurable fate of helpless slaves. To this political degradation, economic misery and cultural enslavement has been added religious persecution, which is designed to break the moral strength of the Slovak nation, to destroy its peculiarly Christian character, so eventually a way of life might be forced on it that would obliterate its distinctive temperament, its convictions, its long Christian traditions, and its goals. The Slovak League, in the name of justice and human rights, most resolutely protests this ruthless enslavement of the Slovak nation, and sees in the progressive constriction of the rights of the churches and the disruption of religious life in Slovakia, the rawest form of Communist barbarity.10 The opponents of the movement for independeJt Slovakia continued to bring heavy pressures against the natural leaders of the Slovak nation, even on the soil of the free nations of the world. They attempted to prevent the very visit to America of Karol Sidor, author, journalist, �SLOVAKIA 111 and one-time minister in the Slovak Republic. The strength of the Slovak League, however, rallied to the occasion, and persuaded the State Department to grant a visa to Sidor as a guest of the League. Minister Karol Sidor received a warm welcome from the delegates at the League's 31st congress. Afterwards he visited almost all the Slovak centers in the United States. He made tens of speeches, leaving deep impressions with his listeners, and helping the broad Slovak masses to orient themselves in the welter of influences and events. Phillip A. Hrobak became the new president of the Slovak League of America. In January 1951 he was the first American-Slovak leader to raise his voice against the recent trial and conviction of Slovak bishops by Communist courts in Czecho-Slovakia. He sent a memorandum to the President and Congress of the United States in which he appealed to the Government to protest publicly against these convictions and the religious persecution in Slovakia, and to sever diplomatic relations with the Prague government "which has sinned so grievously against humanity and the fundamental principles of freedom." Lastly, Hrobak requested that the American Government present a resolution to the United Nations demanding an investigation of all the crimes committed against the Slovak nation.11 In April 1951 the Slovak League sent a further memorandum to the President and Congress of the United States, in which it appealed for independence of Slovakia and again underscored its anti-Communist sentiments.12 On May 21, 1951 the delegates to the League's 32nd congress, held in New York City, adopted a declaration condemning Communism and ... the insincere and false peace propaganda which by attractive slogans of world peace is attempting to still the consciences of individual nations, and thus to distract their attention from preparations for aggression and world rule. In Moscow's peace propaganda we are witness to duplicity of such dimensions as has no parallel in history. As citizens of a free and democratic country, which guarantees us not only all rights, but also all the conditions for material welfare and spiritual progress, we construe every aggressive war as criminal, but we see as no less criminal the immoral abuse of peace slogans for military buld-up, which threatens international peace and drives humanity towards a new catastrophe. �112 SLOVAKIA The 32nd congress of the Slovak League was attended by an official representativ e of the State Department in the person of Barstow H. Underwill. Also, the American publicist, Ann Su Cardwell, presented a significant speech to the delegates. A Slovak guest was the author and journalist, general-secre tary of the Slovak National Council Abroad, Peter Pridavok, from London, England. On the occasion of this congress the Slovak League published the first issue of a quarterly called Slovakia, which was edited by its president, Phillip Hrobak. This publication presented historical and topical articles, designed to furnish accurate information about Slovakia to the American political and cultural-scien tific communities. Phillip A. Hrobak was again elected president and Dr. Francis Hrusovsky became secretary for the third time. In early 1952 the Slovak League opened an information office in the nation's capital, Washington, D.C., directed by the former Slovak diplomat Dr. Joseph Mikus. On the 23rd of May 1952 the League held a conference in Washingto, which was attended by representativ es of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the First Catholic Slovak Women's Union, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Women's Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Slovak Catholic Cadet Union, the Federation of Slovak Catholics, and representativ es of the Slovak Press in America. The conference heard addresses by Senator Theodore F. Green and Congressman Charles J. Kersten. The conferees issued a declaration in which the Slovak League and its affiliated organizations reaffirmed the appeals on behalf of Slovakia presented to the U.S. Government in past years. 13 On October 28, 1952, in Monessen, Pennsylvania , died Michael Sincak, former vice-presiden t of the Slovak League and well-known fraternalist. He had been one of the most energetic organizers of Slovak life in America, devoting his efforts with particular affection to Slovak song. He collected several hundred Slovak songs and promoted them enthusiastically . The Slovak public had met his name often on the pages of Slovak newspapers. The 33rd congress of the Slovak League of America �SLOVAKIA 113 was held on the 27th and 28th of April, 1953, in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. In the two preceeding years the League's membership had increased by 2,000, its information office had proved its value, and the work of the League had aroused interest in many quarters. Among other things the League, in these two years, had presented 60 film showings. Many American politicians sent greetings to this congress. Foremost among them was the President of the United States, Dwight D. Eisenhower, who stated in his message: Our nation has been enriched by the contribution to our spiritual and economic welfare by the hundreds of thousands of Slovak people who have emigrated to the United States to find freedom and better livelihood. Experiencing and treasuring our representative democracy, our religious freedom, and our economic prosperity, Americans of Slovak descent naturally look forward eagerly to the day when the homeland of their forefathers may again know these blessings.14 This congress too passed a memorandum addressed to the President and Congress of the United States. Among other things it states: It is only natural that Americans of Slovak descent are vitally interested in the question of the national existence of the nation they are descended from. And since the Slovak nation cannot speak freely for itself, imprisoned as it is behind a forced iron curtain, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the recognition and respect for the fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. Those rights are predicated in the elementary democratic principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally obligated and entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend rights to survival and selffulfillment. The members of the Slovak League of America, including the membership of the organizations actively affiliated with it, are loyal to America because to them America is the ideal - the living symbol of freedom, tolerance and justice. They seek no special favors for the people from which they are descended but only the recognition of and respect for, the inherent and fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. We firmly believe that it is in the highest interests of America and the rest of the free world that the Slovaks be free and have their independent state.1s At the 33rd congress, which again elected Phillip A. Hrobak president, an honored guest was the former Slovak diplomat and active political worker in exile, Matus Cernak, from Munich, Germany. His speeches among American Slovaks provided a strong stimulus to interests in Slovak affairs . • On March 5, 1953, in Scranton, Pennsylvania, died the �114 SLOVAKIA Reverend John Porubsky, first secretary of the Slovak League, author and newspaperman of extraordinary talent. He was 79 years old. For half a century he had filled the columns of Slovak newspapers and almanacs in America, under his own name as well as under several pseudonyms (Sestros, Stary Farmer). John Porubsky was a living Slovak chronicle. He knew the history of the Slovak nation, particularly that of its American off-shoot. He applied himself on the one hand to the earthy problems of animal husbandry and farming, and on the other, to the more elevated fields of history and literature. Slovak literature he enriched with scores of essays and articles, crowning his efforts with a History of Slovak Literature. On October 20, 1953, in Montreal, Canada, died Karol Sidor, who in the Slovak movement for independence, occupies a position only slightly behind Andrej Hlinka and Dr. Joseph Tiso. The range of his interests was wide and varied, including at many points the affairs of American Slovaks. He had contacts with them, recognized their existence and needs; and it was Karol Sidor who first approached the writing of serious American-Slovak history with his work Slovdci v zahranicnom odboji (1928) (The Contributions of Slovaks Abroad to the Struggle for Independence of Slovakia). Sidor had particularly warm relations with the Slovak League of America. Among his personal friends were Phillip A. Hrobak and Dr. Peter P. Hletko. On the 24th and 25th of May, 1954 the Slovak League held another conference in WRshington, D.C. Tens of congressmen came to extend their greetings, as did representatives of various Central-European nationalities and exile groups. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, Vice-President Richard M. Nixon, and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles sent separate messages to the conference. Dulles' statement included the following : Our government is deeply concerned about the plight of the Slovak people and of the other peoples of Central and Eastern Europe under the present Soviet-controlled regimes.16 The conference issued a declaration which touches on a number of topical subjects. It reads in part: We heartily commend all efforts on the part of our Government, �SLOVAKIA 115 its agencies and Congressional Committee to ferret out, unmask and prosecute all subversive elements, specifically all communists and fellow-travellers, which propagate class hatreds, economic strife, chaos and anarchy. All persons and organizations, who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism, should be thoroughly investigated by the proper organs of the Government. Concerning Slovakia the declaration emphasizes: As Christians and adherents of the democratic way of life, we resolutely oppose the domination and exploiitation of any nation by any other nation or political state. The Slovak nation did not want to be dominated by the Magyars prior to 1918 and, today, does not want to be ruled by the Czech nation. We firmly believe that the national existence and the welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own Slovak Republic.17 In the year 1954, thanks to the efforts of Phillip Hrobak, president of the Slovak League, a number of Slovaks testified before committees of the American Congress which were investigating the fate of nations behind the iron curtain. Phillip Hrobak presented testimony in which he reviewed the history of the Slovak nation, with emphasis on its contemporary tribulations. In the Congress a special subcommittee was formed for Poland, Lithuania and Slovakia, and the testimony was printed in a publication titled Investigation of Communist Takeover and Occupation of Poland, Lithuania, and Slovakia. In these hearings American officials received more information about Slovakia and the Slovaks than ever before. The greatest credit for enabling the Slovaks to speak freely before the committee of the American Congress belong to Congressman Charles J. Kersten, Chairman of the Committee, and Congressman Alvin N. Bentley, a member of the Committee. Congressman Bentley was a guest of the Slovak League at its 34th congress, which took place on the 23rd and 24th of May, 1955, in Washington, D.C. In his address he designated as the greatest bane of the Slovak nation the socalled Czech Slovaks. He declared at the same time that the American Government should recognize the demands of the Slovak League of America. Vice-President Nixon spoke for the Administration in a written message to the congress. The 130 delegates approved a memorandum which in substance made the same demands for Slovak rights as had previous memoranda. �116 SLOVAKIA This congress also observed the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of the League's founder, the Reverend Stephen Furdek. On this occasion the Slovak League made a decision to sponsor the publication of a history of Slovakia in the English language. This announcement evoked such enthusiasm among the delegates and guests that they contributed more than $5,000.00 to the treasury of the League for this end. The Slovak League again commemorated the onehundredth anniversary of the birth of its founder in a joint observance with the First Catholic Slovak Union, held in Cleveland, Ohio, on the 4th and 5th of September, 1955. Approximately 10,000 American Slovaks attended the affair. The life and work of the Reverend Furdek were presented by Phillip Hrobak in a booklet titled The Reverend Stephen Furdek. 1855-1955. For Slovak readers a booklet by Joseph Pauco was issued, under the title stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo (Stephen Furdek and the Slovak Immigration). On November 20, 1955, in Lakewood, Ohio, Martin Slimak, a past vice-president of the Slovak League, and otherwise well-known fraternalist and financier, died at the age of 70. He was one of the most colorful figures in American-Slovak life. On July 5, 1955 news spread through the world of the dastardly murder of the outstanding Slovak politician, Matus Cernak. He was assassinated in Munich, Germany. The world press concluded unanimously that the case involved political murder. The culprits were never discovered by the police, but in Slovak circles little doubt exists that they were Communist agents. In 1956 the Slovak League was accorded one of the highest distinctions possible when on October 24th its eight-member delegation was received in audience by Secretary-of-State John F. Dulles. The Secretary entertained the delegates for almost half an hour and answered a whole series of questions which they put to him. At the head of this delegation was Phillip A. Hrobak, president of the League. The Hungarian uprising in 1956 touched off strong reverberations in Slovakia, as it did elsewhere. Reports in �SLOVAKIA 117 the American press spoke of unrest in Slovak towns and a general mood for revolt. But the eruption of rebellious feelings into overt act was effectively forestalled by the Czecho-Slovak army, which was controlled in all key positions by Czech officers. These circumstances and realities were pointed out by the Slovak League and the Slovak National Council Abroad in a joint memorandum to the United Nations. This memorandum presented a detailed description of the mood in Slovakia and reviewed the events had taken place there since 1945. The memorandum also notes the fact that by 1956, 320,000 Slovaks had been resettled in the Sudetenland. "This transfer of Slovak population," states the memorandum, "has much in common with deportations of the Baltic population to Siberia by the Soviets. The main purpose of the Prague Government is to cut people from their native roots and thus weaken the resistance which the compact mass of the Slovak population could exert against both Communism and also Czech domination. Prague obviously figures that the Slovak population, submerged thus by its new Czech environment, will finally lose its original Slovak character and become either entirely Czech, or at least proletarian."18 On May 31, 1956, in Owosso, Michigan, Julius Janci, American-Slovak doctor, member of the executive board of the Slovak League of America, and promoter of Slovak culture in America, died at the age of 51. He was one of the best known figures of Slovak life in the United States. On September 9, 1956 the Slovak League lost its secretary, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky. Death took him at the age of 53. He had plowed a deep furrow in Slovak life--as a national historian, and as an expert in the history and contemporary affairs of the American Slovaks. He was also an outstanding newspaperman and first-rate speaker. His loss was particularly painful for the Slovak League of America. The Abbot of the Monastery of St. Andrew Svorad in Cleveland, Ohio, Right Reverend Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. wrote of this outstanding Slovak: When nine years ago he came to us in Cleveland, it was as if the whole of Slovakia had come to us: with his simple faith in God, �116 SLOVAKIA his broad erudition, his intense desire for freedom and justice, his modesty, his industry, all his beauty of soul, Dr. Hru~ovsky personified the best of Slovak virtue and nobility.1 9 The 50th anniversary of the founding of the Slovak League of America came in the year 1957. The occasion was celebrated in conjunction with the League's 35th congress, which was held in Cleveland on the 26th to the 28th of May. A distinguished guest was the American bishop of Slovak extraction, the Right Reverend Andrew Grutka, D. D., of Gary, Indiana, who stated in an address: The Slovaks are one of the most godfearing of nations: this makes me happy to profess my national origin ; I love my native tongue. 20 During the congress extraordinary attention was aroused by a display featuring the life of the American Slovaks from the days of the pioneers to recent times. The exhibit in pictures, documents, newspapers, carvings, and statistical charts, engaged the interest of the Slovak public, and the American public as well. It was viewed in Benedectine High School by approximately 7,000 Slovaks and non-Slovaks. The local press, radio and television gave it exceptionally good coverage. In the preparation of this exhibit Constantine Culen, author and secretary of the Slovak League, accomplished a most worth-while bit of work. The leading Slovak writer and last director of the free Matica Slovenska, J . C. Hronsky, gave symbolic voice to the sentiments of the humiliated and silenced Slovak nation in anniversary greetings to this congress. "Slovak blood sends you greetings here today," went his salutation from far-off Argentina, "bidding you joy in your deliberations - because you have not betrayed it; because it still flows robustly in your veins; because it remains the same proud blood that has refused to bow in Slovakia, and has so often in the past been tempered to toughness by dungeon and gallow, as it continues to be today; because it refuses to stoop to self-betrayal."21 The delegates to the 35th congress of the Slovak League, who again elected Phillip Hrobak president and Constantine Culen secretary, adopted a memorandum in which they stressed: We rededicate ourselves to the preservation of the basic moral �SLOVAKIA 119 principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, the Con• stitution, and the Bill of Rights of the United States of America . They declared further : .. . on the solemn occasion of our Golden Jubilee, as represen• tatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group, we deem it our moral right and obligation to respectfully request, seek, and, if the need arises, to insist that our Government through its executive branch, in its various sections and divisions, not excluding our able ambassador to the United Nations, take all legitimate avenues of action in keeping with the sacred moral law of God and the law of nations to make certain that a true and lasting independent Slovakia may again take its rightful place in the community of nations which seek to preserve peace and promulgate the brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God.22 The leaders of the Slovak League prepared a special bi-lingual publication for this occasion, in which they reviewed the broad principles of the jubilating organiza. tion.23 The jubilee observance was rounded out by a com• plementary festivity - the first presentation on American soil of the "Andrew Hlinka Cup". The keepers of the cup, with Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum at their head, honored the president of the Slovak League and longtime editor of the newspaper Jednota, Phillip Hrobak, for his many contribu• tions to Slovak life, in particular for his contribution to American Slovaks of "a grammar and dictionary, and because with his aggresive elan, his perseverance and fear• lessness both as a newspaperman and as an organizer, he personifies the finest qualities, such as graced not only Uudovit stur, but also the first recipient of the cup, Andrew Hlinka, and those who came after."24 Phillip Hrobak remained at his post alert to developments on the international scene, and at the same time keeping American administrative circles informed of Slovak interests. He made several trips to Washington in 1958. His appeals and petitions were corroborated by reports in the American press, which wrote with admiration of developments in Slovakia. For instance the New York Times on January 13, 1958 carried a report which read: "The imperialists want to overthrow," announced the Czech communist, general-secretary of the Communist Party in Slovakia, Karel Bacilek, "our people's democracy by using Slovakia as a channel. Bourgeois nationalism is �120 SLOVAKIA allied with Ludakism and finds expression in an outcry against Czechs working in Slovakia." Another American newspaper disclosed: Slovakia, which has been more anti-Communist than some other East European countries, has experienced a new wave of anti-Czech, anti-Russian feeling in the past few months, and with Bulgaria is considered one of the Russian's most restless satellites.25 The League conducted its 36th congress on the 14th and 15th of June 1959 in Johnstown, Pennsylvania. It directed its attention to matters of American-Slovak cultural and civic life, and again declared itself for freedom and independence of Slovakia in the spirit of the address of its honorary president, Msgr. Francis Dubosh, who asserted: Our duty is to persevere in the struggle against Communism and to bolster everywhere the principles of democratic thought, democratic action, and the victory of democracy over dictatorship. This must also be the motivation of all our efforts with respect to the Slovak nation, to which we wish the same kind of freedom that we ourselves enjoy. In the struggle for an independent Slovakia the Slovak League will never, under any circumstances, capitulate. 26 The delegates unanimously reinstated Phillip Hrobak at the helm of the League, and Constantine culen at the post of secretary. In 1959 regional and local assemblies of the League prepared fitting commemorations of the 20th anniversary of the establishment of the Slovak Republic. A year later, through the initiative of Phillip Hrobak, president of the League, for the first time a public prayer for the Slovak nation was invoked on the floor of the American Congress. The March 14, 1960 session of the House of Representatives was opened by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., with the following prayer: Almighty God, heavenly Father, we beseach Thee to continue to bless our leaders so that they may always conscientiously serve the best interest of our nation and its people and thus remain in the favor of Thy Divine Providence. We pray Thee, God of Mercy, to mitigate the sufferings of all enslaved victims of brutal Communism and, in particular, on this solemn occasion of the Twenty-First Anniversary of the Proclamation of Slovak Independence, we implore Thee to grant the same blessings of freedom to the Slovak nation as Thou hast deigned to give us in our United States, so that Slovakia likewise, should have a 'government of the people, by the people, for the people'. �SLOVAKIA 121 Lord, hear our prayers. And let our cries come unto Thee. Amen. 2 7 On May 9, 1960, in Whiting, Indiana, died the Reverend John Lach, a former member of the executive board of the Slovak League, cultural and social worker, particularly well-known as a generous patron of Slovak literary endeavors. "He was known and beloved not only among American Slovaks, but also among the Slovaks beyond the sea. His place was among the outstanding personalities of Slovak national life. He radiated love for his priestly calling, and for the Slovak people, and the Slovak people responded with the kind of love only they can show for the priests they love and for their genuine leaders ... " 28 The 37th congress of the Slovak League took place in the city of New York, on the 29th and 30th of May, 1961. It was conducted in the spirit of the preceeding congresses. The president of the First Catholic Slovak Union, John A. Sabol, described the Slovak League of America on this occasion as the finest heritage left by its founder Stephen Furdek. 29 This congress too, aproved a comprehensive memorandum in which the League expressed its loyalty to the United States and its government, and at the same time renewed its pleas for the liberation of the Slovak nation. In the memorandum are found the following statements: As Americans we sincerely believe that every nation, large and small, has the inherent, God-given right to freedom and independence, the right to its own nationhood and statehood. We believe, too, that liberty cannot be exercised by proxy and that all nations are entitled to a voice in the determination of their own destinies ... It is only natural that Americans of Slovak descent are vitally interested in the question of the national existence of the nation they are descended from. And since the Slovak nation cannot speak freely for itself, imprisoned as it is behind the Iron Curtain, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the recognition of and respect for the fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. These rights are predicated in the elementary democratic principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally obligated and entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend their rights to survival and self-fulfillment.30 Phillip Hrobak was again elected to the post of president of the Slovak League. The preceding five years had witnessed an outbreak �122 SLOVAKIA of considerable feuding among American Slovaks. The strife carried over into the Slovak League, which was thus hampered in the conduct of the activities which clamored for its attention. In the year 1962 all the clashes and disputes in the Slovak press were brought to a close. The 38th congress, convened in Detroit, Michigan, on the 27th to the 29th of May, turned its attention to this problem. It reflects well on the perspicacity of all the groups which sent delegates to this congress, that they were able to reach an agreement and to dispel the belligerence that had discouraged and retarded the cultural and national activities of American Slovaks. Dr. Peter P. Hletko became the new president of the League at this congress. Also, a decision was made to restore the office of the secretary, and to this post was elected Dr. Joseph Pauco. The proceedings of the congress were conducted on a high level. It was visited and addressed by several American politicians, foremost among whom was the Governor of the State of Michigan, J. S . Swainson. In 1963 American Slovaks joined everywhere in the free world in commemorating with appropriate ceremony and solemnity the 1100th anniversary of the advent of the apostles Cyril and Methodius in Slovakia. The League rose to its calling on this occasion, too. Phillip Hrobak, continuing in the post of editor of the periodical Slovakia, dedicated the 1963 issue to the memorable Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee. He himself, along with other contributors, illuminated the importance and far-reaching significance of Christian culture and Christian morals for the Slovak nation. In addition, the Slovak League convoked a national conference in Washington, D.C., on the 5th and 6th of April, 1963, which marked this anniversary with fitting observances, and also commemorated another event of great national significance, the centenary of the founding of the Matica Slovenska, the outstanding Slovak cultural institution. Lectures on the significance of these anniversaries were presented in Slovak by Dr. Joseph Stasko, and in English by Phillip A. Hrobak. The occasion was also observed with religious ceremonies in the National Shrine of the �SLOVAKIA 123 Immaculate Conception, in Washington, D.C., which were conducted by the Reverend Paul Miklosovic, J.C.D., of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Also on this occasion, a delegation of the Slovak League, led by its president Peter P. Hletko and Phillip A. Hrobak, executive-board member, visited the State Department and again ventilated the demands of the Slovak League in the interest of the liberation of Slovakia. Thanks to the initiative of Phillip A. Hrobak the Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee received a signal commemoration on the floor of the American House of Representatives, when on March 14, 1963, the invocation was spoken by the Very Reverend Joseph Baran, V.F., from Lansford, Pennsylvania. A further project of the Slovak League of America in this connection was developed primarily through the initiative of its secretary: requests were sent to the governors of the States of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Michigan to declare days, weeks or months as commemorative observances of the CyriloMethodian Jubilee. Such observances were in fact proclaimed in all seven of the above-named states, which contain an absolute majority of Slovaks living in the United States. 31 The Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee and the Matica centenary called forth the finest efforts of the Slovak League, because the events they commemorate are deeply woven into the fabric of the Slovak national character-they form the pith and substance of the Slovak national heritage. To review: The Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee recalls the historical fact that the Slovaks are one of the oldest nations in Central Europe. Eleven hundred years ago they accepted Christianity and with it also Christian culture and civilization, whereby they definitely joined themselves with the western cultural world. The entire history of the Slovak people is characterized by this orientation. After the advent of the Slovak Apostles, a wealth of Slovak literature emanated in Slovakia which later became also the foundation of the literary culture of the other Slovanic nations. With the fall of Great Moravia, at the beginning of the tenth century, this culture gradually disappeared in Slovakia, because the Slovaks, after the collapse of their first political entity, came under the hegemony of the Magyars in Hungary, where Latin gradually replaced the ancient Slovak language as a literary medium. Politically, however, Slovakia retained �124 SLOVAKIA its independent status for many years. During the reign of Matus (Matthew) Cak of Trencin in the 14th century who controlled a large part of the Slovak country, Slovakia had its own army and its own mint ; and Matus concluded his own treaties with other countries without regard for Hungarian kings. Despite the fact that Slovaks had to suffer the hegemony of the Magyars for long centuries, they never renounced their Cyrilo-Methodian tradition, which became an integral part of their national ideology_ From the fifteenth century they are manifesting their adherence to the glorious past of their ancestors in numerous songs and historical works, thus demonstrating their antiquity and their claim to equality with the Magyars in old Hungary. In the middle of the nineteenth century the Slovaks, under the leadership of Louis Stur, Joseph Miloslav Hurban and Michael Hodfa, declared their independence and broke out in armed revolt against Magyar hegemony. In this struggle the Slovaks fondly recalled their first political entity, Great Moravia of the ninth century, and their national culture which was founded by SS. Cyril and Methodius. In 1863, despite the disfavor and opposition of Magyar authorities, the Slovaks celebrated the Millenium of the advent of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia in practically every town and hamlet. The same year, to honor their Apostles, the Slovaks established the Matica Slovenska. And in the first half of the nineteenth century the bard of Slovakia, Jan Holly, wrote his great epic "Cyrilo-Methodiada," which is unique in European literature, glorifying the merits of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius is wide-spread not only in Slovakia, but also wherever the Slovaks live, especially in the United States of America. This certainly is proof positive that the Slovaks are conscious of their cultural and .political antiquity. In America this cult is attested to by the numerous churches, schools, monasteries and fraternal societies that bear the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The Slovaks in the free world are commemorating the 1,lO0th anniversary of the advent of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia in a grandiose manner. Besides religious and national celebrations in the United States and Canada, the Slovaks are planning two pilgrimages to Rome, the Eternal City where St. Cyril is buried, where they will dedicate the Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius on September 15, 1963, the seminary made possible by the gifts of Slovaks in the free world to train young men for the priesthood who will one day, God willing, do missionary work in a free Slovakia. Slovak poets of the free world are publishing a collection of poems to honor the memory of the Slovak Apostles; writers and journalists are extending themselves to the utmost to make the cult of 88. Cyril and Methodius better known to the non-Slovak world. All this forcefully stresses the fact that the Slovaks - after 1,100 years - are still spiritually connected with their ancient past, with their own Great Moravian Empire, and with the foundations of the literary culture established by SS. Cyril and Methodius. All these celebrations and commemorations are at the same time a clear expression of the desire of the Slovaks for political freedom, for a free culture, for a free religious life. The Slovaks in the free world, under the leadership of the Slovak League of America, are at this time also reminding the free world that �SLOVAKIA 125 their brethren in Slovakia, suffering under the brutal tyranny of the communists of Prague and Moscow, never did and never shall renounce their right to the political independence of Slovakia. This their right emanates from their political history and from their national and cultural antiquity. From Slovakia eleven hundred years ago Christianity spread to the Czech land, to Poland, to Hungary, to Bulgaria, and even to Russia. All these nations enjoyed a more fortunate past, they were able to create their own political states, only the Slovaks - one of the oldest nations in Central Europe - could not validate for long centuries their yearning and their right to their own state, because of the chauvinism and avariciousness of the nations that ruled over them. This year's great jubilee of the Slovak past is again a confirmation of the viability of the Slovak nation, of its loyalty to valid Christian val ues and, at the same time, an expression of the firm will of the Slovak to live an independent life, the kind of life ordained by God for man and for nations, the kind of life all nations of the world have the inherent right to live. The Slovak League of America, fully aware of its responsibility and fully conscious of its historical mission, expresses its profound feelings of fraternal relations with the suffering nation we are descended from, and in this great Slovak year, assembled in Washington, D.C., we again solemnly declare that we shall continue to exert ourselves, by all legal and ethical means at our disposal, for the preservation of the heritage of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Bernolak, and the Matica Slovenska, among American Slovaks, and that we shall continue in our effort to gain the favor of our American Government in the interest of renewing the free Slovak State in which, with the cooperation of all free nations, the Slovaks will fully enjoy the blessings of true freedom, the beginning and the end of which is the Gospel, and the most beautiful fruit of which. is contained in the testament of our Slovak Apostles, SS. Cyril and Methodius.32 Whereas the Slovak League had directed the Washington Declaration of 1963 to the American public at large, it addressed itself anew to topical political demands in a memorandum sent to Secretary-of-State Dean Rusk on October 7, 1963. This memorandum reads in part: As a representative of the United States government the President has asked me to tell you that the United States will continue to support the just aspirations of all people in the world for independence and liberty-aspirations which the Slovaks share today with many other captive nations. We hail and welcome this assurance from our President and we request, Mr. Secretary of State, that you graciously recognize the fact that the Slovak League of America represents over 300,000 organized Americans of Slovak extraction and as such deems it its sacred duty to speak before the American Government in behalf of the Slovak nation which now lives under a Communist form of government and is unable to speak out for its rights and self-determination of its freedom and independence. The movement for an independent Slovakia is very strong at this time in Europe as well as here in America. Just in the past few months -as may be verified by our Ambassador in Prague, a strong wave of �126 SLOVAKIA resistance swept across Slovakia against the Czech Stalinists who for years were represented in Bratislava by their own man, Karel Bacilek, the secretary general of the Communist party. Slovak Communists with strong nationalistic inclinations forced the Prague government to recall Bacilek, and another Stalinist, Premier Viliam Siroky. In addition, they forced the posthumous rehabilitation of the former secretary of foreign affairs, Vlado Clementis, a Slovak, whom the Stalinists have executed. Along with Clementis, other nationalistically inclined Communists in Slovakia, who had been jailed during <the era of the Czech Stalinists, were pardoned, namely: Dr. Gustav Husak and Ladislav Novomesky. Membership in the Communist party was restored to both and their voice is now being heard more and more in Slovakia. Husak was removed some 10 years ago because immediately after the Second World War he clamored for an independent Soviet Slovak Republic and took a stand against the Czecho-Slovak Republic. According to information we have, the situation in Slovakia during the last four months is very similar and almost as explosive as was the situation in Hungary in 1956, which led to the well-known revolt against the Soviets. The Slovaks, of course, have no assurance from the outside world that they would be provided help if they revolted against the Prague and Moscow governments. Without such assurance any attempted revolt must prove foolhardy. The recent retreat of Moscow in Prague, while only in the Communist ranks thus for, is apparent in Slovakia. The nationalists are acquiring a voice and it appears that there is no force that can stop them . Naturally, we in no way support and will not support any Communist movement. But it is apparent and clear to us that Slovak patriotism in the political aspects has deep roots in the anti-Communist movement in Slovakia as well as in the ranks of the Slovak Communists themeselves. For that reason we are stronger and stronger in our conviction that it is our moral duty to come to the defense of the sovereign rights of the Slovak nation from which we have descended and to ask for that much recognition in a practical political sense as was expressed and interpreted to us by the brother of our President, John F. Kennedy. 33 The historic city of Philadelphia hosted the 39th Congress of the Slovak League of America, on the 3rd to the 5th of May, 1964. The highlight of the Congress was a conference of young Americans of Slovak extraction. More than 80 young men and women participated. All walks of American-Slovak life were represented, and the discussion was extremely lively as the young people made suggestions for new forms of work. Out of the conference came a recommendation for the reorganization of courses in the Slovak language at various American centers. And the meeting issued an unanimous affirmation of the political program of the Slovak League: "Independence for Slovakia. This program is the most effective means of upholding Slovak consciousness."34 �SLOVAKIA 127 The 39th Congress set forth its sympathetic support of the aspirations of the Slovak nation, when it declared in a special proclamation: As representatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group of Americans, we deem it our moral duty to move for, seek and, as dutiful citizens, rightfully demand, that our duly elected officialsnational, state and municipal-give a sympathetic ear to our pleas and that they take all legitimate avenues of action to bring about their fruition . Soberly mindful of the soul searching efforts of the Constitutional Fathers, ·here in this City of Brotherly Love, and in a humble effort to make comparable worthy contributions towards the liberation of our brethren and kinfolk from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic Soviet Communism in our ancestral land of Slovakia, we unanimously adopt this form of proclamation to put in operation our highly principled aims. We, accordingly, request our member organizations and their membership to solicit their local, state and federal officials for the assistance needed to reestablish, in God's good time, Slovakia as a free state in central Europe, an independent Slovakia, firmly dedicated to the moral principles upon which our own United States of America and all Western civilization stand and must stand or be doomed to the extinction that befell the Roman civilization and its predecessors.35 1 From the comprehensive report presented to the 39th Congress of the Slovak League by its president, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, clear evidence emerges that the League had advanced both morally and materially in the period following the Detroit congress. A generally enlivened interest had coursed through the organization, which was reflected in positive responses, from the Slovak man-in-the-street, as well as from American politicians - governors of states to members of Congress. Several regional conferences of the Slovak League were conducted with marked success, and the treasury of the League recorded a gain of over $10,000.00.36 President Hletko declined to run for reelection and in his place the delegates to the 39th Congress elected Mr. Stephen J. Tkac; Dr. Pauco was reelected to the office of Secretary-Treasurer. In 1964 the Slovak League of America commemorated, with a special declaration, the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of Andrew Hlinka, and the twenty-fifth anniversary of the declaration of Slovak independence. In the declaration it reaffirmed that: �128 SLOVAKIA The 14th of March remains an extraordinarily important milestone in Slovak history. This is true not only because, after long centuries of subjection, the Slovak nation had once more become master of its own destinies, but also because after March 14, 1939, there is no power on earth that can wipe from the souls of nationally conscious Slovaks the desire for independence and their own democratically administered state.37 The Slovak League and American Slovaks in general suffered painful losses in the year 1964. On January 10, in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, died Phillip A. Hrobak. "Only future decades will reveal what a loss for all of us was the death of the zealous, industrious, and noble Phillip Hrobak ... his drive was not after venal mammon, or earthly glory - on the contrary, the work of his life was motivated by sincere conviction and holy enthusiasm", wrote Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B.38 Bishop Andrew Grutka rounded out Hrobak's profile: His departure deprives Slovaks and people of Slovak extraction of a courageous defender and zealous promoter whose weapons and tool was a pen. With the pen he has enshrined himself in the hearts of Slovaks. The world over his name will be indelibly inscribed in the pages of history as one who labored for God and country untiringly and unselfishly.39 Phillip Hrobak "never wavered, never strayed from the Slovak line; never backed down - but stood an unflinching guard over the finest aspirations of his nation; he was the gallant warrior who was not affraid of battle, and who always knew that his place was in the raging center of the battle."40 Another worker of great merit in the spheres of church and nationality, Monsignore Francis Dubosh, spoke the following testimonial: ... a man like Phillip Hrobak is outstanding. To him, an American of Slovak origin, freedom was not an empty word, it was not a fetish, but it was something real. It was an actual right given by the Creator himself, and not by some human government. Some human governments have usurped to themselves the right of granting or denying freedom to men and nations. Against these, Phillip Hrobak, a man of deep faith and love for God and men, took up the cudgel and fought, in season and out of season, to restore the divine right of freedom to all men, and in particular to the Slovak nation, from which he descended, of which he was never ashamed, and which nation he loved.41 Almost never before had an American-Slovak leader received the kind of recognition that came to the deceased Phillip Hrobak, and this was so because, in the words of �SLOVAKIA 129 the editor af Slovenska Obrana, "we can say without fear of contradiction that Hrobak performed a service of high merit for his nation. He left behind himself work of lasting value." 42 Shortly after Hrobak another eminent Slovak newspaperman and writer died: the former Secretary of the Slovak League, Constantine culen. Death struck him in the city of New York, on April 7, 1964. In culen the Slovaks lost one of the most aggressive and representative figures of their era. Constantine culen was the first Slovak writer to undertake systematic research in the history of American Slovaks, and the first to write a part of that history. He prepared many rich chapters in the history of parishes, movements, organizations, societies; he wrote biographies of priests; and he steadily pursued this line of work to the end. Even the first biography of the Reverend Stephen Furdek was prepared by Constantine culen. This work was written during the period of the Slovak Republic, when the daily siovak, in particular, regularly featured sketches of American-Slovak past and present, from the pen of Constantine culen. Constantine culen was first to bring about a reapprochement between Slovak America and the land of its origins. And had he accomplished nothing more as a writer and newspaperman, this accomplishment alone would rate him with the best - to be remembered as one of the foremost Slovak intellectuals of our century.43 On May 8, 1964, in the city of New York, died a former vice-president of the Slovak League of America and versatile correspondent of the Slovak newspapers, a man beloved among the Slovak rank-and-file-John Horecky. In Philadelphia the second vice-president-elect of the Slovak League, Dr. Paul Miklosovic, died suddenly on June 26, 1964, not having yet assumed office. He had been one of the most enlightened Slovak priests in America. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the declaration of the Slovak Republic he had pronounced the invocation to a session of the Senate of the United States. In it he spoke of the Slovaks, who "had always turned their eyes and hearts to the United States of America, knowing it to be strong, magnanimous, patient, and understanding."44 The new officers of the Slovak League of America addressed both candidates for the Presidency of the United States in a letter dated October 14, 1964, which stated in part: �130 SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America is concerned that up to this time there has not been an announcement by your party about the future of the peoples in Central Europe, where -0ur heritage stems and where over four million Slovaks suffer under Russian Communism and Czech domination and centralization. It is our conviction that the Slovaks have the God-given right to independence, because it is a people with over 1100 years of cultural background and a nation that has been striving for hundreds of years for freedom ... The Slovak League of America requests full recognition of American Slovaks in matters concerning ethnic groups and asks that our foreign policy concerned with oppressed peoples does not forget about the Slovaks in Central Europe and their birthright for independence. On October 21, 1965 the Slovak League addressed a letter to President L. B. Johnson, expressing approval of his policies in Vietnam, but reminding him at the same time of the plight of the Slovaks under Communism and their struggle for freedom and independence. In the spirit of the above-mentioned letters delegations of the Slovak League, headed by its president Stephen J. Tkac, visited the State Department on September 3, 1965 and March 28, 1966, where they presented petitions concerning the Voice of America and other administrative agencies. In these petitions the League requested that the organizational structure of these agencies be adjusted to allow for Slovak sections, separate and apart from existing Czech and Czecho-Slovak counterparts. Likewise, these delegations informed the State Department of the situation in Slovakia, placing particular stress on evidence that the Slovak movement for complete freedom was now much stronger than it had been in the years 1938-1939. The leadership of the League was given assurances that its petitions and related information were under study and had been passed on to the proper channels. In the spirit of the decisions of the 39th Congress of the Slovak League, its chief officers made overtures to the Slovak Lutherans (Evangelicals) of the United States for a strengthening of mutual ties and cooperation. This work was carried on by members of a special committee, which included Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., Dr. Peter P. Hletko, and Paul Jamriska. Particularly wide-ranging efforts in this direction were developed by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary-Treasurer of the League - through personal and �SLOVAKIA 131 official contacts with various religious, national, and fraternal organizations of the Slovak Lutherans of the United States. A special campaign for reapproachment with the Lutherans was conducted on the pages of the weekly Slovak v Amerike, of which Dr. Pauco is publisher. An address which the Secretary-Treasurer presented to the Synod of the Slovak Lutherans held in Johnstown, Pennsylvania, on June 2, 1965, was described in their official publication as historic. "All these steps", said the president of the League Stephen J. Tkac in his report to the 40th Congress, "the meetings, articles, discussions and solemn pronouncements, have brought forth fruit. There is noticeable, in the first place, a relaxation of mutual tensions, and in both camps exploration of grounds for cooperation. I think that a most essential step has been taken and we have begun to talk. Our discussions are calm, we are exchanging views and accomplishing in the social and national spheres what has been taking place among Christian church groups in matters of a spiritual nature." 45 Cooperation with Slovak organizations and periodicals between the 39th and 40th congress was very good. Many regional and local units of the League held observances in 1965 and 1966, as in prior years, of March 14, Slovak Independence Day. These observances were designed to call to the American public's attention the fact that free Slovaks earnestly support freedom and independence for the nation from which they are descended. The publication Slovakia was issued in the years 1965 and 1966 under the editorship of Dr. Joseph Pauco, in 160 pages. Many universities, public libraries, and many young Slovak Americans evinced interest in this periodical, which is dedicated to Slovak cultural and national matters of the past and present. Financially the Slovak League entered the 40th Congress with a cash balance of over $18,000.00. The 40th Congress of the Slovak League was conducted on the 15th to the 17th of May, 1966, in the city of Youngstown, Ohio. A second conference of young people was �132 SLOVAKIA attended by over 100 participants. With Dr. Peter Hletko at the chair many matters of interest to young American Slovaks were debated and the participants expressed their viewpoints. Attorney Edward J. Behuncik, first vice-president of the League, delivered a talk on Slovak self-respect and pride. The young people requested further such conferences, in conjunction with congresses of the League, and outside them. The Slovak League also arranged with representatives of organizations which lively interest was developed for in the preservation of Slovak cultural in America. special conferences and periodicals, at further cooperation and national values The Congress approved the establishment of a scholarship fund for American college students of Slovak extraction, who would study Slovak history and arts, and would write serious studies in these fields. Discussion in the Congress was constructive and favorable to the strengthening of ecumenical ideas. At the closing banquet the benediction was invoked by a Lutheran Dean, Rev. August skodacek; another Lutheran pastor, the Reverend Andrew Rolik sent written salutations; and the Reverend Rudolph Flachbarth came to extend personal well-wishes, and to sit with the League's leaders in work sessions. At the banquet of the 40th Congress the principal address was presented by Congressman Michael A. Feighan, who evaluated the patriotic program of the Slovak League, expressed high praise for the Christian ideals of the Slovak nation, and announced that he had presented a demand to the Administration for a separate Slovak section in the Voice of America. In closing he declared: While the evil hand of Russian Communism continues its attempts to destroy the very spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius and to reduce the Slovak people to a state of complete servility, the Slovak people refuse to surrender that which, over a thousand years, they have continued to fi ght for - their spirit of independence, of justice and of freedom.46 The 40th Congress too approved a meaningful memorandum, in which the delegates noted, among other things: The eventual liberation of our brethren and kinfolk, and, in the �SLOVAKIA 133 ecumenical spirit, all mankind from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic materialism of Communism must and will be our continuous goal. The reestablishment of an independent Slovakia as a free state in a united Europe must be, and, in God's good time, will be brought about through the efforts of our members and the peoples of other God fearing, oppressed ethnic groups and nations.4 7 The local American press, as well as radio and television, brought noteworthy attention to the 40th Congress of the Slovak League of America. From this standpoint it was one of the most successful congresses in the history of the League. The delegates in Youngstown approved a motion to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the founding of the League in the month of May 1966, in the city of Cleveland, Ohio. Preparations were started immediately after the conclusion of the congress and the executive board shifted most of its energies to this purpose. Nevertheless, oranizational and cultural work was by no means neglected, and further contacts with Administration people were steadily cultivated. President Stephen J. Tkac and Secretary-Treasurer Joseph Pauco wrote to President Lyndon Johnson to remind him that 20 years had passed since American-Slovak periodicals had been banned in Slovakia, while Communists continued to freely spread their propaganda throughout the free world. The honorary president of the League, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, had preserved in his possession a copy of a film produced by the Matica Slovenska (The Slovak Institute) titled Zem spieva (Song of the Earth). The League held showings of this film at various locations in the period preceding its jubilee celebration. The film arroused lively interest particularly among Slovak oldtimers and contributed to the enlivening of Slovak life in America. On the eve of the jubilee observance, held on the 27th and 28th of May, 1967, the publication Slovakia issued from the presses, again under the editorship of SecretaryTreasurer Pauco. This issue presents a compact history of the Slovak League of America, from its founding to the present, as well as other noteworthy contributions. The pre-jubilee mood among American Slovaks reflected a spirit of harmony, which had in recent years �134 SLOVAKIA become noticeable along the whole line of Slovak endeavors. The observance of the 60th anniversary of the Slovak League was conducted without the participation of a most prominent personality, one who had played an eminent role in Slovak life, particularly in the Slovak League of America: On January 17, 1967 in Chicago, Illinois died Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, perennial first lady of the League's Women's Auxiliary, the Vcielky (Bees), for many years vice-president of the League itself, and since 1966, its honorary vice-president. More than half a century of educational, organizational and charitable work is associated with the name of Julia Krajcovic. The charitable and patriotic work of the Vcielky under her leadership, as is pointed out elsewhere in this issue of Slovakia, comprises one of the finest chapters in the history of the Slovak League of America. One instance was the Vcielky's effective and substantial aid to Slovak victims of World War II, which presented a shining example of Slovak unity and harmony. Without Julia Krajcovic Slovak life in Chicago and all of America would hardly have flourished as it had during the days of the fullness of her vigor and elan. She was everywhere, and she did everything possible to promote love for the Slovak people and the Slovak word, to strengthen it, and to demonstrate it to the world.48 In its 60th year the Slovak League of America was poorer by many a distinguished colleague, including precious workers of the distaff side - but its momentum was full-forward, and its posture reflected readiness to continue its work for the preservation of Slovak consciousness, Slovak culture and Slovak traditions in America, and for a free Slovakia. FOOTNOTES 1. Zprava predsedu S'lovenskej Ligy v Amerike podana na XXIX . kongrese. (Report of the President of the Slovak League of America 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Presented to the 29th Congress.), Cleveland, Ohio, 1947. Published for distribution. Yurchak, Peter P. The Truth about Slovakia. 1947. Jednota. November 12, 1947. Jednota. March 12, 1947 "Prve vyrocie smrti Jana A. Kocura. " (The First Anniversary of the Death of John A. Kocur.) Jednota, July 20, 1949. Pauco, Joseph. Slovcici a komunizmus. (The Slovaks and Communism), Middletown, Pa., 1957, pg. 306. �SLOVAKIA 135 7. "Vedieme boj a z boja neustt'.ipime." (We Are Engaged in Battle and Will Never Retreat from the Field), Jednota, April 27, 1947. 8. "The Czechoslovak Council." America, March 19, 1949. 9. Report on the American Slav Congress and Associated Organizations. Prepared and released by the Committee on Un-American Activities, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C., 1949. 10. Pauco, Joseph. Sfovcici a komunizmus. pg. 307. 11. Full text in Jednota, January 31, 1951. 12. "To the President and Congress of the United States." Jednota, May 9, 1951. 13. Report on the conference in Jednota, May 28, 1952. 14. Jednota. May 6, 1953. 15. The memorandum was published for distribution under the title : Memorandum to the President and the Congress of the United States of America. Issued by the Thirty-Third Congress of the Slovak League of America, April 28, 1953, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 16. Jednota. June 9, 1954. 17. Declaration of the National Conferenc e of Americans of Slovak Descent. May 24-25, 1954, Washington, D.C. Eight-page publication with photostatic copies of the signatures of the participants. 18. Memorandum Concerning the Czech-Communist Military Intervention in Slovakia. Presented to the United Nations General Assembly by the Slovak League of America and Slovak National Council Abroad . Middletown, Pa., December 22, 1956. Published for distribution. 19. "Za Dr. Frantiskom Hrusovskym." (In Memoriam to Dr. Francis Hrusovsky.) , Kalendcir Jednota 1957, pg. 23. 20. "Biskup Grutka na kongrese Slovenskej Ligy." (Bishop Grutka at the Congress of the Slovak League,), Jednota, May 29, 1957. 21. "Slovenskej Lige v Amerike." (To the Slovak League of America.), Jednota, May 22, 1957. 22. Memorandum to the President of the United States of America, the Hon. Secretary of State of the United States of America, and the Hon. Ambassador of the United States to the United Nations by the Thirty-Fifth Congress of the Slovak League of America. Cleveland, Ohio, May 28, 1957. Published for distribution. 23. Golden Jubilee and the XXXV Congress of the Slovak League of America. May 26-28, 1957, Cleveland, Ohio, 96 pp. Contributors: Phillip A. Hrobak, Msgr. Francis Dubosh, Julia Krajcovic, Paul Jamriska, and Dr. Joseph A. Mikus. The publication is bi-lingual. 24. From the speech of Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, as quoted in Jednota, March 27, 1957. 25. "Czech Trials Seen as Sign of Red Fears." Sunday News. New York City, March 16, 1958. 26. Jednota. June 24, 1959. 27. Full text in Jednota, March 16, 1960. 28. From an eulogy by Bishop Andrew Grutka, as quoted in Jednota, May 18, 1960. 29. The complete text of Sabol's salutation in Jednota, June 7, 1961. 30. Memorandum to the President and the Congress of the United �136 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. SLOVAKIA States of America. The XXXVII Congress of the Slovak League of America, May 29-30, 1961, New York, N. Y., 4 pp. "Slovenska Liga oznamuje." (The Slovak League Announces.), Jednota, August 7, 1963. "Proclamation of the Slovak League of America, Washington, D.C., April 5, 1963." Jednota, April 17, 1963. The full text of the memorandum in Jednota, October 16, 1963. From a report published in Jednota, May 6, 1964. Proclam ati on of May 5, 1964. 39th Congress - Slovak League of America. Philadelphia, Pa., 4 pp. Jednota published the full text of Dr. Peter Hletko's report in its issues of May 20 and 27, 1964. "Na pamat' storocnice Andreja Hlinku a 25. vyrocia vyhlasenia Slovenskej Republiky." (In Commemoration of the Hlinka Centennial and the 25th Anniversary of the Declaration of Slovak Independence.), Jednota, March 11, 1964. The declaration was signed by the chief officers and executive board of the Slovak League of America, as well as by the presidents of all its affiliated organizations. "Nad smrt'ou Filipa Hrobaka. " (Reflections on the Death of Phillip Hrobak.),Jednota, January 22, 1964. "In Memoriam." Ibid. " Tryzna za Filipom Hrobakom." (An Elegy to Phillip Hrobak. ), Mikulas Sprinc, Jednota, January 29, 1964. " Phillip Anthony Hrobak." Jednota, February 12, 1964. "Za Filipom Hrobakom." (In Memory of Phillip Hrobak. ), Slov enska Obr ana, Scranton, Pa., January 21, 1964. Additional data from the life of Phillip Hrobak appears in Literarny Almanach Slovaka v A m erike, Middletown, Pa., 1967, pp. 157-158. Jednota. April 15, 1964. More about Constantine Culen in the abovecited Literarny Alm anach Slovaka v Amerike, pp. 129-130. Jedn ota. April 1, 1964. 45. Zprav a preds edu Slovensk ej L i gy v Amerike Stefana J. Tkaca na 40. kongrese v o Voyager Motor Inn, Youngstown, Ohio, 16. maja 1966. (Report of the President of the Slovak League of America Stephen J. Tkac at the 40th Congress in the Voyager Motor Inn, Youngstown, Ohio, May 16, 1966.), pg. 7. 46. Slov akia. Middletown, Pa., Volume XVI, 1966. pp. 126-127. 47. M emorandum Adopted Unani mously by the 40th Congress of the Slov ak League of America. Youngstown, Ohio, May 17, 1966. 4 pp. 48. " Chicago stratilo najpoprednejsiu Slovenku." (Chicago Loses its Foremost Slovak Lady.)), Nase Hlasy, February 1967. Anna Kolena eulogized the life and work of Julia Krajcovic in an extensive necrology titled "Za Juliou Krajcovicovou." (In Memory of Julia Krajcovic ), Slovak v Amerike, February 1, 1967. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is an AMERICAN INSTITUTION; it was organized May 26, 1907, at Cleveland, 0 ., by the Rev. Stephen Furdek. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 104 SLOVAKIA UNDER DYNAMIC LEADERSHI P Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. The activity of the Slovak League of America in its 40th year centered around Slovakia and the person of the president of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso. President Peter Jurcak, in his report to the League's 29th congress on October 20, 1947 in Cleveland, Ohio, disclosed that the Slovak League of America had sent "more than 40,000 letters to official circles, congressmen and senators, to all the delegates to the United Nations, and to leading personalities in the United States, underlining its anti-Communist policies, and placing particular stress on the trend of events in the land of our forefathers." 1 The League had undertaken this action because "just one year past, American official circles and the press had been speaking of some sort of Czecho-Slova k bridge. The assumption was fostered that this bridge would entice the Soviet bear into Western Europe, and that once there he would be transformed into a lamb. There existed a wide-spread belief in the possibility of such a miracle. Generally overlooked was the fact that this bridge was occupied by the Soviet army, which would blow it to smithereens, the moment it lost its prerogative to control traffic, and thus abruptly bring to a halt any such 'monkey business'." Jurcak's report sheds light on the attitude of the Slovak League of America towards the president of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso, at that most critical moment. Before the verdict of the "People's Court" in Bratislava was given "we sent more than 20,000 letters", states Jurcak, " to every imaginable recipient, from the smallest fraternal branch to the President of the United States." Jurcak as president of the Slovak League made eight trips to Washington to raise his voice in the cause of saving Dr. Tiso. The Slovak League published a distinguished brochure in defense of Dr. Tiso titled The Truth about Slovakia.2 This action demonstrated the love of American Slovaks for the nation of their origin, and their devotion to the personality of Dr. Joseph Tiso. American Slovaks under the leadership of the League appealed to the Amer- SLOVAKIA 105 ican Government to save the live of Dr. Joseph Tiso. They defended the policies of the president of the Slovak Republic, and pointed out that his case was not merely an internal matter of the "pertinent country", but that all Slovaks must work towards its just disposition, and that America might demonstrate by saving Tiso's life how committed she is to the strengthening of democratic infuences in a country which contains some of our most devoted allies in the current conflict between the USSR and the Western Democracies. The Slovak League distributed the brochure The Truth about Slovakia to all senators, congressmen, to all the delegates to the United Nations, and to many newspapers. In addition to this the League prepared a special appeal to the President of the United States, which was sent for signing to all its branches and to all its affiliated organizations and church parishes. In the appeal American Slovaks protested the cynical trial of Dr. Tiso and preparations for his execution, and they urged President Truman to intercede in the matter with the Prague government. This appeal evoked a huge response among American Slovaks. Indeed, it was signed by many non-Slovaks. At the behest of the First Catholic Slovak Women's Union, presented in the form of a motion at its annual meeting, the Slovak League called a conference of all American-Slovak organizations in Washington, D.C., placing at the top of the agenda the goal of obtaining an audience with President Truman. This conference was attended by representatives of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, and the Women's Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union. President Truman sent a representative of the State Department to the Conference. Peter P. Jurcak in his report to the 29th congress noted: "We did not suceed in saving the life of the president of the Slovak State, but at least we acquainted the American public, more than ever before in the history of the Slovak League, with the Slovak nation and the Slovak question. Many congressmen became our friends; the fate of the Slovak hero so touched them that they expressed their convictions about this unpleasant affair publicly in 106 SLOVAKIA the forum of the United States Congress and thus before the whole world." In particular, the speeches of Congressmen Madden and O'Konski received wide publicity. Peter P. Jurcak was convinced that Dr. Joseph Tiso "would receive from history quite a different verdict from that of his present judges. When future generation s, particularly in America, compare his conduct with the voluntary embracem ent of Communis m by those who convicted him-whom do you think they will consider the greater enemy of American democracy ? Considerab le time may yet pass, but eventually the outside world will come to the realization that had Tiso voluntarily turned over Slovakia to the Communis ts, he might have preserved the Slovak state, and his life to boot." The 29th congress of the Slovak League of America adopted the viewpoint of Peter Jurcak, and in a policy statement added: The Czecho-Slovak government in Prague has committed (April 18, 1947) the gravest kind of injustice in .t he hanging of Monsignore Joseph Tiso, an exemplary priest, a staunch Slovak patriot, and wartime president of the Slovak Republic. This act defies the will of the entire Slovak nation and inflicts a most damaging blow to Czech Slovak relations. We are convinced that this is a case of the most arbitrary parody of justice, and we cannot but decisively condemn Dr. Eduard Benes and his government. This declaration expresses the anti-Comm unist sentiments of the Slovak League, and brings witness to the historic reality that "the Slovak Republic was destroyed by a self-appoin ted Communis t political regime and by brute military force-with out consultatio n of the will of the Slovak people", and that the new regime "distinguis hes itself with terror and the totalitarian conquest of a country by a minority which employs any means to impose its rule over Slovakia." Furthermo re the declaration demands free elections in Slovakia, commentin g: We are fully convinced that Czecho-Slovakia is not a democracy in the sense accepted in this country. In the 'people's democracy', as Czecho-Slovakia now styles itself, the government controls all political parties, the press, and the air-waves-a state of affairs which is at obvious odds with the fundamental principles embraced by all democratic governments . The declaration requests that the President and Con- SLOVAKIA 107 gress of the United States protest the occupation of Slovakia and "the persecution of Slovak ecclesiastical, cultural and political leaders." Peter Jurcak was reelected president of the Slovak League of America, and John Kocur secretary. Shortly after the congress Jurcak sent a telegram to President Truman, in the name of the League, stating: To say nothing about what is happening in Slovakia today is but another form o:fl appeasement which will make the eventual liberation of the countries of Central Europe more difficult and more costly to the United States and will leave these people without hope.a The Slovak League also turned its attention to the problem of the expatriation of the Slovak nationals to the Sudetenland. According to a news release appearing in cas, the official administration newspaper in Bratislava, February 5, 1947 issue, 200,000 Slovaks had already been moved to the Sudetenland as of that date. On February 24, 1947 the Slovak League (Jurcak and Kocur) sent a petition to the President of the United States which read: We specifically appeal with reference to the proposed expatriation of several hundred thousand Slovaks from their homeland to the Sudetenland in Czecho-Slovakia. There is reason to believe that this is another effort to dismember this small nation and defeat permanently any effort at independence by the Slovak people.4 On March 29, 1947 Joseph Rusek, a past president of the Slovak League and an outstanding Slovak newspaperman, died in Palmyra, Pennsylvania. Husek's name is closely associated with almost half a century's activity among American Slovaks. As editor of the weekly Jednota he stood in the front ranks as a defender of Slovak national individuality he had few peers in America. He was one of the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, and remained and unswerving proponent of its letter and spirit. Not a single question affecting Slovak welfare either in America or the old country escaped his attention in the columns of his newspaper; his analyses covered a broad spectrum of problems - social, economic, cultural and national. The uniqueness of Husek's journalistic contributions lay in his penetrating criticism. Joseph Rusek was without doubt one of the greatest Slovak newsmen of his time, or any time. To promote interest in the plight of Slovakia the 108 SLOVAKIA League opened a campaign, headed by the Rev. John J . Lach of Whiting, Indiana, for distribution of Freedom for Slovakia stamps. The profit was to be channeled into a Fund for Slovak Freedom, established to support efforts for the liberation of the Slovak nation and the organization of a democratic government in a hoped-for independent Slovak state. In addition the League's attention was taken by the bitter fate of Slovak exiles, who were not recognized by the Western powers as refugees and who therefore failed to meet eligibility requirements for legal and material assistence in resettlement. A change was achieved through the efforts of the Slovak League, which through the intervention of its president Peter Jurcak engaged the favorable attention of the International Refugee Organization, and saw its representative, Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, received in the European headquarters of IRO in Geneva. As a result the IRO took the Slovak exile community under its protective wing. The League held a special meeting on this matter in Washington, D.C. on January 19 and 20, 1948, and committees visited American congressmen and administrative officials to work towards solution of this problem. On the 13th of July, 1948, in Springdale, Pennsylvania, John Kocur, long-time secretary of the Slovak League, died at the age of 61. The historian Dr. Francis Hrusovsky wrote of him: John A. Kocu r , in his uprightness of• char acter , his firmness of conviction, and his deep love of the Slovak nation, was a beautiful exemplification of the perfect American of Slovak extraction, who t hrough his tireless labor cultivated a deep furrow in Slovak life in America and earned an honorable niche in the history of his nation.s On December 20, 1948, in Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, Peter P . Jurcak, attorney and president of the Slovak League, died at the age of only 48 years. With Peter Jurcak had begun a new era in the Slovak League of America-an era of dynamic workers, born in America, to be sure, but in their love for Slovakia holding steadily to the ideals of the founders and promoters of the League. Jurcak was the first president of the Slovak League who through English books and memoranda, as well as personal contacts, worked mightily to persuade American political and cultural workers to recognize the individuality and cultural SLOVAKIA 109 distinctiveness of the Slovak nation. His activity in the Slovak League of America falls into the }lectic post-war years. He proved himself an aggressive and resourceful leader, such as was sorely needed by the Slovak League and the Slovak cause in general. During the 30th congress of the Slovak League of America on March 1 and 2, 1949 in Chicago, the delegates expressed their opposition to any form of Czecho-Slovakia, and by resolution took a stand on the Communist putsch there in February 1948: The Slovak nation by no means condones the aggressive tactics of the Communist party, but on the contrary, demanding respect for the convictions and will of the overwhelming majority, most resolutely condemns these tactics, and awaits only the opportunity to cast off this government by terror and violence.6 The congress also took a stand with respect to the new currents that appeared in the Slovak and Czech exile communities. It recognized the Slovak National Council Abroad, with Karol Sidor at the helm, as the leader in the fight for the independence of Slovakia.On the other hand "the Slovak League extends no recognition whatsoever to the Council of Free Czecho-Slovakia", wrote the new president of the League, Paul Jamriska; "it does not concede any right to the Czechs to meddle in the fate of Slovakia, and it considers those 'Czecho-Slovaks' who support the afore-mentioned organization enemies of their own nation." 7 The new vice-president of the Slovak League, Phillip A. Hrobak, began to publish in January 1949 a monthly Slovak Newsletter, dedicated to the defense of Slovak interests and the informing of American public opinion. The first issues of this periodical were devoted largely to countering the claims and theses of the Council of Free CzechoSlovakia, about which organization a leading American journal ( America) wrote: The leaders of the newly formed Council are Marxists - can Bolshevism be defeated by its own ideas? They are free thinkers and opponents of any religious instruction. What cultural ideas will they give to the unhappy Slovak people? They will have to rule in Slovakia by sheer force - could that be called democracy?B The Slovak League gained extraordinary recognition on June 26, 1949 in the House of Representatives, when the 110 SLOVAKIA Un-American Activities Committee issued a Report on the American Slav CO?uJress and Associated Organizations. This official report Cit_es the opposition of the Slovak League of America to the American Slav Congress. A whole passage is quoted from the declaration issued by the League's 29th congress, and in conclusion the Report remarks that the Slovak League and its affiliated organizations "are on record as opposed to Communist rule and as supporting 'present American foreign policy'." On the other hand this same repor~ notes that the organizations defending the idea of Czecho-Slovak unity were a mainstay of the American Slav Congress, and against them stood "the opposition of the American-Slovak League." Further the Report states : ... the friendly relations between the Benes government and the Soviet Union insured the cooperation of the bulk of the Czecho-Slovakian organizations, which constituted one of the most dependable elements in the American Slav Congress.9 The 31st congress of the Slovak League of America was held in the city of Cleveland. The delegates issued a manifest on May 24, 1950, in which they state among other things: At the end of World War II the Slovak nation found itself, despite great-power declarations affirming the principle of the self-determination of nations, back in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, in which it had no desire to live, under any condiUons. In the renewed Czecho-Slovak Republic the Slovaks lost all the prerequisites for their free national development, and in this 'people's democracy' they are suffering the unendurable fate of helpless slaves. To this political degradation, economic misery and cultural enslavement has been added religious persecution, which is designed to break the moral strength of the Slovak nation, to destroy its peculiarly Christian character, so eventually a way of life might be forced on it that would obliterate its distinctive temperament, its convictions, its long Christian traditions, and its goals. The Slovak League, in the name of justice and human rights, most resolutely protests this ruthless enslavement of the Slovak nation, and sees in the progressive constriction of the rights of the churches and the disruption of religious life in Slovakia, the rawest form of Communist barbarity.10 The opponents of the movement for independeJt Slovakia continued to bring heavy pressures against the natural leaders of the Slovak nation, even on the soil of the free nations of the world. They attempted to prevent the very visit to America of Karol Sidor, author, journalist, SLOVAKIA 111 and one-time minister in the Slovak Republic. The strength of the Slovak League, however, rallied to the occasion, and persuaded the State Department to grant a visa to Sidor as a guest of the League. Minister Karol Sidor received a warm welcome from the delegates at the League's 31st congress. Afterwards he visited almost all the Slovak centers in the United States. He made tens of speeches, leaving deep impressions with his listeners, and helping the broad Slovak masses to orient themselves in the welter of influences and events. Phillip A. Hrobak became the new president of the Slovak League of America. In January 1951 he was the first American-Slovak leader to raise his voice against the recent trial and conviction of Slovak bishops by Communist courts in Czecho-Slovakia. He sent a memorandum to the President and Congress of the United States in which he appealed to the Government to protest publicly against these convictions and the religious persecution in Slovakia, and to sever diplomatic relations with the Prague government "which has sinned so grievously against humanity and the fundamental principles of freedom." Lastly, Hrobak requested that the American Government present a resolution to the United Nations demanding an investigation of all the crimes committed against the Slovak nation.11 In April 1951 the Slovak League sent a further memorandum to the President and Congress of the United States, in which it appealed for independence of Slovakia and again underscored its anti-Communist sentiments.12 On May 21, 1951 the delegates to the League's 32nd congress, held in New York City, adopted a declaration condemning Communism and ... the insincere and false peace propaganda which by attractive slogans of world peace is attempting to still the consciences of individual nations, and thus to distract their attention from preparations for aggression and world rule. In Moscow's peace propaganda we are witness to duplicity of such dimensions as has no parallel in history. As citizens of a free and democratic country, which guarantees us not only all rights, but also all the conditions for material welfare and spiritual progress, we construe every aggressive war as criminal, but we see as no less criminal the immoral abuse of peace slogans for military buld-up, which threatens international peace and drives humanity towards a new catastrophe. 112 SLOVAKIA The 32nd congress of the Slovak League was attended by an official representativ e of the State Department in the person of Barstow H. Underwill. Also, the American publicist, Ann Su Cardwell, presented a significant speech to the delegates. A Slovak guest was the author and journalist, general-secre tary of the Slovak National Council Abroad, Peter Pridavok, from London, England. On the occasion of this congress the Slovak League published the first issue of a quarterly called Slovakia, which was edited by its president, Phillip Hrobak. This publication presented historical and topical articles, designed to furnish accurate information about Slovakia to the American political and cultural-scien tific communities. Phillip A. Hrobak was again elected president and Dr. Francis Hrusovsky became secretary for the third time. In early 1952 the Slovak League opened an information office in the nation's capital, Washington, D.C., directed by the former Slovak diplomat Dr. Joseph Mikus. On the 23rd of May 1952 the League held a conference in Washingto, which was attended by representativ es of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the First Catholic Slovak Women's Union, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Women's Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Slovak Catholic Cadet Union, the Federation of Slovak Catholics, and representativ es of the Slovak Press in America. The conference heard addresses by Senator Theodore F. Green and Congressman Charles J. Kersten. The conferees issued a declaration in which the Slovak League and its affiliated organizations reaffirmed the appeals on behalf of Slovakia presented to the U.S. Government in past years. 13 On October 28, 1952, in Monessen, Pennsylvania , died Michael Sincak, former vice-presiden t of the Slovak League and well-known fraternalist. He had been one of the most energetic organizers of Slovak life in America, devoting his efforts with particular affection to Slovak song. He collected several hundred Slovak songs and promoted them enthusiastically . The Slovak public had met his name often on the pages of Slovak newspapers. The 33rd congress of the Slovak League of America SLOVAKIA 113 was held on the 27th and 28th of April, 1953, in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. In the two preceeding years the League's membership had increased by 2,000, its information office had proved its value, and the work of the League had aroused interest in many quarters. Among other things the League, in these two years, had presented 60 film showings. Many American politicians sent greetings to this congress. Foremost among them was the President of the United States, Dwight D. Eisenhower, who stated in his message: Our nation has been enriched by the contribution to our spiritual and economic welfare by the hundreds of thousands of Slovak people who have emigrated to the United States to find freedom and better livelihood. Experiencing and treasuring our representative democracy, our religious freedom, and our economic prosperity, Americans of Slovak descent naturally look forward eagerly to the day when the homeland of their forefathers may again know these blessings.14 This congress too passed a memorandum addressed to the President and Congress of the United States. Among other things it states: It is only natural that Americans of Slovak descent are vitally interested in the question of the national existence of the nation they are descended from. And since the Slovak nation cannot speak freely for itself, imprisoned as it is behind a forced iron curtain, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the recognition and respect for the fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. Those rights are predicated in the elementary democratic principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally obligated and entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend rights to survival and selffulfillment. The members of the Slovak League of America, including the membership of the organizations actively affiliated with it, are loyal to America because to them America is the ideal - the living symbol of freedom, tolerance and justice. They seek no special favors for the people from which they are descended but only the recognition of and respect for, the inherent and fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. We firmly believe that it is in the highest interests of America and the rest of the free world that the Slovaks be free and have their independent state.1s At the 33rd congress, which again elected Phillip A. Hrobak president, an honored guest was the former Slovak diplomat and active political worker in exile, Matus Cernak, from Munich, Germany. His speeches among American Slovaks provided a strong stimulus to interests in Slovak affairs . • On March 5, 1953, in Scranton, Pennsylvania, died the 114 SLOVAKIA Reverend John Porubsky, first secretary of the Slovak League, author and newspaperman of extraordinary talent. He was 79 years old. For half a century he had filled the columns of Slovak newspapers and almanacs in America, under his own name as well as under several pseudonyms (Sestros, Stary Farmer). John Porubsky was a living Slovak chronicle. He knew the history of the Slovak nation, particularly that of its American off-shoot. He applied himself on the one hand to the earthy problems of animal husbandry and farming, and on the other, to the more elevated fields of history and literature. Slovak literature he enriched with scores of essays and articles, crowning his efforts with a History of Slovak Literature. On October 20, 1953, in Montreal, Canada, died Karol Sidor, who in the Slovak movement for independence, occupies a position only slightly behind Andrej Hlinka and Dr. Joseph Tiso. The range of his interests was wide and varied, including at many points the affairs of American Slovaks. He had contacts with them, recognized their existence and needs; and it was Karol Sidor who first approached the writing of serious American-Slovak history with his work Slovdci v zahranicnom odboji (1928) (The Contributions of Slovaks Abroad to the Struggle for Independence of Slovakia). Sidor had particularly warm relations with the Slovak League of America. Among his personal friends were Phillip A. Hrobak and Dr. Peter P. Hletko. On the 24th and 25th of May, 1954 the Slovak League held another conference in WRshington, D.C. Tens of congressmen came to extend their greetings, as did representatives of various Central-European nationalities and exile groups. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, Vice-President Richard M. Nixon, and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles sent separate messages to the conference. Dulles' statement included the following : Our government is deeply concerned about the plight of the Slovak people and of the other peoples of Central and Eastern Europe under the present Soviet-controlled regimes.16 The conference issued a declaration which touches on a number of topical subjects. It reads in part: We heartily commend all efforts on the part of our Government, SLOVAKIA 115 its agencies and Congressional Committee to ferret out, unmask and prosecute all subversive elements, specifically all communists and fellow-travellers, which propagate class hatreds, economic strife, chaos and anarchy. All persons and organizations, who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism, should be thoroughly investigated by the proper organs of the Government. Concerning Slovakia the declaration emphasizes: As Christians and adherents of the democratic way of life, we resolutely oppose the domination and exploiitation of any nation by any other nation or political state. The Slovak nation did not want to be dominated by the Magyars prior to 1918 and, today, does not want to be ruled by the Czech nation. We firmly believe that the national existence and the welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own Slovak Republic.17 In the year 1954, thanks to the efforts of Phillip Hrobak, president of the Slovak League, a number of Slovaks testified before committees of the American Congress which were investigating the fate of nations behind the iron curtain. Phillip Hrobak presented testimony in which he reviewed the history of the Slovak nation, with emphasis on its contemporary tribulations. In the Congress a special subcommittee was formed for Poland, Lithuania and Slovakia, and the testimony was printed in a publication titled Investigation of Communist Takeover and Occupation of Poland, Lithuania, and Slovakia. In these hearings American officials received more information about Slovakia and the Slovaks than ever before. The greatest credit for enabling the Slovaks to speak freely before the committee of the American Congress belong to Congressman Charles J. Kersten, Chairman of the Committee, and Congressman Alvin N. Bentley, a member of the Committee. Congressman Bentley was a guest of the Slovak League at its 34th congress, which took place on the 23rd and 24th of May, 1955, in Washington, D.C. In his address he designated as the greatest bane of the Slovak nation the socalled Czech Slovaks. He declared at the same time that the American Government should recognize the demands of the Slovak League of America. Vice-President Nixon spoke for the Administration in a written message to the congress. The 130 delegates approved a memorandum which in substance made the same demands for Slovak rights as had previous memoranda. 116 SLOVAKIA This congress also observed the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of the League's founder, the Reverend Stephen Furdek. On this occasion the Slovak League made a decision to sponsor the publication of a history of Slovakia in the English language. This announcement evoked such enthusiasm among the delegates and guests that they contributed more than $5,000.00 to the treasury of the League for this end. The Slovak League again commemorated the onehundredth anniversary of the birth of its founder in a joint observance with the First Catholic Slovak Union, held in Cleveland, Ohio, on the 4th and 5th of September, 1955. Approximately 10,000 American Slovaks attended the affair. The life and work of the Reverend Furdek were presented by Phillip Hrobak in a booklet titled The Reverend Stephen Furdek. 1855-1955. For Slovak readers a booklet by Joseph Pauco was issued, under the title stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo (Stephen Furdek and the Slovak Immigration). On November 20, 1955, in Lakewood, Ohio, Martin Slimak, a past vice-president of the Slovak League, and otherwise well-known fraternalist and financier, died at the age of 70. He was one of the most colorful figures in American-Slovak life. On July 5, 1955 news spread through the world of the dastardly murder of the outstanding Slovak politician, Matus Cernak. He was assassinated in Munich, Germany. The world press concluded unanimously that the case involved political murder. The culprits were never discovered by the police, but in Slovak circles little doubt exists that they were Communist agents. In 1956 the Slovak League was accorded one of the highest distinctions possible when on October 24th its eight-member delegation was received in audience by Secretary-of-State John F. Dulles. The Secretary entertained the delegates for almost half an hour and answered a whole series of questions which they put to him. At the head of this delegation was Phillip A. Hrobak, president of the League. The Hungarian uprising in 1956 touched off strong reverberations in Slovakia, as it did elsewhere. Reports in SLOVAKIA 117 the American press spoke of unrest in Slovak towns and a general mood for revolt. But the eruption of rebellious feelings into overt act was effectively forestalled by the Czecho-Slovak army, which was controlled in all key positions by Czech officers. These circumstances and realities were pointed out by the Slovak League and the Slovak National Council Abroad in a joint memorandum to the United Nations. This memorandum presented a detailed description of the mood in Slovakia and reviewed the events had taken place there since 1945. The memorandum also notes the fact that by 1956, 320,000 Slovaks had been resettled in the Sudetenland. "This transfer of Slovak population," states the memorandum, "has much in common with deportations of the Baltic population to Siberia by the Soviets. The main purpose of the Prague Government is to cut people from their native roots and thus weaken the resistance which the compact mass of the Slovak population could exert against both Communism and also Czech domination. Prague obviously figures that the Slovak population, submerged thus by its new Czech environment, will finally lose its original Slovak character and become either entirely Czech, or at least proletarian."18 On May 31, 1956, in Owosso, Michigan, Julius Janci, American-Slovak doctor, member of the executive board of the Slovak League of America, and promoter of Slovak culture in America, died at the age of 51. He was one of the best known figures of Slovak life in the United States. On September 9, 1956 the Slovak League lost its secretary, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky. Death took him at the age of 53. He had plowed a deep furrow in Slovak life--as a national historian, and as an expert in the history and contemporary affairs of the American Slovaks. He was also an outstanding newspaperman and first-rate speaker. His loss was particularly painful for the Slovak League of America. The Abbot of the Monastery of St. Andrew Svorad in Cleveland, Ohio, Right Reverend Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. wrote of this outstanding Slovak: When nine years ago he came to us in Cleveland, it was as if the whole of Slovakia had come to us: with his simple faith in God, 116 SLOVAKIA his broad erudition, his intense desire for freedom and justice, his modesty, his industry, all his beauty of soul, Dr. Hru~ovsky personified the best of Slovak virtue and nobility.1 9 The 50th anniversary of the founding of the Slovak League of America came in the year 1957. The occasion was celebrated in conjunction with the League's 35th congress, which was held in Cleveland on the 26th to the 28th of May. A distinguished guest was the American bishop of Slovak extraction, the Right Reverend Andrew Grutka, D. D., of Gary, Indiana, who stated in an address: The Slovaks are one of the most godfearing of nations: this makes me happy to profess my national origin ; I love my native tongue. 20 During the congress extraordinary attention was aroused by a display featuring the life of the American Slovaks from the days of the pioneers to recent times. The exhibit in pictures, documents, newspapers, carvings, and statistical charts, engaged the interest of the Slovak public, and the American public as well. It was viewed in Benedectine High School by approximately 7,000 Slovaks and non-Slovaks. The local press, radio and television gave it exceptionally good coverage. In the preparation of this exhibit Constantine Culen, author and secretary of the Slovak League, accomplished a most worth-while bit of work. The leading Slovak writer and last director of the free Matica Slovenska, J . C. Hronsky, gave symbolic voice to the sentiments of the humiliated and silenced Slovak nation in anniversary greetings to this congress. "Slovak blood sends you greetings here today," went his salutation from far-off Argentina, "bidding you joy in your deliberations - because you have not betrayed it; because it still flows robustly in your veins; because it remains the same proud blood that has refused to bow in Slovakia, and has so often in the past been tempered to toughness by dungeon and gallow, as it continues to be today; because it refuses to stoop to self-betrayal."21 The delegates to the 35th congress of the Slovak League, who again elected Phillip Hrobak president and Constantine Culen secretary, adopted a memorandum in which they stressed: We rededicate ourselves to the preservation of the basic moral SLOVAKIA 119 principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, the Con• stitution, and the Bill of Rights of the United States of America . They declared further : .. . on the solemn occasion of our Golden Jubilee, as represen• tatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group, we deem it our moral right and obligation to respectfully request, seek, and, if the need arises, to insist that our Government through its executive branch, in its various sections and divisions, not excluding our able ambassador to the United Nations, take all legitimate avenues of action in keeping with the sacred moral law of God and the law of nations to make certain that a true and lasting independent Slovakia may again take its rightful place in the community of nations which seek to preserve peace and promulgate the brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God.22 The leaders of the Slovak League prepared a special bi-lingual publication for this occasion, in which they reviewed the broad principles of the jubilating organiza. tion.23 The jubilee observance was rounded out by a com• plementary festivity - the first presentation on American soil of the "Andrew Hlinka Cup". The keepers of the cup, with Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum at their head, honored the president of the Slovak League and longtime editor of the newspaper Jednota, Phillip Hrobak, for his many contribu• tions to Slovak life, in particular for his contribution to American Slovaks of "a grammar and dictionary, and because with his aggresive elan, his perseverance and fear• lessness both as a newspaperman and as an organizer, he personifies the finest qualities, such as graced not only Uudovit stur, but also the first recipient of the cup, Andrew Hlinka, and those who came after."24 Phillip Hrobak remained at his post alert to developments on the international scene, and at the same time keeping American administrative circles informed of Slovak interests. He made several trips to Washington in 1958. His appeals and petitions were corroborated by reports in the American press, which wrote with admiration of developments in Slovakia. For instance the New York Times on January 13, 1958 carried a report which read: "The imperialists want to overthrow," announced the Czech communist, general-secretary of the Communist Party in Slovakia, Karel Bacilek, "our people's democracy by using Slovakia as a channel. Bourgeois nationalism is 120 SLOVAKIA allied with Ludakism and finds expression in an outcry against Czechs working in Slovakia." Another American newspaper disclosed: Slovakia, which has been more anti-Communist than some other East European countries, has experienced a new wave of anti-Czech, anti-Russian feeling in the past few months, and with Bulgaria is considered one of the Russian's most restless satellites.25 The League conducted its 36th congress on the 14th and 15th of June 1959 in Johnstown, Pennsylvania. It directed its attention to matters of American-Slovak cultural and civic life, and again declared itself for freedom and independence of Slovakia in the spirit of the address of its honorary president, Msgr. Francis Dubosh, who asserted: Our duty is to persevere in the struggle against Communism and to bolster everywhere the principles of democratic thought, democratic action, and the victory of democracy over dictatorship. This must also be the motivation of all our efforts with respect to the Slovak nation, to which we wish the same kind of freedom that we ourselves enjoy. In the struggle for an independent Slovakia the Slovak League will never, under any circumstances, capitulate. 26 The delegates unanimously reinstated Phillip Hrobak at the helm of the League, and Constantine culen at the post of secretary. In 1959 regional and local assemblies of the League prepared fitting commemorations of the 20th anniversary of the establishment of the Slovak Republic. A year later, through the initiative of Phillip Hrobak, president of the League, for the first time a public prayer for the Slovak nation was invoked on the floor of the American Congress. The March 14, 1960 session of the House of Representatives was opened by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., with the following prayer: Almighty God, heavenly Father, we beseach Thee to continue to bless our leaders so that they may always conscientiously serve the best interest of our nation and its people and thus remain in the favor of Thy Divine Providence. We pray Thee, God of Mercy, to mitigate the sufferings of all enslaved victims of brutal Communism and, in particular, on this solemn occasion of the Twenty-First Anniversary of the Proclamation of Slovak Independence, we implore Thee to grant the same blessings of freedom to the Slovak nation as Thou hast deigned to give us in our United States, so that Slovakia likewise, should have a 'government of the people, by the people, for the people'. SLOVAKIA 121 Lord, hear our prayers. And let our cries come unto Thee. Amen. 2 7 On May 9, 1960, in Whiting, Indiana, died the Reverend John Lach, a former member of the executive board of the Slovak League, cultural and social worker, particularly well-known as a generous patron of Slovak literary endeavors. "He was known and beloved not only among American Slovaks, but also among the Slovaks beyond the sea. His place was among the outstanding personalities of Slovak national life. He radiated love for his priestly calling, and for the Slovak people, and the Slovak people responded with the kind of love only they can show for the priests they love and for their genuine leaders ... " 28 The 37th congress of the Slovak League took place in the city of New York, on the 29th and 30th of May, 1961. It was conducted in the spirit of the preceeding congresses. The president of the First Catholic Slovak Union, John A. Sabol, described the Slovak League of America on this occasion as the finest heritage left by its founder Stephen Furdek. 29 This congress too, aproved a comprehensive memorandum in which the League expressed its loyalty to the United States and its government, and at the same time renewed its pleas for the liberation of the Slovak nation. In the memorandum are found the following statements: As Americans we sincerely believe that every nation, large and small, has the inherent, God-given right to freedom and independence, the right to its own nationhood and statehood. We believe, too, that liberty cannot be exercised by proxy and that all nations are entitled to a voice in the determination of their own destinies ... It is only natural that Americans of Slovak descent are vitally interested in the question of the national existence of the nation they are descended from. And since the Slovak nation cannot speak freely for itself, imprisoned as it is behind the Iron Curtain, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the recognition of and respect for the fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. These rights are predicated in the elementary democratic principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally obligated and entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend their rights to survival and self-fulfillment.30 Phillip Hrobak was again elected to the post of president of the Slovak League. The preceding five years had witnessed an outbreak 122 SLOVAKIA of considerable feuding among American Slovaks. The strife carried over into the Slovak League, which was thus hampered in the conduct of the activities which clamored for its attention. In the year 1962 all the clashes and disputes in the Slovak press were brought to a close. The 38th congress, convened in Detroit, Michigan, on the 27th to the 29th of May, turned its attention to this problem. It reflects well on the perspicacity of all the groups which sent delegates to this congress, that they were able to reach an agreement and to dispel the belligerence that had discouraged and retarded the cultural and national activities of American Slovaks. Dr. Peter P. Hletko became the new president of the League at this congress. Also, a decision was made to restore the office of the secretary, and to this post was elected Dr. Joseph Pauco. The proceedings of the congress were conducted on a high level. It was visited and addressed by several American politicians, foremost among whom was the Governor of the State of Michigan, J. S . Swainson. In 1963 American Slovaks joined everywhere in the free world in commemorating with appropriate ceremony and solemnity the 1100th anniversary of the advent of the apostles Cyril and Methodius in Slovakia. The League rose to its calling on this occasion, too. Phillip Hrobak, continuing in the post of editor of the periodical Slovakia, dedicated the 1963 issue to the memorable Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee. He himself, along with other contributors, illuminated the importance and far-reaching significance of Christian culture and Christian morals for the Slovak nation. In addition, the Slovak League convoked a national conference in Washington, D.C., on the 5th and 6th of April, 1963, which marked this anniversary with fitting observances, and also commemorated another event of great national significance, the centenary of the founding of the Matica Slovenska, the outstanding Slovak cultural institution. Lectures on the significance of these anniversaries were presented in Slovak by Dr. Joseph Stasko, and in English by Phillip A. Hrobak. The occasion was also observed with religious ceremonies in the National Shrine of the SLOVAKIA 123 Immaculate Conception, in Washington, D.C., which were conducted by the Reverend Paul Miklosovic, J.C.D., of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Also on this occasion, a delegation of the Slovak League, led by its president Peter P. Hletko and Phillip A. Hrobak, executive-board member, visited the State Department and again ventilated the demands of the Slovak League in the interest of the liberation of Slovakia. Thanks to the initiative of Phillip A. Hrobak the Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee received a signal commemoration on the floor of the American House of Representatives, when on March 14, 1963, the invocation was spoken by the Very Reverend Joseph Baran, V.F., from Lansford, Pennsylvania. A further project of the Slovak League of America in this connection was developed primarily through the initiative of its secretary: requests were sent to the governors of the States of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Michigan to declare days, weeks or months as commemorative observances of the CyriloMethodian Jubilee. Such observances were in fact proclaimed in all seven of the above-named states, which contain an absolute majority of Slovaks living in the United States. 31 The Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee and the Matica centenary called forth the finest efforts of the Slovak League, because the events they commemorate are deeply woven into the fabric of the Slovak national character-they form the pith and substance of the Slovak national heritage. To review: The Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee recalls the historical fact that the Slovaks are one of the oldest nations in Central Europe. Eleven hundred years ago they accepted Christianity and with it also Christian culture and civilization, whereby they definitely joined themselves with the western cultural world. The entire history of the Slovak people is characterized by this orientation. After the advent of the Slovak Apostles, a wealth of Slovak literature emanated in Slovakia which later became also the foundation of the literary culture of the other Slovanic nations. With the fall of Great Moravia, at the beginning of the tenth century, this culture gradually disappeared in Slovakia, because the Slovaks, after the collapse of their first political entity, came under the hegemony of the Magyars in Hungary, where Latin gradually replaced the ancient Slovak language as a literary medium. Politically, however, Slovakia retained 124 SLOVAKIA its independent status for many years. During the reign of Matus (Matthew) Cak of Trencin in the 14th century who controlled a large part of the Slovak country, Slovakia had its own army and its own mint ; and Matus concluded his own treaties with other countries without regard for Hungarian kings. Despite the fact that Slovaks had to suffer the hegemony of the Magyars for long centuries, they never renounced their Cyrilo-Methodian tradition, which became an integral part of their national ideology_ From the fifteenth century they are manifesting their adherence to the glorious past of their ancestors in numerous songs and historical works, thus demonstrating their antiquity and their claim to equality with the Magyars in old Hungary. In the middle of the nineteenth century the Slovaks, under the leadership of Louis Stur, Joseph Miloslav Hurban and Michael Hodfa, declared their independence and broke out in armed revolt against Magyar hegemony. In this struggle the Slovaks fondly recalled their first political entity, Great Moravia of the ninth century, and their national culture which was founded by SS. Cyril and Methodius. In 1863, despite the disfavor and opposition of Magyar authorities, the Slovaks celebrated the Millenium of the advent of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia in practically every town and hamlet. The same year, to honor their Apostles, the Slovaks established the Matica Slovenska. And in the first half of the nineteenth century the bard of Slovakia, Jan Holly, wrote his great epic "Cyrilo-Methodiada," which is unique in European literature, glorifying the merits of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius is wide-spread not only in Slovakia, but also wherever the Slovaks live, especially in the United States of America. This certainly is proof positive that the Slovaks are conscious of their cultural and .political antiquity. In America this cult is attested to by the numerous churches, schools, monasteries and fraternal societies that bear the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The Slovaks in the free world are commemorating the 1,lO0th anniversary of the advent of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia in a grandiose manner. Besides religious and national celebrations in the United States and Canada, the Slovaks are planning two pilgrimages to Rome, the Eternal City where St. Cyril is buried, where they will dedicate the Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius on September 15, 1963, the seminary made possible by the gifts of Slovaks in the free world to train young men for the priesthood who will one day, God willing, do missionary work in a free Slovakia. Slovak poets of the free world are publishing a collection of poems to honor the memory of the Slovak Apostles; writers and journalists are extending themselves to the utmost to make the cult of 88. Cyril and Methodius better known to the non-Slovak world. All this forcefully stresses the fact that the Slovaks - after 1,100 years - are still spiritually connected with their ancient past, with their own Great Moravian Empire, and with the foundations of the literary culture established by SS. Cyril and Methodius. All these celebrations and commemorations are at the same time a clear expression of the desire of the Slovaks for political freedom, for a free culture, for a free religious life. The Slovaks in the free world, under the leadership of the Slovak League of America, are at this time also reminding the free world that SLOVAKIA 125 their brethren in Slovakia, suffering under the brutal tyranny of the communists of Prague and Moscow, never did and never shall renounce their right to the political independence of Slovakia. This their right emanates from their political history and from their national and cultural antiquity. From Slovakia eleven hundred years ago Christianity spread to the Czech land, to Poland, to Hungary, to Bulgaria, and even to Russia. All these nations enjoyed a more fortunate past, they were able to create their own political states, only the Slovaks - one of the oldest nations in Central Europe - could not validate for long centuries their yearning and their right to their own state, because of the chauvinism and avariciousness of the nations that ruled over them. This year's great jubilee of the Slovak past is again a confirmation of the viability of the Slovak nation, of its loyalty to valid Christian val ues and, at the same time, an expression of the firm will of the Slovak to live an independent life, the kind of life ordained by God for man and for nations, the kind of life all nations of the world have the inherent right to live. The Slovak League of America, fully aware of its responsibility and fully conscious of its historical mission, expresses its profound feelings of fraternal relations with the suffering nation we are descended from, and in this great Slovak year, assembled in Washington, D.C., we again solemnly declare that we shall continue to exert ourselves, by all legal and ethical means at our disposal, for the preservation of the heritage of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Bernolak, and the Matica Slovenska, among American Slovaks, and that we shall continue in our effort to gain the favor of our American Government in the interest of renewing the free Slovak State in which, with the cooperation of all free nations, the Slovaks will fully enjoy the blessings of true freedom, the beginning and the end of which is the Gospel, and the most beautiful fruit of which. is contained in the testament of our Slovak Apostles, SS. Cyril and Methodius.32 Whereas the Slovak League had directed the Washington Declaration of 1963 to the American public at large, it addressed itself anew to topical political demands in a memorandum sent to Secretary-of-State Dean Rusk on October 7, 1963. This memorandum reads in part: As a representative of the United States government the President has asked me to tell you that the United States will continue to support the just aspirations of all people in the world for independence and liberty-aspirations which the Slovaks share today with many other captive nations. We hail and welcome this assurance from our President and we request, Mr. Secretary of State, that you graciously recognize the fact that the Slovak League of America represents over 300,000 organized Americans of Slovak extraction and as such deems it its sacred duty to speak before the American Government in behalf of the Slovak nation which now lives under a Communist form of government and is unable to speak out for its rights and self-determination of its freedom and independence. The movement for an independent Slovakia is very strong at this time in Europe as well as here in America. Just in the past few months -as may be verified by our Ambassador in Prague, a strong wave of 126 SLOVAKIA resistance swept across Slovakia against the Czech Stalinists who for years were represented in Bratislava by their own man, Karel Bacilek, the secretary general of the Communist party. Slovak Communists with strong nationalistic inclinations forced the Prague government to recall Bacilek, and another Stalinist, Premier Viliam Siroky. In addition, they forced the posthumous rehabilitation of the former secretary of foreign affairs, Vlado Clementis, a Slovak, whom the Stalinists have executed. Along with Clementis, other nationalistically inclined Communists in Slovakia, who had been jailed during <the era of the Czech Stalinists, were pardoned, namely: Dr. Gustav Husak and Ladislav Novomesky. Membership in the Communist party was restored to both and their voice is now being heard more and more in Slovakia. Husak was removed some 10 years ago because immediately after the Second World War he clamored for an independent Soviet Slovak Republic and took a stand against the Czecho-Slovak Republic. According to information we have, the situation in Slovakia during the last four months is very similar and almost as explosive as was the situation in Hungary in 1956, which led to the well-known revolt against the Soviets. The Slovaks, of course, have no assurance from the outside world that they would be provided help if they revolted against the Prague and Moscow governments. Without such assurance any attempted revolt must prove foolhardy. The recent retreat of Moscow in Prague, while only in the Communist ranks thus for, is apparent in Slovakia. The nationalists are acquiring a voice and it appears that there is no force that can stop them . Naturally, we in no way support and will not support any Communist movement. But it is apparent and clear to us that Slovak patriotism in the political aspects has deep roots in the anti-Communist movement in Slovakia as well as in the ranks of the Slovak Communists themeselves. For that reason we are stronger and stronger in our conviction that it is our moral duty to come to the defense of the sovereign rights of the Slovak nation from which we have descended and to ask for that much recognition in a practical political sense as was expressed and interpreted to us by the brother of our President, John F. Kennedy. 33 The historic city of Philadelphia hosted the 39th Congress of the Slovak League of America, on the 3rd to the 5th of May, 1964. The highlight of the Congress was a conference of young Americans of Slovak extraction. More than 80 young men and women participated. All walks of American-Slovak life were represented, and the discussion was extremely lively as the young people made suggestions for new forms of work. Out of the conference came a recommendation for the reorganization of courses in the Slovak language at various American centers. And the meeting issued an unanimous affirmation of the political program of the Slovak League: "Independence for Slovakia. This program is the most effective means of upholding Slovak consciousness."34 SLOVAKIA 127 The 39th Congress set forth its sympathetic support of the aspirations of the Slovak nation, when it declared in a special proclamation: As representatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group of Americans, we deem it our moral duty to move for, seek and, as dutiful citizens, rightfully demand, that our duly elected officialsnational, state and municipal-give a sympathetic ear to our pleas and that they take all legitimate avenues of action to bring about their fruition . Soberly mindful of the soul searching efforts of the Constitutional Fathers, ·here in this City of Brotherly Love, and in a humble effort to make comparable worthy contributions towards the liberation of our brethren and kinfolk from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic Soviet Communism in our ancestral land of Slovakia, we unanimously adopt this form of proclamation to put in operation our highly principled aims. We, accordingly, request our member organizations and their membership to solicit their local, state and federal officials for the assistance needed to reestablish, in God's good time, Slovakia as a free state in central Europe, an independent Slovakia, firmly dedicated to the moral principles upon which our own United States of America and all Western civilization stand and must stand or be doomed to the extinction that befell the Roman civilization and its predecessors.35 1 From the comprehensive report presented to the 39th Congress of the Slovak League by its president, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, clear evidence emerges that the League had advanced both morally and materially in the period following the Detroit congress. A generally enlivened interest had coursed through the organization, which was reflected in positive responses, from the Slovak man-in-the-street, as well as from American politicians - governors of states to members of Congress. Several regional conferences of the Slovak League were conducted with marked success, and the treasury of the League recorded a gain of over $10,000.00.36 President Hletko declined to run for reelection and in his place the delegates to the 39th Congress elected Mr. Stephen J. Tkac; Dr. Pauco was reelected to the office of Secretary-Treasurer. In 1964 the Slovak League of America commemorated, with a special declaration, the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of Andrew Hlinka, and the twenty-fifth anniversary of the declaration of Slovak independence. In the declaration it reaffirmed that: 128 SLOVAKIA The 14th of March remains an extraordinarily important milestone in Slovak history. This is true not only because, after long centuries of subjection, the Slovak nation had once more become master of its own destinies, but also because after March 14, 1939, there is no power on earth that can wipe from the souls of nationally conscious Slovaks the desire for independence and their own democratically administered state.37 The Slovak League and American Slovaks in general suffered painful losses in the year 1964. On January 10, in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, died Phillip A. Hrobak. "Only future decades will reveal what a loss for all of us was the death of the zealous, industrious, and noble Phillip Hrobak ... his drive was not after venal mammon, or earthly glory - on the contrary, the work of his life was motivated by sincere conviction and holy enthusiasm", wrote Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B.38 Bishop Andrew Grutka rounded out Hrobak's profile: His departure deprives Slovaks and people of Slovak extraction of a courageous defender and zealous promoter whose weapons and tool was a pen. With the pen he has enshrined himself in the hearts of Slovaks. The world over his name will be indelibly inscribed in the pages of history as one who labored for God and country untiringly and unselfishly.39 Phillip Hrobak "never wavered, never strayed from the Slovak line; never backed down - but stood an unflinching guard over the finest aspirations of his nation; he was the gallant warrior who was not affraid of battle, and who always knew that his place was in the raging center of the battle."40 Another worker of great merit in the spheres of church and nationality, Monsignore Francis Dubosh, spoke the following testimonial: ... a man like Phillip Hrobak is outstanding. To him, an American of Slovak origin, freedom was not an empty word, it was not a fetish, but it was something real. It was an actual right given by the Creator himself, and not by some human government. Some human governments have usurped to themselves the right of granting or denying freedom to men and nations. Against these, Phillip Hrobak, a man of deep faith and love for God and men, took up the cudgel and fought, in season and out of season, to restore the divine right of freedom to all men, and in particular to the Slovak nation, from which he descended, of which he was never ashamed, and which nation he loved.41 Almost never before had an American-Slovak leader received the kind of recognition that came to the deceased Phillip Hrobak, and this was so because, in the words of SLOVAKIA 129 the editor af Slovenska Obrana, "we can say without fear of contradiction that Hrobak performed a service of high merit for his nation. He left behind himself work of lasting value." 42 Shortly after Hrobak another eminent Slovak newspaperman and writer died: the former Secretary of the Slovak League, Constantine culen. Death struck him in the city of New York, on April 7, 1964. In culen the Slovaks lost one of the most aggressive and representative figures of their era. Constantine culen was the first Slovak writer to undertake systematic research in the history of American Slovaks, and the first to write a part of that history. He prepared many rich chapters in the history of parishes, movements, organizations, societies; he wrote biographies of priests; and he steadily pursued this line of work to the end. Even the first biography of the Reverend Stephen Furdek was prepared by Constantine culen. This work was written during the period of the Slovak Republic, when the daily siovak, in particular, regularly featured sketches of American-Slovak past and present, from the pen of Constantine culen. Constantine culen was first to bring about a reapprochement between Slovak America and the land of its origins. And had he accomplished nothing more as a writer and newspaperman, this accomplishment alone would rate him with the best - to be remembered as one of the foremost Slovak intellectuals of our century.43 On May 8, 1964, in the city of New York, died a former vice-president of the Slovak League of America and versatile correspondent of the Slovak newspapers, a man beloved among the Slovak rank-and-file-John Horecky. In Philadelphia the second vice-president-elect of the Slovak League, Dr. Paul Miklosovic, died suddenly on June 26, 1964, not having yet assumed office. He had been one of the most enlightened Slovak priests in America. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the declaration of the Slovak Republic he had pronounced the invocation to a session of the Senate of the United States. In it he spoke of the Slovaks, who "had always turned their eyes and hearts to the United States of America, knowing it to be strong, magnanimous, patient, and understanding."44 The new officers of the Slovak League of America addressed both candidates for the Presidency of the United States in a letter dated October 14, 1964, which stated in part: 130 SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America is concerned that up to this time there has not been an announcement by your party about the future of the peoples in Central Europe, where -0ur heritage stems and where over four million Slovaks suffer under Russian Communism and Czech domination and centralization. It is our conviction that the Slovaks have the God-given right to independence, because it is a people with over 1100 years of cultural background and a nation that has been striving for hundreds of years for freedom ... The Slovak League of America requests full recognition of American Slovaks in matters concerning ethnic groups and asks that our foreign policy concerned with oppressed peoples does not forget about the Slovaks in Central Europe and their birthright for independence. On October 21, 1965 the Slovak League addressed a letter to President L. B. Johnson, expressing approval of his policies in Vietnam, but reminding him at the same time of the plight of the Slovaks under Communism and their struggle for freedom and independence. In the spirit of the above-mentioned letters delegations of the Slovak League, headed by its president Stephen J. Tkac, visited the State Department on September 3, 1965 and March 28, 1966, where they presented petitions concerning the Voice of America and other administrative agencies. In these petitions the League requested that the organizational structure of these agencies be adjusted to allow for Slovak sections, separate and apart from existing Czech and Czecho-Slovak counterparts. Likewise, these delegations informed the State Department of the situation in Slovakia, placing particular stress on evidence that the Slovak movement for complete freedom was now much stronger than it had been in the years 1938-1939. The leadership of the League was given assurances that its petitions and related information were under study and had been passed on to the proper channels. In the spirit of the decisions of the 39th Congress of the Slovak League, its chief officers made overtures to the Slovak Lutherans (Evangelicals) of the United States for a strengthening of mutual ties and cooperation. This work was carried on by members of a special committee, which included Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., Dr. Peter P. Hletko, and Paul Jamriska. Particularly wide-ranging efforts in this direction were developed by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary-Treasurer of the League - through personal and SLOVAKIA 131 official contacts with various religious, national, and fraternal organizations of the Slovak Lutherans of the United States. A special campaign for reapproachment with the Lutherans was conducted on the pages of the weekly Slovak v Amerike, of which Dr. Pauco is publisher. An address which the Secretary-Treasurer presented to the Synod of the Slovak Lutherans held in Johnstown, Pennsylvania, on June 2, 1965, was described in their official publication as historic. "All these steps", said the president of the League Stephen J. Tkac in his report to the 40th Congress, "the meetings, articles, discussions and solemn pronouncements, have brought forth fruit. There is noticeable, in the first place, a relaxation of mutual tensions, and in both camps exploration of grounds for cooperation. I think that a most essential step has been taken and we have begun to talk. Our discussions are calm, we are exchanging views and accomplishing in the social and national spheres what has been taking place among Christian church groups in matters of a spiritual nature." 45 Cooperation with Slovak organizations and periodicals between the 39th and 40th congress was very good. Many regional and local units of the League held observances in 1965 and 1966, as in prior years, of March 14, Slovak Independence Day. These observances were designed to call to the American public's attention the fact that free Slovaks earnestly support freedom and independence for the nation from which they are descended. The publication Slovakia was issued in the years 1965 and 1966 under the editorship of Dr. Joseph Pauco, in 160 pages. Many universities, public libraries, and many young Slovak Americans evinced interest in this periodical, which is dedicated to Slovak cultural and national matters of the past and present. Financially the Slovak League entered the 40th Congress with a cash balance of over $18,000.00. The 40th Congress of the Slovak League was conducted on the 15th to the 17th of May, 1966, in the city of Youngstown, Ohio. A second conference of young people was 132 SLOVAKIA attended by over 100 participants. With Dr. Peter Hletko at the chair many matters of interest to young American Slovaks were debated and the participants expressed their viewpoints. Attorney Edward J. Behuncik, first vice-president of the League, delivered a talk on Slovak self-respect and pride. The young people requested further such conferences, in conjunction with congresses of the League, and outside them. The Slovak League also arranged with representatives of organizations which lively interest was developed for in the preservation of Slovak cultural in America. special conferences and periodicals, at further cooperation and national values The Congress approved the establishment of a scholarship fund for American college students of Slovak extraction, who would study Slovak history and arts, and would write serious studies in these fields. Discussion in the Congress was constructive and favorable to the strengthening of ecumenical ideas. At the closing banquet the benediction was invoked by a Lutheran Dean, Rev. August skodacek; another Lutheran pastor, the Reverend Andrew Rolik sent written salutations; and the Reverend Rudolph Flachbarth came to extend personal well-wishes, and to sit with the League's leaders in work sessions. At the banquet of the 40th Congress the principal address was presented by Congressman Michael A. Feighan, who evaluated the patriotic program of the Slovak League, expressed high praise for the Christian ideals of the Slovak nation, and announced that he had presented a demand to the Administration for a separate Slovak section in the Voice of America. In closing he declared: While the evil hand of Russian Communism continues its attempts to destroy the very spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius and to reduce the Slovak people to a state of complete servility, the Slovak people refuse to surrender that which, over a thousand years, they have continued to fi ght for - their spirit of independence, of justice and of freedom.46 The 40th Congress too approved a meaningful memorandum, in which the delegates noted, among other things: The eventual liberation of our brethren and kinfolk, and, in the SLOVAKIA 133 ecumenical spirit, all mankind from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic materialism of Communism must and will be our continuous goal. The reestablishment of an independent Slovakia as a free state in a united Europe must be, and, in God's good time, will be brought about through the efforts of our members and the peoples of other God fearing, oppressed ethnic groups and nations.4 7 The local American press, as well as radio and television, brought noteworthy attention to the 40th Congress of the Slovak League of America. From this standpoint it was one of the most successful congresses in the history of the League. The delegates in Youngstown approved a motion to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the founding of the League in the month of May 1966, in the city of Cleveland, Ohio. Preparations were started immediately after the conclusion of the congress and the executive board shifted most of its energies to this purpose. Nevertheless, oranizational and cultural work was by no means neglected, and further contacts with Administration people were steadily cultivated. President Stephen J. Tkac and Secretary-Treasurer Joseph Pauco wrote to President Lyndon Johnson to remind him that 20 years had passed since American-Slovak periodicals had been banned in Slovakia, while Communists continued to freely spread their propaganda throughout the free world. The honorary president of the League, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, had preserved in his possession a copy of a film produced by the Matica Slovenska (The Slovak Institute) titled Zem spieva (Song of the Earth). The League held showings of this film at various locations in the period preceding its jubilee celebration. The film arroused lively interest particularly among Slovak oldtimers and contributed to the enlivening of Slovak life in America. On the eve of the jubilee observance, held on the 27th and 28th of May, 1967, the publication Slovakia issued from the presses, again under the editorship of SecretaryTreasurer Pauco. This issue presents a compact history of the Slovak League of America, from its founding to the present, as well as other noteworthy contributions. The pre-jubilee mood among American Slovaks reflected a spirit of harmony, which had in recent years 134 SLOVAKIA become noticeable along the whole line of Slovak endeavors. The observance of the 60th anniversary of the Slovak League was conducted without the participation of a most prominent personality, one who had played an eminent role in Slovak life, particularly in the Slovak League of America: On January 17, 1967 in Chicago, Illinois died Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, perennial first lady of the League's Women's Auxiliary, the Vcielky (Bees), for many years vice-president of the League itself, and since 1966, its honorary vice-president. More than half a century of educational, organizational and charitable work is associated with the name of Julia Krajcovic. The charitable and patriotic work of the Vcielky under her leadership, as is pointed out elsewhere in this issue of Slovakia, comprises one of the finest chapters in the history of the Slovak League of America. One instance was the Vcielky's effective and substantial aid to Slovak victims of World War II, which presented a shining example of Slovak unity and harmony. Without Julia Krajcovic Slovak life in Chicago and all of America would hardly have flourished as it had during the days of the fullness of her vigor and elan. She was everywhere, and she did everything possible to promote love for the Slovak people and the Slovak word, to strengthen it, and to demonstrate it to the world.48 In its 60th year the Slovak League of America was poorer by many a distinguished colleague, including precious workers of the distaff side - but its momentum was full-forward, and its posture reflected readiness to continue its work for the preservation of Slovak consciousness, Slovak culture and Slovak traditions in America, and for a free Slovakia. FOOTNOTES 1. Zprava predsedu S'lovenskej Ligy v Amerike podana na XXIX . kongrese. (Report of the President of the Slovak League of America 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Presented to the 29th Congress.), Cleveland, Ohio, 1947. Published for distribution. Yurchak, Peter P. The Truth about Slovakia. 1947. Jednota. November 12, 1947. Jednota. March 12, 1947 "Prve vyrocie smrti Jana A. Kocura. " (The First Anniversary of the Death of John A. Kocur.) Jednota, July 20, 1949. Pauco, Joseph. Slovcici a komunizmus. (The Slovaks and Communism), Middletown, Pa., 1957, pg. 306. SLOVAKIA 135 7. "Vedieme boj a z boja neustt'.ipime." (We Are Engaged in Battle and Will Never Retreat from the Field), Jednota, April 27, 1947. 8. "The Czechoslovak Council." America, March 19, 1949. 9. Report on the American Slav Congress and Associated Organizations. Prepared and released by the Committee on Un-American Activities, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C., 1949. 10. Pauco, Joseph. Sfovcici a komunizmus. pg. 307. 11. Full text in Jednota, January 31, 1951. 12. "To the President and Congress of the United States." Jednota, May 9, 1951. 13. Report on the conference in Jednota, May 28, 1952. 14. Jednota. May 6, 1953. 15. The memorandum was published for distribution under the title : Memorandum to the President and the Congress of the United States of America. Issued by the Thirty-Third Congress of the Slovak League of America, April 28, 1953, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 16. Jednota. June 9, 1954. 17. Declaration of the National Conferenc e of Americans of Slovak Descent. May 24-25, 1954, Washington, D.C. Eight-page publication with photostatic copies of the signatures of the participants. 18. Memorandum Concerning the Czech-Communist Military Intervention in Slovakia. Presented to the United Nations General Assembly by the Slovak League of America and Slovak National Council Abroad . Middletown, Pa., December 22, 1956. Published for distribution. 19. "Za Dr. Frantiskom Hrusovskym." (In Memoriam to Dr. Francis Hrusovsky.) , Kalendcir Jednota 1957, pg. 23. 20. "Biskup Grutka na kongrese Slovenskej Ligy." (Bishop Grutka at the Congress of the Slovak League,), Jednota, May 29, 1957. 21. "Slovenskej Lige v Amerike." (To the Slovak League of America.), Jednota, May 22, 1957. 22. Memorandum to the President of the United States of America, the Hon. Secretary of State of the United States of America, and the Hon. Ambassador of the United States to the United Nations by the Thirty-Fifth Congress of the Slovak League of America. Cleveland, Ohio, May 28, 1957. Published for distribution. 23. Golden Jubilee and the XXXV Congress of the Slovak League of America. May 26-28, 1957, Cleveland, Ohio, 96 pp. Contributors: Phillip A. Hrobak, Msgr. Francis Dubosh, Julia Krajcovic, Paul Jamriska, and Dr. Joseph A. Mikus. The publication is bi-lingual. 24. From the speech of Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, as quoted in Jednota, March 27, 1957. 25. "Czech Trials Seen as Sign of Red Fears." Sunday News. New York City, March 16, 1958. 26. Jednota. June 24, 1959. 27. Full text in Jednota, March 16, 1960. 28. From an eulogy by Bishop Andrew Grutka, as quoted in Jednota, May 18, 1960. 29. The complete text of Sabol's salutation in Jednota, June 7, 1961. 30. Memorandum to the President and the Congress of the United 136 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. SLOVAKIA States of America. The XXXVII Congress of the Slovak League of America, May 29-30, 1961, New York, N. Y., 4 pp. "Slovenska Liga oznamuje." (The Slovak League Announces.), Jednota, August 7, 1963. "Proclamation of the Slovak League of America, Washington, D.C., April 5, 1963." Jednota, April 17, 1963. The full text of the memorandum in Jednota, October 16, 1963. From a report published in Jednota, May 6, 1964. Proclam ati on of May 5, 1964. 39th Congress - Slovak League of America. Philadelphia, Pa., 4 pp. Jednota published the full text of Dr. Peter Hletko's report in its issues of May 20 and 27, 1964. "Na pamat' storocnice Andreja Hlinku a 25. vyrocia vyhlasenia Slovenskej Republiky." (In Commemoration of the Hlinka Centennial and the 25th Anniversary of the Declaration of Slovak Independence.), Jednota, March 11, 1964. The declaration was signed by the chief officers and executive board of the Slovak League of America, as well as by the presidents of all its affiliated organizations. "Nad smrt'ou Filipa Hrobaka. " (Reflections on the Death of Phillip Hrobak.),Jednota, January 22, 1964. "In Memoriam." Ibid. " Tryzna za Filipom Hrobakom." (An Elegy to Phillip Hrobak. ), Mikulas Sprinc, Jednota, January 29, 1964. " Phillip Anthony Hrobak." Jednota, February 12, 1964. "Za Filipom Hrobakom." (In Memory of Phillip Hrobak. ), Slov enska Obr ana, Scranton, Pa., January 21, 1964. Additional data from the life of Phillip Hrobak appears in Literarny Almanach Slovaka v A m erike, Middletown, Pa., 1967, pp. 157-158. Jednota. April 15, 1964. More about Constantine Culen in the abovecited Literarny Alm anach Slovaka v Amerike, pp. 129-130. Jedn ota. April 1, 1964. 45. Zprav a preds edu Slovensk ej L i gy v Amerike Stefana J. Tkaca na 40. kongrese v o Voyager Motor Inn, Youngstown, Ohio, 16. maja 1966. (Report of the President of the Slovak League of America Stephen J. Tkac at the 40th Congress in the Voyager Motor Inn, Youngstown, Ohio, May 16, 1966.), pg. 7. 46. Slov akia. Middletown, Pa., Volume XVI, 1966. pp. 126-127. 47. M emorandum Adopted Unani mously by the 40th Congress of the Slov ak League of America. Youngstown, Ohio, May 17, 1966. 4 pp. 48. " Chicago stratilo najpoprednejsiu Slovenku." (Chicago Loses its Foremost Slovak Lady.)), Nase Hlasy, February 1967. Anna Kolena eulogized the life and work of Julia Krajcovic in an extensive necrology titled "Za Juliou Krajcovicovou." (In Memory of Julia Krajcovic ), Slovak v Amerike, February 1, 1967. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is an AMERICAN INSTITUTION; it was organized May 26, 1907, at Cleveland, 0 ., by the Rev. Stephen Furdek.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Under Dynamic Leadership Description An account of the resource Joseph Paučo, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 104-136 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Relation A related resource This article is one of five from this special issue republished as a monograph: Paučo, Jozef, ed. 1967. <em>Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America.</em> Middletown Pennsylvania: Slovak League of America. <a href="https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616" target="_blank" title="Link to WorldCat" rel="noreferrer noopener">https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616</a> 60years SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/21b94f30889d6c1fd49952f3b57d9503.pdf 83c0b89e2c828868c96df4cd561c93ba PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 63 SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AND INDEPENDENT SLOVAKIA By Mikulds Sprinc On October 6, 1938, when the Slovaks attained autonomy and the Pittsburgh Agreement was incorporated into the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia, the Slovak League in America had a great and unquestioned share in the great event. In the days that followed there was an outburst of fresh enthusiasm. The Slovaks were beginning to build their own new national home on the pattern of the Pittsburgh Agreement. Slovakia fully appreciated the support which had been given the country by the Slovak League in America for the attainment of its self-government. The Slovak nation immediately wanted to know about the life of the American Slovaks because a mutual affection and friendship develops through knowledge and understanding. Konstantin Culen, a dynamic writer and ace newspaperman, was sent by Karol Sidor and the Slovak autonomous government to the U.S. His chief role was to establish closer cultural ties with the American Slovaks and to write a history of the Slovaks in America, - and as a secondary purpose, to act as a life-line between the Slovaks in their homeland and their fellow countrymen overseas; also, to maintain communication between the American Slovak organizations and the Slovaks at home. What the attitude of the Slovak League was towards the new form of Slovak national life in the old country was at this time we readily deduce from the special meeting of the executive committee of the Slovak League on March 2-3, 1939, in Pittsburgh, Pa. We read the following minutes : "President Rusek warmly welcomed the distinguished guest, Konstantin Culen, from Slovakia. The Slovak emissary thanked him sincerely and in his brief response expressed his feelings and extended the greetings of the Slovak government and parliament to all the American Slovaks. The applause was spontaneous and enthusiastic." In another section of the above minutes of the same �64 SLOVAKIA meeting, culen's impressions of the public reaction in Slovakia to the first session of the Slovak parliament in Bratislava are recorded as follows: "We were indeed sorry that there were no American Slovaks present at the opening session of the first Slovak parliament in history. The places reserved for you were vacant. But since you were absent from this historic session, I feel sure you will be represented at the next session, the second one, at which the Slovak parliament will discuss the Constitution. You must come, and others, too, from all over America." How vitally interested. the Slovak League of America was in the matter of Slovak autonomy in 1939 is evident from the same special executive meeting, for a nominating committee was named to select a delegation to visit Slovakia. This committee immediately chose the following: Ivan Bielek, J . A. Kocur, Jozef Rusek, Mrs. Gabriela Vavrek r.nd Dr. Peter P . Hletko, alternates were P . Jamriska, Rev. Klemo Hrtanek. Rev. Florian Billy, Andrej Suroviak and Michal Sincak. Jozef Rusek, the president, was designated to head the special delegation, which received unanimous approval. It was decided at the meeting that the Slovak League delegation should take the original Pittsburgh Agreement document and present it to the Slovak nation 'with due ceremonies' - and added remark in the minutes. The executive committee of the Slovak League made this decision on the basis of the previous Congress of the Slovak League which had approved the proposal to surrender the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement, a precious historical document, and present it officially to the Slovak parliament as soon as the political requirements guaranteed to the Slovak nation were fulfilled and carried out as outlined .3pecifically in the pact. A fund raising campaign to help Slovakia was organized, which again shows the enthusiastic support in behalf of the freedom of Slovakia by the Slovak League of America. This received the unanimous approval of all present because they realized how important it was to lend a helping hand at this particular time of the Slovak nation's history. Practically everybody pledged his aid. Mr. Kridlo res- �SLOVAKIA 65 ponded first. His organization ( the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union) voted $150 and promised to contact all of its branches for donations. Virostek, Jamriska, Dlhos, Salva and Kostolnik spoke approvingly - Kostolnik presented a check from the Federation of Slovak Societies in Detroit and later sent in the sum of $270 which he had personally collected for aid to Slovakia. Good will and generosity were in evidence everywhere for this good and worthy cause. The Slovak League records show the magnanimity of our people on this occasion. One feels anew the spirit of the times of Furdek and the first campaign of the American Slovaks during World War I. It is no wonder that the Slovak League rejoiced, for this was the first time since the fall of its kingdom of Moravia (at the beginning· of the 10th century) that the Slovaks had their own national parliament and were assured self-government. The Slovak State and the Slovak League of America Slovakia's struggle of two decades ended on a triumphant note of victory and the Slovak League had had a major share in the winning of national autonomy. But Divine Providence decreed that the Slovak nation should have not only self-government but an independent Slovak state. From October, 1938, to March, 1939, the Slovak spirit of national pride reached its highest point of development and it became increasingly clear that Slovakia was ripe not only for autonomy but for a complete, self-governing state. Meantime, Slovakia was ridding itself of Czechs whom the Slovak autonomous government sent home to Prague. Treaty-breaking Czechs who bitterly assailed the emergence of a new Slovakia and plotted to take autonomy away from the Slovak nation by force of arms, even though the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic solemnly guaranteed it. Under the heavy pressure of the European political situation and subject to aggression by Germany, the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia fell apart at the seams. At the same time the Slovaks who were united under their own . national parliament and government in Bratislava �65 SLOVAKIA cheered the unanimous decision of the parliament to declare the Slovak nation's independence and the establishment of an independent Slovak state, the Slovak Republic on March 14, 1939. These events in the history of the Slovak nation are m omentous and unforgettable. No one pressurized the Slovak parliament on March 14, 1939, to its unanimous declaration to organize its own, free self-governing and sovereign state. If the idea of Slovak statehood had not been ripe, and if the legally constituted body of Slovak representatives had not grasped that this was the final phase of the Slovak struggle for self-government, if they had not realized that their unanimous vote for independence was in harmony with the will of the vast majority of the Slovak people, they would have timidly surrendered to the tragic circumstances of having their country torn asunder by neighbors who had never been true friends but covetous foes of the 8.lovak nation. Fully conscious of their opportunity, responsibility and dangers ahead, they decided to go forward as a free nation towards its destiny. Germany's hand of friendship was extended, it had not been solicited, but now that it was given, it was accepted because a refusal would have not only been inexpedient but perhaps suicidal in view of the political tension of the times. No one can justly blame the Slovaks for the acceptance cf German support. They could not know in advance that in the future their self-proclaimed champion would become barbaric and inhumane, nor could they foresee future developments when actually on March 14, 1939, the Germans solemnly announced that they had no territorial demands other than the Sudeten lands . From every angle the Slovak state was to become in reality what the Slovak nation dreamed about and fought ior through the centuries, namely, the highest development of a nation's genius as the result of the embodiment of Slovak rights to freedom and independent progress, a renewal of the glorious and triumphant tradition of Slovak princes and rulers, the fulfillment of the aspirations of all Slovak generations, the actualization of the right to �SLOVAKIA 67 regulate their own affairs by themselves, and for themselves, and for their own Slovak welfare and happiness in building and maintaining their own free, national state. This was their golden destiny. At no time had the renaissance of the Slovak national spirit soared to such heights of glory as during the Slovak Republic. Never before had the country's administration been in the hands of native Slovaks and never before had the Slovaks worked so hard and so willingly, or paid their taxes so readily as then. Slovak lands for the first time in history produced everything in abundance for the benefit of the Slovaks who finally ruled and governed themselves, and were masters of their national destiny. As nothing but destruction and ruin met the eye beyond the borders of the Slovak Republic, Slovakia enjoyed a period of phenomenal growth and prosperity. The Slovaks gave their Republic a democratic Constitution while totalitarianism and dictatorship surrounded them on every side. Slovak statesmen constructed their political edifice on the foundations of God's law and providence at a time when everywhere in Europe Christian morality was being almost universally supplanted by the savage cult of force and a new pagan philosophy. Archbishop Karol Kmet'ko recalled the universal acclamation that had greeted the founding of the Slovak Republic and he spoke of the Slovak state openly at the procommunistic trial held in Bratislava after the war. His testimony clearly indicates that the declaration of Slovak independence on March 14, 1939, was the occasion for a spontaneous celebration throughout Slovakia. Catholics and Protestants rejoiced alike . Every true Slovak was genuinely pleased and happy at the turn of events that brought the Slovak nation its own free, independent state. Moreover, he began to appreciate more and more the many opportunities to develop his native talents for his individual welfare, as well as for the benefit of his own country. For too long he had been denied these opportunities because of alien rule. Slovak League archives contain the following text of a letter from a Protestant school inspector in Slovakia: �68 SLOVAKIA It was adressed to Jozef Rusek, President, Slovak League of America, Pittsburgh, Pa. The text of the letter: Teachers of the Slovak school inspectors' committee in Trencin who have taken the oath of loyalty to the Slovak state, gratefully recall your vigorous fight for the recognition of the independence of our Slovak nation. In this free Slovak state we will work with might and main, God helping us, for the spiritual and material welfare of our nation and state. We respectfully request your aid, Mr. President, so that we may succeed in our common endeavor. With the approval of the teachers I send you sincere greetings from the 'old country.' With sentiments of profound esteem, Na straz! - On Guard, Michal Balafovic, School Inspector in Trencin, Slovakia This is only one of many expressions of hope, confidence and joy that greeted the founding of the free, Slovak state, and as usual, was accompanied by a message of gratitude addressed to the Slovak League of America. Not even for a moment did the Slovak League hesitate to take its proper stand on the question of the newly-created Slovak state. Accordingly, at an executive meeting on May l 2, 1939, in Pittsburgh, Pa., the officers formulated the official reaction on the basis of the recommendations made by the president, Jozef Rusek, namely: 1) Establish a special committee to draw up a Memorandum to 1e addressed to the governments of the U.S., Britain and France in the interests of and for the recognition of the Slovak state, a revision of the boundaries, and a provision to guarantee the cultural rights of 700,000 Slovaks residing inside Hungary. 2) Designate a reporter from the Slovak League and dispatch him to Slovakia to determine the situation there and investigate the exact conditions under which the Slovaks decided to terminate their alliance with the Czechs. After discussing the matter, the members at the meeting agreed to authorize the Slovak League executive officers: 1) To name the necessary committees. 2) To establish an information bureau in Washington, D.C. in order to counteract false , deceitful and slanted anti-Slovak news in the American press and furnish the American press instead with information founded on facts and the truth. 3) To edit English memoranda and pamphlets in the int.erest of the Slovak nati.on and its officially constituted �SLOVAKIA 69 free state, the Slovak Republic. 4) To take the necessary steps for a hearing in the State Department in the nation's capital in order to obtair, U.S. recognition of the Slovak Republic. All these fo:re-going resolutions are duly registered and taken verbatim from the minutes of the above meeting of the Slovak League's executive committee, May 12, 1939. They prove that the Slovak League gave prompt approval to the Slovak state. and, as always, sought to lend a helping hand by seeking to obtain the diplomatic and official recognition of the Slovak state by the United States government in Washington, D.C. On the otherhand, the Slovak state was not un-mindful of the Slovak League of America. The first president of the Slovak Republic sent a greeting by cablegram addressed directly to the 22nd Congress of the Slovak League, in the city of Cleveland, Ohio. The minutes of the Congress refer to this as follows: The president announced that Dr. Jozef Tiso, the president of the Slovak Republic, sent his greetings to the Congress and he asked Dr. Peter Hletko, honorary president of the Slovak League, to read the message. Whereupon, Dr. Hletko read the cablegram informing the American Slovaks of the warmth and loyalty prevailing everywhere throughout the country to the new Slovak state. The message also indicated the immediate necessity of defending the young Republic against enemy aggression and the happy outcome of events in perilous and challenging times. Moreover, there was a note of assurance anct hope for the future destiny of the Slovak nation. Prolonged applause followed the reading of the cablegram from President Tiso. This Congress of the Slovak League in Cleveland directed the administration of the League to reply with a cablegram to Dr. Jozef Tiso, the first president of the Slovak Republic. (Minutes of the 22nd Congress of the Slovak League of America, Cleveland, Ohio, May 12-14, 1939). Czechoslovakia on the Horizon While the Slovaks in their free Slovak Republic rolled up their sleeves and went to work in full strength to build their Slovak state, and while the Slovak League took the first step to secure recognition for the newly-formed Slovak Republic by the government of the United States, the defeated, cowardly ex-president of the Czecho-Slovak Re- �70 SLOVAKIA public, Dr. Benes, appeared on the scene here with his entire entourage. History repeats itself - as in World War I his gaze was directed again towards the American Slovaks who de facto had set up the Czecho-Slovak Republic financially, so now Dr. Benes sought the sympathy and support of the Slovak League of America. He did not approach the League personally but sent his faithful servant, Dr. Juraj Slavik. Dr. Slavik therefore, appeared on May 12, 1939, at the Slovak League executive meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa. Dr. Slavik's visit is described in the minutes of the meeting as follows: Then President Josef Husek introduced Dr. Slavik, former minister in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and requested him to state the nature of his mission. The guest speaker extended his greetings and then proceeded to explain what had happened in Slovakia, especially how the Slovak state had been created, how much of his property had been confiscated by the Slovak government, and his reasons for cooperation with Dr. Benes for the re-establishment of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He further stated that it was Professor Tuka, Sano Mach, chief of propaganda, Karol Murgas, head of he Hlinka Guards (Militia) , and Dr. Ferdinand !>urcansky who were the instigators of a plot that enabled Hitler to destroy the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He referred to Sidor, a member of parliament, and declared that Sidor had been opposed to Slovak independence and for that reason the Hlinka party dismissed him from the Slovak government. Mr. Husek interrupted the Benes emissary and gave him a letter from Sidor who explained the events in an entirely different vein ; and even his account of why he was dropped from the formation of the new Slovak government differed substantially from Slavik's report. Reaction to Sidor's letter was simply a smile on Slavik's face when he returned the letter to Husek without comment. Various questions touching on discrimination, persecution and imprisonments to which loyal Slovaks were subjected at the hands of the central regime in Prague were directed at the visitor. Whereupon, Slavik made only feeble attempts to exonerate his Czechoslovak and Czech colleagues - and these, of course, were all in vain. His hearers remained unimpressed. Dr. Slavik's sweet talk did not win the Slovak League because now as never before it stood solidly behind the idea and reality of the free Slovak state. The official reply was clear as implied in the recommendation at the meeting: "To draw up a resolution that would concisely and clearly express the Slovak League's reasons to oppose Dr. Eduard Benes's program and leadership which were designed for the renewal of the old Czecho-Slovakia." �SLOVAKIA 71 That was a genuinely Slovak reply of the Slovak League. Dr. Slavik's visit was merely the first of several attempts to derail the Slovak League so that the people, led by Dr. Benes, might once more get the League into their clutches. Although the Slovak League remained firm, Benes did not cease his machinatio ns. Rocky Path for the Slovak League of America In the interim, the most dreadful of wars had spread throughou t Europe. All communic ations between Slovakia and the Slovak League of America was suddenly cut off. Against its will Slovakia was dragged into the conflict. As the bitter aftermath of Dr. Benes's failure to lure the Slovak League into a position of unqualified support of the Czechoslov ak camp against the Slovak state, the Czechoslovak governmen t-in-exile simply began a campaign of revenge against the League. A nationwide Czechoslov ak apparatus hit the Slovak League with a ferocious propagand a barrage. It was the intention of Benes to destroy the League by discreditin g it in Washingto n in a vicious smear campaign that sought to put the stamp of nazism on the organizatio n, labeling the Slovak League maliciously as a loyal Hitler ally, and therefore, an enemy of the U.S. and the United Nations . Against this web of lies circulated by the Czechoslov ak propagand a agency here against the Slovak League, naturally, the latter had great difficulties in meeting charges that were made arbitrarily but which could not be adequately answered because the Slovak League lacked necessary informatio n from Slovakia to refute the malicious propagand a. With no communic ation because of the war, it seemed that the Slovak League was completely at the mercy of the merciless foes of Slovak freedom who attempted to cut the vital roots of the organizatio n and destroy it forever . In fact, matters went so far that officers in the Slovak League were subjected to federal investigation on charges of being dangerous to the national interests of the U.S. as subversive elements. The Czechs had their allies in Washingto n and they were not particular about the methods and means to be used to attain their mad objective of destroying the Slovak League. �72 SLOVAKIA This was an unequal and bitterly fought contest. Benes and his informants were the sources of information of the highest military propaganda bureaus in Washington. Jozef Rusek as president of the Slovak League had presented a Memorandum in Washington, D.C. asking for U.S. recognition of the Slovak state. It was ignored. Meanwhile, reports (false) were circulated that Slovakia got involved in the war by declaring hostilities on the U.S. There was no way for the Slovak League to verify or deny these reports . . the line of communication with Slovakia was closed tightly. If the Slovak League, in 1943, had only known one salient fact , namely, that the so-called war-declaration on the U.S. was not a legally declared state of war because neither the Slovak parliament nor President Tiso had given their assent to such a grave act, and that in actuality the reported 'state of war' between Slovakia and this country was an illegal proclamation of one man, Dr. Vojtech Tuka, who. without any authority what-so-ever simply declared war on the U.S. Extreme determination to destroy the Slovak Republic motivated Dr. Benes in his policy. Consequently, this declaration of war was utilized to the utmost in distorted form by the resigned second president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. It served Benes well to emphasize this status of an 'official act of hostility' presumably on the part of the Slovak nation, which actually was against such n declaration, as was the Slovak government with its parliament and President Tiso . Indisputably, on the face of it, without explaining the circumstances of the reported declaration of war on the U.S. by Slovakia, this was a great opportunity for Dr . Benes to exploit the occasion and he did, to the hilt. His intrigues for the despicable objective of the destruction of the Slovak nation's own free state knew no bounds. Monsignor Francis Dubosh, wartime president of the Slovak League of America, was shouldered with the heavy responsibility of defending the organization against · vilification by its enemies. Slovak League archives of 1943 contain a complete record of correspondence between Msgr. Dubosh and the OWI (Office of War Information). �SLOVAKIA 73 Faced by an endless series of barefaced lies that poured into Washington from the sworn foes of Slovak freed.om, the Slovak League stood fast in its defense of the truth and freedom for Slovakia. Moreover, there was nothing to hide, for the Slovak League membership, its president and executive officers were men of personal integrity and loyal citizens of the United States. They met the challenge without flinching and withstood the test with courage and dignity. Some timid souls, it is unfortunately true, became terrorized by this vicious attack of the enemy but the leadership of such stalwart men as Monsignor Dubosh rallied the faithful under the unsullied banner of the Slovak League of America. In the end they prevailed in the fight for Slovak freedom , self-government and free statehood. Now that they sensed the type of opposition they had to contend with, they became determined to maintain the struggle until final victory over the evil forces arrayed against the gallant men they were associated with in the Slovak League . Many resolutions and statements on behalf of the Slovak nation were formulated and proclaimed by the Slovak League despite the bitter attacks levelled against its daring leaders and resolute program. Dr. Benes and his paid propagandists spent several million dollars but all their fiery and venomous darts failed to pierce the stout armor of the American Slovak champion who defended the great citadel of freedom for Slovakia, namely, the Slovak League of America. Though under tremendous tension and pressure in this struggle, the Slovak League did not falter. Its leaders addressed new resolutions that reached the highest government circles in Washington. The historic 'Memorandum', which was entitled, "The Slovaks and their Rights to Nationhood", was sent directly to President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Signed by Msgr. Dubosh and Jan A. Kocur, this wartime document was a review of the struggle of the Slovaks through the centuries for their national freedom and their right to determine their own national destiny on the fundamental democratic principle and tradition of self-determination. �74 SLOVAKIA Whether the Slovaks should have their own independent state, or whether they should belong to the CzechoSlovak Republic, the Slovak League, being deprived of factual news from Slovakia, did not presume to be a competent judge - and hence, it merely wished to re-emphasize President Roosevelt's proclamation and democratic creed that "every nation, no matter how small, has the inherent right to its own nationhood." American statesmen are formally addressed in the prophetic and fearless appeal which deals fundamentally with the Slovak problem: We Americans of Slovak ancestry who make sacrifices and fight side by side with other nations, and have dedicated our lives to the cause of freedom, appeal to our leaders in this momentous struggle and ask them especially to have the destiny of Slovakia in mind lest the foes of Slovak rights to freedom and nationhood deceive them in an unguarded moment, we further respectfully request them to bear in mind the sacred right of the Slovak nation to its own national selfgoverning state, which, as a matter of history, the Slovak nation established after many centuries of struggle against oppression and tyranny; and finally, we ask that liberty, self-determination and the means to a democratic way of life be guaranteed to the Slovaks in the same full measure as will be guaranteed all other nations in the world. This memorable document explains quite extensively 2nd manifestly Czech treacheries aimed against the Slovaks and takes a firm, uncompromising stand against Dr. Benes and his Slovak and Czechoslovak janizaries. It remains a historic testimony that not all Slovak emigrants were on the side of Dr. Benes. The examples of Dr. Osusky and Dr. Hodfa are cited because their political programs coincided essentially with the articles of the Pittsburgh Agreement (Pact) . Remarkable in many respects, but especially amazing is the fact that the Slovak League's life and death struggle was carried on despite an empty treasury against the millions of dollars expended by Benes and his anti-Slovak confederates! Dr. Milan Hodza and the Slovak League of America Dr. Milan Hodfa was invited to be a guest speaker at the 25th Congress of the Slovak League of America. Hodfa, an emigrant political leader from Slovakia, ex- �SLOVAKIA 75 pressed his regrets but sent in an extensive letter or message dated April 9, 1943, and addressed to Msgr. Dubosh, President, in which he explains, in detail, his stand on the Slovak problem and outlines his suggestions and proposals to the Slovak League which was involved vitally in the struggle for Slovakia's rights to national freedom and statehood. About American Slovaks Dr. Hodza has this opinion: First, I highly esteem the Slovak League as an institution of the American Slovaks, one that has done meritorious work in behalf of the Slovak nation and its native homeland. Hodza pays tribute to Furdek, the founder of the Slovak League, and reviews the currents of Slovak political action. He has words of praise for Slovak patriotism and pride that was inspired by the Slovak League, the great champion of the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom. On the subject of World War II , he expressed his understanding of the perilous times: Everyone who knows anything of Slovak loyalty could never have any shadow of doubt about the allegiance of American Slovaks to American democracy or deny their wholehearted dedication to the ideals of freedom and democracy - for America and Slovakia. But someone rashly has said that the majority of American Slovaks have 'fascist leanings.' To that unfounded charge I reply: When it became necessary to defend their country and the highest moral values of mankind, the American Slovaks proved themselves by their deeds and sacrifices. They purchased bonds and bombers, joined the military forces in large numbers, with their young men and women enrolling in all the services-hundreds, perhaps thousands of whom now are wounded or dead on battlefields in every corner of the globe . .. suffering death or wounds in defense of American democracy, security and freedom. Such are Slovak 'fascists.' This moving testimonial to the Slovak League's program by a leading Slovak politician and statesman excels anything that might be added on the subject. It is an honest, heartfelt evaluation of the work of the Slovak League based on firsthand observation and information. Moreover, Hodza, as he notes in his long letter to the Slovak League, considered it his solemn duty to inform the Slovaks of America of the events that occurred up to the year, 1938, in Czecho-Slovakia. He recalls the visit of the Slovak League delegation in Praha. Upon being approached to support the Pittsburgh Agreement, he ob- �?(, SLOVAKIA served that he had already drawn up his own draft for Slovak rights, which, in his personal opinion, he deemed substantially even better and proposed it as a substitute. Hodza explains that his political views were based on the fact that both economically and financially Slovakia was very weak at the conclusion of World War I. He goes on record: In a public statement of May 17, 1938, I spoke about the Pittsburgh Agreement, and in the discussion I urged that the time for criticizing it was long past. Now was the time to actualize it in reality, I said. Finally, at the end of June or the beginning of July, 1938, I succeeded in securing a virtual promise of the government to recognize it and put it into effect, namely, the official extension of self government and the establishment of a parliament in Bratislava for Slovakia. Subsequent remarks by Hodza emphasized his advocating the international political continuity of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and the self-same continuity of the internal political policies and acts of the Republic. Since the legality of the Zilina Agreement was nullified on the grounds that it had been drawn up a week after Munich, the legality of the decisions of the constitutional government of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in June and July, 1938, could not be questioned, and therefore he favored guarantees for self-rule and the rights of the Slovak nation in their native home country. Under all circumstances Hodza stood his ground in this manifest policy. He added: What type of federal or political system we will decide upon, that will be our domestic problem. But to be specific: No longer shall we tolerate the machinery of the Czecho-Slovak Assembly in Prague to dominate by its majority vote. Why not? Because in a total of some 300 members the Czechs have approximately 150 votes, the Slovaks scarcely 60. Thus a 2/3 or a 3/ 5 majority vote would automatically determine Slovak policy with or without a small Slovak minority. No longer can we allow this government monopoly by a Czech regime in Praha. The new reorganization of the state must take into consideration a constitutional measure respecting a Slovak national majority as well as a Czech national majority correspondingly in their own national assembly or parliament. This is the principle and policy that was enunciated and approved by the Czecho-Slovak National Committee on January 1, 1940. In the future, Hodza believed, that the vast majority of the Czechs would abandon centralism as a national policy and accept the new effective policy of mutual Czech �SLOVAKIA 77 and Slovak cooperation through proper Slovak representation on the basis of a federative status of national equality. "I am continuing my efforts in behalf of Slovakia today on the basis of international law," Dr. Hodza declared, "and in accord with England which in March, 1939, of its own volition, and on the basis of fundamental reasons, refused to recognize German dis-memberm ent of the Czecho-Slova k Republic." Both the U.S and the Soviet Union, according to Hodza, adhered to this view of continuity, and he, therefore, thought this was the only sure foundation for future action in behalf of Slovakia. Peace in Europe Hodza envisioned as the development of an intimate association of America, England and Russia and the creation of a central European federation to which Yugoslavia and Romania should belong also. This federation, he believed, would be an effective defensive bloc against any possible future German aggression. "Slavonic democracy' --, in Hodza's opinion, "in which the Slovaks must have a role, must guarantee both national and religious freedom, human dignity, the rights of the individual, provide social and economic security, preserve representativ e government that is based on the free expression of each nation's will." American Slovaks, through its Slovak League, demanded all the guarantees of democratic freedom and the free exercise of natural rights for the Slovak nation on the basis of the Atlantic Charter, namely, the Four Freedoms, self-determin ation and the right to choose their own national destiny. Conclusion of Dr. Hodza's message reads: "Continue as you have begun. You are on the right road." All Slovaks with few exceptions at home and abroad Hnanimously agree that the Slovaks are entitled as a nation to the rights of freedom and self-determin ation, the cardinal principles of the victorious united nations of World War II. There were no substantial differences between his political doctrine and the Slovak League's program, Hodza �78 SLOVAKIA contended. Nevertheless, there was one difference, and it was that the Slovak League of America maintained the belief that it is the Slovak nation's prerogative to decide whether it wants to rejoin the Czechs in a newly-recreated Czecho-Slovakia, or remain in its own separate independent state. As a matter of fact, Hodza, at one time a centralist, could not free himself from the personal conviction that the Czechs and Slova,ks belong indubitably in a united state. Hodza lacked the experience and enlightenment of being a citizen in his own native Slovak political state. Very interesting, indeed, would have been Hodza's views, and relationship with the Slovak League, after Benes' treasonable act in Moscow (1943) and the aftermath of the 'paper agreement' in Kosice with the Slovak national council (1945). We can presume, in view of the sad events in the second Czecho-Slovak Republic, that the Slovak political leader would have followed the leadership of the Slovak League and the vast majority of the Slovaks in their home country in demanding a plebiscite in postwar Slovakia to determine: 1) Whether the Slovak nation wanted to be an integral part of Czecho-Slovakia. 2) Or whether it wanted to be an independent state. 3) Or whether it wanted to join a federation. Death ended any further speculation, and because of the situation in Czecho-Slovakia after the war, the Prague regime refused to grant permission to the Hodza family tc have the body of an eminent Slovak political figure to be returned to his native Slovakia for burial. A Final Break with Benes Intrigues and slanders, coarse and cynical comments marked the careers and attitudes of Dr. Benes and his colleagues. As immediate consequences of their ignoble activities there was a complete disregard of Slovak rights in U.S. State Department circles that determined our international policy while a cloud of dark suspicion hovered over the Slovak League. Refusal to bow down under the crushing pressure exerted by Benes and his clique maddened the Czech plotter and his slanderous propagandists. All of their plans to destroy the Slovak League of America failed miserably. �SLOVAKIA 79 After reviewing the activities of Dr. Benes in World War I and World War II, the Slovak League of America went on record as being irrevocably opposed to Dr. Benes and his ideology. Monsignor Dubosh, the president, declared publicly in his report at the 25th Congress of the Slovak League in October, 1943: I have explained the situation of the Slovak League in relationship to Dr. Benes and his intrigues. Now, where shall we go? What should we do ? Well, Dr. Benes, acknowledged as a skillful diplomat, has refused to negotiate with us. He seems to think that if he looks down upon us with disdain, we 'stupid Slovaks' will shake with trepidation and run to him seeking his help. It is unfortunate that he, a diplomat and political leader, never learned to know the Slovaks better. Perhaps the Slovaks were somewhat naive for tolerating him so long. He forgets that in America, the sons of Slovak immigrants who escaped to America had the opportunity for an education. One of the lessons they learned well was not to take abuse from anybody. He acts as if the Slovaks had no rights whatsoever, not even the right to speak up and say whether they want to live with the Czechs or not. Dr. Benes is sadly mistaken if he thinks the Slovaks were given to the Czechs by divine decree. The Slovaks voluntarily entered into partnership with the Czechs, and they can voluntarily dissolve that partnership. If this is not true, then the Slovaks are not human beings, but slaves, even worse, for then they are but mere animals. That we refuse to accept. We will never allow the Slovaks to be treated as brutes, not even for the price of a million Beneses! Msgr. Dubosh concluded his statement: Truly wise would Benes have been had he and his disciples finally realized that they cannot act as if the Slovaks had no rights at all, that they cannot destroy the Slovak nation which has survived so many centuries, that the Slovak was, is, and will always remain a Slovak, that there will be no peace between the Czechs and Slovaks until justice and equality are established between the two, that nobody will ever convince the Slovak he is anything than what he is: a Slovak. A number of renegades among the Slovaks may be found, as in the case of the Magyar era, and these will agree with Benes and propagate his ideas. But the vast majority of the Slovaks here and in their historic homeland have remained unmoved and unconvinced because they know the true history of the Slovak nation. This is a clear-cut view and a definite stand. Andrej Hlinka would have spoken the same way - and every loyal Slovak agrees with this unqualified view that refuses to surrender the rights of the Slovak nation to freedom and nationhood. The year, 1943, definitely witnessed another resurgence of dynamic and invincible spirit of Slovak national pride in the Slovak League of America. �8Li SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America and the Slovak National Council in Slovakia War was slowly coming to an end and it was clear who would win by this time. For the Slovak League serious problems and grave responsibilities were anticipated. At the beginning of autum, 1944, the first news from Slovakia reported a revolt. The information was incomplete, distorted, and, therefore, confusing and unreliable. As might be expected the Slovak Republic was presented in a bad light by hostile propaganda forces. There was no direct connection with Slovakia to counteract the highly distorted image of the Slovaks who deserved a better fate. Moreover, the Slovak League was not aware of the many instances of official and unofficial opposition to German policies in Slovakia. Awaiting the outcome of the war and hoping for reliable reports from Slovakia, the Slovak League, meanwhile, had to ward off the Benes propagandists. Laboring under a terrible disadvantage, the Slovak League president, Msgr. Dubosh, told the Slovak League Congress on October 18-19, 1944, that "we have assured the state department in Washington the Slovaks will be heard from as soon as they get the opportunity. Our hope has not been in vain as current events prove. The Slovaks, we are told, have revolted . . .but not the Czechs ... and they are now fighting the Germans . How fortunate I am to be able to report that en my last visit to the state department in Washington I pointed out this latest development. Moreover, we had the happy occasion of launching a new warship, the General Milan R. Stefanik, at the time." Such was the first reaction to the report of the socalled Slovak revolt in the early days of September 1944. But it is interesting to note that during the 26th Congress resolutions were adopted against the Slovak national council and its self-assumed program. In this instance, again, sound Slovak instinct guided the Slovak League leadership. A special proclamation on Slovakia was issued, to wit, With great caution and intense interest we have followed and are following progress of events in Slovakia day by day. We have read a declaration, greetings, etc. from the so-called Slovak national council �SLOVAK!.'. 81 which under its own authority has assumed or rather usurped the exclusive right to speak in the name of the Slovak nation and seeks to take over the legislative and executive power into its hands for the complete control of Slovakia. We replied that the Slovak League could hardly be expected to decide what position to take in this matter when there was doubt about the background to the so-called Slovak uprising since the sources of information were not checked out but appeared unreliable because they were inaccurate and incomplete. What made the American Slovaks suspicious from the start was t.lle declaration of the Slovak national council that seemed at first ~o defend the sovereignity of the Slovak nation but later to have tipped its hand by extending greetings to the Benes government in exile . . . and the greetings ended with a promise of loyalty and aid to the Czechoslovak resistance movement - to all intents and purposes an indication of the ultimate return of Slovakia to re-union with the Czechs in a new, reconstructed postwar Czechoslovakia! Without consulting the will of the Slovak nation the so-called Slovak national council placed the country into a definite state organization, thereby denying the Slovak nation the right of self-determination for which we are fighting and presumed to associate the Slovak nation with actions to which we American Slovaks have no sympathy, and to which we are not at all attracted, and which we believe to be completely unfavorable to the Slovaks in their own historic homeland. All these circumstances prompt us to maintain the utmost reserve towards the activity of the so-called national council because we fear that this activity instead of helping to liberate the Slovak nation leads to disruption, disintegration and ultimately to the weakening of the Slovak cause. Neither the leadership nor the aims of the Slovak national council, combined with the names of those who are cooperating with it, give us any assurance that the interests of Slovakia are in capable hands since the so-called Slovak uprising. People whose names we have noted are connected with the national council so-called, as well as in association with the so-called Slovak revolt, do not have our confidence er trust, and for those reasons we must proceed with caution if not entirely in opposition to these so-called representatives of the Slovak nation. Finally, it is quite obvious that the Slovak national council does not represent all classes of Slovak society. It does not represent either the .democratic or progressive elements in the Slovak nation, and hence, in our opinion, the council is not a qualified representative body of the Slovak people in whose name it presumes to speak, has taken over all law-enforcement agencies and assumed executive authority, and even has already decided arbitrarily that the Slovaks must give their allegiance to a pre-determined state re-organization, namely, Czechoslovakia again. Clear and concise was this formulation of official Slovak League policy in this situation, and it coincides with the refusal of the Slovak government and its president to join the revolt for precisely the same reasons. This judgment will always remain the true analysis of the will of the Slovak nation and its duly-constituted government of the Slovak Republic as opposed to the so-called national council. The latter's blunders and many crimes will one day be justly �82 SLOVAKIA attributed to its personnel when the genuinely true history of Slovakia may once again be written in freedom when a new era of truth, justice and peace will prevail. Zeroing in the Slovak nation as a victim to be re-assigned to a postwar re-creation of Czechoslovakia was a colossal historic blunder and crime of the so-called Slovak national council against the sovereignity of the Slovak nation, against its just rights to freedom, self-determination and democracy, and against truth and justice. The 1945 Washington Resolution of the Slovak League of America During the last months of the war from October, 1944, to April, 1945, the situation changed rapidly and essentially. The Russians had captured Bratislava and the war in Europe was just about ended. Sources of information for the Slovak League at this time were controlled completely by the U.S. Office of War Information agencies. And these were under the full censorship of Benes and his staff that had succeeded in winning the Slovak national council, so-called, to their side. Naturally, all information from them was favorable to the council . . . another Czechoslovak agency. What made the Slovak League officials anxious to get in contact with the Slovaks overseas was their desire to help them get on their feet after the most devastating of wars ... and since this was the only source of news available, they were forced to rely on it with reservations, however. These first news indicated that the Slovak national council had persuaded Benes ( who was in Moscow at the time ) to recognize the individuality of the Slovak nation and to grant extensive self-government to the Slovak nation in a new post-war Czecho-Slovakia. At first glance this program of the Slovak national council so-called ran parallel with the objectives of the Slovak League of America. That is what prompted the Slovak League to express its desire to get in touch with the council ... this fact enemies of both the Slovak nation and its champion, the Slovak League of America, take delight in citing when explaining their own policies. Before condemning this resolution it is well to take into consideration all the circumstances in which it was made and then study its contents. The entire first half of the resolution deals with the program and aspirations of �SLOVAKIA 83 the Slovak League designed to guarantee the Slovak nation the absolute right of self-determination. Then follows this controversial paragraph: Let it be further resolved that to realize these aforementioned objectives, the Slovak League in America is willing to establish communication with the Slovak national council for the purpose of cooperating in matters that would benefit the Slovak nation and actualize the above program. Other 'insurance clauses' are also incorporated in the message in order to be on the safe side when dealing with the Slovak national council. In no manner was this a de facto recognition of the Slovak national council by the Slovak League but merely a statement of willingness to discuss mutually all phases of the Slovak problem, one may speak with someone without adopting his views or accepting his proposals, and in this case it was an expression of mere willingness to sit down and discuss the Slovak nation's problems of the present and map the future destiny of Slovakia. Personally, Msgr. Dubosh, the president of the Slovak League, described the entire affair as a resolution declaring a willingness to discuss the matter, nothing less, nothing more. Confirmation of the motives and genuine approach to the problem by the Slovak League of America on this occasion is made on the basis of the fact that as soon as the Slovak League administration got the record straight from Slovakia and diagnosed the case correctly, the Slovak League did not make any further attempts to get in touch officially with the so-called Slovak national council. Among the Slovaks in America this episode caused a. great deal of excitement and the Slovak League had to issue a public statement to clarify the matter. In its public statement, the Slovak League declared the Slovak national council guilty of deceit, and since it showed no inclination of guaranteeing freedom for the Slovak nation for which the League had always fought and would continue to fight, the traditional position of the Slovak League was emphatically repeated, namely, that the platform adopted at the 26th Congress of the Slovak League was still the guideline for the future policy of the League. A policy of �84 SLOVAKIA 'watchful waiting' would be pursued and the League officers would be more than wary where the Slovak national council was concerned. American Activity of the Slovak League The Slovak League of America is an organization of American citizens of Slovak ancestry. Consequently , it invariably coordinates its program and activities with the program and political policy of the United States. Beginning in 1907 and continuing up to now, the Slovak League, uesides its avowed program for the welfare of the Slovak nation in its homeland, was always actively engaged in work that was exclusively designed for the benefit and national interests of America. What was true in World War I, as far as the activity of the Slovak League was concerned, was more than doubly true in World War II. Perhaps Dr. Hodza's description of this united program suffices (as quoted above) to prove this. His words of commendatio n in the message to the Slovak League Congress constitute a remarkable testimony of its manifold contributions . Loyalty and fidelity, Hodza listed as among the foremost virtues of the American Slovaks because his fellow countrymen always felt that their faithfulness to the U.S., their adopted country, must ever be profound and complete. When, therefore, this country became involved in the war against nazism, the Slovak League joined America with all its resources for the strife. Never has the Slovak League boasted of this American activity. Actually it was a duty to be performed and no need to publicize it. But Benes and his alien propagandists incessantly attacked the Slovak League in American circles and assailed it as a nazi agency, and therefore, an enemy to the national interests of America, and even contrary to the Slovak League's program in behalf of Slovakia! Monsignor Dubosh, who had to combat the malicious propaganda levelled at the Slovak League of America, had to swallow many a bitter pill on this account, and only because of his devotion to America - and his love for the Slovak nation . Undoubtedly, the best argument in favor of the Slovak �SLOVAKIA 85 League was its activity for the welfare of America. This action included the following: 1) The Slovak League Campaign for U.S. War Bonds Merely to have a birds-eye view of the gigantic patriotic efforts of the Slovak League in behalf of the U.S., it is sufficient to cite a few facts and figures. Under the dynamic leadership of the patriotic Father John J. Lach the Slovak League gave full support to a war-bond campaign. From the report by Father Lach at the Slovak League executive meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa. on October 17-18, 1944, we learn that under Slovak League sponsorship approximately 53 million dollars' worth of bonds were purchased during World War II. This and similar cases attest to the loyalty of Slovak individuals and their societies throughout the country. Who can doubt the sincere patriotism of the American Slovaks or deny their loyalty? 2) Airplanes War bonds were not the only means by which American Slovaks supported the war effort. One of its activities was the purchase of airplanes for the U.S. Airforce. First, the Slovensk<i Obrana, edited and published by Michael Bosak, Jr., Scranton, Pa., opened the campaign for three airplanes. Chicago's Osadne Hlasy weekly joined the campaign. The fund brought in $31,000. The ceremony of presenting a trio of training planes to the U.S. armed forces occured at the Cleveland airport on May 29, 1943. Each plane bore the slogan, "Spirit of the Slovak League of America," but even on this occasion the Czech propagandists tried to reap undeserved honors by claiming this act to be a part of their program. Monsignor Dubosh reported to the 25th Congress of the Slovak League: This was a capital idea, which, naturally, our Czechoslovak 'friends' tried to exploit for their benefit just as they tried to do last year when the Slovaks in Pittsburgh and Cleveland purchased war bonds. Their propaganda machine gave credit to 'Czechs' and Czechoslovaks. Such are our so-called brothers . . . everything we have they consider their very own. 3) Warships Liberty ships, three of them, bore the names submitted by the Slovak League in recognition of its highly successful war-bond campaign. Elaborate ceremonies marked �BG SLOVAKIA the launching of the "Stephen Furdek," "Sgt. Matej Kocak," and the "General Milan R. Stefanik." Altogether this variety of activity brought the Slovak League and the American Slovaks widespread publicity and recognition. They were the most telling arguments to refute libelous propaganda aimed at the Slovak League which was unjustly smeared by its foes as anti-American and pro-nazi. The patriotic acts by the Slovak League completely vindicated the honor of the American Slovaks, and the press in America recorded them with great admiration and enthusiasm. 4) Social Action of the Slovak League Increased social and charitable deeds of the Slovak League in wartime belong to a special phase of the history of the times because this was a new form of action that vvas directly under the sponsorship of a new organizational branch, namely, the Ladies Auxiliary of the Slovak League, officially known as "Slovenske Vcielky" - Slovak bees. At an executive meeting of the Slovak League on August 23, 1941, a definite plan was formulated to organize the "Slovak bees" under the leadership of Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, vice-president of the League. Accordingly, she became the president of the Ladies Auxiliary of the Slovak League, the official title of the 'Vcielky' group. Slovak women from all parts of America enrolled as members in the new auxiliary, which cooperated closely with the work of the Red Cross. By their unselfish service, social action and samaritan-like deeds, the American Slovak women contributed invaluable service to their country and enhanced the good name of the Slovak League and the Slovaks in America generally. Details of some of the work accomplished by the Slovak ladies auxiliary were reported at the 24th Congress of the Slovak League on February 25-26, 1943. They constitute a glorious record of achievements in the history of the American Slovaks. In one cell, alone, in Chicago more t.han 300 women were enrolled. These women presented the Red Cross with 66,900 surgical dressings, 2,246 suits of clothing for refugees ( for children and adults), 717 knitted sweaters, caps, shawls, gloves, etc. for soldiers; and �SLOVAKIA 87 455 hospital gowns. Blood was donated by 214 cells. More than 200 cells completed first-aid courses and 36 were trained in home-care of the sick. A total of 630 shipments were sent to American soldiers of Slovak ancestry. These are only a sample of the type of activities performed by the Ladies Auxiliary cells throughout the country. As soon as the war €nded, pleas for help came from Slovakia. The Ladies Auxiliary cells were the first to respond. Shipments of canned goods and clothing were immediately dispatched to the war-torn areas of Slovakia. Slovak emigrants fleeing from their war-devastated homeland were given emergency aid by the auxiliary. Value in dollars to cover this essential aid exceeds tens of thousands of American dollars that were given freely and generously for a worthy cause in the name of the Slovak League through the charitable agency of the Ladies Auxiliary of the League. This added a new chapter of charitable action to the history of the Slovak League of America. A special postwar campaign for funds under the traditional slogan, 'Za tu nasu slovencinu,' - for our Slovak mother-language-was inaugurated in the very first months after the war. This netted thousands of dollars for much needed help to the Slovaks in their home country, and to those in exile because these had lost all their worldly possessions in the war. No less important in its salutary effects, aside from the continued struggle for Slovakia's national freedom, was this social work which had as its primary source a deep American sense of patriotism and a profound Slovak and Christian philosophy of life to be of service to one's fellow man, and particularly to one's Slovak countrymen. Cultural Program of the Slovak League Versatility has marked the activity of the Slovak League of America. The cultural aspect was not neglected despite the pressure of the needs of the immediate present. In this respect a need was perceived to reach the Englishreading public for two reasons: 1) To combat the false �88 SLOVAKIA propaganda of anti-Slovak groups. 2) To furnish genuine information about the Slovak nation's history, the Slovaks in America, the Slovak League, etc. Too often, well-disposed Americans in high governmental positions were misled as to the real purpose of the Slovak League simply because they were uninformed or misinformed. The information had to be in the English language. Proposals to publish a Slovak League informational publication in English were made and approved at an executive meeting of the Slovak League on Nov. 13, 1942. It was designed both for the general American public and the young Slovak generations that no longer understood the language of their parents or grandparents. This was necessary to win the sympathy of the American public by Ehowing how important had been, and still was, the role of the Slovaks in mankind's struggle for liberty, human dignity and peace. An immediate result of this conference was the " Slovak Record " which began publication under the capable editorship of Joseph G. Prusa. The first issue appeared precisely on the 28th anniversary of the death of ~tefan Furdek, founder of the Slovak League of America. This wartime " Slovak Record" quarterly was well edited. It presented u true and clear picture of American Slovak life and thought that was reflected from its pages as if from a wellpolished mirror. The Record was listed officially as quarterly review of the Slovak League of America. Any future historian will find a wealth of material on Slovak history and the life of American Slovaks in the comparatively few issues that were published during World War II. The Slovak Record was an informative and cultural periodical, which for the first time presented a great many literary and political facts to the American public. Moreover, it acquainted many readers with the history, culture and aspirations of the Slovak nation. Congressmen and high officials in our government received the Slovak Record. So did American radio stati ons, newspaper offices and libraries. In a word, it was distributed where it would do the most good for the Slovak cause. Unfortunately, the Slovak Record ceased publication �SLOVAKIA 89 after two and a half years. But the year after its demise, ie., in 1946, the Slovak Review, a political magazine, and the Slovak Digest, a cultural quarterly, made their appearance. These, too, had a brief existence. Never-the-less, they did their work well while they lasted. Among other cultural projects inaugurated by the Slovak League was an American-Slovak museum. This was the work of the cultural committee which met in Cleveland in the spring of 1945. Benedictine High School was designated as the temporary center where Rev. Andrej Pir, O.S .B., a young, talented American-Slovak historian and journalist, had already established an extensive Slovak library under the auspices of St. Andrew's Abbey. As director of the newly-established Slovak museum, Father Pir obtained permission from Abbot Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S .B. to have a special room as the cultural center for Slovak books , historical records, museum articles, etc. at the Abbey in Cleveland. This later was destined to become the Slovak Institute established in 1952 by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S .B. who named Dr. Francis Hrusovsky as the first director. On a high cultural level were all the memoranda and other publications of the Slovak League of America; all issued in behalf of Slovak national freedom and sent to the highest American political quarters. The most important of these perhaps was "The Slovaks and their Rights to Nationhood" in 1943. Representatives of the Slovak League at the International Conference in San Francisco 1945 This historic conference of allied nations was called to decide the national destinies of peoples all over the world, but particularly in Europe The fate of the Slovaks was also to be determined there. Never amiss where the welfare of the Slovak nation was concerned, the Slovak League was anxious to present the Slovak problem and all its ramifications at this world parley. It particularly wanted to present the just right of the Slovak nation. Although the Slovak League had the right to seek and obtain representation officially at the �90 SLOVAKIA conference, its delegates were denied entry because the Czechoslovaks usurped this right by securing official admittance as the spokesmen for Slovakia. Ironically, Jan Masaryk, one of the most prominent Czechs, was registered as a Slovak! Failure to secure official recognition for its representatives prompted the executive council of the Slovak League to send an observer. As an observer, Rev. John J. Lach of Whiting, Indiana, was selected to represent the Slovak League at the San Francisco conference. He remained there in that capacity from April 25 to June 21. Msgr. Milos Mlynarovic accompanied him. It was difficult for them even to obtain entry, and impossible for a pass to attend some of the meetings . In fact, Jan Masaryk's Czechoslovak delegation sought to have them excluded entirely. Nevertheless, Father Lach ~ucceeded by skillful maneuvering to outwit his opponents. He got a registration card with full credentials as an official observer for the proceedings. Since Father Lach was not permitted a voice at the conference, he visited delegations of a number of nationality groups and informed them of the Slovak cause, stressing especially the Slovak nation's rights to freedom and nationhood. Although it did not have any influence on Jan Masaryk, Father Lach's visit to his office at least emphasized the fact that the Slovaks had their rights and that the Slovak League of America stood foursquare behind them in their struggle for freedom and nationhood. Upon his return from San Francisco, Father Lach reported the outcome of his presence at the International Conference as follows: In conclusion, I want to say that always and everywhere I emphasized the good work of the Slovak League and I explained its program as a noble and worthy endeavor that is nothing more or less than a program for the welfare of the American Slovaks and the Slovak nation's destiny as a free people in their historic homeland. I told them of my conviction that the Slovaks as a nation with an individual entity and a glorious history must have a place of honor among the nations of the world , a place that the United Nations must one day officially assign to them in the family of nations. One must not under-estimate the importance of this attempt for world recognition at an international forum �SLOVAKIA 91 by a Slovak League delegate. Had there been direct communication with Slovakia instead of being forced to rely on Jan Masaryk, self-appointed as he was to represent the Slovaks, things might have worked out differently. Yet, the fact remains the Slovak League tried, and the attempt, though unsuccessful, was, none-the-less, a noble if futile gesture in behalf of a down-trodden Slovak nation. The battle in San Francisco with the Czechoslovak faction led by Dr. Benes and Jan Masaryk was lost mainly because they used utterly false propaganda to discredit the Slovak nation and its cause. In this case truth, which Thomas Masaryk liked to talk about so much, did not prevail, instead a neatly-bound pack of Czechoslovak lies doomed the Slovak people to domination by the Czechs again in the postwar era. Perseverance in I deals - Endurance in Combat Not even when the United Nations officially granted recognition to Czecho-Slovakia did the Slovak League throw in the towel. It retained its program intact and continued its fight for the Slovak nation's cause of freedom . Attorney Peter P. Jurcak, a writer and political leader from Pennsylvania, succeeded Msgr. Dubosh as president in 1945. He discussed at great length the Slovak League's program and ideals with Husek, Hletko and Msgr. Dubosh, all former presidents. Jozef Husek soon afterwards retired from public life because of illness. But both Dr. Hletko and Msgr. Dubosh remained at the side of Jurcak, the new president, and gave him their whole-hearted cooperation in the unending fight for the rights of the Slovak nation. Like a strong tree that looses its dry branches in 8, storm but continues to grow stronger, so the Slovak League of America thrives and grows taller and more mighty than ever before. The war that subjected the Slovak League to violent attacks only tested it and proved its vitality and power. It stands a living monument to the heroic courage of the stalwart sons of Slovakia and their unceasing fight for the sacred rights to justice, truth and liberty for their nation beneath the Tatras. Once more the Slovak League takes the offensive in 1946. It addresses an appeal to the President of the United �92 SLOVAKIA States and to Congress, as well as to the General Assembly of the United Nations. The appeal in behalf of the Slovak national cause of freedom reviews the history of the Slovaks, calls attention to their struggle for freedom and explains their sad experience of trying to live with the Czechs in one state. According to the principles of the Atlantic Charter, the Slovak League makes a request for a plebiscite in Slovakia under the supervision of the United Nations to give the Slovaks the opportunity to decide in a free election whether they wish to continue to live in a political union with the Czechs, or whether they want their own independent state; or if they prefer to be incorporated in a federation of free, self-governing states in central Europe. The State Department and Congressmen are kept well informed of the injustices suffered by the Slovaks in the past and present by the Slovak League's news agency and information in the nation's capital. Finally, the true facts about the Slovak Republic are available to American statesmen in Washington, D.C. For too long a time our American leaders in public life were kept shamelessly misinformed by Dr. Benes and his cohorts of false propagandists. Genuine information b now provided from first-hand experiences of Slovak emigrants who lived under the regime of the Slovak Republic from 1939 to 1945. At long last, too, we know the true facts about the so-called Slovak revolt of 1944 and the distorted picture of wartime Slovakia is coming sharply into proper focus. Meantime, too, the Slovak League of America maintains a full-time political, cultural and social program. Culturally, the work begun by the Slovak Record quarterly is carried on by the Slovak Review and the Slovak Digest quarterlies. Moreover, President Jurcak has published his book The Slovaks-Their History and Traditions, which is doing good work in behalf of the Slovak nation by a concise review of the history of Slovakia. Slovak music is perhaps the best means to reach the young generation. In this field the Slovak League plans a score of concerts by Slovak artists. At the suggestion of Msgr. Dubosh, the Slovak League �SLOVAKIA 93 is inaugurating a National Fund campaign to which every American Slovak is asked to contribute at least a quarter a year. During its struggle the past several years, the Slovak League administration discovered that finances are essential to carry on effective work for realizing high ideals. Perhaps the most urgent task at the present is the publication of books and periodicals about the Slovak nation in the English language . Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, the president of the Slovak League's ladies auxiliary, continues to inspire greater efforts in behalf of an extensive social and charitable program to help war-torn Slovakia as well as to provide necessary funds and help to Slovak emigrants who were forced to escape to the west. Under her dynamic leadership the Slovak 'Vcielky' - bees have accomplished an incredible amount of good work by providing for immediate needs of food, shelter and clothing for the people of Slovakia and for those who had to leave their homeland to save their very lives. Truly, the 'Vcielky' have shown themselves to be loving mothers by their dedication and devotion to their Slovak children in need. The Program approaches its zenith As we follow the ideological development of the Slovak League of America, from the year of its founding, 1907, to the present, we note that it passed through several phases that ran concurrently with the evolution of the idea of Slovak independent statehood. Three cities and a trio of Slovak League Congresses are historic milestones in the gradual development of an idea and an Ideal: Slovak national freedom. They are : Cleveland, Pittsburgh and Detroit where nation-wide Congresses of American Slovak representatives took progressive strides towards the fulfilment of the Slovak ideal of political liberty. We are justified in declaring that the struggle of all Slovak generations has been the fight for a Slovak state as the highest fulfillment of the aspirations of an entire nation, namely, the achievement of national freedom . This idea was not born on March 14, 1939. It merely became a reality on that memorable day. It had first sprung to life �94 SLOVAKIA in Svatopluk's time in the 9th century, came back to life as an ideal in the era of Bernolak. Holly, stur and Hurban, during the early 19th century, was again very much alive during the struggle led by Andrej Hlinka before and during the era of the Czecho-Slovak Republic of World War I vintage, until the idea came ultimately to full maturity on March 14, 1939, with the founding of the Slovak Republic. Ideologically, the aim of the Slovak League was always in this direction because it invariably and reliably reflected the degree of Slovak aspirations for self-government in Slovakia itself. As a happy coincidence and consequence the Slovak League of America never presented a false image of the Slovak nation. Despite the temporary set-back inflicted on the Slovak League by Dr. Benes's false propagandists, the fact that the Slovak League stood firm in defense of the Slovak nation's rights to freedom and selfgoverning statehood only confirms the amazing similarity of objectives of the Slovak nation and its great champion overseas, the Slovak League of America. There never has been, therefore, any major divergence of views or objectives between the two. Detroit (Michigan) was host to the 28th Congress of the Slovak League on October 29, 1946. It proved to be a dramatic convention. All the cards were placed on the table at this historic Detroit Congress. Dr. Benes who had promised to make Czecho-Slovakia an island of democracy had just announced that he had placed the reorganized state into the hands of Moscow, and thereby surrendered central Europe to Communism. International developments reached a crisis soon so that there was an immediate cleavage between the East and West. Dr. Benes chose the East with communism and Soviet dictatorship that seized complete control of all countries under various pretexts in the Russian orbit. The Iron Curtain was about to come down and divide Europe into two hostile camps. In direct opposition to Dr. Benes, the Slovak League made its momentous decision. Moreover, the Slovak nation, too, in the May elections of 1946 cast more than a % democratic majority vote while the communist party in �SLOVAKIA 95 Slovakia garnered considerably less than a third of the total vote in the country . Slovak statehood as the most responsible form of political organization had been cherished for ages by the Slovak nation. In modern times this ideal was upheld admirably by the Slovak League of America. At its 26th Congress in Detroit, the Slovak League unanimously adopted a declaration favoring independent statehood for the Slovaks in their historic homeland ( since the 5th century A.D . the Slovaks have lived in their present country ). Dr. Peter Hletko, M.D. headed the special committee that had drawn up this declaration: "The Committee of the future program has taken into consideration the whole world situation, and in relationship to it the present status of the Slovak nation's aspirations to liberty; also the mind of the American Slovaks. After much deliberation and discussion, therefore, this committee submits the following program with confidence that its ideas and proposals will win approval and adoption at this Congress so that all of the supreme officers, the various local officials and all the assemblies of the Slovak League throughout America will accept this program as its very own. "The proposed program for the future destiny of the Slovaks is designed to coordinate all of our efforts so that by unified action we can reach our common goal that will be of immense value to the Slovaks in their home country and to the American Slovaks, too. "Our stand in the Slovak League of America, therefore, requires that we clarify our policies on a number of issues. Consequently, we propose to express precisely what position we take in relationship to the following : The Czecho-Slovak R epublic " So far, the Slovak League of America never maintained a hostile attitude towards the Czecho-Slovak Republic. We admit we criticized the government and the representatives of that country, and we came to the aid of the Slovak nation in its struggle for a recognition of its just rights, and we condemned the injustices perpetrated on the Slovak people, but we never advocated nor took any �ga SLOVAKIA steps to destroy the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia even when our detractors labelled us unjustly as the destroyers of this state. "Not even after the Slovaks established their own state six months before World War II, nor during the entire conflict when Czechoslovak adherents were busily planning to reconstruct Czecho-Slovakia, did the Slovak League in America declare itself in opposition to a renewal of that country, but it unequivocally maintained the right of selfdetermination for the Slovak nation and it openly fought for this right to be exercised by the Slovaks freely to determine what type of self-government they wished and what form of state administration they wanted as the will of the majority of the Slovak people. "We often repeated our views that if the Slovaks were granted the opportunity to express their will freely as to what form of government they wished to have, or what type of state or federation they preferred, and even if they should choose Czecho-Slovakia all over again, we said that we would be completely _satisfied and would not disagree or opposE: their choice. We insisted, however, and fought for the right of the Slovak nation during World War II that once Europe and the world would be reorganized after the conflict the Slovaks must be guaranteed a free vote, subject to no pressure, violence or force - in a word, complete freedom to express their own national will . "In spite of every assurance by the great powers, however, and contrary to various world declarations, by which all nations, particularly the small ones, were given high hopes of liberation, freedom and independence, and despite the Atlantic Charter which won the trust of all the small nations but which was discarded once the objectives for which it was proclaimed were secure, and in spite of all the promises for free expression and choice of the future destiny of the Slovaks, f:.bsolutely no opportunity was given to the Slovak nation for making a free choice at all. "Simply and definitely once more the Slovaks were thrown back into the Benes's pre-fabricated structure, namely, the postwar Czecho-Slovak Republic. It was explained that this was necessary in order to re-establish the pre- �SLOVAKIA 97 Munich status quo but this was sheer deceit, for the restoration of the pre-Munich status quo was only done whenever and wherever it was to the advantage of a number of world-powers, if it was not to their advantage, there was simply no restoration at all. "Neither the so-called national revolt, nor the Kosice agreement were manifestations of the Slovak nation's will, and therefore there was no obligation on the part of the Slovaks to return to Czecho-Slovakia. No one asked the Slovaks their preference - all at once they found themselves back in the old, slightly-mended Czecho-Slovakia. "As we have noted on the very first occasion that the Slovaks had to manifest their will and they did so by an overwhelming majority of more than two-thirds against communism but this was not counted in any way-and the Slovak nation was retained as an oppressed nation under communist rule . . . and has remained under communist dictatorship since 1946. "Nevertheless, the Slovaks were not granted a choice to vote on the issue if they wanted to remain in the old Czecho-Slovak Republic or not. They were forced to accept the fait accompli situation with the Czechs again in power. This injustice is all the greater since we know and are firmly convinced that the Slovak nation been given an opportunity of free choice, it certainly would have voted overwhelmingly against being re-attached to Benes's postwar creation, Czecho-Slovakia III. "Apparently the Slovaks have a semblance of autonomy in postwar Czecho-Slovakia but this does not alter the fact that they were denied their freedom of choice. Moreover, the Republic is officially named Czechoslovakia and continues to be written without the controversial hyphen (it should be Czecho-Slovakia). As it is now, this jndicates that the new government is still imbued with the spirit of the false and artificial identity of a Czechoslovak nation. A return to the 'old sins' presages a gradual taking away of self-government from the Slovaks because Benes has reiterated his belief that the Slovaks must not be permitted to have 'wild dreams of self-rule.' "Czech centralism still rules, for Slovak administration is subject to Praha. For these, and other reasons not �98 SLOVAKIA mentioned, we are forced to come to the conclusion that inevitably we must restrain our tolerant policy and favorable attitude to the Czecho-Slovak state by abandoning what we American Slovaks for so many years held as proper and hopeful for the future. The present demands another policy, hence, we stand in opposition to the new, illegal Czecho-Slovakia and we now emphasize the fact that the Slovaks were wronged as a nation. We intend to inform the great powers and the whole world of this grave injustice because the Slovaks were forced into the postwar Czecho-Slovak Republic. " As free American Slovaks we further protest that the Slovak nation is held in political bondage in a state that leans away from western democracy and is helping to create an anti-democratic bloc while the Slovaks are truly democratic-minded as they surely indicated by the recent vote that left no doubt of their resistance to communist influence and infiltration from the East. The Slovak State "Many good and sound reasons would prompt the Slovaks to vote against re-attaching Slovakia to the newlyre-created Czecho-Slovakia, and that by a vast majority of votes against re-union, for while the Slovaks were discriminated against in pre-war Czecho-Slovakia, the same is true today. "Under their own regime in their own Slovak Republic the Slovaks were happy and prosperous, they worked and progressed economically, politically, culturally, they built, created and developed a new life of their own. Never before were the Slovaks so content with their lot. This good fortune not even the enemies of the Slovak State can deny . The record of the Slovak Republic speaks for itself. "World conditions in wartime brought temporary prosperity not only to America but to other countries, too. Nevertheless, prosperity for the Slovak state, though necessarily stimulated by the war, had as its permanent basis the industry, ingenuity and inspiration of the Slovak nation that was vitally interested in its destiny. The Slovak people cooperated splendidly and enthusiastically in the building of their own self-governing state. �SLOVAKIA 99 "Dependence, to some extent, upon its powerful neighbor, Germany, was a natural relationship, for small nations always depend upon strong nations in time of peace or war. Here it must be noted, however, that neither England, the U.S. nor the USSR were of any assistance to the Slovak Republic . "Every small state seeks protection and security wherever it can. The Slovak state needed protection for national survival. Yet, it must be affirmed that the Slovak Republic was not a gift to the Slovaks from either the Germans or their leader, Hitler. Further, the Slovak state was not a German creation. On the contrary, the Slovaks had to defend their country against German machinations, and intrigues of other nations. The Slovak Republic was truly the result of the aspirations of the Slovak nation for freedom and their own state. A free state is the zenith and fulfillment of the highest and noblest ideals of every nation. "A return to limited rights, or a surrender of all rights of the Slovak nation by the involuntary incorporation of the Slovak people in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, is a step backwards and definitely contrary to sttir's motto: 'We cannot go backward - We must go forward.' "Our duty is to inform and influence the world in this direction, namely, the renewal of a free Slovak Republic, the existence of which is at the same time the obligation of all the nations of the world . "Unconditionally, the Slovak League of America urges the great powers to re-establish the Slovak Republic because in it the Slovak nation found its true destiny, enjoyed peace, prosperity and freedom, and made unpresedented progress in every phase of its national culture. The Slovak League and Dr. Tiso "Dr. Jozef Tiso, president of the Slovak Republic, had the welfare of the Slovak nation at heart. Not even his enemies can deny that he was sincere in his efforts to insure the national well-being of the Slovak people in their own, free and independent state. While many others fled to safety after resigning high positions, Dr. Tiso remained in his country to serve it in a grave crisis. To minimize �100 SLOVAKIA his virtues and magnify his faults, mistakes, methods, policies etc., is easy, but it will not change the facts that despite his real or imaginary administrative deficiencies he not only succeeded in saving the Slovak nation from destruction but supervised the Slovak state so admirably that the people in Slovakia enjoyed peace, prosperity and great cultural and economic progress. "Nobody can erase the true image of Dr. Tiso as a kind, just and wise president of the Slovak Republic. The Slovak nation reveres his memory today despite the attempts of the enemy to destroy that image by false propaganda spread throughout the world. We are horrified at the malice of our enemies who seek to brand President Tiso as a traitor to his Slovak nation and as such are planning to try him in a court-of-law ... the impending trial, of course, to be supervised by his enemies and the enemies of the Slovak nation. "To defend Dr. Tiso is our most solemn duty. We must arouse world opinion in his favor to offset the slanderous campaign against him. It is quite obvious that the efforts to discredit his good name is done with a vengeance, and H our enemies succeed in unjustly dishonoring him they will wreak their utmost revenge upon him. And it would be a great crime of gross injustice against a just man and the Slovak nation. "Dr. Tiso is not a war criminal. He did not torture anyone, he did not execute one person, or give orders to execute anyone. Father Tiso did not commit any crime. He was the great defender and benefactor of his country which he served with distinction and honor. The Slovak National Council "Much has been written and discussed about the socalled Slovak national council. Our position towards this organization remains unchanged. We still regard it as an agency that has usurped power and authority because it was not elected or authorized by the Slovaks, nor approved de facto by the Slovak nation, and consequently in a democratic system it is not a legal body and has no legal standing or jurisdiction. �SLOVAKIA 101 The Slovak Liberation Committee "Against no one who wishes to work conscientiously for the liberation of the Slovak nation does the Slovak League of America have any arguments. In fact it welcomes any positive action. However, to achieve success there is need for a common united front - not a faction or several factions. "Assumption of definite rights and obligations is the prerogative of the Slovak League of America because it is recognized as the highest cultural-political organization of American Slovaks, and as such it wants to retain this preeminent position and prestige by the pursuit of a prudent policy and by its charitable activities . Therefore, if anyone desires to participate in a national program involving the Slovak League must, necessarily coordinate his efforts with the program of the Slovak League. He must never misuse the name of the League, nor use the name prematurely without being properly authorized to do so. "Our organization has experienced many crises but has ultimately taken the proper stand on many intricate problems and questions mainly because it has acted discretely, carefully, and always adopted a course of action only after a thorough study of all the problems involved. It has refrained from following the opinion of this or that 5ndividual and hence has avoided being influenced by the enthusiasm of individuals, often admirable, but too often erroneous. "We do not condemn the Slovak Action Committee, nor do we suspect its aims, but because this committee has committed a number of errors of judgment and because its program does not assure us of the successful liberation of the Slovak nation at this time, and finally, because as yet we have not come to any agreement with its spokesmen, the Slovak League of America maintains its friendly attitude but continues its traditional policy of watchful waiting towards this committee. "Never has the Slovak League in America lost out in much more serious affairs by 'watchful waiting,' and we believe it will not lose anything by keeping this policy. Be it noted well, that the use of sharp and bitter phrases �l.02 SLOVAKIA against Slovak leaders in America or Europe, or the general attitude, which gives the impression that the Slovak Action Committee wants to by-pass, ignore or sabotage the action of the Slovak League of America, certainly does not constitute the best means of winning the friendship, confidence or cooperation of the League . "We are well informed that the Slovak Action Committee must come to friendly terms with other prominent persons in Europe who have the best interests of the Slovak nation at heart. These must not exclude each other by mutual disagreement or refusal to arrive at mutual understanding. "Until that time when all the responsible Slovak leaders meet and agree on a common program in behalf of the Slovak nation's fight for freedom and welfare, the Slovak League cannot give an unqualified endorsement to the Slovak Action Committee. What is far more important in this case is that the American government will not sanction our formal union with the activity of the Slovak Action Committee. The Three 'Isms "Against the trio of the present three 'isms: nazism, fascism, and communism, the Slovak League has gone on record long ago. The first two are vanquished. We, too, helped to crush them. But our stand against the third one, namely, communism, has not changed. We will not stop fighting until this one, too, is completely destroyed. "American public opinion is subject to various changes but we remain unchanged and unmoved in our position to communism. It is necessary to do everything possible in opposition to it because the sooner we get rid of this 'ism the sooner will Slovakia be liberated and the less will America suffer from its intrigues, plots and machinations. "Communism today has a death-grip on Slovakia, and the Slovaks are helpless. If it were not for this alien power, the Slovak nation would easily dispose of Benes, the Czechoslovaks and the Czech imperialists. And communist bayonets which escorted Benes to power in Praha keep the Slovaks imprisoned in their own country while they �SLOVAKIA 103 keep Benes in his position as head of the post-war Czechoslovak satellite of the Soviet Union. "As loyal Americans, as true Slovaks, and as Christians, too, it is our sacred duty to fight communism no matter where it appears, except perhaps in Moscow, if they want it there let them keep it there." When at one of its very first sessions, Vice-President Pavol Jamriska, presiding chairman, gave a brief review of the above declaration and the position taken by the Slovak League of America, there was a spontaneous outburst of applause The vote was unanimously in approval and all the subsequent sessions were conducted in this spirit. Everyone present sensed the importance of this momentous decision and when Dr . Peter P. Hletko finished reading the detailed program of the Slovak League the approval was unanimous. The Canadian Slovak League, which was holding its convention simultaneously, adopted the American Slovak League's resolution and proclamation. Embattled in their homeland, the Slovaks have found a true champion in the Slovak League of America which once again supports their noble cause of political liberty, cultural freedom, economic opportunity and, in our day, the added sacred cause of religious freedom. These foregoing facts are merely segments from many pages of the illustrious history of the Slovak League. Its history will undoubtedly some day be enshrined as a glorious chapter in the history of the Slovak nation. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism promoted by the Soviet Union. � SLOVAKIA 63 SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AND INDEPENDENT SLOVAKIA By Mikulds Sprinc On October 6, 1938, when the Slovaks attained autonomy and the Pittsburgh Agreement was incorporated into the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia, the Slovak League in America had a great and unquestioned share in the great event. In the days that followed there was an outburst of fresh enthusiasm. The Slovaks were beginning to build their own new national home on the pattern of the Pittsburgh Agreement. Slovakia fully appreciated the support which had been given the country by the Slovak League in America for the attainment of its self-government. The Slovak nation immediately wanted to know about the life of the American Slovaks because a mutual affection and friendship develops through knowledge and understanding. Konstantin Culen, a dynamic writer and ace newspaperman, was sent by Karol Sidor and the Slovak autonomous government to the U.S. His chief role was to establish closer cultural ties with the American Slovaks and to write a history of the Slovaks in America, - and as a secondary purpose, to act as a life-line between the Slovaks in their homeland and their fellow countrymen overseas; also, to maintain communication between the American Slovak organizations and the Slovaks at home. What the attitude of the Slovak League was towards the new form of Slovak national life in the old country was at this time we readily deduce from the special meeting of the executive committee of the Slovak League on March 2-3, 1939, in Pittsburgh, Pa. We read the following minutes : "President Rusek warmly welcomed the distinguished guest, Konstantin Culen, from Slovakia. The Slovak emissary thanked him sincerely and in his brief response expressed his feelings and extended the greetings of the Slovak government and parliament to all the American Slovaks. The applause was spontaneous and enthusiastic." In another section of the above minutes of the same �64 SLOVAKIA meeting, culen's impressions of the public reaction in Slovakia to the first session of the Slovak parliament in Bratislava are recorded as follows: "We were indeed sorry that there were no American Slovaks present at the opening session of the first Slovak parliament in history. The places reserved for you were vacant. But since you were absent from this historic session, I feel sure you will be represented at the next session, the second one, at which the Slovak parliament will discuss the Constitution. You must come, and others, too, from all over America." How vitally interested. the Slovak League of America was in the matter of Slovak autonomy in 1939 is evident from the same special executive meeting, for a nominating committee was named to select a delegation to visit Slovakia. This committee immediately chose the following: Ivan Bielek, J . A. Kocur, Jozef Rusek, Mrs. Gabriela Vavrek r.nd Dr. Peter P . Hletko, alternates were P . Jamriska, Rev. Klemo Hrtanek. Rev. Florian Billy, Andrej Suroviak and Michal Sincak. Jozef Rusek, the president, was designated to head the special delegation, which received unanimous approval. It was decided at the meeting that the Slovak League delegation should take the original Pittsburgh Agreement document and present it to the Slovak nation 'with due ceremonies' - and added remark in the minutes. The executive committee of the Slovak League made this decision on the basis of the previous Congress of the Slovak League which had approved the proposal to surrender the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement, a precious historical document, and present it officially to the Slovak parliament as soon as the political requirements guaranteed to the Slovak nation were fulfilled and carried out as outlined .3pecifically in the pact. A fund raising campaign to help Slovakia was organized, which again shows the enthusiastic support in behalf of the freedom of Slovakia by the Slovak League of America. This received the unanimous approval of all present because they realized how important it was to lend a helping hand at this particular time of the Slovak nation's history. Practically everybody pledged his aid. Mr. Kridlo res- �SLOVAKIA 65 ponded first. His organization ( the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union) voted $150 and promised to contact all of its branches for donations. Virostek, Jamriska, Dlhos, Salva and Kostolnik spoke approvingly - Kostolnik presented a check from the Federation of Slovak Societies in Detroit and later sent in the sum of $270 which he had personally collected for aid to Slovakia. Good will and generosity were in evidence everywhere for this good and worthy cause. The Slovak League records show the magnanimity of our people on this occasion. One feels anew the spirit of the times of Furdek and the first campaign of the American Slovaks during World War I. It is no wonder that the Slovak League rejoiced, for this was the first time since the fall of its kingdom of Moravia (at the beginning· of the 10th century) that the Slovaks had their own national parliament and were assured self-government. The Slovak State and the Slovak League of America Slovakia's struggle of two decades ended on a triumphant note of victory and the Slovak League had had a major share in the winning of national autonomy. But Divine Providence decreed that the Slovak nation should have not only self-government but an independent Slovak state. From October, 1938, to March, 1939, the Slovak spirit of national pride reached its highest point of development and it became increasingly clear that Slovakia was ripe not only for autonomy but for a complete, self-governing state. Meantime, Slovakia was ridding itself of Czechs whom the Slovak autonomous government sent home to Prague. Treaty-breaking Czechs who bitterly assailed the emergence of a new Slovakia and plotted to take autonomy away from the Slovak nation by force of arms, even though the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic solemnly guaranteed it. Under the heavy pressure of the European political situation and subject to aggression by Germany, the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia fell apart at the seams. At the same time the Slovaks who were united under their own . national parliament and government in Bratislava �65 SLOVAKIA cheered the unanimous decision of the parliament to declare the Slovak nation's independence and the establishment of an independent Slovak state, the Slovak Republic on March 14, 1939. These events in the history of the Slovak nation are m omentous and unforgettable. No one pressurized the Slovak parliament on March 14, 1939, to its unanimous declaration to organize its own, free self-governing and sovereign state. If the idea of Slovak statehood had not been ripe, and if the legally constituted body of Slovak representatives had not grasped that this was the final phase of the Slovak struggle for self-government, if they had not realized that their unanimous vote for independence was in harmony with the will of the vast majority of the Slovak people, they would have timidly surrendered to the tragic circumstances of having their country torn asunder by neighbors who had never been true friends but covetous foes of the 8.lovak nation. Fully conscious of their opportunity, responsibility and dangers ahead, they decided to go forward as a free nation towards its destiny. Germany's hand of friendship was extended, it had not been solicited, but now that it was given, it was accepted because a refusal would have not only been inexpedient but perhaps suicidal in view of the political tension of the times. No one can justly blame the Slovaks for the acceptance cf German support. They could not know in advance that in the future their self-proclaimed champion would become barbaric and inhumane, nor could they foresee future developments when actually on March 14, 1939, the Germans solemnly announced that they had no territorial demands other than the Sudeten lands . From every angle the Slovak state was to become in reality what the Slovak nation dreamed about and fought ior through the centuries, namely, the highest development of a nation's genius as the result of the embodiment of Slovak rights to freedom and independent progress, a renewal of the glorious and triumphant tradition of Slovak princes and rulers, the fulfillment of the aspirations of all Slovak generations, the actualization of the right to �SLOVAKIA 67 regulate their own affairs by themselves, and for themselves, and for their own Slovak welfare and happiness in building and maintaining their own free, national state. This was their golden destiny. At no time had the renaissance of the Slovak national spirit soared to such heights of glory as during the Slovak Republic. Never before had the country's administration been in the hands of native Slovaks and never before had the Slovaks worked so hard and so willingly, or paid their taxes so readily as then. Slovak lands for the first time in history produced everything in abundance for the benefit of the Slovaks who finally ruled and governed themselves, and were masters of their national destiny. As nothing but destruction and ruin met the eye beyond the borders of the Slovak Republic, Slovakia enjoyed a period of phenomenal growth and prosperity. The Slovaks gave their Republic a democratic Constitution while totalitarianism and dictatorship surrounded them on every side. Slovak statesmen constructed their political edifice on the foundations of God's law and providence at a time when everywhere in Europe Christian morality was being almost universally supplanted by the savage cult of force and a new pagan philosophy. Archbishop Karol Kmet'ko recalled the universal acclamation that had greeted the founding of the Slovak Republic and he spoke of the Slovak state openly at the procommunistic trial held in Bratislava after the war. His testimony clearly indicates that the declaration of Slovak independence on March 14, 1939, was the occasion for a spontaneous celebration throughout Slovakia. Catholics and Protestants rejoiced alike . Every true Slovak was genuinely pleased and happy at the turn of events that brought the Slovak nation its own free, independent state. Moreover, he began to appreciate more and more the many opportunities to develop his native talents for his individual welfare, as well as for the benefit of his own country. For too long he had been denied these opportunities because of alien rule. Slovak League archives contain the following text of a letter from a Protestant school inspector in Slovakia: �68 SLOVAKIA It was adressed to Jozef Rusek, President, Slovak League of America, Pittsburgh, Pa. The text of the letter: Teachers of the Slovak school inspectors' committee in Trencin who have taken the oath of loyalty to the Slovak state, gratefully recall your vigorous fight for the recognition of the independence of our Slovak nation. In this free Slovak state we will work with might and main, God helping us, for the spiritual and material welfare of our nation and state. We respectfully request your aid, Mr. President, so that we may succeed in our common endeavor. With the approval of the teachers I send you sincere greetings from the 'old country.' With sentiments of profound esteem, Na straz! - On Guard, Michal Balafovic, School Inspector in Trencin, Slovakia This is only one of many expressions of hope, confidence and joy that greeted the founding of the free, Slovak state, and as usual, was accompanied by a message of gratitude addressed to the Slovak League of America. Not even for a moment did the Slovak League hesitate to take its proper stand on the question of the newly-created Slovak state. Accordingly, at an executive meeting on May l 2, 1939, in Pittsburgh, Pa., the officers formulated the official reaction on the basis of the recommendations made by the president, Jozef Rusek, namely: 1) Establish a special committee to draw up a Memorandum to 1e addressed to the governments of the U.S., Britain and France in the interests of and for the recognition of the Slovak state, a revision of the boundaries, and a provision to guarantee the cultural rights of 700,000 Slovaks residing inside Hungary. 2) Designate a reporter from the Slovak League and dispatch him to Slovakia to determine the situation there and investigate the exact conditions under which the Slovaks decided to terminate their alliance with the Czechs. After discussing the matter, the members at the meeting agreed to authorize the Slovak League executive officers: 1) To name the necessary committees. 2) To establish an information bureau in Washington, D.C. in order to counteract false , deceitful and slanted anti-Slovak news in the American press and furnish the American press instead with information founded on facts and the truth. 3) To edit English memoranda and pamphlets in the int.erest of the Slovak nati.on and its officially constituted �SLOVAKIA 69 free state, the Slovak Republic. 4) To take the necessary steps for a hearing in the State Department in the nation's capital in order to obtair, U.S. recognition of the Slovak Republic. All these fo:re-going resolutions are duly registered and taken verbatim from the minutes of the above meeting of the Slovak League's executive committee, May 12, 1939. They prove that the Slovak League gave prompt approval to the Slovak state. and, as always, sought to lend a helping hand by seeking to obtain the diplomatic and official recognition of the Slovak state by the United States government in Washington, D.C. On the otherhand, the Slovak state was not un-mindful of the Slovak League of America. The first president of the Slovak Republic sent a greeting by cablegram addressed directly to the 22nd Congress of the Slovak League, in the city of Cleveland, Ohio. The minutes of the Congress refer to this as follows: The president announced that Dr. Jozef Tiso, the president of the Slovak Republic, sent his greetings to the Congress and he asked Dr. Peter Hletko, honorary president of the Slovak League, to read the message. Whereupon, Dr. Hletko read the cablegram informing the American Slovaks of the warmth and loyalty prevailing everywhere throughout the country to the new Slovak state. The message also indicated the immediate necessity of defending the young Republic against enemy aggression and the happy outcome of events in perilous and challenging times. Moreover, there was a note of assurance anct hope for the future destiny of the Slovak nation. Prolonged applause followed the reading of the cablegram from President Tiso. This Congress of the Slovak League in Cleveland directed the administration of the League to reply with a cablegram to Dr. Jozef Tiso, the first president of the Slovak Republic. (Minutes of the 22nd Congress of the Slovak League of America, Cleveland, Ohio, May 12-14, 1939). Czechoslovakia on the Horizon While the Slovaks in their free Slovak Republic rolled up their sleeves and went to work in full strength to build their Slovak state, and while the Slovak League took the first step to secure recognition for the newly-formed Slovak Republic by the government of the United States, the defeated, cowardly ex-president of the Czecho-Slovak Re- �70 SLOVAKIA public, Dr. Benes, appeared on the scene here with his entire entourage. History repeats itself - as in World War I his gaze was directed again towards the American Slovaks who de facto had set up the Czecho-Slovak Republic financially, so now Dr. Benes sought the sympathy and support of the Slovak League of America. He did not approach the League personally but sent his faithful servant, Dr. Juraj Slavik. Dr. Slavik therefore, appeared on May 12, 1939, at the Slovak League executive meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa. Dr. Slavik's visit is described in the minutes of the meeting as follows: Then President Josef Husek introduced Dr. Slavik, former minister in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and requested him to state the nature of his mission. The guest speaker extended his greetings and then proceeded to explain what had happened in Slovakia, especially how the Slovak state had been created, how much of his property had been confiscated by the Slovak government, and his reasons for cooperation with Dr. Benes for the re-establishment of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He further stated that it was Professor Tuka, Sano Mach, chief of propaganda, Karol Murgas, head of he Hlinka Guards (Militia) , and Dr. Ferdinand !>urcansky who were the instigators of a plot that enabled Hitler to destroy the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He referred to Sidor, a member of parliament, and declared that Sidor had been opposed to Slovak independence and for that reason the Hlinka party dismissed him from the Slovak government. Mr. Husek interrupted the Benes emissary and gave him a letter from Sidor who explained the events in an entirely different vein ; and even his account of why he was dropped from the formation of the new Slovak government differed substantially from Slavik's report. Reaction to Sidor's letter was simply a smile on Slavik's face when he returned the letter to Husek without comment. Various questions touching on discrimination, persecution and imprisonments to which loyal Slovaks were subjected at the hands of the central regime in Prague were directed at the visitor. Whereupon, Slavik made only feeble attempts to exonerate his Czechoslovak and Czech colleagues - and these, of course, were all in vain. His hearers remained unimpressed. Dr. Slavik's sweet talk did not win the Slovak League because now as never before it stood solidly behind the idea and reality of the free Slovak state. The official reply was clear as implied in the recommendation at the meeting: "To draw up a resolution that would concisely and clearly express the Slovak League's reasons to oppose Dr. Eduard Benes's program and leadership which were designed for the renewal of the old Czecho-Slovakia." �SLOVAKIA 71 That was a genuinely Slovak reply of the Slovak League. Dr. Slavik's visit was merely the first of several attempts to derail the Slovak League so that the people, led by Dr. Benes, might once more get the League into their clutches. Although the Slovak League remained firm, Benes did not cease his machinatio ns. Rocky Path for the Slovak League of America In the interim, the most dreadful of wars had spread throughou t Europe. All communic ations between Slovakia and the Slovak League of America was suddenly cut off. Against its will Slovakia was dragged into the conflict. As the bitter aftermath of Dr. Benes's failure to lure the Slovak League into a position of unqualified support of the Czechoslov ak camp against the Slovak state, the Czechoslovak governmen t-in-exile simply began a campaign of revenge against the League. A nationwide Czechoslov ak apparatus hit the Slovak League with a ferocious propagand a barrage. It was the intention of Benes to destroy the League by discreditin g it in Washingto n in a vicious smear campaign that sought to put the stamp of nazism on the organizatio n, labeling the Slovak League maliciously as a loyal Hitler ally, and therefore, an enemy of the U.S. and the United Nations . Against this web of lies circulated by the Czechoslov ak propagand a agency here against the Slovak League, naturally, the latter had great difficulties in meeting charges that were made arbitrarily but which could not be adequately answered because the Slovak League lacked necessary informatio n from Slovakia to refute the malicious propagand a. With no communic ation because of the war, it seemed that the Slovak League was completely at the mercy of the merciless foes of Slovak freedom who attempted to cut the vital roots of the organizatio n and destroy it forever . In fact, matters went so far that officers in the Slovak League were subjected to federal investigation on charges of being dangerous to the national interests of the U.S. as subversive elements. The Czechs had their allies in Washingto n and they were not particular about the methods and means to be used to attain their mad objective of destroying the Slovak League. �72 SLOVAKIA This was an unequal and bitterly fought contest. Benes and his informants were the sources of information of the highest military propaganda bureaus in Washington. Jozef Rusek as president of the Slovak League had presented a Memorandum in Washington, D.C. asking for U.S. recognition of the Slovak state. It was ignored. Meanwhile, reports (false) were circulated that Slovakia got involved in the war by declaring hostilities on the U.S. There was no way for the Slovak League to verify or deny these reports . . the line of communication with Slovakia was closed tightly. If the Slovak League, in 1943, had only known one salient fact , namely, that the so-called war-declaration on the U.S. was not a legally declared state of war because neither the Slovak parliament nor President Tiso had given their assent to such a grave act, and that in actuality the reported 'state of war' between Slovakia and this country was an illegal proclamation of one man, Dr. Vojtech Tuka, who. without any authority what-so-ever simply declared war on the U.S. Extreme determination to destroy the Slovak Republic motivated Dr. Benes in his policy. Consequently, this declaration of war was utilized to the utmost in distorted form by the resigned second president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. It served Benes well to emphasize this status of an 'official act of hostility' presumably on the part of the Slovak nation, which actually was against such n declaration, as was the Slovak government with its parliament and President Tiso . Indisputably, on the face of it, without explaining the circumstances of the reported declaration of war on the U.S. by Slovakia, this was a great opportunity for Dr . Benes to exploit the occasion and he did, to the hilt. His intrigues for the despicable objective of the destruction of the Slovak nation's own free state knew no bounds. Monsignor Francis Dubosh, wartime president of the Slovak League of America, was shouldered with the heavy responsibility of defending the organization against · vilification by its enemies. Slovak League archives of 1943 contain a complete record of correspondence between Msgr. Dubosh and the OWI (Office of War Information). �SLOVAKIA 73 Faced by an endless series of barefaced lies that poured into Washington from the sworn foes of Slovak freed.om, the Slovak League stood fast in its defense of the truth and freedom for Slovakia. Moreover, there was nothing to hide, for the Slovak League membership, its president and executive officers were men of personal integrity and loyal citizens of the United States. They met the challenge without flinching and withstood the test with courage and dignity. Some timid souls, it is unfortunately true, became terrorized by this vicious attack of the enemy but the leadership of such stalwart men as Monsignor Dubosh rallied the faithful under the unsullied banner of the Slovak League of America. In the end they prevailed in the fight for Slovak freedom , self-government and free statehood. Now that they sensed the type of opposition they had to contend with, they became determined to maintain the struggle until final victory over the evil forces arrayed against the gallant men they were associated with in the Slovak League . Many resolutions and statements on behalf of the Slovak nation were formulated and proclaimed by the Slovak League despite the bitter attacks levelled against its daring leaders and resolute program. Dr. Benes and his paid propagandists spent several million dollars but all their fiery and venomous darts failed to pierce the stout armor of the American Slovak champion who defended the great citadel of freedom for Slovakia, namely, the Slovak League of America. Though under tremendous tension and pressure in this struggle, the Slovak League did not falter. Its leaders addressed new resolutions that reached the highest government circles in Washington. The historic 'Memorandum', which was entitled, "The Slovaks and their Rights to Nationhood", was sent directly to President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Signed by Msgr. Dubosh and Jan A. Kocur, this wartime document was a review of the struggle of the Slovaks through the centuries for their national freedom and their right to determine their own national destiny on the fundamental democratic principle and tradition of self-determination. �74 SLOVAKIA Whether the Slovaks should have their own independent state, or whether they should belong to the CzechoSlovak Republic, the Slovak League, being deprived of factual news from Slovakia, did not presume to be a competent judge - and hence, it merely wished to re-emphasize President Roosevelt's proclamation and democratic creed that "every nation, no matter how small, has the inherent right to its own nationhood." American statesmen are formally addressed in the prophetic and fearless appeal which deals fundamentally with the Slovak problem: We Americans of Slovak ancestry who make sacrifices and fight side by side with other nations, and have dedicated our lives to the cause of freedom, appeal to our leaders in this momentous struggle and ask them especially to have the destiny of Slovakia in mind lest the foes of Slovak rights to freedom and nationhood deceive them in an unguarded moment, we further respectfully request them to bear in mind the sacred right of the Slovak nation to its own national selfgoverning state, which, as a matter of history, the Slovak nation established after many centuries of struggle against oppression and tyranny; and finally, we ask that liberty, self-determination and the means to a democratic way of life be guaranteed to the Slovaks in the same full measure as will be guaranteed all other nations in the world. This memorable document explains quite extensively 2nd manifestly Czech treacheries aimed against the Slovaks and takes a firm, uncompromising stand against Dr. Benes and his Slovak and Czechoslovak janizaries. It remains a historic testimony that not all Slovak emigrants were on the side of Dr. Benes. The examples of Dr. Osusky and Dr. Hodfa are cited because their political programs coincided essentially with the articles of the Pittsburgh Agreement (Pact) . Remarkable in many respects, but especially amazing is the fact that the Slovak League's life and death struggle was carried on despite an empty treasury against the millions of dollars expended by Benes and his anti-Slovak confederates! Dr. Milan Hodza and the Slovak League of America Dr. Milan Hodfa was invited to be a guest speaker at the 25th Congress of the Slovak League of America. Hodfa, an emigrant political leader from Slovakia, ex- �SLOVAKIA 75 pressed his regrets but sent in an extensive letter or message dated April 9, 1943, and addressed to Msgr. Dubosh, President, in which he explains, in detail, his stand on the Slovak problem and outlines his suggestions and proposals to the Slovak League which was involved vitally in the struggle for Slovakia's rights to national freedom and statehood. About American Slovaks Dr. Hodza has this opinion: First, I highly esteem the Slovak League as an institution of the American Slovaks, one that has done meritorious work in behalf of the Slovak nation and its native homeland. Hodza pays tribute to Furdek, the founder of the Slovak League, and reviews the currents of Slovak political action. He has words of praise for Slovak patriotism and pride that was inspired by the Slovak League, the great champion of the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom. On the subject of World War II , he expressed his understanding of the perilous times: Everyone who knows anything of Slovak loyalty could never have any shadow of doubt about the allegiance of American Slovaks to American democracy or deny their wholehearted dedication to the ideals of freedom and democracy - for America and Slovakia. But someone rashly has said that the majority of American Slovaks have 'fascist leanings.' To that unfounded charge I reply: When it became necessary to defend their country and the highest moral values of mankind, the American Slovaks proved themselves by their deeds and sacrifices. They purchased bonds and bombers, joined the military forces in large numbers, with their young men and women enrolling in all the services-hundreds, perhaps thousands of whom now are wounded or dead on battlefields in every corner of the globe . .. suffering death or wounds in defense of American democracy, security and freedom. Such are Slovak 'fascists.' This moving testimonial to the Slovak League's program by a leading Slovak politician and statesman excels anything that might be added on the subject. It is an honest, heartfelt evaluation of the work of the Slovak League based on firsthand observation and information. Moreover, Hodza, as he notes in his long letter to the Slovak League, considered it his solemn duty to inform the Slovaks of America of the events that occurred up to the year, 1938, in Czecho-Slovakia. He recalls the visit of the Slovak League delegation in Praha. Upon being approached to support the Pittsburgh Agreement, he ob- �?(, SLOVAKIA served that he had already drawn up his own draft for Slovak rights, which, in his personal opinion, he deemed substantially even better and proposed it as a substitute. Hodza explains that his political views were based on the fact that both economically and financially Slovakia was very weak at the conclusion of World War I. He goes on record: In a public statement of May 17, 1938, I spoke about the Pittsburgh Agreement, and in the discussion I urged that the time for criticizing it was long past. Now was the time to actualize it in reality, I said. Finally, at the end of June or the beginning of July, 1938, I succeeded in securing a virtual promise of the government to recognize it and put it into effect, namely, the official extension of self government and the establishment of a parliament in Bratislava for Slovakia. Subsequent remarks by Hodza emphasized his advocating the international political continuity of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and the self-same continuity of the internal political policies and acts of the Republic. Since the legality of the Zilina Agreement was nullified on the grounds that it had been drawn up a week after Munich, the legality of the decisions of the constitutional government of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in June and July, 1938, could not be questioned, and therefore he favored guarantees for self-rule and the rights of the Slovak nation in their native home country. Under all circumstances Hodza stood his ground in this manifest policy. He added: What type of federal or political system we will decide upon, that will be our domestic problem. But to be specific: No longer shall we tolerate the machinery of the Czecho-Slovak Assembly in Prague to dominate by its majority vote. Why not? Because in a total of some 300 members the Czechs have approximately 150 votes, the Slovaks scarcely 60. Thus a 2/3 or a 3/ 5 majority vote would automatically determine Slovak policy with or without a small Slovak minority. No longer can we allow this government monopoly by a Czech regime in Praha. The new reorganization of the state must take into consideration a constitutional measure respecting a Slovak national majority as well as a Czech national majority correspondingly in their own national assembly or parliament. This is the principle and policy that was enunciated and approved by the Czecho-Slovak National Committee on January 1, 1940. In the future, Hodza believed, that the vast majority of the Czechs would abandon centralism as a national policy and accept the new effective policy of mutual Czech �SLOVAKIA 77 and Slovak cooperation through proper Slovak representation on the basis of a federative status of national equality. "I am continuing my efforts in behalf of Slovakia today on the basis of international law," Dr. Hodza declared, "and in accord with England which in March, 1939, of its own volition, and on the basis of fundamental reasons, refused to recognize German dis-memberm ent of the Czecho-Slova k Republic." Both the U.S and the Soviet Union, according to Hodza, adhered to this view of continuity, and he, therefore, thought this was the only sure foundation for future action in behalf of Slovakia. Peace in Europe Hodza envisioned as the development of an intimate association of America, England and Russia and the creation of a central European federation to which Yugoslavia and Romania should belong also. This federation, he believed, would be an effective defensive bloc against any possible future German aggression. "Slavonic democracy' --, in Hodza's opinion, "in which the Slovaks must have a role, must guarantee both national and religious freedom, human dignity, the rights of the individual, provide social and economic security, preserve representativ e government that is based on the free expression of each nation's will." American Slovaks, through its Slovak League, demanded all the guarantees of democratic freedom and the free exercise of natural rights for the Slovak nation on the basis of the Atlantic Charter, namely, the Four Freedoms, self-determin ation and the right to choose their own national destiny. Conclusion of Dr. Hodza's message reads: "Continue as you have begun. You are on the right road." All Slovaks with few exceptions at home and abroad Hnanimously agree that the Slovaks are entitled as a nation to the rights of freedom and self-determin ation, the cardinal principles of the victorious united nations of World War II. There were no substantial differences between his political doctrine and the Slovak League's program, Hodza �78 SLOVAKIA contended. Nevertheless, there was one difference, and it was that the Slovak League of America maintained the belief that it is the Slovak nation's prerogative to decide whether it wants to rejoin the Czechs in a newly-recreated Czecho-Slovakia, or remain in its own separate independent state. As a matter of fact, Hodza, at one time a centralist, could not free himself from the personal conviction that the Czechs and Slova,ks belong indubitably in a united state. Hodza lacked the experience and enlightenment of being a citizen in his own native Slovak political state. Very interesting, indeed, would have been Hodza's views, and relationship with the Slovak League, after Benes' treasonable act in Moscow (1943) and the aftermath of the 'paper agreement' in Kosice with the Slovak national council (1945). We can presume, in view of the sad events in the second Czecho-Slovak Republic, that the Slovak political leader would have followed the leadership of the Slovak League and the vast majority of the Slovaks in their home country in demanding a plebiscite in postwar Slovakia to determine: 1) Whether the Slovak nation wanted to be an integral part of Czecho-Slovakia. 2) Or whether it wanted to be an independent state. 3) Or whether it wanted to join a federation. Death ended any further speculation, and because of the situation in Czecho-Slovakia after the war, the Prague regime refused to grant permission to the Hodza family tc have the body of an eminent Slovak political figure to be returned to his native Slovakia for burial. A Final Break with Benes Intrigues and slanders, coarse and cynical comments marked the careers and attitudes of Dr. Benes and his colleagues. As immediate consequences of their ignoble activities there was a complete disregard of Slovak rights in U.S. State Department circles that determined our international policy while a cloud of dark suspicion hovered over the Slovak League. Refusal to bow down under the crushing pressure exerted by Benes and his clique maddened the Czech plotter and his slanderous propagandists. All of their plans to destroy the Slovak League of America failed miserably. �SLOVAKIA 79 After reviewing the activities of Dr. Benes in World War I and World War II, the Slovak League of America went on record as being irrevocably opposed to Dr. Benes and his ideology. Monsignor Dubosh, the president, declared publicly in his report at the 25th Congress of the Slovak League in October, 1943: I have explained the situation of the Slovak League in relationship to Dr. Benes and his intrigues. Now, where shall we go? What should we do ? Well, Dr. Benes, acknowledged as a skillful diplomat, has refused to negotiate with us. He seems to think that if he looks down upon us with disdain, we 'stupid Slovaks' will shake with trepidation and run to him seeking his help. It is unfortunate that he, a diplomat and political leader, never learned to know the Slovaks better. Perhaps the Slovaks were somewhat naive for tolerating him so long. He forgets that in America, the sons of Slovak immigrants who escaped to America had the opportunity for an education. One of the lessons they learned well was not to take abuse from anybody. He acts as if the Slovaks had no rights whatsoever, not even the right to speak up and say whether they want to live with the Czechs or not. Dr. Benes is sadly mistaken if he thinks the Slovaks were given to the Czechs by divine decree. The Slovaks voluntarily entered into partnership with the Czechs, and they can voluntarily dissolve that partnership. If this is not true, then the Slovaks are not human beings, but slaves, even worse, for then they are but mere animals. That we refuse to accept. We will never allow the Slovaks to be treated as brutes, not even for the price of a million Beneses! Msgr. Dubosh concluded his statement: Truly wise would Benes have been had he and his disciples finally realized that they cannot act as if the Slovaks had no rights at all, that they cannot destroy the Slovak nation which has survived so many centuries, that the Slovak was, is, and will always remain a Slovak, that there will be no peace between the Czechs and Slovaks until justice and equality are established between the two, that nobody will ever convince the Slovak he is anything than what he is: a Slovak. A number of renegades among the Slovaks may be found, as in the case of the Magyar era, and these will agree with Benes and propagate his ideas. But the vast majority of the Slovaks here and in their historic homeland have remained unmoved and unconvinced because they know the true history of the Slovak nation. This is a clear-cut view and a definite stand. Andrej Hlinka would have spoken the same way - and every loyal Slovak agrees with this unqualified view that refuses to surrender the rights of the Slovak nation to freedom and nationhood. The year, 1943, definitely witnessed another resurgence of dynamic and invincible spirit of Slovak national pride in the Slovak League of America. �8Li SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America and the Slovak National Council in Slovakia War was slowly coming to an end and it was clear who would win by this time. For the Slovak League serious problems and grave responsibilities were anticipated. At the beginning of autum, 1944, the first news from Slovakia reported a revolt. The information was incomplete, distorted, and, therefore, confusing and unreliable. As might be expected the Slovak Republic was presented in a bad light by hostile propaganda forces. There was no direct connection with Slovakia to counteract the highly distorted image of the Slovaks who deserved a better fate. Moreover, the Slovak League was not aware of the many instances of official and unofficial opposition to German policies in Slovakia. Awaiting the outcome of the war and hoping for reliable reports from Slovakia, the Slovak League, meanwhile, had to ward off the Benes propagandists. Laboring under a terrible disadvantage, the Slovak League president, Msgr. Dubosh, told the Slovak League Congress on October 18-19, 1944, that "we have assured the state department in Washington the Slovaks will be heard from as soon as they get the opportunity. Our hope has not been in vain as current events prove. The Slovaks, we are told, have revolted . . .but not the Czechs ... and they are now fighting the Germans . How fortunate I am to be able to report that en my last visit to the state department in Washington I pointed out this latest development. Moreover, we had the happy occasion of launching a new warship, the General Milan R. Stefanik, at the time." Such was the first reaction to the report of the socalled Slovak revolt in the early days of September 1944. But it is interesting to note that during the 26th Congress resolutions were adopted against the Slovak national council and its self-assumed program. In this instance, again, sound Slovak instinct guided the Slovak League leadership. A special proclamation on Slovakia was issued, to wit, With great caution and intense interest we have followed and are following progress of events in Slovakia day by day. We have read a declaration, greetings, etc. from the so-called Slovak national council �SLOVAK!.'. 81 which under its own authority has assumed or rather usurped the exclusive right to speak in the name of the Slovak nation and seeks to take over the legislative and executive power into its hands for the complete control of Slovakia. We replied that the Slovak League could hardly be expected to decide what position to take in this matter when there was doubt about the background to the so-called Slovak uprising since the sources of information were not checked out but appeared unreliable because they were inaccurate and incomplete. What made the American Slovaks suspicious from the start was t.lle declaration of the Slovak national council that seemed at first ~o defend the sovereignity of the Slovak nation but later to have tipped its hand by extending greetings to the Benes government in exile . . . and the greetings ended with a promise of loyalty and aid to the Czechoslovak resistance movement - to all intents and purposes an indication of the ultimate return of Slovakia to re-union with the Czechs in a new, reconstructed postwar Czechoslovakia! Without consulting the will of the Slovak nation the so-called Slovak national council placed the country into a definite state organization, thereby denying the Slovak nation the right of self-determination for which we are fighting and presumed to associate the Slovak nation with actions to which we American Slovaks have no sympathy, and to which we are not at all attracted, and which we believe to be completely unfavorable to the Slovaks in their own historic homeland. All these circumstances prompt us to maintain the utmost reserve towards the activity of the so-called national council because we fear that this activity instead of helping to liberate the Slovak nation leads to disruption, disintegration and ultimately to the weakening of the Slovak cause. Neither the leadership nor the aims of the Slovak national council, combined with the names of those who are cooperating with it, give us any assurance that the interests of Slovakia are in capable hands since the so-called Slovak uprising. People whose names we have noted are connected with the national council so-called, as well as in association with the so-called Slovak revolt, do not have our confidence er trust, and for those reasons we must proceed with caution if not entirely in opposition to these so-called representatives of the Slovak nation. Finally, it is quite obvious that the Slovak national council does not represent all classes of Slovak society. It does not represent either the .democratic or progressive elements in the Slovak nation, and hence, in our opinion, the council is not a qualified representative body of the Slovak people in whose name it presumes to speak, has taken over all law-enforcement agencies and assumed executive authority, and even has already decided arbitrarily that the Slovaks must give their allegiance to a pre-determined state re-organization, namely, Czechoslovakia again. Clear and concise was this formulation of official Slovak League policy in this situation, and it coincides with the refusal of the Slovak government and its president to join the revolt for precisely the same reasons. This judgment will always remain the true analysis of the will of the Slovak nation and its duly-constituted government of the Slovak Republic as opposed to the so-called national council. The latter's blunders and many crimes will one day be justly �82 SLOVAKIA attributed to its personnel when the genuinely true history of Slovakia may once again be written in freedom when a new era of truth, justice and peace will prevail. Zeroing in the Slovak nation as a victim to be re-assigned to a postwar re-creation of Czechoslovakia was a colossal historic blunder and crime of the so-called Slovak national council against the sovereignity of the Slovak nation, against its just rights to freedom, self-determination and democracy, and against truth and justice. The 1945 Washington Resolution of the Slovak League of America During the last months of the war from October, 1944, to April, 1945, the situation changed rapidly and essentially. The Russians had captured Bratislava and the war in Europe was just about ended. Sources of information for the Slovak League at this time were controlled completely by the U.S. Office of War Information agencies. And these were under the full censorship of Benes and his staff that had succeeded in winning the Slovak national council, so-called, to their side. Naturally, all information from them was favorable to the council . . . another Czechoslovak agency. What made the Slovak League officials anxious to get in contact with the Slovaks overseas was their desire to help them get on their feet after the most devastating of wars ... and since this was the only source of news available, they were forced to rely on it with reservations, however. These first news indicated that the Slovak national council had persuaded Benes ( who was in Moscow at the time ) to recognize the individuality of the Slovak nation and to grant extensive self-government to the Slovak nation in a new post-war Czecho-Slovakia. At first glance this program of the Slovak national council so-called ran parallel with the objectives of the Slovak League of America. That is what prompted the Slovak League to express its desire to get in touch with the council ... this fact enemies of both the Slovak nation and its champion, the Slovak League of America, take delight in citing when explaining their own policies. Before condemning this resolution it is well to take into consideration all the circumstances in which it was made and then study its contents. The entire first half of the resolution deals with the program and aspirations of �SLOVAKIA 83 the Slovak League designed to guarantee the Slovak nation the absolute right of self-determination. Then follows this controversial paragraph: Let it be further resolved that to realize these aforementioned objectives, the Slovak League in America is willing to establish communication with the Slovak national council for the purpose of cooperating in matters that would benefit the Slovak nation and actualize the above program. Other 'insurance clauses' are also incorporated in the message in order to be on the safe side when dealing with the Slovak national council. In no manner was this a de facto recognition of the Slovak national council by the Slovak League but merely a statement of willingness to discuss mutually all phases of the Slovak problem, one may speak with someone without adopting his views or accepting his proposals, and in this case it was an expression of mere willingness to sit down and discuss the Slovak nation's problems of the present and map the future destiny of Slovakia. Personally, Msgr. Dubosh, the president of the Slovak League, described the entire affair as a resolution declaring a willingness to discuss the matter, nothing less, nothing more. Confirmation of the motives and genuine approach to the problem by the Slovak League of America on this occasion is made on the basis of the fact that as soon as the Slovak League administration got the record straight from Slovakia and diagnosed the case correctly, the Slovak League did not make any further attempts to get in touch officially with the so-called Slovak national council. Among the Slovaks in America this episode caused a. great deal of excitement and the Slovak League had to issue a public statement to clarify the matter. In its public statement, the Slovak League declared the Slovak national council guilty of deceit, and since it showed no inclination of guaranteeing freedom for the Slovak nation for which the League had always fought and would continue to fight, the traditional position of the Slovak League was emphatically repeated, namely, that the platform adopted at the 26th Congress of the Slovak League was still the guideline for the future policy of the League. A policy of �84 SLOVAKIA 'watchful waiting' would be pursued and the League officers would be more than wary where the Slovak national council was concerned. American Activity of the Slovak League The Slovak League of America is an organization of American citizens of Slovak ancestry. Consequently , it invariably coordinates its program and activities with the program and political policy of the United States. Beginning in 1907 and continuing up to now, the Slovak League, uesides its avowed program for the welfare of the Slovak nation in its homeland, was always actively engaged in work that was exclusively designed for the benefit and national interests of America. What was true in World War I, as far as the activity of the Slovak League was concerned, was more than doubly true in World War II. Perhaps Dr. Hodza's description of this united program suffices (as quoted above) to prove this. His words of commendatio n in the message to the Slovak League Congress constitute a remarkable testimony of its manifold contributions . Loyalty and fidelity, Hodza listed as among the foremost virtues of the American Slovaks because his fellow countrymen always felt that their faithfulness to the U.S., their adopted country, must ever be profound and complete. When, therefore, this country became involved in the war against nazism, the Slovak League joined America with all its resources for the strife. Never has the Slovak League boasted of this American activity. Actually it was a duty to be performed and no need to publicize it. But Benes and his alien propagandists incessantly attacked the Slovak League in American circles and assailed it as a nazi agency, and therefore, an enemy to the national interests of America, and even contrary to the Slovak League's program in behalf of Slovakia! Monsignor Dubosh, who had to combat the malicious propaganda levelled at the Slovak League of America, had to swallow many a bitter pill on this account, and only because of his devotion to America - and his love for the Slovak nation . Undoubtedly, the best argument in favor of the Slovak �SLOVAKIA 85 League was its activity for the welfare of America. This action included the following: 1) The Slovak League Campaign for U.S. War Bonds Merely to have a birds-eye view of the gigantic patriotic efforts of the Slovak League in behalf of the U.S., it is sufficient to cite a few facts and figures. Under the dynamic leadership of the patriotic Father John J. Lach the Slovak League gave full support to a war-bond campaign. From the report by Father Lach at the Slovak League executive meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa. on October 17-18, 1944, we learn that under Slovak League sponsorship approximately 53 million dollars' worth of bonds were purchased during World War II. This and similar cases attest to the loyalty of Slovak individuals and their societies throughout the country. Who can doubt the sincere patriotism of the American Slovaks or deny their loyalty? 2) Airplanes War bonds were not the only means by which American Slovaks supported the war effort. One of its activities was the purchase of airplanes for the U.S. Airforce. First, the Slovensk<i Obrana, edited and published by Michael Bosak, Jr., Scranton, Pa., opened the campaign for three airplanes. Chicago's Osadne Hlasy weekly joined the campaign. The fund brought in $31,000. The ceremony of presenting a trio of training planes to the U.S. armed forces occured at the Cleveland airport on May 29, 1943. Each plane bore the slogan, "Spirit of the Slovak League of America," but even on this occasion the Czech propagandists tried to reap undeserved honors by claiming this act to be a part of their program. Monsignor Dubosh reported to the 25th Congress of the Slovak League: This was a capital idea, which, naturally, our Czechoslovak 'friends' tried to exploit for their benefit just as they tried to do last year when the Slovaks in Pittsburgh and Cleveland purchased war bonds. Their propaganda machine gave credit to 'Czechs' and Czechoslovaks. Such are our so-called brothers . . . everything we have they consider their very own. 3) Warships Liberty ships, three of them, bore the names submitted by the Slovak League in recognition of its highly successful war-bond campaign. Elaborate ceremonies marked �BG SLOVAKIA the launching of the "Stephen Furdek," "Sgt. Matej Kocak," and the "General Milan R. Stefanik." Altogether this variety of activity brought the Slovak League and the American Slovaks widespread publicity and recognition. They were the most telling arguments to refute libelous propaganda aimed at the Slovak League which was unjustly smeared by its foes as anti-American and pro-nazi. The patriotic acts by the Slovak League completely vindicated the honor of the American Slovaks, and the press in America recorded them with great admiration and enthusiasm. 4) Social Action of the Slovak League Increased social and charitable deeds of the Slovak League in wartime belong to a special phase of the history of the times because this was a new form of action that vvas directly under the sponsorship of a new organizational branch, namely, the Ladies Auxiliary of the Slovak League, officially known as "Slovenske Vcielky" - Slovak bees. At an executive meeting of the Slovak League on August 23, 1941, a definite plan was formulated to organize the "Slovak bees" under the leadership of Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, vice-president of the League. Accordingly, she became the president of the Ladies Auxiliary of the Slovak League, the official title of the 'Vcielky' group. Slovak women from all parts of America enrolled as members in the new auxiliary, which cooperated closely with the work of the Red Cross. By their unselfish service, social action and samaritan-like deeds, the American Slovak women contributed invaluable service to their country and enhanced the good name of the Slovak League and the Slovaks in America generally. Details of some of the work accomplished by the Slovak ladies auxiliary were reported at the 24th Congress of the Slovak League on February 25-26, 1943. They constitute a glorious record of achievements in the history of the American Slovaks. In one cell, alone, in Chicago more t.han 300 women were enrolled. These women presented the Red Cross with 66,900 surgical dressings, 2,246 suits of clothing for refugees ( for children and adults), 717 knitted sweaters, caps, shawls, gloves, etc. for soldiers; and �SLOVAKIA 87 455 hospital gowns. Blood was donated by 214 cells. More than 200 cells completed first-aid courses and 36 were trained in home-care of the sick. A total of 630 shipments were sent to American soldiers of Slovak ancestry. These are only a sample of the type of activities performed by the Ladies Auxiliary cells throughout the country. As soon as the war €nded, pleas for help came from Slovakia. The Ladies Auxiliary cells were the first to respond. Shipments of canned goods and clothing were immediately dispatched to the war-torn areas of Slovakia. Slovak emigrants fleeing from their war-devastated homeland were given emergency aid by the auxiliary. Value in dollars to cover this essential aid exceeds tens of thousands of American dollars that were given freely and generously for a worthy cause in the name of the Slovak League through the charitable agency of the Ladies Auxiliary of the League. This added a new chapter of charitable action to the history of the Slovak League of America. A special postwar campaign for funds under the traditional slogan, 'Za tu nasu slovencinu,' - for our Slovak mother-language-was inaugurated in the very first months after the war. This netted thousands of dollars for much needed help to the Slovaks in their home country, and to those in exile because these had lost all their worldly possessions in the war. No less important in its salutary effects, aside from the continued struggle for Slovakia's national freedom, was this social work which had as its primary source a deep American sense of patriotism and a profound Slovak and Christian philosophy of life to be of service to one's fellow man, and particularly to one's Slovak countrymen. Cultural Program of the Slovak League Versatility has marked the activity of the Slovak League of America. The cultural aspect was not neglected despite the pressure of the needs of the immediate present. In this respect a need was perceived to reach the Englishreading public for two reasons: 1) To combat the false �88 SLOVAKIA propaganda of anti-Slovak groups. 2) To furnish genuine information about the Slovak nation's history, the Slovaks in America, the Slovak League, etc. Too often, well-disposed Americans in high governmental positions were misled as to the real purpose of the Slovak League simply because they were uninformed or misinformed. The information had to be in the English language. Proposals to publish a Slovak League informational publication in English were made and approved at an executive meeting of the Slovak League on Nov. 13, 1942. It was designed both for the general American public and the young Slovak generations that no longer understood the language of their parents or grandparents. This was necessary to win the sympathy of the American public by Ehowing how important had been, and still was, the role of the Slovaks in mankind's struggle for liberty, human dignity and peace. An immediate result of this conference was the " Slovak Record " which began publication under the capable editorship of Joseph G. Prusa. The first issue appeared precisely on the 28th anniversary of the death of ~tefan Furdek, founder of the Slovak League of America. This wartime " Slovak Record" quarterly was well edited. It presented u true and clear picture of American Slovak life and thought that was reflected from its pages as if from a wellpolished mirror. The Record was listed officially as quarterly review of the Slovak League of America. Any future historian will find a wealth of material on Slovak history and the life of American Slovaks in the comparatively few issues that were published during World War II. The Slovak Record was an informative and cultural periodical, which for the first time presented a great many literary and political facts to the American public. Moreover, it acquainted many readers with the history, culture and aspirations of the Slovak nation. Congressmen and high officials in our government received the Slovak Record. So did American radio stati ons, newspaper offices and libraries. In a word, it was distributed where it would do the most good for the Slovak cause. Unfortunately, the Slovak Record ceased publication �SLOVAKIA 89 after two and a half years. But the year after its demise, ie., in 1946, the Slovak Review, a political magazine, and the Slovak Digest, a cultural quarterly, made their appearance. These, too, had a brief existence. Never-the-less, they did their work well while they lasted. Among other cultural projects inaugurated by the Slovak League was an American-Slovak museum. This was the work of the cultural committee which met in Cleveland in the spring of 1945. Benedictine High School was designated as the temporary center where Rev. Andrej Pir, O.S .B., a young, talented American-Slovak historian and journalist, had already established an extensive Slovak library under the auspices of St. Andrew's Abbey. As director of the newly-established Slovak museum, Father Pir obtained permission from Abbot Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S .B. to have a special room as the cultural center for Slovak books , historical records, museum articles, etc. at the Abbey in Cleveland. This later was destined to become the Slovak Institute established in 1952 by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S .B. who named Dr. Francis Hrusovsky as the first director. On a high cultural level were all the memoranda and other publications of the Slovak League of America; all issued in behalf of Slovak national freedom and sent to the highest American political quarters. The most important of these perhaps was "The Slovaks and their Rights to Nationhood" in 1943. Representatives of the Slovak League at the International Conference in San Francisco 1945 This historic conference of allied nations was called to decide the national destinies of peoples all over the world, but particularly in Europe The fate of the Slovaks was also to be determined there. Never amiss where the welfare of the Slovak nation was concerned, the Slovak League was anxious to present the Slovak problem and all its ramifications at this world parley. It particularly wanted to present the just right of the Slovak nation. Although the Slovak League had the right to seek and obtain representation officially at the �90 SLOVAKIA conference, its delegates were denied entry because the Czechoslovaks usurped this right by securing official admittance as the spokesmen for Slovakia. Ironically, Jan Masaryk, one of the most prominent Czechs, was registered as a Slovak! Failure to secure official recognition for its representatives prompted the executive council of the Slovak League to send an observer. As an observer, Rev. John J. Lach of Whiting, Indiana, was selected to represent the Slovak League at the San Francisco conference. He remained there in that capacity from April 25 to June 21. Msgr. Milos Mlynarovic accompanied him. It was difficult for them even to obtain entry, and impossible for a pass to attend some of the meetings . In fact, Jan Masaryk's Czechoslovak delegation sought to have them excluded entirely. Nevertheless, Father Lach ~ucceeded by skillful maneuvering to outwit his opponents. He got a registration card with full credentials as an official observer for the proceedings. Since Father Lach was not permitted a voice at the conference, he visited delegations of a number of nationality groups and informed them of the Slovak cause, stressing especially the Slovak nation's rights to freedom and nationhood. Although it did not have any influence on Jan Masaryk, Father Lach's visit to his office at least emphasized the fact that the Slovaks had their rights and that the Slovak League of America stood foursquare behind them in their struggle for freedom and nationhood. Upon his return from San Francisco, Father Lach reported the outcome of his presence at the International Conference as follows: In conclusion, I want to say that always and everywhere I emphasized the good work of the Slovak League and I explained its program as a noble and worthy endeavor that is nothing more or less than a program for the welfare of the American Slovaks and the Slovak nation's destiny as a free people in their historic homeland. I told them of my conviction that the Slovaks as a nation with an individual entity and a glorious history must have a place of honor among the nations of the world , a place that the United Nations must one day officially assign to them in the family of nations. One must not under-estimate the importance of this attempt for world recognition at an international forum �SLOVAKIA 91 by a Slovak League delegate. Had there been direct communication with Slovakia instead of being forced to rely on Jan Masaryk, self-appointed as he was to represent the Slovaks, things might have worked out differently. Yet, the fact remains the Slovak League tried, and the attempt, though unsuccessful, was, none-the-less, a noble if futile gesture in behalf of a down-trodden Slovak nation. The battle in San Francisco with the Czechoslovak faction led by Dr. Benes and Jan Masaryk was lost mainly because they used utterly false propaganda to discredit the Slovak nation and its cause. In this case truth, which Thomas Masaryk liked to talk about so much, did not prevail, instead a neatly-bound pack of Czechoslovak lies doomed the Slovak people to domination by the Czechs again in the postwar era. Perseverance in I deals - Endurance in Combat Not even when the United Nations officially granted recognition to Czecho-Slovakia did the Slovak League throw in the towel. It retained its program intact and continued its fight for the Slovak nation's cause of freedom . Attorney Peter P. Jurcak, a writer and political leader from Pennsylvania, succeeded Msgr. Dubosh as president in 1945. He discussed at great length the Slovak League's program and ideals with Husek, Hletko and Msgr. Dubosh, all former presidents. Jozef Husek soon afterwards retired from public life because of illness. But both Dr. Hletko and Msgr. Dubosh remained at the side of Jurcak, the new president, and gave him their whole-hearted cooperation in the unending fight for the rights of the Slovak nation. Like a strong tree that looses its dry branches in 8, storm but continues to grow stronger, so the Slovak League of America thrives and grows taller and more mighty than ever before. The war that subjected the Slovak League to violent attacks only tested it and proved its vitality and power. It stands a living monument to the heroic courage of the stalwart sons of Slovakia and their unceasing fight for the sacred rights to justice, truth and liberty for their nation beneath the Tatras. Once more the Slovak League takes the offensive in 1946. It addresses an appeal to the President of the United �92 SLOVAKIA States and to Congress, as well as to the General Assembly of the United Nations. The appeal in behalf of the Slovak national cause of freedom reviews the history of the Slovaks, calls attention to their struggle for freedom and explains their sad experience of trying to live with the Czechs in one state. According to the principles of the Atlantic Charter, the Slovak League makes a request for a plebiscite in Slovakia under the supervision of the United Nations to give the Slovaks the opportunity to decide in a free election whether they wish to continue to live in a political union with the Czechs, or whether they want their own independent state; or if they prefer to be incorporated in a federation of free, self-governing states in central Europe. The State Department and Congressmen are kept well informed of the injustices suffered by the Slovaks in the past and present by the Slovak League's news agency and information in the nation's capital. Finally, the true facts about the Slovak Republic are available to American statesmen in Washington, D.C. For too long a time our American leaders in public life were kept shamelessly misinformed by Dr. Benes and his cohorts of false propagandists. Genuine information b now provided from first-hand experiences of Slovak emigrants who lived under the regime of the Slovak Republic from 1939 to 1945. At long last, too, we know the true facts about the so-called Slovak revolt of 1944 and the distorted picture of wartime Slovakia is coming sharply into proper focus. Meantime, too, the Slovak League of America maintains a full-time political, cultural and social program. Culturally, the work begun by the Slovak Record quarterly is carried on by the Slovak Review and the Slovak Digest quarterlies. Moreover, President Jurcak has published his book The Slovaks-Their History and Traditions, which is doing good work in behalf of the Slovak nation by a concise review of the history of Slovakia. Slovak music is perhaps the best means to reach the young generation. In this field the Slovak League plans a score of concerts by Slovak artists. At the suggestion of Msgr. Dubosh, the Slovak League �SLOVAKIA 93 is inaugurating a National Fund campaign to which every American Slovak is asked to contribute at least a quarter a year. During its struggle the past several years, the Slovak League administration discovered that finances are essential to carry on effective work for realizing high ideals. Perhaps the most urgent task at the present is the publication of books and periodicals about the Slovak nation in the English language . Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, the president of the Slovak League's ladies auxiliary, continues to inspire greater efforts in behalf of an extensive social and charitable program to help war-torn Slovakia as well as to provide necessary funds and help to Slovak emigrants who were forced to escape to the west. Under her dynamic leadership the Slovak 'Vcielky' - bees have accomplished an incredible amount of good work by providing for immediate needs of food, shelter and clothing for the people of Slovakia and for those who had to leave their homeland to save their very lives. Truly, the 'Vcielky' have shown themselves to be loving mothers by their dedication and devotion to their Slovak children in need. The Program approaches its zenith As we follow the ideological development of the Slovak League of America, from the year of its founding, 1907, to the present, we note that it passed through several phases that ran concurrently with the evolution of the idea of Slovak independent statehood. Three cities and a trio of Slovak League Congresses are historic milestones in the gradual development of an idea and an Ideal: Slovak national freedom. They are : Cleveland, Pittsburgh and Detroit where nation-wide Congresses of American Slovak representatives took progressive strides towards the fulfilment of the Slovak ideal of political liberty. We are justified in declaring that the struggle of all Slovak generations has been the fight for a Slovak state as the highest fulfillment of the aspirations of an entire nation, namely, the achievement of national freedom . This idea was not born on March 14, 1939. It merely became a reality on that memorable day. It had first sprung to life �94 SLOVAKIA in Svatopluk's time in the 9th century, came back to life as an ideal in the era of Bernolak. Holly, stur and Hurban, during the early 19th century, was again very much alive during the struggle led by Andrej Hlinka before and during the era of the Czecho-Slovak Republic of World War I vintage, until the idea came ultimately to full maturity on March 14, 1939, with the founding of the Slovak Republic. Ideologically, the aim of the Slovak League was always in this direction because it invariably and reliably reflected the degree of Slovak aspirations for self-government in Slovakia itself. As a happy coincidence and consequence the Slovak League of America never presented a false image of the Slovak nation. Despite the temporary set-back inflicted on the Slovak League by Dr. Benes's false propagandists, the fact that the Slovak League stood firm in defense of the Slovak nation's rights to freedom and selfgoverning statehood only confirms the amazing similarity of objectives of the Slovak nation and its great champion overseas, the Slovak League of America. There never has been, therefore, any major divergence of views or objectives between the two. Detroit (Michigan) was host to the 28th Congress of the Slovak League on October 29, 1946. It proved to be a dramatic convention. All the cards were placed on the table at this historic Detroit Congress. Dr. Benes who had promised to make Czecho-Slovakia an island of democracy had just announced that he had placed the reorganized state into the hands of Moscow, and thereby surrendered central Europe to Communism. International developments reached a crisis soon so that there was an immediate cleavage between the East and West. Dr. Benes chose the East with communism and Soviet dictatorship that seized complete control of all countries under various pretexts in the Russian orbit. The Iron Curtain was about to come down and divide Europe into two hostile camps. In direct opposition to Dr. Benes, the Slovak League made its momentous decision. Moreover, the Slovak nation, too, in the May elections of 1946 cast more than a % democratic majority vote while the communist party in �SLOVAKIA 95 Slovakia garnered considerably less than a third of the total vote in the country . Slovak statehood as the most responsible form of political organization had been cherished for ages by the Slovak nation. In modern times this ideal was upheld admirably by the Slovak League of America. At its 26th Congress in Detroit, the Slovak League unanimously adopted a declaration favoring independent statehood for the Slovaks in their historic homeland ( since the 5th century A.D . the Slovaks have lived in their present country ). Dr. Peter Hletko, M.D. headed the special committee that had drawn up this declaration: "The Committee of the future program has taken into consideration the whole world situation, and in relationship to it the present status of the Slovak nation's aspirations to liberty; also the mind of the American Slovaks. After much deliberation and discussion, therefore, this committee submits the following program with confidence that its ideas and proposals will win approval and adoption at this Congress so that all of the supreme officers, the various local officials and all the assemblies of the Slovak League throughout America will accept this program as its very own. "The proposed program for the future destiny of the Slovaks is designed to coordinate all of our efforts so that by unified action we can reach our common goal that will be of immense value to the Slovaks in their home country and to the American Slovaks, too. "Our stand in the Slovak League of America, therefore, requires that we clarify our policies on a number of issues. Consequently, we propose to express precisely what position we take in relationship to the following : The Czecho-Slovak R epublic " So far, the Slovak League of America never maintained a hostile attitude towards the Czecho-Slovak Republic. We admit we criticized the government and the representatives of that country, and we came to the aid of the Slovak nation in its struggle for a recognition of its just rights, and we condemned the injustices perpetrated on the Slovak people, but we never advocated nor took any �ga SLOVAKIA steps to destroy the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia even when our detractors labelled us unjustly as the destroyers of this state. "Not even after the Slovaks established their own state six months before World War II, nor during the entire conflict when Czechoslovak adherents were busily planning to reconstruct Czecho-Slovakia, did the Slovak League in America declare itself in opposition to a renewal of that country, but it unequivocally maintained the right of selfdetermination for the Slovak nation and it openly fought for this right to be exercised by the Slovaks freely to determine what type of self-government they wished and what form of state administration they wanted as the will of the majority of the Slovak people. "We often repeated our views that if the Slovaks were granted the opportunity to express their will freely as to what form of government they wished to have, or what type of state or federation they preferred, and even if they should choose Czecho-Slovakia all over again, we said that we would be completely _satisfied and would not disagree or opposE: their choice. We insisted, however, and fought for the right of the Slovak nation during World War II that once Europe and the world would be reorganized after the conflict the Slovaks must be guaranteed a free vote, subject to no pressure, violence or force - in a word, complete freedom to express their own national will . "In spite of every assurance by the great powers, however, and contrary to various world declarations, by which all nations, particularly the small ones, were given high hopes of liberation, freedom and independence, and despite the Atlantic Charter which won the trust of all the small nations but which was discarded once the objectives for which it was proclaimed were secure, and in spite of all the promises for free expression and choice of the future destiny of the Slovaks, f:.bsolutely no opportunity was given to the Slovak nation for making a free choice at all. "Simply and definitely once more the Slovaks were thrown back into the Benes's pre-fabricated structure, namely, the postwar Czecho-Slovak Republic. It was explained that this was necessary in order to re-establish the pre- �SLOVAKIA 97 Munich status quo but this was sheer deceit, for the restoration of the pre-Munich status quo was only done whenever and wherever it was to the advantage of a number of world-powers, if it was not to their advantage, there was simply no restoration at all. "Neither the so-called national revolt, nor the Kosice agreement were manifestations of the Slovak nation's will, and therefore there was no obligation on the part of the Slovaks to return to Czecho-Slovakia. No one asked the Slovaks their preference - all at once they found themselves back in the old, slightly-mended Czecho-Slovakia. "As we have noted on the very first occasion that the Slovaks had to manifest their will and they did so by an overwhelming majority of more than two-thirds against communism but this was not counted in any way-and the Slovak nation was retained as an oppressed nation under communist rule . . . and has remained under communist dictatorship since 1946. "Nevertheless, the Slovaks were not granted a choice to vote on the issue if they wanted to remain in the old Czecho-Slovak Republic or not. They were forced to accept the fait accompli situation with the Czechs again in power. This injustice is all the greater since we know and are firmly convinced that the Slovak nation been given an opportunity of free choice, it certainly would have voted overwhelmingly against being re-attached to Benes's postwar creation, Czecho-Slovakia III. "Apparently the Slovaks have a semblance of autonomy in postwar Czecho-Slovakia but this does not alter the fact that they were denied their freedom of choice. Moreover, the Republic is officially named Czechoslovakia and continues to be written without the controversial hyphen (it should be Czecho-Slovakia). As it is now, this jndicates that the new government is still imbued with the spirit of the false and artificial identity of a Czechoslovak nation. A return to the 'old sins' presages a gradual taking away of self-government from the Slovaks because Benes has reiterated his belief that the Slovaks must not be permitted to have 'wild dreams of self-rule.' "Czech centralism still rules, for Slovak administration is subject to Praha. For these, and other reasons not �98 SLOVAKIA mentioned, we are forced to come to the conclusion that inevitably we must restrain our tolerant policy and favorable attitude to the Czecho-Slovak state by abandoning what we American Slovaks for so many years held as proper and hopeful for the future. The present demands another policy, hence, we stand in opposition to the new, illegal Czecho-Slovakia and we now emphasize the fact that the Slovaks were wronged as a nation. We intend to inform the great powers and the whole world of this grave injustice because the Slovaks were forced into the postwar Czecho-Slovak Republic. " As free American Slovaks we further protest that the Slovak nation is held in political bondage in a state that leans away from western democracy and is helping to create an anti-democratic bloc while the Slovaks are truly democratic-minded as they surely indicated by the recent vote that left no doubt of their resistance to communist influence and infiltration from the East. The Slovak State "Many good and sound reasons would prompt the Slovaks to vote against re-attaching Slovakia to the newlyre-created Czecho-Slovakia, and that by a vast majority of votes against re-union, for while the Slovaks were discriminated against in pre-war Czecho-Slovakia, the same is true today. "Under their own regime in their own Slovak Republic the Slovaks were happy and prosperous, they worked and progressed economically, politically, culturally, they built, created and developed a new life of their own. Never before were the Slovaks so content with their lot. This good fortune not even the enemies of the Slovak State can deny . The record of the Slovak Republic speaks for itself. "World conditions in wartime brought temporary prosperity not only to America but to other countries, too. Nevertheless, prosperity for the Slovak state, though necessarily stimulated by the war, had as its permanent basis the industry, ingenuity and inspiration of the Slovak nation that was vitally interested in its destiny. The Slovak people cooperated splendidly and enthusiastically in the building of their own self-governing state. �SLOVAKIA 99 "Dependence, to some extent, upon its powerful neighbor, Germany, was a natural relationship, for small nations always depend upon strong nations in time of peace or war. Here it must be noted, however, that neither England, the U.S. nor the USSR were of any assistance to the Slovak Republic . "Every small state seeks protection and security wherever it can. The Slovak state needed protection for national survival. Yet, it must be affirmed that the Slovak Republic was not a gift to the Slovaks from either the Germans or their leader, Hitler. Further, the Slovak state was not a German creation. On the contrary, the Slovaks had to defend their country against German machinations, and intrigues of other nations. The Slovak Republic was truly the result of the aspirations of the Slovak nation for freedom and their own state. A free state is the zenith and fulfillment of the highest and noblest ideals of every nation. "A return to limited rights, or a surrender of all rights of the Slovak nation by the involuntary incorporation of the Slovak people in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, is a step backwards and definitely contrary to sttir's motto: 'We cannot go backward - We must go forward.' "Our duty is to inform and influence the world in this direction, namely, the renewal of a free Slovak Republic, the existence of which is at the same time the obligation of all the nations of the world . "Unconditionally, the Slovak League of America urges the great powers to re-establish the Slovak Republic because in it the Slovak nation found its true destiny, enjoyed peace, prosperity and freedom, and made unpresedented progress in every phase of its national culture. The Slovak League and Dr. Tiso "Dr. Jozef Tiso, president of the Slovak Republic, had the welfare of the Slovak nation at heart. Not even his enemies can deny that he was sincere in his efforts to insure the national well-being of the Slovak people in their own, free and independent state. While many others fled to safety after resigning high positions, Dr. Tiso remained in his country to serve it in a grave crisis. To minimize �100 SLOVAKIA his virtues and magnify his faults, mistakes, methods, policies etc., is easy, but it will not change the facts that despite his real or imaginary administrative deficiencies he not only succeeded in saving the Slovak nation from destruction but supervised the Slovak state so admirably that the people in Slovakia enjoyed peace, prosperity and great cultural and economic progress. "Nobody can erase the true image of Dr. Tiso as a kind, just and wise president of the Slovak Republic. The Slovak nation reveres his memory today despite the attempts of the enemy to destroy that image by false propaganda spread throughout the world. We are horrified at the malice of our enemies who seek to brand President Tiso as a traitor to his Slovak nation and as such are planning to try him in a court-of-law ... the impending trial, of course, to be supervised by his enemies and the enemies of the Slovak nation. "To defend Dr. Tiso is our most solemn duty. We must arouse world opinion in his favor to offset the slanderous campaign against him. It is quite obvious that the efforts to discredit his good name is done with a vengeance, and H our enemies succeed in unjustly dishonoring him they will wreak their utmost revenge upon him. And it would be a great crime of gross injustice against a just man and the Slovak nation. "Dr. Tiso is not a war criminal. He did not torture anyone, he did not execute one person, or give orders to execute anyone. Father Tiso did not commit any crime. He was the great defender and benefactor of his country which he served with distinction and honor. The Slovak National Council "Much has been written and discussed about the socalled Slovak national council. Our position towards this organization remains unchanged. We still regard it as an agency that has usurped power and authority because it was not elected or authorized by the Slovaks, nor approved de facto by the Slovak nation, and consequently in a democratic system it is not a legal body and has no legal standing or jurisdiction. �SLOVAKIA 101 The Slovak Liberation Committee "Against no one who wishes to work conscientiously for the liberation of the Slovak nation does the Slovak League of America have any arguments. In fact it welcomes any positive action. However, to achieve success there is need for a common united front - not a faction or several factions. "Assumption of definite rights and obligations is the prerogative of the Slovak League of America because it is recognized as the highest cultural-political organization of American Slovaks, and as such it wants to retain this preeminent position and prestige by the pursuit of a prudent policy and by its charitable activities . Therefore, if anyone desires to participate in a national program involving the Slovak League must, necessarily coordinate his efforts with the program of the Slovak League. He must never misuse the name of the League, nor use the name prematurely without being properly authorized to do so. "Our organization has experienced many crises but has ultimately taken the proper stand on many intricate problems and questions mainly because it has acted discretely, carefully, and always adopted a course of action only after a thorough study of all the problems involved. It has refrained from following the opinion of this or that 5ndividual and hence has avoided being influenced by the enthusiasm of individuals, often admirable, but too often erroneous. "We do not condemn the Slovak Action Committee, nor do we suspect its aims, but because this committee has committed a number of errors of judgment and because its program does not assure us of the successful liberation of the Slovak nation at this time, and finally, because as yet we have not come to any agreement with its spokesmen, the Slovak League of America maintains its friendly attitude but continues its traditional policy of watchful waiting towards this committee. "Never has the Slovak League in America lost out in much more serious affairs by 'watchful waiting,' and we believe it will not lose anything by keeping this policy. Be it noted well, that the use of sharp and bitter phrases �l.02 SLOVAKIA against Slovak leaders in America or Europe, or the general attitude, which gives the impression that the Slovak Action Committee wants to by-pass, ignore or sabotage the action of the Slovak League of America, certainly does not constitute the best means of winning the friendship, confidence or cooperation of the League . "We are well informed that the Slovak Action Committee must come to friendly terms with other prominent persons in Europe who have the best interests of the Slovak nation at heart. These must not exclude each other by mutual disagreement or refusal to arrive at mutual understanding. "Until that time when all the responsible Slovak leaders meet and agree on a common program in behalf of the Slovak nation's fight for freedom and welfare, the Slovak League cannot give an unqualified endorsement to the Slovak Action Committee. What is far more important in this case is that the American government will not sanction our formal union with the activity of the Slovak Action Committee. The Three 'Isms "Against the trio of the present three 'isms: nazism, fascism, and communism, the Slovak League has gone on record long ago. The first two are vanquished. We, too, helped to crush them. But our stand against the third one, namely, communism, has not changed. We will not stop fighting until this one, too, is completely destroyed. "American public opinion is subject to various changes but we remain unchanged and unmoved in our position to communism. It is necessary to do everything possible in opposition to it because the sooner we get rid of this 'ism the sooner will Slovakia be liberated and the less will America suffer from its intrigues, plots and machinations. "Communism today has a death-grip on Slovakia, and the Slovaks are helpless. If it were not for this alien power, the Slovak nation would easily dispose of Benes, the Czechoslovaks and the Czech imperialists. And communist bayonets which escorted Benes to power in Praha keep the Slovaks imprisoned in their own country while they �SLOVAKIA 103 keep Benes in his position as head of the post-war Czechoslovak satellite of the Soviet Union. "As loyal Americans, as true Slovaks, and as Christians, too, it is our sacred duty to fight communism no matter where it appears, except perhaps in Moscow, if they want it there let them keep it there." When at one of its very first sessions, Vice-President Pavol Jamriska, presiding chairman, gave a brief review of the above declaration and the position taken by the Slovak League of America, there was a spontaneous outburst of applause The vote was unanimously in approval and all the subsequent sessions were conducted in this spirit. Everyone present sensed the importance of this momentous decision and when Dr . Peter P. Hletko finished reading the detailed program of the Slovak League the approval was unanimous. The Canadian Slovak League, which was holding its convention simultaneously, adopted the American Slovak League's resolution and proclamation. Embattled in their homeland, the Slovaks have found a true champion in the Slovak League of America which once again supports their noble cause of political liberty, cultural freedom, economic opportunity and, in our day, the added sacred cause of religious freedom. These foregoing facts are merely segments from many pages of the illustrious history of the Slovak League. Its history will undoubtedly some day be enshrined as a glorious chapter in the history of the Slovak nation. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism promoted by the Soviet Union. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 63 SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AND INDEPENDENT SLOVAKIA By Mikulds Sprinc On October 6, 1938, when the Slovaks attained autonomy and the Pittsburgh Agreement was incorporated into the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia, the Slovak League in America had a great and unquestioned share in the great event. In the days that followed there was an outburst of fresh enthusiasm. The Slovaks were beginning to build their own new national home on the pattern of the Pittsburgh Agreement. Slovakia fully appreciated the support which had been given the country by the Slovak League in America for the attainment of its self-government. The Slovak nation immediately wanted to know about the life of the American Slovaks because a mutual affection and friendship develops through knowledge and understanding. Konstantin Culen, a dynamic writer and ace newspaperman, was sent by Karol Sidor and the Slovak autonomous government to the U.S. His chief role was to establish closer cultural ties with the American Slovaks and to write a history of the Slovaks in America, - and as a secondary purpose, to act as a life-line between the Slovaks in their homeland and their fellow countrymen overseas; also, to maintain communication between the American Slovak organizations and the Slovaks at home. What the attitude of the Slovak League was towards the new form of Slovak national life in the old country was at this time we readily deduce from the special meeting of the executive committee of the Slovak League on March 2-3, 1939, in Pittsburgh, Pa. We read the following minutes : "President Rusek warmly welcomed the distinguished guest, Konstantin Culen, from Slovakia. The Slovak emissary thanked him sincerely and in his brief response expressed his feelings and extended the greetings of the Slovak government and parliament to all the American Slovaks. The applause was spontaneous and enthusiastic." In another section of the above minutes of the same 64 SLOVAKIA meeting, culen's impressions of the public reaction in Slovakia to the first session of the Slovak parliament in Bratislava are recorded as follows: "We were indeed sorry that there were no American Slovaks present at the opening session of the first Slovak parliament in history. The places reserved for you were vacant. But since you were absent from this historic session, I feel sure you will be represented at the next session, the second one, at which the Slovak parliament will discuss the Constitution. You must come, and others, too, from all over America." How vitally interested. the Slovak League of America was in the matter of Slovak autonomy in 1939 is evident from the same special executive meeting, for a nominating committee was named to select a delegation to visit Slovakia. This committee immediately chose the following: Ivan Bielek, J . A. Kocur, Jozef Rusek, Mrs. Gabriela Vavrek r.nd Dr. Peter P . Hletko, alternates were P . Jamriska, Rev. Klemo Hrtanek. Rev. Florian Billy, Andrej Suroviak and Michal Sincak. Jozef Rusek, the president, was designated to head the special delegation, which received unanimous approval. It was decided at the meeting that the Slovak League delegation should take the original Pittsburgh Agreement document and present it to the Slovak nation 'with due ceremonies' - and added remark in the minutes. The executive committee of the Slovak League made this decision on the basis of the previous Congress of the Slovak League which had approved the proposal to surrender the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement, a precious historical document, and present it officially to the Slovak parliament as soon as the political requirements guaranteed to the Slovak nation were fulfilled and carried out as outlined .3pecifically in the pact. A fund raising campaign to help Slovakia was organized, which again shows the enthusiastic support in behalf of the freedom of Slovakia by the Slovak League of America. This received the unanimous approval of all present because they realized how important it was to lend a helping hand at this particular time of the Slovak nation's history. Practically everybody pledged his aid. Mr. Kridlo res- SLOVAKIA 65 ponded first. His organization ( the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union) voted $150 and promised to contact all of its branches for donations. Virostek, Jamriska, Dlhos, Salva and Kostolnik spoke approvingly - Kostolnik presented a check from the Federation of Slovak Societies in Detroit and later sent in the sum of $270 which he had personally collected for aid to Slovakia. Good will and generosity were in evidence everywhere for this good and worthy cause. The Slovak League records show the magnanimity of our people on this occasion. One feels anew the spirit of the times of Furdek and the first campaign of the American Slovaks during World War I. It is no wonder that the Slovak League rejoiced, for this was the first time since the fall of its kingdom of Moravia (at the beginning· of the 10th century) that the Slovaks had their own national parliament and were assured self-government. The Slovak State and the Slovak League of America Slovakia's struggle of two decades ended on a triumphant note of victory and the Slovak League had had a major share in the winning of national autonomy. But Divine Providence decreed that the Slovak nation should have not only self-government but an independent Slovak state. From October, 1938, to March, 1939, the Slovak spirit of national pride reached its highest point of development and it became increasingly clear that Slovakia was ripe not only for autonomy but for a complete, self-governing state. Meantime, Slovakia was ridding itself of Czechs whom the Slovak autonomous government sent home to Prague. Treaty-breaking Czechs who bitterly assailed the emergence of a new Slovakia and plotted to take autonomy away from the Slovak nation by force of arms, even though the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic solemnly guaranteed it. Under the heavy pressure of the European political situation and subject to aggression by Germany, the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia fell apart at the seams. At the same time the Slovaks who were united under their own . national parliament and government in Bratislava 65 SLOVAKIA cheered the unanimous decision of the parliament to declare the Slovak nation's independence and the establishment of an independent Slovak state, the Slovak Republic on March 14, 1939. These events in the history of the Slovak nation are m omentous and unforgettable. No one pressurized the Slovak parliament on March 14, 1939, to its unanimous declaration to organize its own, free self-governing and sovereign state. If the idea of Slovak statehood had not been ripe, and if the legally constituted body of Slovak representatives had not grasped that this was the final phase of the Slovak struggle for self-government, if they had not realized that their unanimous vote for independence was in harmony with the will of the vast majority of the Slovak people, they would have timidly surrendered to the tragic circumstances of having their country torn asunder by neighbors who had never been true friends but covetous foes of the 8.lovak nation. Fully conscious of their opportunity, responsibility and dangers ahead, they decided to go forward as a free nation towards its destiny. Germany's hand of friendship was extended, it had not been solicited, but now that it was given, it was accepted because a refusal would have not only been inexpedient but perhaps suicidal in view of the political tension of the times. No one can justly blame the Slovaks for the acceptance cf German support. They could not know in advance that in the future their self-proclaimed champion would become barbaric and inhumane, nor could they foresee future developments when actually on March 14, 1939, the Germans solemnly announced that they had no territorial demands other than the Sudeten lands . From every angle the Slovak state was to become in reality what the Slovak nation dreamed about and fought ior through the centuries, namely, the highest development of a nation's genius as the result of the embodiment of Slovak rights to freedom and independent progress, a renewal of the glorious and triumphant tradition of Slovak princes and rulers, the fulfillment of the aspirations of all Slovak generations, the actualization of the right to SLOVAKIA 67 regulate their own affairs by themselves, and for themselves, and for their own Slovak welfare and happiness in building and maintaining their own free, national state. This was their golden destiny. At no time had the renaissance of the Slovak national spirit soared to such heights of glory as during the Slovak Republic. Never before had the country's administration been in the hands of native Slovaks and never before had the Slovaks worked so hard and so willingly, or paid their taxes so readily as then. Slovak lands for the first time in history produced everything in abundance for the benefit of the Slovaks who finally ruled and governed themselves, and were masters of their national destiny. As nothing but destruction and ruin met the eye beyond the borders of the Slovak Republic, Slovakia enjoyed a period of phenomenal growth and prosperity. The Slovaks gave their Republic a democratic Constitution while totalitarianism and dictatorship surrounded them on every side. Slovak statesmen constructed their political edifice on the foundations of God's law and providence at a time when everywhere in Europe Christian morality was being almost universally supplanted by the savage cult of force and a new pagan philosophy. Archbishop Karol Kmet'ko recalled the universal acclamation that had greeted the founding of the Slovak Republic and he spoke of the Slovak state openly at the procommunistic trial held in Bratislava after the war. His testimony clearly indicates that the declaration of Slovak independence on March 14, 1939, was the occasion for a spontaneous celebration throughout Slovakia. Catholics and Protestants rejoiced alike . Every true Slovak was genuinely pleased and happy at the turn of events that brought the Slovak nation its own free, independent state. Moreover, he began to appreciate more and more the many opportunities to develop his native talents for his individual welfare, as well as for the benefit of his own country. For too long he had been denied these opportunities because of alien rule. Slovak League archives contain the following text of a letter from a Protestant school inspector in Slovakia: 68 SLOVAKIA It was adressed to Jozef Rusek, President, Slovak League of America, Pittsburgh, Pa. The text of the letter: Teachers of the Slovak school inspectors' committee in Trencin who have taken the oath of loyalty to the Slovak state, gratefully recall your vigorous fight for the recognition of the independence of our Slovak nation. In this free Slovak state we will work with might and main, God helping us, for the spiritual and material welfare of our nation and state. We respectfully request your aid, Mr. President, so that we may succeed in our common endeavor. With the approval of the teachers I send you sincere greetings from the 'old country.' With sentiments of profound esteem, Na straz! - On Guard, Michal Balafovic, School Inspector in Trencin, Slovakia This is only one of many expressions of hope, confidence and joy that greeted the founding of the free, Slovak state, and as usual, was accompanied by a message of gratitude addressed to the Slovak League of America. Not even for a moment did the Slovak League hesitate to take its proper stand on the question of the newly-created Slovak state. Accordingly, at an executive meeting on May l 2, 1939, in Pittsburgh, Pa., the officers formulated the official reaction on the basis of the recommendations made by the president, Jozef Rusek, namely: 1) Establish a special committee to draw up a Memorandum to 1e addressed to the governments of the U.S., Britain and France in the interests of and for the recognition of the Slovak state, a revision of the boundaries, and a provision to guarantee the cultural rights of 700,000 Slovaks residing inside Hungary. 2) Designate a reporter from the Slovak League and dispatch him to Slovakia to determine the situation there and investigate the exact conditions under which the Slovaks decided to terminate their alliance with the Czechs. After discussing the matter, the members at the meeting agreed to authorize the Slovak League executive officers: 1) To name the necessary committees. 2) To establish an information bureau in Washington, D.C. in order to counteract false , deceitful and slanted anti-Slovak news in the American press and furnish the American press instead with information founded on facts and the truth. 3) To edit English memoranda and pamphlets in the int.erest of the Slovak nati.on and its officially constituted SLOVAKIA 69 free state, the Slovak Republic. 4) To take the necessary steps for a hearing in the State Department in the nation's capital in order to obtair, U.S. recognition of the Slovak Republic. All these fo:re-going resolutions are duly registered and taken verbatim from the minutes of the above meeting of the Slovak League's executive committee, May 12, 1939. They prove that the Slovak League gave prompt approval to the Slovak state. and, as always, sought to lend a helping hand by seeking to obtain the diplomatic and official recognition of the Slovak state by the United States government in Washington, D.C. On the otherhand, the Slovak state was not un-mindful of the Slovak League of America. The first president of the Slovak Republic sent a greeting by cablegram addressed directly to the 22nd Congress of the Slovak League, in the city of Cleveland, Ohio. The minutes of the Congress refer to this as follows: The president announced that Dr. Jozef Tiso, the president of the Slovak Republic, sent his greetings to the Congress and he asked Dr. Peter Hletko, honorary president of the Slovak League, to read the message. Whereupon, Dr. Hletko read the cablegram informing the American Slovaks of the warmth and loyalty prevailing everywhere throughout the country to the new Slovak state. The message also indicated the immediate necessity of defending the young Republic against enemy aggression and the happy outcome of events in perilous and challenging times. Moreover, there was a note of assurance anct hope for the future destiny of the Slovak nation. Prolonged applause followed the reading of the cablegram from President Tiso. This Congress of the Slovak League in Cleveland directed the administration of the League to reply with a cablegram to Dr. Jozef Tiso, the first president of the Slovak Republic. (Minutes of the 22nd Congress of the Slovak League of America, Cleveland, Ohio, May 12-14, 1939). Czechoslovakia on the Horizon While the Slovaks in their free Slovak Republic rolled up their sleeves and went to work in full strength to build their Slovak state, and while the Slovak League took the first step to secure recognition for the newly-formed Slovak Republic by the government of the United States, the defeated, cowardly ex-president of the Czecho-Slovak Re- 70 SLOVAKIA public, Dr. Benes, appeared on the scene here with his entire entourage. History repeats itself - as in World War I his gaze was directed again towards the American Slovaks who de facto had set up the Czecho-Slovak Republic financially, so now Dr. Benes sought the sympathy and support of the Slovak League of America. He did not approach the League personally but sent his faithful servant, Dr. Juraj Slavik. Dr. Slavik therefore, appeared on May 12, 1939, at the Slovak League executive meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa. Dr. Slavik's visit is described in the minutes of the meeting as follows: Then President Josef Husek introduced Dr. Slavik, former minister in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and requested him to state the nature of his mission. The guest speaker extended his greetings and then proceeded to explain what had happened in Slovakia, especially how the Slovak state had been created, how much of his property had been confiscated by the Slovak government, and his reasons for cooperation with Dr. Benes for the re-establishment of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He further stated that it was Professor Tuka, Sano Mach, chief of propaganda, Karol Murgas, head of he Hlinka Guards (Militia) , and Dr. Ferdinand !>urcansky who were the instigators of a plot that enabled Hitler to destroy the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He referred to Sidor, a member of parliament, and declared that Sidor had been opposed to Slovak independence and for that reason the Hlinka party dismissed him from the Slovak government. Mr. Husek interrupted the Benes emissary and gave him a letter from Sidor who explained the events in an entirely different vein ; and even his account of why he was dropped from the formation of the new Slovak government differed substantially from Slavik's report. Reaction to Sidor's letter was simply a smile on Slavik's face when he returned the letter to Husek without comment. Various questions touching on discrimination, persecution and imprisonments to which loyal Slovaks were subjected at the hands of the central regime in Prague were directed at the visitor. Whereupon, Slavik made only feeble attempts to exonerate his Czechoslovak and Czech colleagues - and these, of course, were all in vain. His hearers remained unimpressed. Dr. Slavik's sweet talk did not win the Slovak League because now as never before it stood solidly behind the idea and reality of the free Slovak state. The official reply was clear as implied in the recommendation at the meeting: "To draw up a resolution that would concisely and clearly express the Slovak League's reasons to oppose Dr. Eduard Benes's program and leadership which were designed for the renewal of the old Czecho-Slovakia." SLOVAKIA 71 That was a genuinely Slovak reply of the Slovak League. Dr. Slavik's visit was merely the first of several attempts to derail the Slovak League so that the people, led by Dr. Benes, might once more get the League into their clutches. Although the Slovak League remained firm, Benes did not cease his machinatio ns. Rocky Path for the Slovak League of America In the interim, the most dreadful of wars had spread throughou t Europe. All communic ations between Slovakia and the Slovak League of America was suddenly cut off. Against its will Slovakia was dragged into the conflict. As the bitter aftermath of Dr. Benes's failure to lure the Slovak League into a position of unqualified support of the Czechoslov ak camp against the Slovak state, the Czechoslovak governmen t-in-exile simply began a campaign of revenge against the League. A nationwide Czechoslov ak apparatus hit the Slovak League with a ferocious propagand a barrage. It was the intention of Benes to destroy the League by discreditin g it in Washingto n in a vicious smear campaign that sought to put the stamp of nazism on the organizatio n, labeling the Slovak League maliciously as a loyal Hitler ally, and therefore, an enemy of the U.S. and the United Nations . Against this web of lies circulated by the Czechoslov ak propagand a agency here against the Slovak League, naturally, the latter had great difficulties in meeting charges that were made arbitrarily but which could not be adequately answered because the Slovak League lacked necessary informatio n from Slovakia to refute the malicious propagand a. With no communic ation because of the war, it seemed that the Slovak League was completely at the mercy of the merciless foes of Slovak freedom who attempted to cut the vital roots of the organizatio n and destroy it forever . In fact, matters went so far that officers in the Slovak League were subjected to federal investigation on charges of being dangerous to the national interests of the U.S. as subversive elements. The Czechs had their allies in Washingto n and they were not particular about the methods and means to be used to attain their mad objective of destroying the Slovak League. 72 SLOVAKIA This was an unequal and bitterly fought contest. Benes and his informants were the sources of information of the highest military propaganda bureaus in Washington. Jozef Rusek as president of the Slovak League had presented a Memorandum in Washington, D.C. asking for U.S. recognition of the Slovak state. It was ignored. Meanwhile, reports (false) were circulated that Slovakia got involved in the war by declaring hostilities on the U.S. There was no way for the Slovak League to verify or deny these reports . . the line of communication with Slovakia was closed tightly. If the Slovak League, in 1943, had only known one salient fact , namely, that the so-called war-declaration on the U.S. was not a legally declared state of war because neither the Slovak parliament nor President Tiso had given their assent to such a grave act, and that in actuality the reported 'state of war' between Slovakia and this country was an illegal proclamation of one man, Dr. Vojtech Tuka, who. without any authority what-so-ever simply declared war on the U.S. Extreme determination to destroy the Slovak Republic motivated Dr. Benes in his policy. Consequently, this declaration of war was utilized to the utmost in distorted form by the resigned second president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. It served Benes well to emphasize this status of an 'official act of hostility' presumably on the part of the Slovak nation, which actually was against such n declaration, as was the Slovak government with its parliament and President Tiso . Indisputably, on the face of it, without explaining the circumstances of the reported declaration of war on the U.S. by Slovakia, this was a great opportunity for Dr . Benes to exploit the occasion and he did, to the hilt. His intrigues for the despicable objective of the destruction of the Slovak nation's own free state knew no bounds. Monsignor Francis Dubosh, wartime president of the Slovak League of America, was shouldered with the heavy responsibility of defending the organization against · vilification by its enemies. Slovak League archives of 1943 contain a complete record of correspondence between Msgr. Dubosh and the OWI (Office of War Information). SLOVAKIA 73 Faced by an endless series of barefaced lies that poured into Washington from the sworn foes of Slovak freed.om, the Slovak League stood fast in its defense of the truth and freedom for Slovakia. Moreover, there was nothing to hide, for the Slovak League membership, its president and executive officers were men of personal integrity and loyal citizens of the United States. They met the challenge without flinching and withstood the test with courage and dignity. Some timid souls, it is unfortunately true, became terrorized by this vicious attack of the enemy but the leadership of such stalwart men as Monsignor Dubosh rallied the faithful under the unsullied banner of the Slovak League of America. In the end they prevailed in the fight for Slovak freedom , self-government and free statehood. Now that they sensed the type of opposition they had to contend with, they became determined to maintain the struggle until final victory over the evil forces arrayed against the gallant men they were associated with in the Slovak League . Many resolutions and statements on behalf of the Slovak nation were formulated and proclaimed by the Slovak League despite the bitter attacks levelled against its daring leaders and resolute program. Dr. Benes and his paid propagandists spent several million dollars but all their fiery and venomous darts failed to pierce the stout armor of the American Slovak champion who defended the great citadel of freedom for Slovakia, namely, the Slovak League of America. Though under tremendous tension and pressure in this struggle, the Slovak League did not falter. Its leaders addressed new resolutions that reached the highest government circles in Washington. The historic 'Memorandum', which was entitled, "The Slovaks and their Rights to Nationhood", was sent directly to President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Signed by Msgr. Dubosh and Jan A. Kocur, this wartime document was a review of the struggle of the Slovaks through the centuries for their national freedom and their right to determine their own national destiny on the fundamental democratic principle and tradition of self-determination. 74 SLOVAKIA Whether the Slovaks should have their own independent state, or whether they should belong to the CzechoSlovak Republic, the Slovak League, being deprived of factual news from Slovakia, did not presume to be a competent judge - and hence, it merely wished to re-emphasize President Roosevelt's proclamation and democratic creed that "every nation, no matter how small, has the inherent right to its own nationhood." American statesmen are formally addressed in the prophetic and fearless appeal which deals fundamentally with the Slovak problem: We Americans of Slovak ancestry who make sacrifices and fight side by side with other nations, and have dedicated our lives to the cause of freedom, appeal to our leaders in this momentous struggle and ask them especially to have the destiny of Slovakia in mind lest the foes of Slovak rights to freedom and nationhood deceive them in an unguarded moment, we further respectfully request them to bear in mind the sacred right of the Slovak nation to its own national selfgoverning state, which, as a matter of history, the Slovak nation established after many centuries of struggle against oppression and tyranny; and finally, we ask that liberty, self-determination and the means to a democratic way of life be guaranteed to the Slovaks in the same full measure as will be guaranteed all other nations in the world. This memorable document explains quite extensively 2nd manifestly Czech treacheries aimed against the Slovaks and takes a firm, uncompromising stand against Dr. Benes and his Slovak and Czechoslovak janizaries. It remains a historic testimony that not all Slovak emigrants were on the side of Dr. Benes. The examples of Dr. Osusky and Dr. Hodfa are cited because their political programs coincided essentially with the articles of the Pittsburgh Agreement (Pact) . Remarkable in many respects, but especially amazing is the fact that the Slovak League's life and death struggle was carried on despite an empty treasury against the millions of dollars expended by Benes and his anti-Slovak confederates! Dr. Milan Hodza and the Slovak League of America Dr. Milan Hodfa was invited to be a guest speaker at the 25th Congress of the Slovak League of America. Hodfa, an emigrant political leader from Slovakia, ex- SLOVAKIA 75 pressed his regrets but sent in an extensive letter or message dated April 9, 1943, and addressed to Msgr. Dubosh, President, in which he explains, in detail, his stand on the Slovak problem and outlines his suggestions and proposals to the Slovak League which was involved vitally in the struggle for Slovakia's rights to national freedom and statehood. About American Slovaks Dr. Hodza has this opinion: First, I highly esteem the Slovak League as an institution of the American Slovaks, one that has done meritorious work in behalf of the Slovak nation and its native homeland. Hodza pays tribute to Furdek, the founder of the Slovak League, and reviews the currents of Slovak political action. He has words of praise for Slovak patriotism and pride that was inspired by the Slovak League, the great champion of the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom. On the subject of World War II , he expressed his understanding of the perilous times: Everyone who knows anything of Slovak loyalty could never have any shadow of doubt about the allegiance of American Slovaks to American democracy or deny their wholehearted dedication to the ideals of freedom and democracy - for America and Slovakia. But someone rashly has said that the majority of American Slovaks have 'fascist leanings.' To that unfounded charge I reply: When it became necessary to defend their country and the highest moral values of mankind, the American Slovaks proved themselves by their deeds and sacrifices. They purchased bonds and bombers, joined the military forces in large numbers, with their young men and women enrolling in all the services-hundreds, perhaps thousands of whom now are wounded or dead on battlefields in every corner of the globe . .. suffering death or wounds in defense of American democracy, security and freedom. Such are Slovak 'fascists.' This moving testimonial to the Slovak League's program by a leading Slovak politician and statesman excels anything that might be added on the subject. It is an honest, heartfelt evaluation of the work of the Slovak League based on firsthand observation and information. Moreover, Hodza, as he notes in his long letter to the Slovak League, considered it his solemn duty to inform the Slovaks of America of the events that occurred up to the year, 1938, in Czecho-Slovakia. He recalls the visit of the Slovak League delegation in Praha. Upon being approached to support the Pittsburgh Agreement, he ob- ?(, SLOVAKIA served that he had already drawn up his own draft for Slovak rights, which, in his personal opinion, he deemed substantially even better and proposed it as a substitute. Hodza explains that his political views were based on the fact that both economically and financially Slovakia was very weak at the conclusion of World War I. He goes on record: In a public statement of May 17, 1938, I spoke about the Pittsburgh Agreement, and in the discussion I urged that the time for criticizing it was long past. Now was the time to actualize it in reality, I said. Finally, at the end of June or the beginning of July, 1938, I succeeded in securing a virtual promise of the government to recognize it and put it into effect, namely, the official extension of self government and the establishment of a parliament in Bratislava for Slovakia. Subsequent remarks by Hodza emphasized his advocating the international political continuity of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and the self-same continuity of the internal political policies and acts of the Republic. Since the legality of the Zilina Agreement was nullified on the grounds that it had been drawn up a week after Munich, the legality of the decisions of the constitutional government of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in June and July, 1938, could not be questioned, and therefore he favored guarantees for self-rule and the rights of the Slovak nation in their native home country. Under all circumstances Hodza stood his ground in this manifest policy. He added: What type of federal or political system we will decide upon, that will be our domestic problem. But to be specific: No longer shall we tolerate the machinery of the Czecho-Slovak Assembly in Prague to dominate by its majority vote. Why not? Because in a total of some 300 members the Czechs have approximately 150 votes, the Slovaks scarcely 60. Thus a 2/3 or a 3/ 5 majority vote would automatically determine Slovak policy with or without a small Slovak minority. No longer can we allow this government monopoly by a Czech regime in Praha. The new reorganization of the state must take into consideration a constitutional measure respecting a Slovak national majority as well as a Czech national majority correspondingly in their own national assembly or parliament. This is the principle and policy that was enunciated and approved by the Czecho-Slovak National Committee on January 1, 1940. In the future, Hodza believed, that the vast majority of the Czechs would abandon centralism as a national policy and accept the new effective policy of mutual Czech SLOVAKIA 77 and Slovak cooperation through proper Slovak representation on the basis of a federative status of national equality. "I am continuing my efforts in behalf of Slovakia today on the basis of international law," Dr. Hodza declared, "and in accord with England which in March, 1939, of its own volition, and on the basis of fundamental reasons, refused to recognize German dis-memberm ent of the Czecho-Slova k Republic." Both the U.S and the Soviet Union, according to Hodza, adhered to this view of continuity, and he, therefore, thought this was the only sure foundation for future action in behalf of Slovakia. Peace in Europe Hodza envisioned as the development of an intimate association of America, England and Russia and the creation of a central European federation to which Yugoslavia and Romania should belong also. This federation, he believed, would be an effective defensive bloc against any possible future German aggression. "Slavonic democracy' --, in Hodza's opinion, "in which the Slovaks must have a role, must guarantee both national and religious freedom, human dignity, the rights of the individual, provide social and economic security, preserve representativ e government that is based on the free expression of each nation's will." American Slovaks, through its Slovak League, demanded all the guarantees of democratic freedom and the free exercise of natural rights for the Slovak nation on the basis of the Atlantic Charter, namely, the Four Freedoms, self-determin ation and the right to choose their own national destiny. Conclusion of Dr. Hodza's message reads: "Continue as you have begun. You are on the right road." All Slovaks with few exceptions at home and abroad Hnanimously agree that the Slovaks are entitled as a nation to the rights of freedom and self-determin ation, the cardinal principles of the victorious united nations of World War II. There were no substantial differences between his political doctrine and the Slovak League's program, Hodza 78 SLOVAKIA contended. Nevertheless, there was one difference, and it was that the Slovak League of America maintained the belief that it is the Slovak nation's prerogative to decide whether it wants to rejoin the Czechs in a newly-recreated Czecho-Slovakia, or remain in its own separate independent state. As a matter of fact, Hodza, at one time a centralist, could not free himself from the personal conviction that the Czechs and Slova,ks belong indubitably in a united state. Hodza lacked the experience and enlightenment of being a citizen in his own native Slovak political state. Very interesting, indeed, would have been Hodza's views, and relationship with the Slovak League, after Benes' treasonable act in Moscow (1943) and the aftermath of the 'paper agreement' in Kosice with the Slovak national council (1945). We can presume, in view of the sad events in the second Czecho-Slovak Republic, that the Slovak political leader would have followed the leadership of the Slovak League and the vast majority of the Slovaks in their home country in demanding a plebiscite in postwar Slovakia to determine: 1) Whether the Slovak nation wanted to be an integral part of Czecho-Slovakia. 2) Or whether it wanted to be an independent state. 3) Or whether it wanted to join a federation. Death ended any further speculation, and because of the situation in Czecho-Slovakia after the war, the Prague regime refused to grant permission to the Hodza family tc have the body of an eminent Slovak political figure to be returned to his native Slovakia for burial. A Final Break with Benes Intrigues and slanders, coarse and cynical comments marked the careers and attitudes of Dr. Benes and his colleagues. As immediate consequences of their ignoble activities there was a complete disregard of Slovak rights in U.S. State Department circles that determined our international policy while a cloud of dark suspicion hovered over the Slovak League. Refusal to bow down under the crushing pressure exerted by Benes and his clique maddened the Czech plotter and his slanderous propagandists. All of their plans to destroy the Slovak League of America failed miserably. SLOVAKIA 79 After reviewing the activities of Dr. Benes in World War I and World War II, the Slovak League of America went on record as being irrevocably opposed to Dr. Benes and his ideology. Monsignor Dubosh, the president, declared publicly in his report at the 25th Congress of the Slovak League in October, 1943: I have explained the situation of the Slovak League in relationship to Dr. Benes and his intrigues. Now, where shall we go? What should we do ? Well, Dr. Benes, acknowledged as a skillful diplomat, has refused to negotiate with us. He seems to think that if he looks down upon us with disdain, we 'stupid Slovaks' will shake with trepidation and run to him seeking his help. It is unfortunate that he, a diplomat and political leader, never learned to know the Slovaks better. Perhaps the Slovaks were somewhat naive for tolerating him so long. He forgets that in America, the sons of Slovak immigrants who escaped to America had the opportunity for an education. One of the lessons they learned well was not to take abuse from anybody. He acts as if the Slovaks had no rights whatsoever, not even the right to speak up and say whether they want to live with the Czechs or not. Dr. Benes is sadly mistaken if he thinks the Slovaks were given to the Czechs by divine decree. The Slovaks voluntarily entered into partnership with the Czechs, and they can voluntarily dissolve that partnership. If this is not true, then the Slovaks are not human beings, but slaves, even worse, for then they are but mere animals. That we refuse to accept. We will never allow the Slovaks to be treated as brutes, not even for the price of a million Beneses! Msgr. Dubosh concluded his statement: Truly wise would Benes have been had he and his disciples finally realized that they cannot act as if the Slovaks had no rights at all, that they cannot destroy the Slovak nation which has survived so many centuries, that the Slovak was, is, and will always remain a Slovak, that there will be no peace between the Czechs and Slovaks until justice and equality are established between the two, that nobody will ever convince the Slovak he is anything than what he is: a Slovak. A number of renegades among the Slovaks may be found, as in the case of the Magyar era, and these will agree with Benes and propagate his ideas. But the vast majority of the Slovaks here and in their historic homeland have remained unmoved and unconvinced because they know the true history of the Slovak nation. This is a clear-cut view and a definite stand. Andrej Hlinka would have spoken the same way - and every loyal Slovak agrees with this unqualified view that refuses to surrender the rights of the Slovak nation to freedom and nationhood. The year, 1943, definitely witnessed another resurgence of dynamic and invincible spirit of Slovak national pride in the Slovak League of America. 8Li SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America and the Slovak National Council in Slovakia War was slowly coming to an end and it was clear who would win by this time. For the Slovak League serious problems and grave responsibilities were anticipated. At the beginning of autum, 1944, the first news from Slovakia reported a revolt. The information was incomplete, distorted, and, therefore, confusing and unreliable. As might be expected the Slovak Republic was presented in a bad light by hostile propaganda forces. There was no direct connection with Slovakia to counteract the highly distorted image of the Slovaks who deserved a better fate. Moreover, the Slovak League was not aware of the many instances of official and unofficial opposition to German policies in Slovakia. Awaiting the outcome of the war and hoping for reliable reports from Slovakia, the Slovak League, meanwhile, had to ward off the Benes propagandists. Laboring under a terrible disadvantage, the Slovak League president, Msgr. Dubosh, told the Slovak League Congress on October 18-19, 1944, that "we have assured the state department in Washington the Slovaks will be heard from as soon as they get the opportunity. Our hope has not been in vain as current events prove. The Slovaks, we are told, have revolted . . .but not the Czechs ... and they are now fighting the Germans . How fortunate I am to be able to report that en my last visit to the state department in Washington I pointed out this latest development. Moreover, we had the happy occasion of launching a new warship, the General Milan R. Stefanik, at the time." Such was the first reaction to the report of the socalled Slovak revolt in the early days of September 1944. But it is interesting to note that during the 26th Congress resolutions were adopted against the Slovak national council and its self-assumed program. In this instance, again, sound Slovak instinct guided the Slovak League leadership. A special proclamation on Slovakia was issued, to wit, With great caution and intense interest we have followed and are following progress of events in Slovakia day by day. We have read a declaration, greetings, etc. from the so-called Slovak national council SLOVAK!.'. 81 which under its own authority has assumed or rather usurped the exclusive right to speak in the name of the Slovak nation and seeks to take over the legislative and executive power into its hands for the complete control of Slovakia. We replied that the Slovak League could hardly be expected to decide what position to take in this matter when there was doubt about the background to the so-called Slovak uprising since the sources of information were not checked out but appeared unreliable because they were inaccurate and incomplete. What made the American Slovaks suspicious from the start was t.lle declaration of the Slovak national council that seemed at first ~o defend the sovereignity of the Slovak nation but later to have tipped its hand by extending greetings to the Benes government in exile . . . and the greetings ended with a promise of loyalty and aid to the Czechoslovak resistance movement - to all intents and purposes an indication of the ultimate return of Slovakia to re-union with the Czechs in a new, reconstructed postwar Czechoslovakia! Without consulting the will of the Slovak nation the so-called Slovak national council placed the country into a definite state organization, thereby denying the Slovak nation the right of self-determination for which we are fighting and presumed to associate the Slovak nation with actions to which we American Slovaks have no sympathy, and to which we are not at all attracted, and which we believe to be completely unfavorable to the Slovaks in their own historic homeland. All these circumstances prompt us to maintain the utmost reserve towards the activity of the so-called national council because we fear that this activity instead of helping to liberate the Slovak nation leads to disruption, disintegration and ultimately to the weakening of the Slovak cause. Neither the leadership nor the aims of the Slovak national council, combined with the names of those who are cooperating with it, give us any assurance that the interests of Slovakia are in capable hands since the so-called Slovak uprising. People whose names we have noted are connected with the national council so-called, as well as in association with the so-called Slovak revolt, do not have our confidence er trust, and for those reasons we must proceed with caution if not entirely in opposition to these so-called representatives of the Slovak nation. Finally, it is quite obvious that the Slovak national council does not represent all classes of Slovak society. It does not represent either the .democratic or progressive elements in the Slovak nation, and hence, in our opinion, the council is not a qualified representative body of the Slovak people in whose name it presumes to speak, has taken over all law-enforcement agencies and assumed executive authority, and even has already decided arbitrarily that the Slovaks must give their allegiance to a pre-determined state re-organization, namely, Czechoslovakia again. Clear and concise was this formulation of official Slovak League policy in this situation, and it coincides with the refusal of the Slovak government and its president to join the revolt for precisely the same reasons. This judgment will always remain the true analysis of the will of the Slovak nation and its duly-constituted government of the Slovak Republic as opposed to the so-called national council. The latter's blunders and many crimes will one day be justly 82 SLOVAKIA attributed to its personnel when the genuinely true history of Slovakia may once again be written in freedom when a new era of truth, justice and peace will prevail. Zeroing in the Slovak nation as a victim to be re-assigned to a postwar re-creation of Czechoslovakia was a colossal historic blunder and crime of the so-called Slovak national council against the sovereignity of the Slovak nation, against its just rights to freedom, self-determination and democracy, and against truth and justice. The 1945 Washington Resolution of the Slovak League of America During the last months of the war from October, 1944, to April, 1945, the situation changed rapidly and essentially. The Russians had captured Bratislava and the war in Europe was just about ended. Sources of information for the Slovak League at this time were controlled completely by the U.S. Office of War Information agencies. And these were under the full censorship of Benes and his staff that had succeeded in winning the Slovak national council, so-called, to their side. Naturally, all information from them was favorable to the council . . . another Czechoslovak agency. What made the Slovak League officials anxious to get in contact with the Slovaks overseas was their desire to help them get on their feet after the most devastating of wars ... and since this was the only source of news available, they were forced to rely on it with reservations, however. These first news indicated that the Slovak national council had persuaded Benes ( who was in Moscow at the time ) to recognize the individuality of the Slovak nation and to grant extensive self-government to the Slovak nation in a new post-war Czecho-Slovakia. At first glance this program of the Slovak national council so-called ran parallel with the objectives of the Slovak League of America. That is what prompted the Slovak League to express its desire to get in touch with the council ... this fact enemies of both the Slovak nation and its champion, the Slovak League of America, take delight in citing when explaining their own policies. Before condemning this resolution it is well to take into consideration all the circumstances in which it was made and then study its contents. The entire first half of the resolution deals with the program and aspirations of SLOVAKIA 83 the Slovak League designed to guarantee the Slovak nation the absolute right of self-determination. Then follows this controversial paragraph: Let it be further resolved that to realize these aforementioned objectives, the Slovak League in America is willing to establish communication with the Slovak national council for the purpose of cooperating in matters that would benefit the Slovak nation and actualize the above program. Other 'insurance clauses' are also incorporated in the message in order to be on the safe side when dealing with the Slovak national council. In no manner was this a de facto recognition of the Slovak national council by the Slovak League but merely a statement of willingness to discuss mutually all phases of the Slovak problem, one may speak with someone without adopting his views or accepting his proposals, and in this case it was an expression of mere willingness to sit down and discuss the Slovak nation's problems of the present and map the future destiny of Slovakia. Personally, Msgr. Dubosh, the president of the Slovak League, described the entire affair as a resolution declaring a willingness to discuss the matter, nothing less, nothing more. Confirmation of the motives and genuine approach to the problem by the Slovak League of America on this occasion is made on the basis of the fact that as soon as the Slovak League administration got the record straight from Slovakia and diagnosed the case correctly, the Slovak League did not make any further attempts to get in touch officially with the so-called Slovak national council. Among the Slovaks in America this episode caused a. great deal of excitement and the Slovak League had to issue a public statement to clarify the matter. In its public statement, the Slovak League declared the Slovak national council guilty of deceit, and since it showed no inclination of guaranteeing freedom for the Slovak nation for which the League had always fought and would continue to fight, the traditional position of the Slovak League was emphatically repeated, namely, that the platform adopted at the 26th Congress of the Slovak League was still the guideline for the future policy of the League. A policy of 84 SLOVAKIA 'watchful waiting' would be pursued and the League officers would be more than wary where the Slovak national council was concerned. American Activity of the Slovak League The Slovak League of America is an organization of American citizens of Slovak ancestry. Consequently , it invariably coordinates its program and activities with the program and political policy of the United States. Beginning in 1907 and continuing up to now, the Slovak League, uesides its avowed program for the welfare of the Slovak nation in its homeland, was always actively engaged in work that was exclusively designed for the benefit and national interests of America. What was true in World War I, as far as the activity of the Slovak League was concerned, was more than doubly true in World War II. Perhaps Dr. Hodza's description of this united program suffices (as quoted above) to prove this. His words of commendatio n in the message to the Slovak League Congress constitute a remarkable testimony of its manifold contributions . Loyalty and fidelity, Hodza listed as among the foremost virtues of the American Slovaks because his fellow countrymen always felt that their faithfulness to the U.S., their adopted country, must ever be profound and complete. When, therefore, this country became involved in the war against nazism, the Slovak League joined America with all its resources for the strife. Never has the Slovak League boasted of this American activity. Actually it was a duty to be performed and no need to publicize it. But Benes and his alien propagandists incessantly attacked the Slovak League in American circles and assailed it as a nazi agency, and therefore, an enemy to the national interests of America, and even contrary to the Slovak League's program in behalf of Slovakia! Monsignor Dubosh, who had to combat the malicious propaganda levelled at the Slovak League of America, had to swallow many a bitter pill on this account, and only because of his devotion to America - and his love for the Slovak nation . Undoubtedly, the best argument in favor of the Slovak SLOVAKIA 85 League was its activity for the welfare of America. This action included the following: 1) The Slovak League Campaign for U.S. War Bonds Merely to have a birds-eye view of the gigantic patriotic efforts of the Slovak League in behalf of the U.S., it is sufficient to cite a few facts and figures. Under the dynamic leadership of the patriotic Father John J. Lach the Slovak League gave full support to a war-bond campaign. From the report by Father Lach at the Slovak League executive meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa. on October 17-18, 1944, we learn that under Slovak League sponsorship approximately 53 million dollars' worth of bonds were purchased during World War II. This and similar cases attest to the loyalty of Slovak individuals and their societies throughout the country. Who can doubt the sincere patriotism of the American Slovaks or deny their loyalty? 2) Airplanes War bonds were not the only means by which American Slovaks supported the war effort. One of its activities was the purchase of airplanes for the U.S. Airforce. First, the Slovensk<i Obrana, edited and published by Michael Bosak, Jr., Scranton, Pa., opened the campaign for three airplanes. Chicago's Osadne Hlasy weekly joined the campaign. The fund brought in $31,000. The ceremony of presenting a trio of training planes to the U.S. armed forces occured at the Cleveland airport on May 29, 1943. Each plane bore the slogan, "Spirit of the Slovak League of America," but even on this occasion the Czech propagandists tried to reap undeserved honors by claiming this act to be a part of their program. Monsignor Dubosh reported to the 25th Congress of the Slovak League: This was a capital idea, which, naturally, our Czechoslovak 'friends' tried to exploit for their benefit just as they tried to do last year when the Slovaks in Pittsburgh and Cleveland purchased war bonds. Their propaganda machine gave credit to 'Czechs' and Czechoslovaks. Such are our so-called brothers . . . everything we have they consider their very own. 3) Warships Liberty ships, three of them, bore the names submitted by the Slovak League in recognition of its highly successful war-bond campaign. Elaborate ceremonies marked BG SLOVAKIA the launching of the "Stephen Furdek," "Sgt. Matej Kocak," and the "General Milan R. Stefanik." Altogether this variety of activity brought the Slovak League and the American Slovaks widespread publicity and recognition. They were the most telling arguments to refute libelous propaganda aimed at the Slovak League which was unjustly smeared by its foes as anti-American and pro-nazi. The patriotic acts by the Slovak League completely vindicated the honor of the American Slovaks, and the press in America recorded them with great admiration and enthusiasm. 4) Social Action of the Slovak League Increased social and charitable deeds of the Slovak League in wartime belong to a special phase of the history of the times because this was a new form of action that vvas directly under the sponsorship of a new organizational branch, namely, the Ladies Auxiliary of the Slovak League, officially known as "Slovenske Vcielky" - Slovak bees. At an executive meeting of the Slovak League on August 23, 1941, a definite plan was formulated to organize the "Slovak bees" under the leadership of Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, vice-president of the League. Accordingly, she became the president of the Ladies Auxiliary of the Slovak League, the official title of the 'Vcielky' group. Slovak women from all parts of America enrolled as members in the new auxiliary, which cooperated closely with the work of the Red Cross. By their unselfish service, social action and samaritan-like deeds, the American Slovak women contributed invaluable service to their country and enhanced the good name of the Slovak League and the Slovaks in America generally. Details of some of the work accomplished by the Slovak ladies auxiliary were reported at the 24th Congress of the Slovak League on February 25-26, 1943. They constitute a glorious record of achievements in the history of the American Slovaks. In one cell, alone, in Chicago more t.han 300 women were enrolled. These women presented the Red Cross with 66,900 surgical dressings, 2,246 suits of clothing for refugees ( for children and adults), 717 knitted sweaters, caps, shawls, gloves, etc. for soldiers; and SLOVAKIA 87 455 hospital gowns. Blood was donated by 214 cells. More than 200 cells completed first-aid courses and 36 were trained in home-care of the sick. A total of 630 shipments were sent to American soldiers of Slovak ancestry. These are only a sample of the type of activities performed by the Ladies Auxiliary cells throughout the country. As soon as the war €nded, pleas for help came from Slovakia. The Ladies Auxiliary cells were the first to respond. Shipments of canned goods and clothing were immediately dispatched to the war-torn areas of Slovakia. Slovak emigrants fleeing from their war-devastated homeland were given emergency aid by the auxiliary. Value in dollars to cover this essential aid exceeds tens of thousands of American dollars that were given freely and generously for a worthy cause in the name of the Slovak League through the charitable agency of the Ladies Auxiliary of the League. This added a new chapter of charitable action to the history of the Slovak League of America. A special postwar campaign for funds under the traditional slogan, 'Za tu nasu slovencinu,' - for our Slovak mother-language-was inaugurated in the very first months after the war. This netted thousands of dollars for much needed help to the Slovaks in their home country, and to those in exile because these had lost all their worldly possessions in the war. No less important in its salutary effects, aside from the continued struggle for Slovakia's national freedom, was this social work which had as its primary source a deep American sense of patriotism and a profound Slovak and Christian philosophy of life to be of service to one's fellow man, and particularly to one's Slovak countrymen. Cultural Program of the Slovak League Versatility has marked the activity of the Slovak League of America. The cultural aspect was not neglected despite the pressure of the needs of the immediate present. In this respect a need was perceived to reach the Englishreading public for two reasons: 1) To combat the false 88 SLOVAKIA propaganda of anti-Slovak groups. 2) To furnish genuine information about the Slovak nation's history, the Slovaks in America, the Slovak League, etc. Too often, well-disposed Americans in high governmental positions were misled as to the real purpose of the Slovak League simply because they were uninformed or misinformed. The information had to be in the English language. Proposals to publish a Slovak League informational publication in English were made and approved at an executive meeting of the Slovak League on Nov. 13, 1942. It was designed both for the general American public and the young Slovak generations that no longer understood the language of their parents or grandparents. This was necessary to win the sympathy of the American public by Ehowing how important had been, and still was, the role of the Slovaks in mankind's struggle for liberty, human dignity and peace. An immediate result of this conference was the " Slovak Record " which began publication under the capable editorship of Joseph G. Prusa. The first issue appeared precisely on the 28th anniversary of the death of ~tefan Furdek, founder of the Slovak League of America. This wartime " Slovak Record" quarterly was well edited. It presented u true and clear picture of American Slovak life and thought that was reflected from its pages as if from a wellpolished mirror. The Record was listed officially as quarterly review of the Slovak League of America. Any future historian will find a wealth of material on Slovak history and the life of American Slovaks in the comparatively few issues that were published during World War II. The Slovak Record was an informative and cultural periodical, which for the first time presented a great many literary and political facts to the American public. Moreover, it acquainted many readers with the history, culture and aspirations of the Slovak nation. Congressmen and high officials in our government received the Slovak Record. So did American radio stati ons, newspaper offices and libraries. In a word, it was distributed where it would do the most good for the Slovak cause. Unfortunately, the Slovak Record ceased publication SLOVAKIA 89 after two and a half years. But the year after its demise, ie., in 1946, the Slovak Review, a political magazine, and the Slovak Digest, a cultural quarterly, made their appearance. These, too, had a brief existence. Never-the-less, they did their work well while they lasted. Among other cultural projects inaugurated by the Slovak League was an American-Slovak museum. This was the work of the cultural committee which met in Cleveland in the spring of 1945. Benedictine High School was designated as the temporary center where Rev. Andrej Pir, O.S .B., a young, talented American-Slovak historian and journalist, had already established an extensive Slovak library under the auspices of St. Andrew's Abbey. As director of the newly-established Slovak museum, Father Pir obtained permission from Abbot Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S .B. to have a special room as the cultural center for Slovak books , historical records, museum articles, etc. at the Abbey in Cleveland. This later was destined to become the Slovak Institute established in 1952 by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S .B. who named Dr. Francis Hrusovsky as the first director. On a high cultural level were all the memoranda and other publications of the Slovak League of America; all issued in behalf of Slovak national freedom and sent to the highest American political quarters. The most important of these perhaps was "The Slovaks and their Rights to Nationhood" in 1943. Representatives of the Slovak League at the International Conference in San Francisco 1945 This historic conference of allied nations was called to decide the national destinies of peoples all over the world, but particularly in Europe The fate of the Slovaks was also to be determined there. Never amiss where the welfare of the Slovak nation was concerned, the Slovak League was anxious to present the Slovak problem and all its ramifications at this world parley. It particularly wanted to present the just right of the Slovak nation. Although the Slovak League had the right to seek and obtain representation officially at the 90 SLOVAKIA conference, its delegates were denied entry because the Czechoslovaks usurped this right by securing official admittance as the spokesmen for Slovakia. Ironically, Jan Masaryk, one of the most prominent Czechs, was registered as a Slovak! Failure to secure official recognition for its representatives prompted the executive council of the Slovak League to send an observer. As an observer, Rev. John J. Lach of Whiting, Indiana, was selected to represent the Slovak League at the San Francisco conference. He remained there in that capacity from April 25 to June 21. Msgr. Milos Mlynarovic accompanied him. It was difficult for them even to obtain entry, and impossible for a pass to attend some of the meetings . In fact, Jan Masaryk's Czechoslovak delegation sought to have them excluded entirely. Nevertheless, Father Lach ~ucceeded by skillful maneuvering to outwit his opponents. He got a registration card with full credentials as an official observer for the proceedings. Since Father Lach was not permitted a voice at the conference, he visited delegations of a number of nationality groups and informed them of the Slovak cause, stressing especially the Slovak nation's rights to freedom and nationhood. Although it did not have any influence on Jan Masaryk, Father Lach's visit to his office at least emphasized the fact that the Slovaks had their rights and that the Slovak League of America stood foursquare behind them in their struggle for freedom and nationhood. Upon his return from San Francisco, Father Lach reported the outcome of his presence at the International Conference as follows: In conclusion, I want to say that always and everywhere I emphasized the good work of the Slovak League and I explained its program as a noble and worthy endeavor that is nothing more or less than a program for the welfare of the American Slovaks and the Slovak nation's destiny as a free people in their historic homeland. I told them of my conviction that the Slovaks as a nation with an individual entity and a glorious history must have a place of honor among the nations of the world , a place that the United Nations must one day officially assign to them in the family of nations. One must not under-estimate the importance of this attempt for world recognition at an international forum SLOVAKIA 91 by a Slovak League delegate. Had there been direct communication with Slovakia instead of being forced to rely on Jan Masaryk, self-appointed as he was to represent the Slovaks, things might have worked out differently. Yet, the fact remains the Slovak League tried, and the attempt, though unsuccessful, was, none-the-less, a noble if futile gesture in behalf of a down-trodden Slovak nation. The battle in San Francisco with the Czechoslovak faction led by Dr. Benes and Jan Masaryk was lost mainly because they used utterly false propaganda to discredit the Slovak nation and its cause. In this case truth, which Thomas Masaryk liked to talk about so much, did not prevail, instead a neatly-bound pack of Czechoslovak lies doomed the Slovak people to domination by the Czechs again in the postwar era. Perseverance in I deals - Endurance in Combat Not even when the United Nations officially granted recognition to Czecho-Slovakia did the Slovak League throw in the towel. It retained its program intact and continued its fight for the Slovak nation's cause of freedom . Attorney Peter P. Jurcak, a writer and political leader from Pennsylvania, succeeded Msgr. Dubosh as president in 1945. He discussed at great length the Slovak League's program and ideals with Husek, Hletko and Msgr. Dubosh, all former presidents. Jozef Husek soon afterwards retired from public life because of illness. But both Dr. Hletko and Msgr. Dubosh remained at the side of Jurcak, the new president, and gave him their whole-hearted cooperation in the unending fight for the rights of the Slovak nation. Like a strong tree that looses its dry branches in 8, storm but continues to grow stronger, so the Slovak League of America thrives and grows taller and more mighty than ever before. The war that subjected the Slovak League to violent attacks only tested it and proved its vitality and power. It stands a living monument to the heroic courage of the stalwart sons of Slovakia and their unceasing fight for the sacred rights to justice, truth and liberty for their nation beneath the Tatras. Once more the Slovak League takes the offensive in 1946. It addresses an appeal to the President of the United 92 SLOVAKIA States and to Congress, as well as to the General Assembly of the United Nations. The appeal in behalf of the Slovak national cause of freedom reviews the history of the Slovaks, calls attention to their struggle for freedom and explains their sad experience of trying to live with the Czechs in one state. According to the principles of the Atlantic Charter, the Slovak League makes a request for a plebiscite in Slovakia under the supervision of the United Nations to give the Slovaks the opportunity to decide in a free election whether they wish to continue to live in a political union with the Czechs, or whether they want their own independent state; or if they prefer to be incorporated in a federation of free, self-governing states in central Europe. The State Department and Congressmen are kept well informed of the injustices suffered by the Slovaks in the past and present by the Slovak League's news agency and information in the nation's capital. Finally, the true facts about the Slovak Republic are available to American statesmen in Washington, D.C. For too long a time our American leaders in public life were kept shamelessly misinformed by Dr. Benes and his cohorts of false propagandists. Genuine information b now provided from first-hand experiences of Slovak emigrants who lived under the regime of the Slovak Republic from 1939 to 1945. At long last, too, we know the true facts about the so-called Slovak revolt of 1944 and the distorted picture of wartime Slovakia is coming sharply into proper focus. Meantime, too, the Slovak League of America maintains a full-time political, cultural and social program. Culturally, the work begun by the Slovak Record quarterly is carried on by the Slovak Review and the Slovak Digest quarterlies. Moreover, President Jurcak has published his book The Slovaks-Their History and Traditions, which is doing good work in behalf of the Slovak nation by a concise review of the history of Slovakia. Slovak music is perhaps the best means to reach the young generation. In this field the Slovak League plans a score of concerts by Slovak artists. At the suggestion of Msgr. Dubosh, the Slovak League SLOVAKIA 93 is inaugurating a National Fund campaign to which every American Slovak is asked to contribute at least a quarter a year. During its struggle the past several years, the Slovak League administration discovered that finances are essential to carry on effective work for realizing high ideals. Perhaps the most urgent task at the present is the publication of books and periodicals about the Slovak nation in the English language . Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, the president of the Slovak League's ladies auxiliary, continues to inspire greater efforts in behalf of an extensive social and charitable program to help war-torn Slovakia as well as to provide necessary funds and help to Slovak emigrants who were forced to escape to the west. Under her dynamic leadership the Slovak 'Vcielky' - bees have accomplished an incredible amount of good work by providing for immediate needs of food, shelter and clothing for the people of Slovakia and for those who had to leave their homeland to save their very lives. Truly, the 'Vcielky' have shown themselves to be loving mothers by their dedication and devotion to their Slovak children in need. The Program approaches its zenith As we follow the ideological development of the Slovak League of America, from the year of its founding, 1907, to the present, we note that it passed through several phases that ran concurrently with the evolution of the idea of Slovak independent statehood. Three cities and a trio of Slovak League Congresses are historic milestones in the gradual development of an idea and an Ideal: Slovak national freedom. They are : Cleveland, Pittsburgh and Detroit where nation-wide Congresses of American Slovak representatives took progressive strides towards the fulfilment of the Slovak ideal of political liberty. We are justified in declaring that the struggle of all Slovak generations has been the fight for a Slovak state as the highest fulfillment of the aspirations of an entire nation, namely, the achievement of national freedom . This idea was not born on March 14, 1939. It merely became a reality on that memorable day. It had first sprung to life 94 SLOVAKIA in Svatopluk's time in the 9th century, came back to life as an ideal in the era of Bernolak. Holly, stur and Hurban, during the early 19th century, was again very much alive during the struggle led by Andrej Hlinka before and during the era of the Czecho-Slovak Republic of World War I vintage, until the idea came ultimately to full maturity on March 14, 1939, with the founding of the Slovak Republic. Ideologically, the aim of the Slovak League was always in this direction because it invariably and reliably reflected the degree of Slovak aspirations for self-government in Slovakia itself. As a happy coincidence and consequence the Slovak League of America never presented a false image of the Slovak nation. Despite the temporary set-back inflicted on the Slovak League by Dr. Benes's false propagandists, the fact that the Slovak League stood firm in defense of the Slovak nation's rights to freedom and selfgoverning statehood only confirms the amazing similarity of objectives of the Slovak nation and its great champion overseas, the Slovak League of America. There never has been, therefore, any major divergence of views or objectives between the two. Detroit (Michigan) was host to the 28th Congress of the Slovak League on October 29, 1946. It proved to be a dramatic convention. All the cards were placed on the table at this historic Detroit Congress. Dr. Benes who had promised to make Czecho-Slovakia an island of democracy had just announced that he had placed the reorganized state into the hands of Moscow, and thereby surrendered central Europe to Communism. International developments reached a crisis soon so that there was an immediate cleavage between the East and West. Dr. Benes chose the East with communism and Soviet dictatorship that seized complete control of all countries under various pretexts in the Russian orbit. The Iron Curtain was about to come down and divide Europe into two hostile camps. In direct opposition to Dr. Benes, the Slovak League made its momentous decision. Moreover, the Slovak nation, too, in the May elections of 1946 cast more than a % democratic majority vote while the communist party in SLOVAKIA 95 Slovakia garnered considerably less than a third of the total vote in the country . Slovak statehood as the most responsible form of political organization had been cherished for ages by the Slovak nation. In modern times this ideal was upheld admirably by the Slovak League of America. At its 26th Congress in Detroit, the Slovak League unanimously adopted a declaration favoring independent statehood for the Slovaks in their historic homeland ( since the 5th century A.D . the Slovaks have lived in their present country ). Dr. Peter Hletko, M.D. headed the special committee that had drawn up this declaration: "The Committee of the future program has taken into consideration the whole world situation, and in relationship to it the present status of the Slovak nation's aspirations to liberty; also the mind of the American Slovaks. After much deliberation and discussion, therefore, this committee submits the following program with confidence that its ideas and proposals will win approval and adoption at this Congress so that all of the supreme officers, the various local officials and all the assemblies of the Slovak League throughout America will accept this program as its very own. "The proposed program for the future destiny of the Slovaks is designed to coordinate all of our efforts so that by unified action we can reach our common goal that will be of immense value to the Slovaks in their home country and to the American Slovaks, too. "Our stand in the Slovak League of America, therefore, requires that we clarify our policies on a number of issues. Consequently, we propose to express precisely what position we take in relationship to the following : The Czecho-Slovak R epublic " So far, the Slovak League of America never maintained a hostile attitude towards the Czecho-Slovak Republic. We admit we criticized the government and the representatives of that country, and we came to the aid of the Slovak nation in its struggle for a recognition of its just rights, and we condemned the injustices perpetrated on the Slovak people, but we never advocated nor took any ga SLOVAKIA steps to destroy the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia even when our detractors labelled us unjustly as the destroyers of this state. "Not even after the Slovaks established their own state six months before World War II, nor during the entire conflict when Czechoslovak adherents were busily planning to reconstruct Czecho-Slovakia, did the Slovak League in America declare itself in opposition to a renewal of that country, but it unequivocally maintained the right of selfdetermination for the Slovak nation and it openly fought for this right to be exercised by the Slovaks freely to determine what type of self-government they wished and what form of state administration they wanted as the will of the majority of the Slovak people. "We often repeated our views that if the Slovaks were granted the opportunity to express their will freely as to what form of government they wished to have, or what type of state or federation they preferred, and even if they should choose Czecho-Slovakia all over again, we said that we would be completely _satisfied and would not disagree or opposE: their choice. We insisted, however, and fought for the right of the Slovak nation during World War II that once Europe and the world would be reorganized after the conflict the Slovaks must be guaranteed a free vote, subject to no pressure, violence or force - in a word, complete freedom to express their own national will . "In spite of every assurance by the great powers, however, and contrary to various world declarations, by which all nations, particularly the small ones, were given high hopes of liberation, freedom and independence, and despite the Atlantic Charter which won the trust of all the small nations but which was discarded once the objectives for which it was proclaimed were secure, and in spite of all the promises for free expression and choice of the future destiny of the Slovaks, f:.bsolutely no opportunity was given to the Slovak nation for making a free choice at all. "Simply and definitely once more the Slovaks were thrown back into the Benes's pre-fabricated structure, namely, the postwar Czecho-Slovak Republic. It was explained that this was necessary in order to re-establish the pre- SLOVAKIA 97 Munich status quo but this was sheer deceit, for the restoration of the pre-Munich status quo was only done whenever and wherever it was to the advantage of a number of world-powers, if it was not to their advantage, there was simply no restoration at all. "Neither the so-called national revolt, nor the Kosice agreement were manifestations of the Slovak nation's will, and therefore there was no obligation on the part of the Slovaks to return to Czecho-Slovakia. No one asked the Slovaks their preference - all at once they found themselves back in the old, slightly-mended Czecho-Slovakia. "As we have noted on the very first occasion that the Slovaks had to manifest their will and they did so by an overwhelming majority of more than two-thirds against communism but this was not counted in any way-and the Slovak nation was retained as an oppressed nation under communist rule . . . and has remained under communist dictatorship since 1946. "Nevertheless, the Slovaks were not granted a choice to vote on the issue if they wanted to remain in the old Czecho-Slovak Republic or not. They were forced to accept the fait accompli situation with the Czechs again in power. This injustice is all the greater since we know and are firmly convinced that the Slovak nation been given an opportunity of free choice, it certainly would have voted overwhelmingly against being re-attached to Benes's postwar creation, Czecho-Slovakia III. "Apparently the Slovaks have a semblance of autonomy in postwar Czecho-Slovakia but this does not alter the fact that they were denied their freedom of choice. Moreover, the Republic is officially named Czechoslovakia and continues to be written without the controversial hyphen (it should be Czecho-Slovakia). As it is now, this jndicates that the new government is still imbued with the spirit of the false and artificial identity of a Czechoslovak nation. A return to the 'old sins' presages a gradual taking away of self-government from the Slovaks because Benes has reiterated his belief that the Slovaks must not be permitted to have 'wild dreams of self-rule.' "Czech centralism still rules, for Slovak administration is subject to Praha. For these, and other reasons not 98 SLOVAKIA mentioned, we are forced to come to the conclusion that inevitably we must restrain our tolerant policy and favorable attitude to the Czecho-Slovak state by abandoning what we American Slovaks for so many years held as proper and hopeful for the future. The present demands another policy, hence, we stand in opposition to the new, illegal Czecho-Slovakia and we now emphasize the fact that the Slovaks were wronged as a nation. We intend to inform the great powers and the whole world of this grave injustice because the Slovaks were forced into the postwar Czecho-Slovak Republic. " As free American Slovaks we further protest that the Slovak nation is held in political bondage in a state that leans away from western democracy and is helping to create an anti-democratic bloc while the Slovaks are truly democratic-minded as they surely indicated by the recent vote that left no doubt of their resistance to communist influence and infiltration from the East. The Slovak State "Many good and sound reasons would prompt the Slovaks to vote against re-attaching Slovakia to the newlyre-created Czecho-Slovakia, and that by a vast majority of votes against re-union, for while the Slovaks were discriminated against in pre-war Czecho-Slovakia, the same is true today. "Under their own regime in their own Slovak Republic the Slovaks were happy and prosperous, they worked and progressed economically, politically, culturally, they built, created and developed a new life of their own. Never before were the Slovaks so content with their lot. This good fortune not even the enemies of the Slovak State can deny . The record of the Slovak Republic speaks for itself. "World conditions in wartime brought temporary prosperity not only to America but to other countries, too. Nevertheless, prosperity for the Slovak state, though necessarily stimulated by the war, had as its permanent basis the industry, ingenuity and inspiration of the Slovak nation that was vitally interested in its destiny. The Slovak people cooperated splendidly and enthusiastically in the building of their own self-governing state. SLOVAKIA 99 "Dependence, to some extent, upon its powerful neighbor, Germany, was a natural relationship, for small nations always depend upon strong nations in time of peace or war. Here it must be noted, however, that neither England, the U.S. nor the USSR were of any assistance to the Slovak Republic . "Every small state seeks protection and security wherever it can. The Slovak state needed protection for national survival. Yet, it must be affirmed that the Slovak Republic was not a gift to the Slovaks from either the Germans or their leader, Hitler. Further, the Slovak state was not a German creation. On the contrary, the Slovaks had to defend their country against German machinations, and intrigues of other nations. The Slovak Republic was truly the result of the aspirations of the Slovak nation for freedom and their own state. A free state is the zenith and fulfillment of the highest and noblest ideals of every nation. "A return to limited rights, or a surrender of all rights of the Slovak nation by the involuntary incorporation of the Slovak people in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, is a step backwards and definitely contrary to sttir's motto: 'We cannot go backward - We must go forward.' "Our duty is to inform and influence the world in this direction, namely, the renewal of a free Slovak Republic, the existence of which is at the same time the obligation of all the nations of the world . "Unconditionally, the Slovak League of America urges the great powers to re-establish the Slovak Republic because in it the Slovak nation found its true destiny, enjoyed peace, prosperity and freedom, and made unpresedented progress in every phase of its national culture. The Slovak League and Dr. Tiso "Dr. Jozef Tiso, president of the Slovak Republic, had the welfare of the Slovak nation at heart. Not even his enemies can deny that he was sincere in his efforts to insure the national well-being of the Slovak people in their own, free and independent state. While many others fled to safety after resigning high positions, Dr. Tiso remained in his country to serve it in a grave crisis. To minimize 100 SLOVAKIA his virtues and magnify his faults, mistakes, methods, policies etc., is easy, but it will not change the facts that despite his real or imaginary administrative deficiencies he not only succeeded in saving the Slovak nation from destruction but supervised the Slovak state so admirably that the people in Slovakia enjoyed peace, prosperity and great cultural and economic progress. "Nobody can erase the true image of Dr. Tiso as a kind, just and wise president of the Slovak Republic. The Slovak nation reveres his memory today despite the attempts of the enemy to destroy that image by false propaganda spread throughout the world. We are horrified at the malice of our enemies who seek to brand President Tiso as a traitor to his Slovak nation and as such are planning to try him in a court-of-law ... the impending trial, of course, to be supervised by his enemies and the enemies of the Slovak nation. "To defend Dr. Tiso is our most solemn duty. We must arouse world opinion in his favor to offset the slanderous campaign against him. It is quite obvious that the efforts to discredit his good name is done with a vengeance, and H our enemies succeed in unjustly dishonoring him they will wreak their utmost revenge upon him. And it would be a great crime of gross injustice against a just man and the Slovak nation. "Dr. Tiso is not a war criminal. He did not torture anyone, he did not execute one person, or give orders to execute anyone. Father Tiso did not commit any crime. He was the great defender and benefactor of his country which he served with distinction and honor. The Slovak National Council "Much has been written and discussed about the socalled Slovak national council. Our position towards this organization remains unchanged. We still regard it as an agency that has usurped power and authority because it was not elected or authorized by the Slovaks, nor approved de facto by the Slovak nation, and consequently in a democratic system it is not a legal body and has no legal standing or jurisdiction. SLOVAKIA 101 The Slovak Liberation Committee "Against no one who wishes to work conscientiously for the liberation of the Slovak nation does the Slovak League of America have any arguments. In fact it welcomes any positive action. However, to achieve success there is need for a common united front - not a faction or several factions. "Assumption of definite rights and obligations is the prerogative of the Slovak League of America because it is recognized as the highest cultural-political organization of American Slovaks, and as such it wants to retain this preeminent position and prestige by the pursuit of a prudent policy and by its charitable activities . Therefore, if anyone desires to participate in a national program involving the Slovak League must, necessarily coordinate his efforts with the program of the Slovak League. He must never misuse the name of the League, nor use the name prematurely without being properly authorized to do so. "Our organization has experienced many crises but has ultimately taken the proper stand on many intricate problems and questions mainly because it has acted discretely, carefully, and always adopted a course of action only after a thorough study of all the problems involved. It has refrained from following the opinion of this or that 5ndividual and hence has avoided being influenced by the enthusiasm of individuals, often admirable, but too often erroneous. "We do not condemn the Slovak Action Committee, nor do we suspect its aims, but because this committee has committed a number of errors of judgment and because its program does not assure us of the successful liberation of the Slovak nation at this time, and finally, because as yet we have not come to any agreement with its spokesmen, the Slovak League of America maintains its friendly attitude but continues its traditional policy of watchful waiting towards this committee. "Never has the Slovak League in America lost out in much more serious affairs by 'watchful waiting,' and we believe it will not lose anything by keeping this policy. Be it noted well, that the use of sharp and bitter phrases l.02 SLOVAKIA against Slovak leaders in America or Europe, or the general attitude, which gives the impression that the Slovak Action Committee wants to by-pass, ignore or sabotage the action of the Slovak League of America, certainly does not constitute the best means of winning the friendship, confidence or cooperation of the League . "We are well informed that the Slovak Action Committee must come to friendly terms with other prominent persons in Europe who have the best interests of the Slovak nation at heart. These must not exclude each other by mutual disagreement or refusal to arrive at mutual understanding. "Until that time when all the responsible Slovak leaders meet and agree on a common program in behalf of the Slovak nation's fight for freedom and welfare, the Slovak League cannot give an unqualified endorsement to the Slovak Action Committee. What is far more important in this case is that the American government will not sanction our formal union with the activity of the Slovak Action Committee. The Three 'Isms "Against the trio of the present three 'isms: nazism, fascism, and communism, the Slovak League has gone on record long ago. The first two are vanquished. We, too, helped to crush them. But our stand against the third one, namely, communism, has not changed. We will not stop fighting until this one, too, is completely destroyed. "American public opinion is subject to various changes but we remain unchanged and unmoved in our position to communism. It is necessary to do everything possible in opposition to it because the sooner we get rid of this 'ism the sooner will Slovakia be liberated and the less will America suffer from its intrigues, plots and machinations. "Communism today has a death-grip on Slovakia, and the Slovaks are helpless. If it were not for this alien power, the Slovak nation would easily dispose of Benes, the Czechoslovaks and the Czech imperialists. And communist bayonets which escorted Benes to power in Praha keep the Slovaks imprisoned in their own country while they SLOVAKIA 103 keep Benes in his position as head of the post-war Czechoslovak satellite of the Soviet Union. "As loyal Americans, as true Slovaks, and as Christians, too, it is our sacred duty to fight communism no matter where it appears, except perhaps in Moscow, if they want it there let them keep it there." When at one of its very first sessions, Vice-President Pavol Jamriska, presiding chairman, gave a brief review of the above declaration and the position taken by the Slovak League of America, there was a spontaneous outburst of applause The vote was unanimously in approval and all the subsequent sessions were conducted in this spirit. Everyone present sensed the importance of this momentous decision and when Dr . Peter P. Hletko finished reading the detailed program of the Slovak League the approval was unanimous. The Canadian Slovak League, which was holding its convention simultaneously, adopted the American Slovak League's resolution and proclamation. Embattled in their homeland, the Slovaks have found a true champion in the Slovak League of America which once again supports their noble cause of political liberty, cultural freedom, economic opportunity and, in our day, the added sacred cause of religious freedom. These foregoing facts are merely segments from many pages of the illustrious history of the Slovak League. Its history will undoubtedly some day be enshrined as a glorious chapter in the history of the Slovak nation. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism promoted by the Soviet Union.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak League of America and Independent Slovakia Description An account of the resource Mikuláš Šprinc Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 63-103 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Šprinc, Mikuláš, 1914-1986 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Relation A related resource This article is one of five from this special issue republished as a monograph: Paučo, Jozef, ed. 1967. <em>Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America.</em> Middletown Pennsylvania: Slovak League of America. <a href="https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616" target="_blank" title="Link to WorldCat" rel="noreferrer noopener">https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616</a> 60years SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/63749f7745c997602cee8d3af04af090.pdf e98eafb5dfbacbd626c3e9146b470a02 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 29 THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AND THE SLOVAK NATION'S STRUGGLE FOR AUTONOMY By Karoi Sidor I have selected the quarter of a century of history of the Slovak League of America (1914-1939 ) as my topic for r eview and analysis in order to show its influence on the future destiny of the Slovak nation in its historic homeland. My work " Slovaci v zahranicnom odboji" (The Slovaks ±n the Struggle Abroad ), 264 pp., which was published in 1928 in Bratislava, serves me well in the present instance. My book, as I noted in the preface, proves that liberation of the Slovak nation from Magyar rule was not the work of the Czechs, nor was it a gift from them, but the main work in Slovakia's liberation in the first World War ( 19141918 ) was accomplished by the Slovaks under the auspices of the Slovak League of America. "It is impossible to evaluate the participation of the Slovaks in the fight for freedom in Czecho-Slovakia", I wrote in the preface, " without delving into the history of the Slovak League of America. During the war the Slovak League influenced the great majority of our emigrant Slovaks in America through membership, and its influence extended to other parts of the world wherever Slovaks had settled. For that reason I chose this title for my book to include all emigrant Slovaks instead of limiting it to t he Slovaks in America and their role in our fight for freedom. Nonetheless, it was the American Slovaks who were actually our liberators - without their assistance the claim that others gave the Slovak nation freedom on a silver platter would have been well founded on reality." The Slovaks in America were the real liberators of their fellow countrymen from Magyar oppression in their homeland beneath the Tatras. They formulated the modern political program for their fellow Slovaks in Cleveland (1915 ) and later in Pittsburgh (1918 ) . For two decades after World War I the Slovaks struggled for recognition of this program drawn up in America and they ultimately won their struggle with the moral and financial help of �30 SLOVAKIA the American Slovaks in 1938. Slovakia finally had its own parliament, its own government, courts, and schools. This phase of Slovak political activity is a bright chapter in the Slovak nation's history, and all those who were engaged in the movement, either directly or indirectly, are fortunate indeed to have been a part of the nationwide struggle for liberty. Memorandum of 1914-1915 No Slovak can remain unmoved as he reads the 'Slovak League Memorandum in behalf of the Slovaks of Hungary 1914-1915' in the name of the American Slovaks. It is truly an amazing political document which shows the vision, foresight and profound thinking of its authors. It placed the Slovak cause in the forefront of world politics and progress. Essentially, this historic memorandum demands "complete self-government and free self-determination in the political field , as well as in the cultural and economic spheres, with the Slovak nation as a legal and equal partner among all nations of the world." These identical ideas were adopted somewhat later in the official documents and statements of world statesmen who determined the destiny of the countries of the world. It is thrilling for us Slovaks to realize that fully three years elapsed before the ideas of self-determination, equality of nations, the right to self-government (as enunciated originally in this Slovak Memorandum) were at last accepted and repeated by world diplomats and statesmen until they became integral parts of a new political world order after World War I. Note the timing of the Slovak Memorandum. World War I had just begun and the roar of guns on the western and eastern fronts signalled initial German and AustroHungarian victories. There was not as yet an organized liberating force among the American Slovaks. America was flooded with favorable German propaganda, and it even penetrated into official circles. But the 'word' was already out at the outset of World War I. The Slovak statement "the right of self-determination for nations" was destined to play an important role in �SLOVAKIA 31 the development of the idea and its official expression in America. In full support of this 'word' (self-determination) the organized strength of the American Slovaks was arrayed behind the unified leadership of the Slovak League of America. All the Slovak organizations, both Catholic and nonCatholic, followed the lead of the Slovak League. All periodicals, weeklies and monthlies, were at its service and willingly propagated the 'word' and greatly influenced public opinion throughout the country. Rev. Anton Filkorn, a Catholic priest, was the president and Ivan Daxner, a prominent Lutheran member of the Slovak dynasty of national leaders, was the secretary of the Slovak League at this time. Six Slovak dailies currently indicate how vigorous and dynamic was Slovak Life in America. In Slovakia there was not one daily in 1914 or 1915. (In Budapest, however, the Hungarian government subsidized the Slovenske Noviny for its own propaganda purposes). In New York City the Slovdlc v Amerike daily was directed by an impressive editorial staff of Orbach, stiasny, Baran and Molitoris, in Chicago the Ndrodny Slovensky Dennik was in the capable hands of Editor Marsal-Petrovsky, Krizan, Laucik and Bzduch, in Pittsburgh the Ndrodny Dennik was edited by P . Kompis, Ignac Gessay and Jan culen were the editors of the Newyorksky Slovensky Dennik, Jan Kadlecik edited the Slovensky Dennik, while J. E. Chudatsik and Grigl'ak were at the helm of the Eudovy Dennik, the sixth Slovak Daily in America. These half-dozen Slovak dailies and a host of weeklies, particularly, the Jednota, the Ndrodne Noviny, Katolicky Sokol, Bratstvo, Slovenskd Obrana and many monthly publications kept the Slovaks in America well informed about political developments and helped to unite them around the central idea of the right to self-determination of the Slovak nation Jiving beneath the Tatras - in actual fact these were the spokesmen for the Slovak people who were silenced in their own native land. Only two Slovaks represented their nation in the Hungarian parliament at Budapest: Dr. Ferko Skycak, who had �32 SLOVAKIA been elected in his native Bobrov (Orava district), surrendered his mandate on the eve of World War I to Baron Ghillany, a Magyar. Dr. Ferdis Juriga and Dr. Pavol Blaha, however, courageously kept their seats in the Magyar diet in the capital city of Hungary, Budapest. It was perfectly clear that the Slovaks inside Hungary could not decide their future political destiny. Under such circumstances, it is evident that American Slovaks, well organized and having reached high political status in world opinion, must of necessity assume the responsibility of making their ideas of political liberty a reality. Albert Mamatej succeeded Father Filkorn as president of the Slovak League at the end of 1914. There were no changes, however, in the political ideology of the Slovak League . In December, 1914, Mamatej wrote to the Czechs in Paris : We seek self-government for Slovakia not as an individual state, but as a political administrati \'e unit without regards to what greater state is created provided it is assigned to it as a co-partner at the council table of diplomats and statesmen. Emphasis is unquestionably on the status of self-government for Slovakia as 'a special and integral part of an administrative whole' leaving to future developments ostensibly the unsolved questions of both what type and to what state-creation Slovakia would be attached in the immediate future. The Cleveland Agreement Later it became increasingly imperative that Mamatej's "zvlastny administrativno-politicky celok" (a special administrative-political whole ) be spelled out in detail. This was fully and clearly set forth in the Cleveland Agreement. This mutual agreement was made between the Czech National Alliance in America which represented the American Czechs and the Slovak League of America as the representative of the American Slovaks in political affairs. According to the testimony of Emanuel Vos, one of the Czech representatives said at the memorable meeting: "The text of this agreement is known to Professor Masaryk, president of the national council, and he agrees with it." �SLOVAKIA 33 Masaryk at that very moment represented the entire Czech emigration in Europe, even though the Allied powers did not recognize him as such. What was, in substance, the agreement between the American Slovaks and Czechs and the Czechs in Europe headed by T. G. Masaryk? On two points the two groups agreed as registered in the Cleveland Agreement of October 25, 1915: 1) Self-government of Czech lands and Slovakia. 2) Union of Czech and Slovak nations in a federation of states with full national autonomy for Slovakia, i.e., the country was to have its own parliament, its own state administrative system, complete cultural freedom with the exclusive use of the Slovak language offically in the Slovak schools, courts, etc., a separate financial and political administration with Slovak as the official language of the country. Again we are confronted with the question of what was meant by the term, "in a federative union of states." There are only two interpretations possible: 1) A federation of Slovak, Czech, Polish, perhaps Austrian, Magyar and Croatian states. 2) A federation of the Slovak and Czech states. It soon becomes clear that in both cases the creators and signers of the Cleveland Agreement had in mind the type of unity we have in the federal union of the American states, i.e., the U.S. For a union of states, therefore; there could not be the union of one state! It requires two or more to create a union. There remains no doubt whatsoever that they did not in any manner or form intend to create the state of Czecho-Slovakia to be centralized in one parliament in Prague and operate as a monopoly from the Czech capital. A parliament of its own, a state administration, complete cultural freedom , its own finances and its own official Slovak language - all these articles as incorporated in the Cleveland Agreement leave no alternative! It meant one thing and one thing only, namely, a self-governing Slovak state. This had been the goal of all Slovak fighters for freedom and it still remained an objective to be attained on �34 SLOVAKIA the basis of the agreement above. The means to the goal was the cooperation of the Slovaks and Czechs in America, and with the Czech emigrants in Europe led by T. G. Masaryk. Cooperation, not subjugation; equality of partnership, equality of rights, even as expressed so aptly in the financial field, a '50-50 proposition!' Exclusively with the Czechs The scintillating fact that the Slovaks in America drew up this agreement with the Czechs alone indicates rather ostensibly that they voluntarily renounced advantages that other nations, and nationality forces, fighting for the liberation of their fellow countrymen in Europe might have offered the Slovaks. I refer to the Poles, Croatians, Slovenians, Serbs, Ukrainians and Sub-Carpathian Rusenes, or Ruthenians. If the Slovaks in America at that moment had united their efforts with those of other Slavic nationality groups, the Slovak cause would certainly have increased its potentialities for a more complete development of its future destiny; in a word, it would not have become so enmeshed in the Czechoslovak maze. On the part of the other Slav groups, there was a real desire for cooperation with the Slovaks, especially on the part of the Poles. The "Polonia w Ameryce" newspaper favored a union of Poles and Slovaks: "The spirit of both nations is the same, the languages not much different. That would, indeed, be the most natural union we can imagine." And the influential "Tygodnik Polski" declared: "Polak Wenger two brothers? 0, what irony! Away from this so-called mad brother, Magyar! Brother Slovak is much closer to us than that so-called brother!" Aside from the religious motif, there existed, too, the mistaken notion of the Slavic ideal, which eventually nullified cooperation between the Slovaks and Poles. It was the attitude toward Czarist Russia. Czarism, orthodoxy and imperialism - those were the underlying causes of so many Polish sufferings and obstacles to Polish freedom . Among the Slovaks there was a feeling of affection for �SLOVAKlA 35 the 'bat'uska car' (a genial uncle), the father of all Slavdom and holy Russia. These would bring freedom to the Slovak nation. The Russian nation would be the liberator. Albert Mamatej, president of the Slovak League of America, under the obvious influence of this complex, made an indignant attack on the Poles at an All Slav conference jn Cleveland. That incident closed the doors to probably close friendship with the Poles and forever destroyed the possibility of an advantageous understanding between the Slovaks and Poles. Mamatej's statement was triggered by uncomplimentary remarks about the Russians, the Czar, etc. by a number of Polish leaders at the conference. It was this refusal to work with the Poles that narrowed the path that led straight into the Czech camp. This pathway was a dangerous one, for it gave the Czechs the upperhand and they took full advantage of it by assuming sole leadership, by the isolation of Slovak spokesmen, by intentionally and maliciously misrepresenting the Slovak political concept as set forth in the text of the Cleveland Agreement. Kosik and Osusky in Europe Two delegates with a precise program were authorized to go to Europe by the Congress of the Slovak League of America. The Congress selected Gustav Kosik, editor of the Katolicky Sokol weekly, and Dr. Stefan Osusky, a lawyer and Lutheran Minister. The purpose of the mission was expressed in the program thus: "To inform the civilized world about the demands of the Slovak nation and to secure positive aid for the realization of these demands." First, their journey led to London and then on to Paris in June, 1916. T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Eduard Benes, both Czech emigrants, were in Paris. "Their work" - as Dr. Lev Borsky, an emigrant, too, writes in his book, "Znovudobyti samostatnosti" (Winning Independence Again): "consisted of drawing up memoranda, writing articles and local news. As yet, they had not made any impact on the world nor had they penetrated the influential circles to present the Czech cause." Dr. Borsky writes further: �36 SLOVAKIA It was only when Milan Rastislav Stefanik ente.red the picture that their action took the first semblance of political leadership. It was through Stefanik's influence that members of the National Council got into prominent political circles. Stefanik's ability and influence 5 ot them both a hearing in high government circles and helped them a<:quire necessary experience in the delicate game of international r;olitics and diplomacy. stefanik's coming to the scene among Czech emigrants gave Masaryk's and Benes's memoranda, articles and news a certain importance. Out of ordinary propaganda efforts in which Masaryk and Benes had been engaged a serious form of political action now began taking shape. This was the logical development because the Slovak scientist was not a political emigrant but a French citizen, known in various diplomatic and international circles where diplomats, politicians, scientists and the elite met quite frequently. Stefanik had entre to the highest French circles. He moved in high society. He was well acquainted, highly respected and admired for his scientific achievements in astronomy. The cause which he represented gained tremendous prestige precisely because of his name. It is baffling to the human mind why Kosik and Osusky - later is still living in America and could tell us sincerely why they as delegates of the American Slovaks did not establish a closer relationship with M. R. Stefanik, a fellow Slovak countryman. At first they wanted to work jndependen\ly. T. G. Masaryk in a letter to the Czech National Alliance in America complained that neither Kosik nor Osusky would take orders from him: "They refused to work for me in London." He had been told by the American Czechs that the American Slovaks were sending him r Slovak secretary! Mamatej made a public statement that appeared in the newspapers during the month of August, 1916: This seemed rather strange to me. At the Congress of the Slovak League in Chicago , we American Slovaks at a united conference on April 12, 19il6, resolved to send two of our American Slovaks to Europe not as secretaries to Professor Masaryk but as our representatives who were assigned to go to England, France and especially to Russia to work for our cause in the spirit of our Cleveland Agreement and, therefore, in behalf of our common goal. How Professor Masaryk got the impression that we were forwarding him a Slovak secretary, I simply do not know. At the end, Gustav Kosik, who, together with Stef~nik went to Russia in August, 1916, accepted and signed the Kiev Agreement for �SLOVAKIA the Slovak League of America by which the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris (and dent) as the sole responsible and competent tion that was to cooperate with the official P owers and their associates. 37 League recognized the T. G. Masaryk as presirepresentative organizaagencies of the Allied Thus a delegate of the Slovak League of America formally confirmed the leading position to T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Benes and empowered the Czechs to meet directly "with the official agencies of the Allied Powers." In effect the American Slovaks in deference to the Czecho-Slovak National Council surrendered their right to meet directly with the rest of the nations and their spokesmen. From the contents of the Kiev Agreement (Kijevsky zapis-Kiev document) of August 16-19, 1916, the Czechoslovak nation is mentioned: The Czechs and Slovaks . . . wish to establish a united political and indivisible free Czechoslovak nation under the standard and protection of a four-power pact. Almost immediately Gustav Kosik became the prime target of the American Slovak press for having made this unilateral agreement. Cleveland's Denny Hlas asked: We would like to know who ordered our delegate to sign such a manifesto when we already have a complete and concise agreement that we are in no way working for a Czechoslovak nation but for the Czech and Slovak nations. We call attention to the fact that nowhere in the manifesto are the Slovaks mentioned. There is only the union with the Czechs. How is that? The Ndrodne Noviny observed: In the Cleveland Agreement there was talk of two nations, not of a united nation, an indivisible nation. We do not want to be hoodwinked by anyone. Our delegates in Europe were not admitted to the source of the right information by the 'b rother Czechs who are having conferences with high authorities and speak in our name while completely ignoring the cardinal points of our mutual Cleveland Agreement. We are aware of this, too, in our meetings with them. Our delegates remain outside of closed doors while inside unauthorized persons speak in our name. After a year in Europe, G. Kosik returned to America on May 13, 1917. Upon being asked whether he signed the Kiev Agreement, he answered that both he and Stefanik had signed it. Then he proceeded to explain his action as follows: �38 SLOVAKIA We have long observed in your newspapers the attacks on the point in the Kiev document, namely, that "The Czechs and Slovaks wish to develop into a united political, indivisible and free Czechoslovak nation under the standard and protection of a fourspower pact." Now, to this very day some of our radicals are disgruntled because Kosik signed that agreement. What if he did? By signing it did Stefanik and Kosik abandon anything from the Slovak program? It is necessary only to change the one word, "narod-nation," to "§tat-state" and everything will quiet down. From now on after the public announcement of the Agreement this may be re-written. Then, it was not expedient because we could not anticipate the development of present circumstances and that particular word, may I add, required hard work of both our diplomats and the Czechoslovak military forces. Kosik's explanation satisfied the majority of the American Slovaks, perhaps chiefly because it was Kosik who said it and reassured them, Kosik's reputation and personal integrity, as well as his Slovak patriotism were unquestioned. Essentially, however, there still remained the suspicion that while the Slovaks actually thought the word, "narod", was merely to be interpreted in the sense of "stat" ie., state, the Czechs really and secretly adhered to the literal meaning, ie., in fact it was to be a Czechoslovak nation, and not merely a Czechoslovak state! Dr. Stefan Osusky, the other delegate of the Slovak League, at first known to hold the line precisely to the Slovak national idea, did not return to America nor did he send any further reports to the American Slovaks who had paid his trip to Europe. In a formal sense Osusky was right. The head of the entire movement for the liberation of the Slovaks from the rule of Hungary became the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris with the agreement of the delegates of the Slovak League. Osusky made his reports to the Council and from now on followed its orders. He was no longer in the service of the Slovak League but of the Council in Paris. Milan R. Stefanik in America Freedom for the Slovaks and liberation was not possible without the destruction of Austro-Hungary. This monarchy had many influential friends not only in France, England and America but also at the imperial Czar's court in Russia. Economic conditions, as well as centuries-old diplo- �SLOVAKIA 39 matic, political, personal and family connections were on the side of retaining the empire, and it appeared that there were sufficient guarantees for its future existence after the war came to an end. Memorandas, articles and news bulletins of Czech and Slovak emigrants in opposition to this monarchial state would have remained worthless scraps of paper had not the war ended in victory over Austro-Hungary. This was the prelude to a radical turn-over of events. Only war could change an institution that had been created and buttressed by a series of wars. At the opening of the year, 1917, Russia dropped out of the war against Germany and Austro-Hungary. An internal revolution rocked the country and weakened the military resources of Russia, thereby, conveniently removing a formidable foe of Germany and the Central Powers. Accordingly, the Russians made a separate treaty with Germany. The Slovaks lost an ally upon whom they had counted on so heavily. Imperial Russia, the Czar and the army vanished as if in thin air. The Slovaks who had pinned all their hopes on this great power were suddenly disillusioned. They had never thought liberation and freedom could be won without the aid of Russia. For the moment they were stunned and did not know where to turn for much needed help in their struggle. America declared war on Germany on April 2, 1917, and began sending supplies and soldiers to the western front. This coincided with the withdrawal of Russia from the war. The balance of power was more than restored. It was now only a matter of time until one or the other side would triumph. Entry of the United States into the conflict was enthusiastically hailed by the Slovak League of America. President Wilson now replaced the fallen Czar as the Slovak nation's hope for the winning of freedom. M. R. Stefanik came to America in June, 1917, just as the U.S. began sending its military forces in strength to Europe. He came primarily to seek permission to enroll Slovak and Czech volunteers (legionaires) to fight along- �4-0 SLOVAKIA side the allies on the western front. At a meeting in New York City on September 17, 1917, he said: "Our struggle against Austria-Hungary will end only when both of our brother nations, the Czechs and Slovaks, united in an independent state will be rid of MagyarGerman rule." Stefanik succeeded in achieving his purpose of uniting the Slovaks in the final surge to victory. A group of Slovak Catholic priests who met with Stefanik at the Hotel Plaza in New York City on September 20, 1917, accepted a resolution in which they promised to work for the dissolution of Austria-Hungary and that "they would cooperate with the Slovak League, and the program of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, our supreme political institution." The Slovak League of America ceased to be "the supreme political institution for the Slovak nation", instead the national council of Masaryk, Stefanik and Benes was now the supreme political institution in Paris. And what was disastrous was the fact that its program did not include the concept of a free and individual Slovak nation but a Czechoslovak nation in a Czechoslovak state! Military Assistance and Support Incredible as it may seem, this is precisely the way the Slovak League of America came under the political control of the Czech and Slovak emigrants in Paris. Its executive power was usurped and it was exploited for conscription of volunteers and enlistments of Slovak legionaires for the Czechoslovak armed forces . Moreover, the Slovak League was used for raising funds for carrying on the international work of the council in Paris. To fight and pay the bills - that was the ultimate role of the Slovak League of America. It had been pushed aside from political leadership. American Slovaks answered the call to arms in great numbers. They willingly wanted to fight for the freedom of the Slovak nation. Milan Getting who had little faith in the resources of the Slovaks said on this occasion: Taking everything into consider ation, American Slovaks are surprising everybody by their r esponse. Our nation grasps the great im- �SLOVAKIA 41 portance of a corps of fighting men and has shown greater faith in the future destiny of the Slovaks than its leaders. So far, we have more than matched the number of Czech recruits. Each enlistment has brought in at least a half or more than half of Slovak young men ready to fight. Among these volunteers are many of our most respected and beloved young men in various Slovak communities. These are on their way to fight on the battlefields of France. In France, however, the officers' corps was limited to a very small Slovak minority. Father Slavo Moravek volunteered for military duty to serve with his fellow Slovak legionaires. Dr. Eduard Benes, the secretary of the CzechoSlovak National Council, replied from Paris : "I guess our army has no need for a priest." Slovak women in America, either in their own organizations or as members of the 'Vcielky' or 'Priadky' groups carried on a nation-wide campaign for supplies. Jano Jancek, Slovak emigrant soldier who was released from a Russian military camp, came to America and was elected Secretary of the Slovak League. He credited these women with a total amount of goods valued at more than a half-million dollars that was distributed to the armed forces overseas . Both the military and material ai_d by the Slovaks exceeded all expectations. The Million Dollar Campaign War funds were established in every Slovak organization which taxed males 10 cents and females 5 cents each month. A special committee of nine members: 3 Catholic priests, 3 Protestant ministers and 3 civilian leaders were named in the fall of 1917 to raise a million dollars for the financial support of political action in international affairs . Enthusiasm ran high: Two Catholic clergymen, Father Joseph Murgas and Father John Martvon, launched the campaign by each contributing $2,000 and Michael Bosak added his pledge of $5,000. This initial good example followed until approximately $1,000,000 was collected from Slovaks from all walks of life throughout America. This money was allocated by the Slovak League as follows (as Peter P. Jurcak, president of the Slovak League in 1946 records it in his, "The Slovaks", pp. 190-191): �SLOVAKIA 42 Year 1916 1917 1917 1918 1918 1918 1918 1919 1919 1919 1919 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1921 1921 Name Amount Czecho-Slo vak National Council in Paris . $ 5,000.00 20,000 .00 ditto in Russia .......... . ....... .. 10,000.00 . ....... .......... ditto in America 120,000.00 .. Council Nat. T. G. Masaryk, Pres. C.S. 36,000.00 Czecho-Slo vak Council in America .... . 3,184.00 Slav Press Bureau .......... ......... . 19,631.00 Expenses of delegation to Slovakia .... . 55,000.00 Dr. Eduard Benes .......... . . ....... . 5,194.00 For Magyar Counter-Pr opaganda in U.S . . 44,500.00 Czecho-Slo vak Nat. Council in America .. Dr. Vavro srobar for propagand a publi10,000.00 cations ... . . . . . . . .... . ...... . ........ . vak Czecho-Slo for Hurban Col. Vladimir 25,000.00 Legionaire s returning from Russia .. .. . Czechothe of T. G. Masaryk, President Slovak Republic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200,000.00 Dr. Alice Masaryk, for Czecho-Slo vak Red 25,000.00 Cross . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Relief sent to Czecho-Slo vakia . . . . . . . . . . 126,000.00 For print. presses, etc., for Slovak Ministry 68,000.00 5,000.00 Bratislava University . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . For counteract ing Magyar propagand a and helping secure loan for Czecho-Slo 9,500.00 vak Republic . .... . .......... ... . . . . . . .00 4,572 Aid to disabled Czecho-Slo vak Veterans . 4,000.00 For High School in Petrovec . ........ . Czecho-Slo vak National Council in Amer5,000.00 ica .......... .......... .......... .... . Total ....... ... .......... . .... . ....... . $800,911.00 It is significant to note that not one dollar was given to M. R. Stefanik! Everything went to T . G. Masaryk, to his daughter or followers, Benes and srobar. The expenses of G. Kosik's and st. Osusky's trip to Europe are not listed. Nothing is recorded as aid to Slovak prisoners of war in Russia. This and other expenses for publicity in America, the pay of employees , press, etc., must have added up to an additional tidy sum. As the war came to an end there is a marked drop-off �SLOVAKIA 43 in donations, as also seen in the above report. This was quite in evidence in the political field, too. The Pittsburgh Pact Note that the United States, which declared war on Germany in April, 1917, did not declare hostilities upon Austria-Hungary. But the Slovaks in America from 1914 on openly declared themselves hostile to a monarchy that deprived the Slovaks of their freedom in their European homeland. The moment of decision for the Slovaks was based on their convictions, not on a calculated risk, as was the case of many American Czechs who could not be persuaded to accept the possibility of the destruction of the ancient Austro-Hungarian Empire. Even after the outbreak of war between America and Germany the position of Austria-Hungary in America was not hopeless. Defenders of the old Empire had high hopes of saving it. But these hopes were somewhat dimmed by President Wilson's recommendation to Congress on December 4, 1917, to declare war on Austria-Hungary. Yet, this act did not doom the Hapsburg Empire, for there was not any plan at the time to break up the ancient imperial state. Wilson, himself, on December 4, 1917, and on January 8, 1918, in his 14 points did not recommend the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In fact, he said: "We do not wish to weaken or reorganize the Austro-Hungarian Empire." Reaction of the allied powers to Wilson's speech in January, 1918, was of a general nature. Liberation on the Slovaks and Czechs from foreign rule did not necessarily mean the disintegration of the old empire and much less the creation of a new state of Czecho-Slovakia. Declaration of war on Austria-Hungary by the U.S. changed the situation quite radically, however. Demands for the break-up of the Hapsburg empire became more insistent. Foremost among the new states proposed was Czecho-Slovakia. As the movement for liberation became more certain, the more vociferously did the adherents of Czechoslovak- �44 SLOVAKIA ism push the Slovak League into Czech clutches. Accordingly, on February 9, 1918, in Chicago representatives of the Slovaks and Czechs organized a branch of the CzechoSlovak National Council in which eight Slovaks from the Slovak League and eight Czechs from the Bohemian National Alliance were enrolled. This eventually resulted in unity of action and organization, and in effect was a virtual recognition by the Slovak League that the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris was now the supreme agency for the struggle for freedom. T. G. Masaryk had waited for this development. He immediately announced that he would come to America. In six weeks he was here to lead the Czechs and Slovaks to victory . . . a triumph of his Czechoslovak ideology of a 'Czechoslovak nation' in a united Czechoslovak state! At first Masaryk was welcomed with great enthusiasm but this was short-lived. Jednota (May 22, 1918) had these comments: This activity, as Masaryk understands it, is only for the benefit of the Czechs, with the Slovaks helping, of course. If we are fighting and working for a Greater Bohemia, we are not fighting or working for our own interests but only for the Czechs. The struggle for a Greater Czechia is not worth one Slovak cent, nor one drop of Slovak blood. We want pure wine. We want to know whether we are fighting for a Greater Czechia or for a free, self-governing Slovakia and for a free, self-governing Czechia. T . G. Masaryk was informed of this challenge. In his subsequent remarks - as a wily tactician - he directed a few inane statements for the benefit of the Slovaks. These, oddly enough, inspired the Slovak League's press bureau to hail him as 'the greatest living Slovak' and as 'our great father and leader'! Moreover, all the Slovak newspapers got into the spirit of the moment and out did each other in an outburst of superlatives, expressing their affection, loyalty and trust in the hero of the moment, Masaryk himself. Nevertheless, the bulk of the American Slovaks was not taken in by this synthetic expression of admiration for Masaryk. What he said so nicely and smoothly they wanted down on paper, black on white, so to speak. Finally, on May 30, 1918, T. G. Masaryk picked up a copy of the Cleveland Agreement, read it, took a sheet �SLOVAKIA 45 of paper and wrote down in pencil a personal draft to be proposed as an "Agreement or Contract." Masaryk's original copy, announced the press bureau of the Slovak League of America, "firmly establishes the relationship between the two branches." (Not nations, as it stood properly in the Cleveland Agreement-my comment) . "One copy of this agreement," reported the bureau, "will be forwarded to Albert Mamatej , president of the Slovak League, who will officially make it public shortly. Professor Masaryk thus has completed his mission among the Slovaks with whom he met in a conference in Pittsburgh." Thomas Masaryk's agreement written and signed by him is called the Pittsburgh Pact, therefore as of May 30, 1918. Its main articles are these : Slovakia will have its own administration, its own parliament, its own courts. Slovak will be the official language in the schools, in the administration and in public life. Did Masaryk intend to abide by the agreement when he drew it up and personally signed it? This question was intriguing until he clarified it in his book, "World Revolution-Svetova revolucia," 1925, p. 262: "I signed the agreement," writes the author, "which was an agreement between American Slovaks and American Czechs. This was done to satisfy a small Slovak faction which dreamed of God knows what kind of independent Slovakia . . . the agreement was a local one . . . among the Czechs and Slovaks of America." According to Masaryk's testimony, therefore, the agreement was not between the Slovak and Czech nations, not even between a group of Slovak and Czech representatives of their respective societies in this country, but an ordinary local expedient agreement "to satisfy a small Slovak faction." Obviously, it was never meant to be considered in the planning of the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak state either by Masaryk or the Czechs themselves. Masaryk brushed aside the Slovaks rudely by this action, broke his word of honor and proclaimed his signature genuine but worthless, and in the same work (World Revolution-Svetova revolucia, 1925, page 105) he discounted the financial aid of the Slovaks as insignificant: �46 SLOVAKIA While I was in Russia. Dr. Benes received money in Paris. I estimate the amount at about $300,000. The cost of our activity did not reach the sum of a million Dollars. The money came from Czech sources. During the war Slovak contributions were very small. As president, after the war I received $200,000 but in this was included money from my personal American friends. What these 'very small' contributions actually were we have noted above in Jurcak's official report, as contained in his book, "The Slovaks". The fact is they were not 'very small' and the payment each time in sums of several hundred thousands dollars during and after the war to Masaryk directly or indirectly ( to the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris) were ear-marked from the Slovaks in America, and not from the Czechs. Masaryk's career as a statesman and his enduring fame would have been crowned by an aura of glory instead of being clouded by suspicion and disillusionment had he, as a man of honor, kept his word and publicly recognized the genuine contributions of the American Slovaks to the building of the Czecho-Slovak state. Delegates of the Slovak League in Slovakia Czecho-Slovakia as a free and independent republic was not proclaimed by the National Council in Paris but in the United States, and that by its branch, the CzechoSlovak National Council in America. It was on October 18, 1918, in Washington, D.C. in the form of a proclamation by Thomas G. Masaryk, provisional president, and for Dr. Milan R. Stefanik, minister of national defense, and Dr. Eduard Benes, minister of internal and foreign affairs. Neither Stefanik nor Benes were present but Masaryk signed for them by proxy. Thomas G. Masaryk compiled the proclamation but, as he writes later, he first submitted it to the scrutiny of American legal advisers. Then he presented a handwritten document to the State Department and the White House. "I presented the proclamation to the Secretary of State, Lansing, so that I would be assured of the approval of the American government," Masaryk explained in his memoirs. Official reference to the Slovaks in this historical document was unfortunate. indeed. He wrote: "The rights �SLOVAKIA 47 of the Czechs may be united with their Slovak brethren in Slovakia, once a part of our (Czech) state .. ." In effect, this meant that Slovakia was being re-united with the Czech state to which it had at one time been united as r. part of a whole. Not historically true at all. An agreement between the Czechs and Slovaks had been made as a 50-50 proposition but Masaryk ignored it completely. The new state was to be organized on his own terms. The Slovaks understood their fight was for their freedom but now Masaryk was saying they were shedding their blood for the right of the Czechs to rule the Slovaks. In one official declaration Masaryk had erased the rights of the Slovaks to their national freedom, the right of selfdetermination of the Slovak nation, the right to a federal union of states ( Slovakia and Bohemia in Czecho-Slovakia, a united state), the right to a Slovak law-making body in the Slovak capital, the right to Slovak schools and courts, the right to a Slovak political administration. ~tefanik was understandably displeased with the proclamation to which Masaryk appended his name by proxy. In his book, "My Role in the Czecho-Slovak Fiiht for Freedom," General Janin, who was in Russia with ~tefanik at the time, writes: Stefanik was greatly disturbed, he was indignant that the proclamation had been made under his name when he was not even informed of its contents. He showed me a long telegram addressed to Masaryk and Benes concerning the proclamation of October 18, 1918. Meanwhile, T . G. Masaryk after agreement with Benes and Kramat ( who was in Switzerland) became provisional president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. As such, he signed the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement on November 18, 1918, which Albert Mamatej presented to him for his signature before Masaryk returned to Paris. In his farewell message, Masaryk said: "America will have a place of honor in the history of the liberation movement in behalf of Czecho-Slovakia." Unfortunately, we have already seen above what 'place of honor' Masaryk reserved for the American Slovaks who did so much meritorious work in the struggle, but received little credit for it. Masaryk left the U.S. as provisional president of the �SLOVAKIA proposed Czecho-Slovak Republic.. Soon afterwards reports from Slovakia came to America. American Slovaks were very much disturbed by the reports coming from post-war Slovakia. Slovak Catholic priests were especially aroused by news of Czech indignities against religion in Slovakia. They grasped now in what spirit the international policy of the Czecho-Slovak National Council had been inspired and they sensed what grave consequences it had brought in the Slovaks' homeland. Rev. Jan Liscinsky characterized the entire situation: "The Slovaks freed themselves from Magyar oppression only to be enslaved under a Czech banner." Father Dianiska, after studying the post-war situation carefully, wrote that srobar selected only as associates and delegates who had been educated and trained in Praha, hence the entire personnel was Czechophile and uncertain in matters of religion. Dr. Dianiska concluded rightfully that 'a period of misfortune was in store for the Slovak nation, both politically and religiously.' First-hand information was necessary. Accordingly, the Slovak League hastened to send a number of observers to Slovakia. A five-man delegation was designated, namely, Jozef Rusek, Dr. M. Francisci, Edo Kovach, M. Getting and J. Matloch. They left America on March 7, 1919, and Rev. Pavol Siska, a representative of the Jednota (First Catholic Slovak Union) accompanied them. Later Ignac Gessay joined the delegation. The mission was to investigate conditions and report to their Slovak League colleagues and the American Slovaks who had subscribed to the Pittsburgh Agreement, a photostatic copy of which they carried to 'liberated Slovakia.' Immediately upon their arrival in Slovakia in the spring of 1919, they sensed that the Slovak nation was in the thick of a struggle for its rights. But there was much confusion and they, too, were confused by the swift rush of events. The longer they stayed, however, the clearer insight they got into the real situation. Nevertheless, even Jozef Rusek was baffled for a time so that he leaned towards the corps of slick-talking Czechoslovak politicians who assured him they were doing the right thing for Slovakia! �SLOVAKIA 49 At the Scranton (Pa.) Congress of the Slovak League on May 29, 1919, Husek reported: The government people in Bratislava oppose autonomy, they favor instead a central parliament, a central government and they hold that the Czechs and Slovaks constitute one nation, the Slovak language being only a Czech dialect! Autonomy would prevent a lingiustic union with the Czechs. That is why we were not well received in Bratislava, nor was our Pittsburgh Agreement agreeable to them. We were received with joy in Ruzomberok, Hlinka's kingdom. So was our Pittsburgh document. Some of Hlinka's views I do not like, particularly his vociferous agitation against Dr. Srobar, a minister. And it is a fact that Magyar renegades are filtering into Hlinka's party. The Magyars praise Hlinka as a fine man because he demands autonomy for Slovakia, and because he is in opposition to the Czechs. Some of Husek's observations were true to the facts. It is true that Hlinka stood firmly behind the demand for autonomy for an independent Slovak nation while srobar advocated Czechoslovakism, amalgamation with the Czechs. srobar was against the Pittsburgh Agreement, Hlinka was for it. Husek was wrong, however, in claiming that Magyar elements joined Hlinka's party exclusively. As a matter of record, the 1920 parliamentary elections proved that the majority of Magyars were in parties led by Ivan Derer and srobar. This was acclaimed as a virtue if the 'mad'ar6ni' (Magyar sympathizers) belonged to their political parties, but a vice if they returned as prodigal sons to Hlinka's party. What policy did Husek advocate as a policy for the Slovak League of America? The less we speak of autonomy, the better for Slovakia and the new republic at this time. There is no need to be fearful. Autonomy will not vanish in thin air. To declare opposition now would be aiding the Magyar cause. When Slovakia becomes of age, it will take what rightfully belongs to it. And autonomy belongs by natural right to Siovakia. A reasonable statement of policy. Self-government or autonomy would not disappear. Slovakia would get it sometime in the future ... and it did, but only after a bitter struggle that lasted a full score years (1919-1938) ! Why, then, was it necessary to get the Slovaks to agree on a 50-50 proposition with the Czechs in the first place? What good were the Memorandum, the Cleveland Agreement and the Pittsburgh Pact? For what purpose did so many American Slovaks pour out their lifeblood on the �50 SLOVAKIA battlefield of France? Why was it necessary for the Slovak nation to carry on a 20-yr. struggle for the incorporation of the principles of the Pittsburgh Pact into the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia when the American Slovaks could have readily put it into the Constitution, and even into the peace treaty as did the American Ruthenians ( Carpathian Rusins) under the leadership of zatkovic? And the Ruthenians were far from being as politically mature or developed as the Slovaks. From the very beginning the Slovak struggle abroad might well have been successfully completed if the American Slovaks had been allowed to incorporate their principles in the Constitution so that the Slovak nation would have had a constitutional right to self-rule in its own autonomous state, and their needless fight for autonomy would have been avoided. Moreover, there would have been an international basis and guarantee for their just rights, and the Slovak people would have had self-rule in their historic homeland. If American Slovaks had intervened in Washington and later had presented their case to the American delegation at the peace conference in Paris, it is certain that the right of the Slovaks to autonomy in Slovakia would have been seriously considered and debated as an international problem, and the outcome would surely have been the same as that of the Rusins whose demand for autonomy was officially registered in the Peace Treaty of St. Germaine, on September 10, 1919. But foes of Slovak freedom and Hlinka's party saw to it that every possible means was used to divide the Slovak League and Andrej Hlinka. Gradually the Slovak League began leaning to the view that Hlinka's fight in behalf of the Pittsburgh Pact was a cover-up for his personal feud with Srobar. It was becoming more and more apparent that strong pressure of Czechoslovak groups both in Slovakia and America was being applied to the Slovak League. Matters involved in this struggle became even more confusing when Milan Getting, a Slovak League delegate in Bratislava, persuaded the organization to finance a propaganda or press bureau in Bratislava to the tune of �SLOVAKIA 51 $68,000. srobar managed to buy a printing establishment in the Slovak capital for these funds and happily set up a propaganda center to fight Hlinka and oppose all autonomists in the country. Assuredly, this development did not bring Andrej Hlinka and the Slovak League of America to any mutual understanding or a friendly relationship. Andrej Hlinka's Delegates in America In memoirs, Z<ipisky z Mirova, Bratislava, 1941, Andrej Hlinka is quoted on page 31: I know the Slovak people, for I am one of their sons. All my life I have kept my finger on the Slovak nation's pulse. I have heard every beat of the Slovak heart. I aroused the Slovak people to action and I gave them hope. I sowed an idea in their minds. The people accepted all of my ideas but they did not relish the Czechoslovak idea of brotherhood. I did not sleep or rest. The idea troubled me. But for the sake of preserving the Slovak nation, I argued, I must give the people this bitter pill, yet in a sugar-coated form . It is better to live with somebody, I assured my troubled conscience, than to die alone. The people found it hard to swallow the bitter pill. Their natural instincts rebelled against it. It seems these were much wiser and stronger than my way of thinking. And so I find myself regretting a blunder committed against the primitive natural instincts of my own people. All I can pray and hope for is the chance to correct this grave error and redeem myself. If I fail in this, I feel certain the people will forgive me and will not hold it against me. A year ago I sinned because I was not sufficiently cautious or zealous enough in the struggle for the Slovak nation's right to liberty. I failed the people in a historical moment in the midst of my struggle ti) which I have devoted almost a lifetime of energy and sacrifice. First, I faltered because I went to Martin on October 30, 1918. Had I not gone there that day, I would not be conscience-stricken today. (This Hlinka wrote while held in prison by the Czechs in Mirov, October 16, 1919). Mistakes are made, even in politics. What is important is to realize one's erring ways and correct them in time. Andrej Hlinka, therefore, went to repair the damage by setting out for the peace conference in Paris during the month of August, 1919. His intention was to incorporate a guarantee of the Slovak nation's right to autonomy in the peace treaty. Hlinka's journey to Paris was in vain. The Slovak leader's venture would have been successful, perhaps, had the Slovak delegation joined him and �52 SLOVAKIA through the American representatives in Paris presented Hlinka's request at the peace conference. Paris was the logical place for the fusion of Hlinka's domestic program with the Slovak League's proposals and the official presentation of the united program at the Peace Conference. Instead, Andrej Hlinka, armed only with the Memorandum, and alone, sought entry to the Peace parley in Paris. This was not a vain gesture of an obscure adventurer seeking cheap publicity. There was history behind him. He was a prominent Slovak political leader at 55, his was a distinguished record as a patriotic leader with three years of prison because of his defense of the Slovak nation. The cernova affair that had taken the lives of 15 of his fellow countrymen was known all over the world. Thousands of articles in Slovak periodicals at home and in America alone made him famous. As founder of many societies and organizations he was a popular figure at home . . . and in the background he had the good will of eminent Polish leaders who were sympathetic to the Slovak cause. In Slovak history it remains a sad and regrettable fact that Hlinka and the Slovak League delegation did not join forces in Paris. They lacked mutual understanding of each other personally. This was the cockle that had been sown by Derer and srobar. The Slovak League confined its activity to writing memoranda for the Prague government. Here on October 24, 1919, its representatives did, however, express the desire for the gradual introduction of autonomy in Slovakia "according to the circumstances and possibilities," and they requested further "a guarantee for the incorporation of self-government into the basic state laws, namely, in the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia, and along the lines drawn up in the Agreement between Masaryk and ourselves." In reality it was merely a paper request. Moreover, it was presented as a plea with the added proviso, "self-government need not be established or introduced immediately, there is no urgency for such action, however." Neither srobar nor his Czechoslovak associates paid any attention to so woefully weak a request. To achieve results at the time it was absolutely neces- �SLOVAKIA 53 sary for the personal appearance of Andrej Hlinka at the Paris Conference, but with the full backing of the moral and material resources of the Slovaks at home and abroad on the solid platform of Slovak autonomy. The time for mere Memoranda had passed. The time for dynamic action had arrived. Unfortunately, Andrej Hlinka found himself alone in Paris. He knew he had no official support, but somehow he kept faith and hoped for a miracle in the impending crisis. No miracle occured to save the situation. Hlinka, disappointed and defeated, returned home where he was immediately arrested and taken to prison by the Czechs because he had dared to go to Paris to re• present the Slovak nation personally. But he had not for. gotten the American Slovaks. While still in Paris, he dis• patched two emissaries to America, namely, Dr. Jozef Rudinsky and Jozef Kubala. Passports and visas for these two men were given by the Poles who had previously furnished Hlinka with a Polish passport to go to Paris. Precisely on October 13, 1919, when Hlinka was seized and taken to the Mirov prison by his Czech captors, the emissaries (Father Rudinsky and Kubala) arrived in America. On October 24, 1919, they addressed an extraordinary meeting of the executive council of the Slovak League in Pittsburgh, Pa. Dr. Jozef Rudinsky visualized clearly the aim of Slovak policy as the gradual realization of the Slovak nation's natural rights as guaranteed by the Pittsburgh Pact. The minutes of this special session reveal what Rudinsky said of Hlinka's party, namely, that 'the party wanted a gradual introduction of self-rule but demanded that this autonomy, ie., the agreement, be registered immediately in Paris.' After a long discussion at this executive meeting, nothing definite was decided upon. The Slovak League was still overshadowed by the Rusek report, ie., too much emphasis on autonomy at the time would only profit the Magyar side . This was contrary to the mission of Hlinka's emissaries who had been sent to America for the primary purpose of winning the American Slovaks to Andrej Hlinka and his party's policy of concentrating all their efforts on �54 SLOVAKIA winning autonomy as soon as possible, or at least have the guarantee approved and registered at the Peace Conference in Paris. Outcome of the meetings and subsequent conferences was the 'Statement and Public Testimony of the Slovak League' in which the League's spokesmen explained their negative stand in regards to the delegates sent to them by Andrej Hlinka. Three reasons were given for their attitude: 1) The delegates had sounded a discordant note in the existing harmony betw~en the Czechs and Slovaks abroad, as well as at home, by their publicized views. 2) They lacked a Czecho-Slovak passport; they had passports furnished by the Polish government in Paris. 3) Andrej Hlinka, the head of the Slovak People's Party (Slovenska 13udova Strana) had gone to Paris with a Polish passport and visa, not one from Czecho-Slovakia. Misunderstanding only widened the gulf between the real fighters for the Pittsburgh Pact: Hlinka's party in Slovakia and the Slovak League in America. This served only one purpose, ie., the prolonging of the struggle by 20 years until the common goal of Slovak freedom and selfrule was reached in 1938. Intervention i n behalf of the Pittsburgh Pact in vain Despite the manifest refusal to Andrej Hlinka's invitation to join him and the Slovak People's Party in the struggle for autonomy ( the Slovak League's brain-child) the Slovak League could not renounce the Pittsburgh Pact. Though publicly disavowing collaboration with Andrej Hlinka, the League on its own initiative began taking steps to put the Pittsburgh Agreement into actual practice in Slovakia. This gesture, though somewhat shaky and lacking the early confidence that had been solidly based on conviction, was made in the right direction, however. As late as 1919 a branch of the Czecho-Slovak National Council was still operating in America. On November 7, 1919, it announced that "the approved representatives of the American Slovaks requested that the Pittsburgh Agreement be considered for incorporation by the National �SLOVAKIA 55 Assembly in the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." Armed with this request and with a resolution of the Slovak League in his pocket, Albert Mamatej, the president of the Slovak League, went to Czecho-Slovakia. He presented the Pittsburgh Agreement to srobar and Hodza, both of whom declared it was both bad and unnecessary. Milan Hodza openly stated: "Slovak autonomy - that is the motto of Magyar politicians. Slovak autonomy - that is the motto of Polish politicias. And that for us is a significant warning." That autonomy for Slovakia was the fulfillment of Slovak aspirations in America, as well as a good motto, and that the same program inspired Hlinka's policy in Slovakia designed for the Slovak nation's destiny as a selfgoverning state, did not occur either to Mamatej or his Slovak associates. srobar and Hodza simply refused to take cognizance of this reality. Mamatej returned to America with the resolution of srobar and Hodza, rejecting autonomy for Slovakia. He also brought the declaration of the Slovak representatives (Srobar's) at the Revolutionary National Assembly in Prague. They declared on February 6, 1920: "Autonomy would place an enormous financial burden on the Slovak nation but everything that is essentially in the Pittsburgh Agreement has been incorporated into the Constitution except a separate parliament, which under present circumstances, would be detrimental to Slovakia." Albert Mamatej was taken in. He believed all this and acted accordingly. Hence, he recommended what he was told in Praha, ie., the best future for the Slovak nation was to accept the status of 'Czechoslovakism' as part of a train pulled on the Czech main track and run by a Czech engineer . . . of course, the fireman was naturally a Slovak .. . and this, explained Mamatej naively, was in full accord with the Pittsburgh Pact! On the otherhand, it seemed that Mamatej feared that the Pittsburgh Pact would be exploited by the Magyars or Poles, nor did he have trust in the Czechoslovak group of �56 SLOVAKIA the Slovak ongm in Prague. Therefore, he felt that the Agreement was to be entrusted to Andrej Hlinka although the Slovak leader was still in prison at Mirov in Moravia. Ultimately, the Pittsburgh Agreement was to be incorporated in the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Such was the assurance given Mamatej by the Prague politicians. Yet, when the Constitution was approved by the national assembly on February 29, 1920, there was no reference to Slovak autonomy or self-government in Slovakia, and there was .no distinction made on the question of the 'Individuality of the Slovak nation'! To offset the success of the mission of Dr. Rudinsky and Kubala in America, the Prague government hastily sent its agents to this country. Rev. Ladislav Moys and Jan Pocisk, a Social Democratic leader, arrived in America on March 2, 1920. Father Liscinsky declared frankly that Father Moys, an old Slovak but totally unqualified in the game of political legerdemain, was 'a disgrace to the Slovak Catholics.' Moys' first report to his masters in Prague was that aside from a small faction, American Slovaks were "anti-autonomistic." . This statement was labelled publicly by the · Slovak Catholic Federation as a fabrication and a fable. The executive committee of the federation on October 12, 1920, made this declaration: We resent Rev. Moys' insinuation with abhorrence, and we reassure our brethren beneath the Tatras in Slovakia that American Slovaks now more than ever before adhere to the Pittsburgh Agreement because during the visit of Rev. Moys and Mr. Pocisk they had ample opportunity to become convinced that the foes of this documentary agreement consider every reasonable basis for mutual understanding presented by the Slovaks as useless. Unfortunately, Albert Mamatej, having been named a consul of Czecho-Slovakia in Pittsburgh, joined the Czechoslovak camp. In his letters, addressed to his chief, Benes in Prague, who was minister of foreign affairs, Mamatej attacked autonomism and its adherents and turned against the ideals he had represented so ably and so well during the war. He died suddenly, disillusioned and alone. His widow and three children received a monthly pension of $15.00 . Thus did Prague value a man who had �SLOVAKIA 57 carried out its wishes and had performed services contrary to his personal convictions and his fine wartime record in behalf of the Slovak cause of freedom. Mamatej, president of the Slovak League, was dead. But the ideal which had been the essence of Slovak political policy at home and in America was very much alive. Alongside the Slovak Catholic Federation the idea of an autonomous Slovakia took hold once again in the Slovak League of America, which after Mamatej's demise was directed by prominent American Slovaks who gave it the leadership it deserved. Wh~ the presidents were unable to devote full time to the Slovak League, it was that gallant secretary, Jan Kocur, who performed all necessary tasks with devotion and ability and kept the embers glowing in the old glorious tradition of self-government or autonomy for Slovakia. Andrej Blinka in America Slovak life in America slowly began losing its onetime vitality and ardor. It always happens that way ... in the lives of individuals and in the history of organizations. There is a time of development and progress followed by eclipse and eventual decline. Circumstances were unfavorable and decline was inevitable. Slovak daily newspapers in America suffered a sudden recession while many periodicals simply vanished. Old workers grew old or died, and aid from the old country was cut off as the energy of the Slovaks was directed to the defense of the Slovak nation's right to national survival. American Slovaks were in need of moral support at this time, for the new generation, though often possessing the Slovak spirit of its forebears, discovered it was far easier and more advantageous to speak English rather than the Slovak language of their parents. Nonetheless, even under increasing unfavorable circumstances, there were frequent instances of an unusual vital interest in the Slovak League and in the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom in its historic homeland. �58 SLOVAKIA By far, the majority of American Slovaks remained staunchly loyal to their ancient heritage and their ideals as expressed in the Pittsburgh Agreement to which they manifestly showed a deep attachment. A Committee of Friends of Slovak Freedom sprang up to keep alive the spirit of dedication to the Slovak cause. Contributions, moral, financial and cultural, of existing organizations throughout America did not cease completely. Undoubtedly the great event of this era in the midtwenties was the visit of Andrej Hlinka to America. The occasion was the Eucharistic Congress in Chicago. The heroic warrior came accompanied by Dr. Jozef Buday on June 5, 1926, and his visit lasted until October 13, ... a four months' stay among his fellow countrymen in America. Hlinka came to America in answer to the invitation of the Committee of Friends of Slovak Freedom, headed by .Jozef Husek, and the Slovak League, whose president was Ivan Bielek. Anticipated with great joy throughout America where Slovaks lived, Hlinka's visit was heralded by Jozef Husek's letter of April 25, 1926, assuring the Slovak leader of a warm welcome: You will not run into any trouble here, as there is only a handful of Czechoslovaks here and they are incapable of organizing any serious protest meeting. I personally guarantee your visit will be a great success. The people idolize you and your visit will fulfill their great desire to see you personally and welcome you. Ivan Bielek, president of the Slovak League, wrote in the American press that Hlinka was invited everywhere for a Sunday appearance. "Consider," reported Bielek, "that to date we have a total of 136 requests for a Sunday date. This means if we want to satisfy everyone, our distinguished guest, Andrej Hlinka, will have to remain here with us for more than two years ." Overflow crowds welcomed Andrej Hlinka and listened avidly to his addresses from the Atlantic to the midwest throughout the summer on weekends. In his final farewell to his fellow Slovak countrymen �SLOVAKIA 59 in America on October 11, 1926, Hlinka made this public statement: You received me as a national hero. I do not deserve this great honor. But if I have not as yet attained that eminent status, your affection and generosity have insipired me to aspire to rise to such noble stature. I am leaving you. I bid you farewell but not in tears or sorrow. Your success and happiness here fill me with national pride. I take with me your message in the words of the immortal Furdek: "O, thou blue Tatra . .. We, your children, have wandered far from thee. Weep not! Your clan even beyond the great ocean remains loyal to thee." God bless you, God keep you, God strengthen you. Do not forget that your cradle stood beneaith the Tatras, your beloved Motherland, our sorely-tried and suffering Slovakia. Goodbye my Slovak nation . . . Goodbye my fellow Slovak countrymen in America. The Slovak League Delegation in Slovakia Autonomy Achieved There had been a number of smaller or larger delegations sent from America to Slovakia and vice versa_ Among these were those sent by the Spolok sv. Vojtecha from Trnava and the Matica Slovenska from Turciansky Sv. Martin. Neither was the occasion for a mutual cultural exchange. The American Slovaks were on the receiving end on both occasions, they were passive recipients. They received a large number of Slovak works in literature, in return they were able to offer some two or three of their own books. Consequently, Slovak books from Slovakia found a ready market in America. But there were political delegations from America. One of these came to Trencin to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the Pittsburgh Ag-reement. It joined Hlinka for the celebration. Perhaps the most important visit to America in 1937 was that of the Spolok sv. Vojtecha (among the delegates was Msgr. Jozef Tiso) that followed the earlier visit of a Matica Slovenska delegation. Of supreme importance politically was the visit of the Slovak League delegation to Slovakia in May, 1938. Members comprising the group were Dr. Peter P. Hletko, president, Josef Husek, one of the original signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, Dominik Sloboda, Michal Sincak and Rev. Jozef Rolik. The delegation brought with it the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement to the celebration which �60 SLOVAKIA was held on June 4, 1938, in commemoration of the 20th anniversary of the signing of the historic document in Pittsburgh, Pa. (May 30, 1918). As a symbolic act the first official visit of the Slovak League delegation in Czecho-Slovakia was to Andrej Hlinka ... symbolic in the sense of the mutual unity of ideals and purpose between the American Slovaks and their fellow countrymen in Slovakia. The Slovak League delegation, therefore, did not present itself with the Pittsburgh Agreement to its Slovak and Czech opponents in Bratislava or Prague, but went directly first to its great friend, champion and foremost associate, Andrej Hlinka, in Ruzomberok. This deliberate act manifestly emphasized the unity of thought and purpose of the Slovaks at home and in America. Thus, as the First Slovak League delegation which had brought the Pittsburgh Agreement to Czecho-Slovakia at the birth of that republic, so now, it was the last Slovak League delegation that had come with the self-same historic document at the eleventh hour to persuade the leaders of the Czecho-Slovak Republic to accept and put into practical operation the principles enunciated in the Pittsburgh Agreement. In vain had been the attempt of the first Slovak League delegation, and even more of a failure was the coming of the Slovak League delegation from America as far as the centralists in Prague or Bratislava were concerned. Though the Republic was threatened by foreign powers on every side, these stubbornly refused to accept the Pittsburgh Agreement as the basis for a mutual understanding between the Slovaks and the Czechs. At least this situation set the stage for the fulfillment of Husek's prophecy uttered at a meeting of the Slovak League in America upon his return from Slovakia in May, 1919: No need to be afraid. Autonomy will not run away. When Slovakia will grow up to maturity, it will take what rightfully belongs to the Slovak nation ... and autonomy belongs to it! As a matter of fact, autonomy did not run away in those 20 years. How could it? Andrej Hlinka had held it �SLOVAKIA 61 firmly in his noble and strong hands. It was his blood and his whole life. Hlinka, whom Martin Razus, a Protestant poet, patriot and clergyman, joined, made Slovakia his country. Hlinka and Razus in mind and heart by their work, industry and devotion nourished the spirit of Slovakia so that it grew out of its infancy, became strong and reached maturity. Prematurely, Martin Razus died in 1937; and Andrej Hlinka followed , though at the age of 74, in 1938, less than t wo months before Slovakia in October really took unto herself what had always been hers by natural right, and guaranteed by the Pittsburgh Agreement in 1918. The glorious day of self-government, or autonomy, for the Slovak nation dawned in the early fall of 1938 but neither was present to celebrate this long-awaited victory and hardwon triumph inside the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Hlinka died on August 15, 1938; and a member of the Slovak League delegation, Dominik Slaboda, bade farewell to the reverend warrior at his grave . Slaboda took up a handful of Slovak earth from Hlinka's graveside and carried it to America as a memento of the great Slovak leader and fighter for the sacred principles of the Pittsburgh Pact. Slovakia seised autonomy because in the year, 1938, it had grown out of childhood into adulthood, and autonomy rightfully belonged to her as a natural right. No one can deny that it was truly a crime to be attributed to the Czech, the Slovak, and Czechoslovak opponents of the Pittsburgh Pact that they blocked the incorporation of the articles of self-government for Slovakia in the Constitution of the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia until Martin Razus and Andrej Hlinka passed on into eternity. Upon opening page 1,161 of the 1938 annual "Sbirky zakonu a natizeni statu Cesko-Slovenskeh o" ( Collection of the laws and regulations of the Czecho-Slovak State) I read: Constitutional L aw of November 22, 1938 on the Autonomy for Slovakia The National Assembly on the premise that the Czecho-Slovak Republic was form ed on the basis of the agreement of the sovereign �62 SLOVAKIA will of two equal nations, that in the Pittsburgh Agreement the Slovak nation was promised complete autonomy, and motivated by the desire to bring the Slovak and Czech nations into a friendly relationship in the spirit of the 2ilina Agreement, approves the following law: (Then follow several paragraphs of this Constitutional Law) Paragraph after paragraph follow, the same as weeks and months and days, and years, that were spent in a prolonged, self-sacrificing struggle for the recognition of the Pittsburgh Pact so that finally, the words, "Pittsburghska dohoda," might be inserted in the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic! And the word, 'Autonomy,' became an actual fact: The word became flesh! Appreciation is due to the Slovak League of America for creating the Pittsburgh Pact and thanks to its staunch defender, Andrej Hlinka, who together with the Slovak League saw eye to eye in the matter so that eventually the Slovak nation was granted what was a natural right from the very beginning of time. As a final happy conclusion to a mutual understanding and a united effort in the struggle for the Slovak nation's freedom and self-government, the outcome was a triumph that marked a new phase in the history of the Slovak people in central Europe. The Slovak nation emerged victoriously as a self-governing, united people whose national destiny in the heart of Europe was assured because the Slovaks in their homeland and abroad had been willing to make sacrifices for their ideals, had cooperated with their leaders and had persevered in the struggle until final victory. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA represents an overwhelming majority of organized Americans of Slovak descent; actively affiliated with it are the largest Slovak fraternals, religious organizations, Slovak Clubs and Slovak civic organizations in the United States. � SLOVAKIA 29 THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AND THE SLOVAK NATION'S STRUGGLE FOR AUTONOMY By Karoi Sidor I have selected the quarter of a century of history of the Slovak League of America (1914-1939 ) as my topic for r eview and analysis in order to show its influence on the future destiny of the Slovak nation in its historic homeland. My work " Slovaci v zahranicnom odboji" (The Slovaks ±n the Struggle Abroad ), 264 pp., which was published in 1928 in Bratislava, serves me well in the present instance. My book, as I noted in the preface, proves that liberation of the Slovak nation from Magyar rule was not the work of the Czechs, nor was it a gift from them, but the main work in Slovakia's liberation in the first World War ( 19141918 ) was accomplished by the Slovaks under the auspices of the Slovak League of America. "It is impossible to evaluate the participation of the Slovaks in the fight for freedom in Czecho-Slovakia", I wrote in the preface, " without delving into the history of the Slovak League of America. During the war the Slovak League influenced the great majority of our emigrant Slovaks in America through membership, and its influence extended to other parts of the world wherever Slovaks had settled. For that reason I chose this title for my book to include all emigrant Slovaks instead of limiting it to t he Slovaks in America and their role in our fight for freedom. Nonetheless, it was the American Slovaks who were actually our liberators - without their assistance the claim that others gave the Slovak nation freedom on a silver platter would have been well founded on reality." The Slovaks in America were the real liberators of their fellow countrymen from Magyar oppression in their homeland beneath the Tatras. They formulated the modern political program for their fellow Slovaks in Cleveland (1915 ) and later in Pittsburgh (1918 ) . For two decades after World War I the Slovaks struggled for recognition of this program drawn up in America and they ultimately won their struggle with the moral and financial help of �30 SLOVAKIA the American Slovaks in 1938. Slovakia finally had its own parliament, its own government, courts, and schools. This phase of Slovak political activity is a bright chapter in the Slovak nation's history, and all those who were engaged in the movement, either directly or indirectly, are fortunate indeed to have been a part of the nationwide struggle for liberty. Memorandum of 1914-1915 No Slovak can remain unmoved as he reads the 'Slovak League Memorandum in behalf of the Slovaks of Hungary 1914-1915' in the name of the American Slovaks. It is truly an amazing political document which shows the vision, foresight and profound thinking of its authors. It placed the Slovak cause in the forefront of world politics and progress. Essentially, this historic memorandum demands "complete self-government and free self-determination in the political field , as well as in the cultural and economic spheres, with the Slovak nation as a legal and equal partner among all nations of the world." These identical ideas were adopted somewhat later in the official documents and statements of world statesmen who determined the destiny of the countries of the world. It is thrilling for us Slovaks to realize that fully three years elapsed before the ideas of self-determination, equality of nations, the right to self-government (as enunciated originally in this Slovak Memorandum) were at last accepted and repeated by world diplomats and statesmen until they became integral parts of a new political world order after World War I. Note the timing of the Slovak Memorandum. World War I had just begun and the roar of guns on the western and eastern fronts signalled initial German and AustroHungarian victories. There was not as yet an organized liberating force among the American Slovaks. America was flooded with favorable German propaganda, and it even penetrated into official circles. But the 'word' was already out at the outset of World War I. The Slovak statement "the right of self-determination for nations" was destined to play an important role in �SLOVAKIA 31 the development of the idea and its official expression in America. In full support of this 'word' (self-determination) the organized strength of the American Slovaks was arrayed behind the unified leadership of the Slovak League of America. All the Slovak organizations, both Catholic and nonCatholic, followed the lead of the Slovak League. All periodicals, weeklies and monthlies, were at its service and willingly propagated the 'word' and greatly influenced public opinion throughout the country. Rev. Anton Filkorn, a Catholic priest, was the president and Ivan Daxner, a prominent Lutheran member of the Slovak dynasty of national leaders, was the secretary of the Slovak League at this time. Six Slovak dailies currently indicate how vigorous and dynamic was Slovak Life in America. In Slovakia there was not one daily in 1914 or 1915. (In Budapest, however, the Hungarian government subsidized the Slovenske Noviny for its own propaganda purposes). In New York City the Slovdlc v Amerike daily was directed by an impressive editorial staff of Orbach, stiasny, Baran and Molitoris, in Chicago the Ndrodny Slovensky Dennik was in the capable hands of Editor Marsal-Petrovsky, Krizan, Laucik and Bzduch, in Pittsburgh the Ndrodny Dennik was edited by P . Kompis, Ignac Gessay and Jan culen were the editors of the Newyorksky Slovensky Dennik, Jan Kadlecik edited the Slovensky Dennik, while J. E. Chudatsik and Grigl'ak were at the helm of the Eudovy Dennik, the sixth Slovak Daily in America. These half-dozen Slovak dailies and a host of weeklies, particularly, the Jednota, the Ndrodne Noviny, Katolicky Sokol, Bratstvo, Slovenskd Obrana and many monthly publications kept the Slovaks in America well informed about political developments and helped to unite them around the central idea of the right to self-determination of the Slovak nation Jiving beneath the Tatras - in actual fact these were the spokesmen for the Slovak people who were silenced in their own native land. Only two Slovaks represented their nation in the Hungarian parliament at Budapest: Dr. Ferko Skycak, who had �32 SLOVAKIA been elected in his native Bobrov (Orava district), surrendered his mandate on the eve of World War I to Baron Ghillany, a Magyar. Dr. Ferdis Juriga and Dr. Pavol Blaha, however, courageously kept their seats in the Magyar diet in the capital city of Hungary, Budapest. It was perfectly clear that the Slovaks inside Hungary could not decide their future political destiny. Under such circumstances, it is evident that American Slovaks, well organized and having reached high political status in world opinion, must of necessity assume the responsibility of making their ideas of political liberty a reality. Albert Mamatej succeeded Father Filkorn as president of the Slovak League at the end of 1914. There were no changes, however, in the political ideology of the Slovak League . In December, 1914, Mamatej wrote to the Czechs in Paris : We seek self-government for Slovakia not as an individual state, but as a political administrati \'e unit without regards to what greater state is created provided it is assigned to it as a co-partner at the council table of diplomats and statesmen. Emphasis is unquestionably on the status of self-government for Slovakia as 'a special and integral part of an administrative whole' leaving to future developments ostensibly the unsolved questions of both what type and to what state-creation Slovakia would be attached in the immediate future. The Cleveland Agreement Later it became increasingly imperative that Mamatej's "zvlastny administrativno-politicky celok" (a special administrative-political whole ) be spelled out in detail. This was fully and clearly set forth in the Cleveland Agreement. This mutual agreement was made between the Czech National Alliance in America which represented the American Czechs and the Slovak League of America as the representative of the American Slovaks in political affairs. According to the testimony of Emanuel Vos, one of the Czech representatives said at the memorable meeting: "The text of this agreement is known to Professor Masaryk, president of the national council, and he agrees with it." �SLOVAKIA 33 Masaryk at that very moment represented the entire Czech emigration in Europe, even though the Allied powers did not recognize him as such. What was, in substance, the agreement between the American Slovaks and Czechs and the Czechs in Europe headed by T. G. Masaryk? On two points the two groups agreed as registered in the Cleveland Agreement of October 25, 1915: 1) Self-government of Czech lands and Slovakia. 2) Union of Czech and Slovak nations in a federation of states with full national autonomy for Slovakia, i.e., the country was to have its own parliament, its own state administrative system, complete cultural freedom with the exclusive use of the Slovak language offically in the Slovak schools, courts, etc., a separate financial and political administration with Slovak as the official language of the country. Again we are confronted with the question of what was meant by the term, "in a federative union of states." There are only two interpretations possible: 1) A federation of Slovak, Czech, Polish, perhaps Austrian, Magyar and Croatian states. 2) A federation of the Slovak and Czech states. It soon becomes clear that in both cases the creators and signers of the Cleveland Agreement had in mind the type of unity we have in the federal union of the American states, i.e., the U.S. For a union of states, therefore; there could not be the union of one state! It requires two or more to create a union. There remains no doubt whatsoever that they did not in any manner or form intend to create the state of Czecho-Slovakia to be centralized in one parliament in Prague and operate as a monopoly from the Czech capital. A parliament of its own, a state administration, complete cultural freedom , its own finances and its own official Slovak language - all these articles as incorporated in the Cleveland Agreement leave no alternative! It meant one thing and one thing only, namely, a self-governing Slovak state. This had been the goal of all Slovak fighters for freedom and it still remained an objective to be attained on �34 SLOVAKIA the basis of the agreement above. The means to the goal was the cooperation of the Slovaks and Czechs in America, and with the Czech emigrants in Europe led by T. G. Masaryk. Cooperation, not subjugation; equality of partnership, equality of rights, even as expressed so aptly in the financial field, a '50-50 proposition!' Exclusively with the Czechs The scintillating fact that the Slovaks in America drew up this agreement with the Czechs alone indicates rather ostensibly that they voluntarily renounced advantages that other nations, and nationality forces, fighting for the liberation of their fellow countrymen in Europe might have offered the Slovaks. I refer to the Poles, Croatians, Slovenians, Serbs, Ukrainians and Sub-Carpathian Rusenes, or Ruthenians. If the Slovaks in America at that moment had united their efforts with those of other Slavic nationality groups, the Slovak cause would certainly have increased its potentialities for a more complete development of its future destiny; in a word, it would not have become so enmeshed in the Czechoslovak maze. On the part of the other Slav groups, there was a real desire for cooperation with the Slovaks, especially on the part of the Poles. The "Polonia w Ameryce" newspaper favored a union of Poles and Slovaks: "The spirit of both nations is the same, the languages not much different. That would, indeed, be the most natural union we can imagine." And the influential "Tygodnik Polski" declared: "Polak Wenger two brothers? 0, what irony! Away from this so-called mad brother, Magyar! Brother Slovak is much closer to us than that so-called brother!" Aside from the religious motif, there existed, too, the mistaken notion of the Slavic ideal, which eventually nullified cooperation between the Slovaks and Poles. It was the attitude toward Czarist Russia. Czarism, orthodoxy and imperialism - those were the underlying causes of so many Polish sufferings and obstacles to Polish freedom . Among the Slovaks there was a feeling of affection for �SLOVAKlA 35 the 'bat'uska car' (a genial uncle), the father of all Slavdom and holy Russia. These would bring freedom to the Slovak nation. The Russian nation would be the liberator. Albert Mamatej, president of the Slovak League of America, under the obvious influence of this complex, made an indignant attack on the Poles at an All Slav conference jn Cleveland. That incident closed the doors to probably close friendship with the Poles and forever destroyed the possibility of an advantageous understanding between the Slovaks and Poles. Mamatej's statement was triggered by uncomplimentary remarks about the Russians, the Czar, etc. by a number of Polish leaders at the conference. It was this refusal to work with the Poles that narrowed the path that led straight into the Czech camp. This pathway was a dangerous one, for it gave the Czechs the upperhand and they took full advantage of it by assuming sole leadership, by the isolation of Slovak spokesmen, by intentionally and maliciously misrepresenting the Slovak political concept as set forth in the text of the Cleveland Agreement. Kosik and Osusky in Europe Two delegates with a precise program were authorized to go to Europe by the Congress of the Slovak League of America. The Congress selected Gustav Kosik, editor of the Katolicky Sokol weekly, and Dr. Stefan Osusky, a lawyer and Lutheran Minister. The purpose of the mission was expressed in the program thus: "To inform the civilized world about the demands of the Slovak nation and to secure positive aid for the realization of these demands." First, their journey led to London and then on to Paris in June, 1916. T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Eduard Benes, both Czech emigrants, were in Paris. "Their work" - as Dr. Lev Borsky, an emigrant, too, writes in his book, "Znovudobyti samostatnosti" (Winning Independence Again): "consisted of drawing up memoranda, writing articles and local news. As yet, they had not made any impact on the world nor had they penetrated the influential circles to present the Czech cause." Dr. Borsky writes further: �36 SLOVAKIA It was only when Milan Rastislav Stefanik ente.red the picture that their action took the first semblance of political leadership. It was through Stefanik's influence that members of the National Council got into prominent political circles. Stefanik's ability and influence 5 ot them both a hearing in high government circles and helped them a<:quire necessary experience in the delicate game of international r;olitics and diplomacy. stefanik's coming to the scene among Czech emigrants gave Masaryk's and Benes's memoranda, articles and news a certain importance. Out of ordinary propaganda efforts in which Masaryk and Benes had been engaged a serious form of political action now began taking shape. This was the logical development because the Slovak scientist was not a political emigrant but a French citizen, known in various diplomatic and international circles where diplomats, politicians, scientists and the elite met quite frequently. Stefanik had entre to the highest French circles. He moved in high society. He was well acquainted, highly respected and admired for his scientific achievements in astronomy. The cause which he represented gained tremendous prestige precisely because of his name. It is baffling to the human mind why Kosik and Osusky - later is still living in America and could tell us sincerely why they as delegates of the American Slovaks did not establish a closer relationship with M. R. Stefanik, a fellow Slovak countryman. At first they wanted to work jndependen\ly. T. G. Masaryk in a letter to the Czech National Alliance in America complained that neither Kosik nor Osusky would take orders from him: "They refused to work for me in London." He had been told by the American Czechs that the American Slovaks were sending him r Slovak secretary! Mamatej made a public statement that appeared in the newspapers during the month of August, 1916: This seemed rather strange to me. At the Congress of the Slovak League in Chicago , we American Slovaks at a united conference on April 12, 19il6, resolved to send two of our American Slovaks to Europe not as secretaries to Professor Masaryk but as our representatives who were assigned to go to England, France and especially to Russia to work for our cause in the spirit of our Cleveland Agreement and, therefore, in behalf of our common goal. How Professor Masaryk got the impression that we were forwarding him a Slovak secretary, I simply do not know. At the end, Gustav Kosik, who, together with Stef~nik went to Russia in August, 1916, accepted and signed the Kiev Agreement for �SLOVAKIA the Slovak League of America by which the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris (and dent) as the sole responsible and competent tion that was to cooperate with the official P owers and their associates. 37 League recognized the T. G. Masaryk as presirepresentative organizaagencies of the Allied Thus a delegate of the Slovak League of America formally confirmed the leading position to T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Benes and empowered the Czechs to meet directly "with the official agencies of the Allied Powers." In effect the American Slovaks in deference to the Czecho-Slovak National Council surrendered their right to meet directly with the rest of the nations and their spokesmen. From the contents of the Kiev Agreement (Kijevsky zapis-Kiev document) of August 16-19, 1916, the Czechoslovak nation is mentioned: The Czechs and Slovaks . . . wish to establish a united political and indivisible free Czechoslovak nation under the standard and protection of a four-power pact. Almost immediately Gustav Kosik became the prime target of the American Slovak press for having made this unilateral agreement. Cleveland's Denny Hlas asked: We would like to know who ordered our delegate to sign such a manifesto when we already have a complete and concise agreement that we are in no way working for a Czechoslovak nation but for the Czech and Slovak nations. We call attention to the fact that nowhere in the manifesto are the Slovaks mentioned. There is only the union with the Czechs. How is that? The Ndrodne Noviny observed: In the Cleveland Agreement there was talk of two nations, not of a united nation, an indivisible nation. We do not want to be hoodwinked by anyone. Our delegates in Europe were not admitted to the source of the right information by the 'b rother Czechs who are having conferences with high authorities and speak in our name while completely ignoring the cardinal points of our mutual Cleveland Agreement. We are aware of this, too, in our meetings with them. Our delegates remain outside of closed doors while inside unauthorized persons speak in our name. After a year in Europe, G. Kosik returned to America on May 13, 1917. Upon being asked whether he signed the Kiev Agreement, he answered that both he and Stefanik had signed it. Then he proceeded to explain his action as follows: �38 SLOVAKIA We have long observed in your newspapers the attacks on the point in the Kiev document, namely, that "The Czechs and Slovaks wish to develop into a united political, indivisible and free Czechoslovak nation under the standard and protection of a fourspower pact." Now, to this very day some of our radicals are disgruntled because Kosik signed that agreement. What if he did? By signing it did Stefanik and Kosik abandon anything from the Slovak program? It is necessary only to change the one word, "narod-nation," to "§tat-state" and everything will quiet down. From now on after the public announcement of the Agreement this may be re-written. Then, it was not expedient because we could not anticipate the development of present circumstances and that particular word, may I add, required hard work of both our diplomats and the Czechoslovak military forces. Kosik's explanation satisfied the majority of the American Slovaks, perhaps chiefly because it was Kosik who said it and reassured them, Kosik's reputation and personal integrity, as well as his Slovak patriotism were unquestioned. Essentially, however, there still remained the suspicion that while the Slovaks actually thought the word, "narod", was merely to be interpreted in the sense of "stat" ie., state, the Czechs really and secretly adhered to the literal meaning, ie., in fact it was to be a Czechoslovak nation, and not merely a Czechoslovak state! Dr. Stefan Osusky, the other delegate of the Slovak League, at first known to hold the line precisely to the Slovak national idea, did not return to America nor did he send any further reports to the American Slovaks who had paid his trip to Europe. In a formal sense Osusky was right. The head of the entire movement for the liberation of the Slovaks from the rule of Hungary became the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris with the agreement of the delegates of the Slovak League. Osusky made his reports to the Council and from now on followed its orders. He was no longer in the service of the Slovak League but of the Council in Paris. Milan R. Stefanik in America Freedom for the Slovaks and liberation was not possible without the destruction of Austro-Hungary. This monarchy had many influential friends not only in France, England and America but also at the imperial Czar's court in Russia. Economic conditions, as well as centuries-old diplo- �SLOVAKIA 39 matic, political, personal and family connections were on the side of retaining the empire, and it appeared that there were sufficient guarantees for its future existence after the war came to an end. Memorandas, articles and news bulletins of Czech and Slovak emigrants in opposition to this monarchial state would have remained worthless scraps of paper had not the war ended in victory over Austro-Hungary. This was the prelude to a radical turn-over of events. Only war could change an institution that had been created and buttressed by a series of wars. At the opening of the year, 1917, Russia dropped out of the war against Germany and Austro-Hungary. An internal revolution rocked the country and weakened the military resources of Russia, thereby, conveniently removing a formidable foe of Germany and the Central Powers. Accordingly, the Russians made a separate treaty with Germany. The Slovaks lost an ally upon whom they had counted on so heavily. Imperial Russia, the Czar and the army vanished as if in thin air. The Slovaks who had pinned all their hopes on this great power were suddenly disillusioned. They had never thought liberation and freedom could be won without the aid of Russia. For the moment they were stunned and did not know where to turn for much needed help in their struggle. America declared war on Germany on April 2, 1917, and began sending supplies and soldiers to the western front. This coincided with the withdrawal of Russia from the war. The balance of power was more than restored. It was now only a matter of time until one or the other side would triumph. Entry of the United States into the conflict was enthusiastically hailed by the Slovak League of America. President Wilson now replaced the fallen Czar as the Slovak nation's hope for the winning of freedom. M. R. Stefanik came to America in June, 1917, just as the U.S. began sending its military forces in strength to Europe. He came primarily to seek permission to enroll Slovak and Czech volunteers (legionaires) to fight along- �4-0 SLOVAKIA side the allies on the western front. At a meeting in New York City on September 17, 1917, he said: "Our struggle against Austria-Hungary will end only when both of our brother nations, the Czechs and Slovaks, united in an independent state will be rid of MagyarGerman rule." Stefanik succeeded in achieving his purpose of uniting the Slovaks in the final surge to victory. A group of Slovak Catholic priests who met with Stefanik at the Hotel Plaza in New York City on September 20, 1917, accepted a resolution in which they promised to work for the dissolution of Austria-Hungary and that "they would cooperate with the Slovak League, and the program of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, our supreme political institution." The Slovak League of America ceased to be "the supreme political institution for the Slovak nation", instead the national council of Masaryk, Stefanik and Benes was now the supreme political institution in Paris. And what was disastrous was the fact that its program did not include the concept of a free and individual Slovak nation but a Czechoslovak nation in a Czechoslovak state! Military Assistance and Support Incredible as it may seem, this is precisely the way the Slovak League of America came under the political control of the Czech and Slovak emigrants in Paris. Its executive power was usurped and it was exploited for conscription of volunteers and enlistments of Slovak legionaires for the Czechoslovak armed forces . Moreover, the Slovak League was used for raising funds for carrying on the international work of the council in Paris. To fight and pay the bills - that was the ultimate role of the Slovak League of America. It had been pushed aside from political leadership. American Slovaks answered the call to arms in great numbers. They willingly wanted to fight for the freedom of the Slovak nation. Milan Getting who had little faith in the resources of the Slovaks said on this occasion: Taking everything into consider ation, American Slovaks are surprising everybody by their r esponse. Our nation grasps the great im- �SLOVAKIA 41 portance of a corps of fighting men and has shown greater faith in the future destiny of the Slovaks than its leaders. So far, we have more than matched the number of Czech recruits. Each enlistment has brought in at least a half or more than half of Slovak young men ready to fight. Among these volunteers are many of our most respected and beloved young men in various Slovak communities. These are on their way to fight on the battlefields of France. In France, however, the officers' corps was limited to a very small Slovak minority. Father Slavo Moravek volunteered for military duty to serve with his fellow Slovak legionaires. Dr. Eduard Benes, the secretary of the CzechoSlovak National Council, replied from Paris : "I guess our army has no need for a priest." Slovak women in America, either in their own organizations or as members of the 'Vcielky' or 'Priadky' groups carried on a nation-wide campaign for supplies. Jano Jancek, Slovak emigrant soldier who was released from a Russian military camp, came to America and was elected Secretary of the Slovak League. He credited these women with a total amount of goods valued at more than a half-million dollars that was distributed to the armed forces overseas . Both the military and material ai_d by the Slovaks exceeded all expectations. The Million Dollar Campaign War funds were established in every Slovak organization which taxed males 10 cents and females 5 cents each month. A special committee of nine members: 3 Catholic priests, 3 Protestant ministers and 3 civilian leaders were named in the fall of 1917 to raise a million dollars for the financial support of political action in international affairs . Enthusiasm ran high: Two Catholic clergymen, Father Joseph Murgas and Father John Martvon, launched the campaign by each contributing $2,000 and Michael Bosak added his pledge of $5,000. This initial good example followed until approximately $1,000,000 was collected from Slovaks from all walks of life throughout America. This money was allocated by the Slovak League as follows (as Peter P. Jurcak, president of the Slovak League in 1946 records it in his, "The Slovaks", pp. 190-191): �SLOVAKIA 42 Year 1916 1917 1917 1918 1918 1918 1918 1919 1919 1919 1919 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1921 1921 Name Amount Czecho-Slo vak National Council in Paris . $ 5,000.00 20,000 .00 ditto in Russia .......... . ....... .. 10,000.00 . ....... .......... ditto in America 120,000.00 .. Council Nat. T. G. Masaryk, Pres. C.S. 36,000.00 Czecho-Slo vak Council in America .... . 3,184.00 Slav Press Bureau .......... ......... . 19,631.00 Expenses of delegation to Slovakia .... . 55,000.00 Dr. Eduard Benes .......... . . ....... . 5,194.00 For Magyar Counter-Pr opaganda in U.S . . 44,500.00 Czecho-Slo vak Nat. Council in America .. Dr. Vavro srobar for propagand a publi10,000.00 cations ... . . . . . . . .... . ...... . ........ . vak Czecho-Slo for Hurban Col. Vladimir 25,000.00 Legionaire s returning from Russia .. .. . Czechothe of T. G. Masaryk, President Slovak Republic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200,000.00 Dr. Alice Masaryk, for Czecho-Slo vak Red 25,000.00 Cross . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Relief sent to Czecho-Slo vakia . . . . . . . . . . 126,000.00 For print. presses, etc., for Slovak Ministry 68,000.00 5,000.00 Bratislava University . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . For counteract ing Magyar propagand a and helping secure loan for Czecho-Slo 9,500.00 vak Republic . .... . .......... ... . . . . . . .00 4,572 Aid to disabled Czecho-Slo vak Veterans . 4,000.00 For High School in Petrovec . ........ . Czecho-Slo vak National Council in Amer5,000.00 ica .......... .......... .......... .... . Total ....... ... .......... . .... . ....... . $800,911.00 It is significant to note that not one dollar was given to M. R. Stefanik! Everything went to T . G. Masaryk, to his daughter or followers, Benes and srobar. The expenses of G. Kosik's and st. Osusky's trip to Europe are not listed. Nothing is recorded as aid to Slovak prisoners of war in Russia. This and other expenses for publicity in America, the pay of employees , press, etc., must have added up to an additional tidy sum. As the war came to an end there is a marked drop-off �SLOVAKIA 43 in donations, as also seen in the above report. This was quite in evidence in the political field, too. The Pittsburgh Pact Note that the United States, which declared war on Germany in April, 1917, did not declare hostilities upon Austria-Hungary. But the Slovaks in America from 1914 on openly declared themselves hostile to a monarchy that deprived the Slovaks of their freedom in their European homeland. The moment of decision for the Slovaks was based on their convictions, not on a calculated risk, as was the case of many American Czechs who could not be persuaded to accept the possibility of the destruction of the ancient Austro-Hungarian Empire. Even after the outbreak of war between America and Germany the position of Austria-Hungary in America was not hopeless. Defenders of the old Empire had high hopes of saving it. But these hopes were somewhat dimmed by President Wilson's recommendation to Congress on December 4, 1917, to declare war on Austria-Hungary. Yet, this act did not doom the Hapsburg Empire, for there was not any plan at the time to break up the ancient imperial state. Wilson, himself, on December 4, 1917, and on January 8, 1918, in his 14 points did not recommend the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In fact, he said: "We do not wish to weaken or reorganize the Austro-Hungarian Empire." Reaction of the allied powers to Wilson's speech in January, 1918, was of a general nature. Liberation on the Slovaks and Czechs from foreign rule did not necessarily mean the disintegration of the old empire and much less the creation of a new state of Czecho-Slovakia. Declaration of war on Austria-Hungary by the U.S. changed the situation quite radically, however. Demands for the break-up of the Hapsburg empire became more insistent. Foremost among the new states proposed was Czecho-Slovakia. As the movement for liberation became more certain, the more vociferously did the adherents of Czechoslovak- �44 SLOVAKIA ism push the Slovak League into Czech clutches. Accordingly, on February 9, 1918, in Chicago representatives of the Slovaks and Czechs organized a branch of the CzechoSlovak National Council in which eight Slovaks from the Slovak League and eight Czechs from the Bohemian National Alliance were enrolled. This eventually resulted in unity of action and organization, and in effect was a virtual recognition by the Slovak League that the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris was now the supreme agency for the struggle for freedom. T. G. Masaryk had waited for this development. He immediately announced that he would come to America. In six weeks he was here to lead the Czechs and Slovaks to victory . . . a triumph of his Czechoslovak ideology of a 'Czechoslovak nation' in a united Czechoslovak state! At first Masaryk was welcomed with great enthusiasm but this was short-lived. Jednota (May 22, 1918) had these comments: This activity, as Masaryk understands it, is only for the benefit of the Czechs, with the Slovaks helping, of course. If we are fighting and working for a Greater Bohemia, we are not fighting or working for our own interests but only for the Czechs. The struggle for a Greater Czechia is not worth one Slovak cent, nor one drop of Slovak blood. We want pure wine. We want to know whether we are fighting for a Greater Czechia or for a free, self-governing Slovakia and for a free, self-governing Czechia. T . G. Masaryk was informed of this challenge. In his subsequent remarks - as a wily tactician - he directed a few inane statements for the benefit of the Slovaks. These, oddly enough, inspired the Slovak League's press bureau to hail him as 'the greatest living Slovak' and as 'our great father and leader'! Moreover, all the Slovak newspapers got into the spirit of the moment and out did each other in an outburst of superlatives, expressing their affection, loyalty and trust in the hero of the moment, Masaryk himself. Nevertheless, the bulk of the American Slovaks was not taken in by this synthetic expression of admiration for Masaryk. What he said so nicely and smoothly they wanted down on paper, black on white, so to speak. Finally, on May 30, 1918, T. G. Masaryk picked up a copy of the Cleveland Agreement, read it, took a sheet �SLOVAKIA 45 of paper and wrote down in pencil a personal draft to be proposed as an "Agreement or Contract." Masaryk's original copy, announced the press bureau of the Slovak League of America, "firmly establishes the relationship between the two branches." (Not nations, as it stood properly in the Cleveland Agreement-my comment) . "One copy of this agreement," reported the bureau, "will be forwarded to Albert Mamatej , president of the Slovak League, who will officially make it public shortly. Professor Masaryk thus has completed his mission among the Slovaks with whom he met in a conference in Pittsburgh." Thomas Masaryk's agreement written and signed by him is called the Pittsburgh Pact, therefore as of May 30, 1918. Its main articles are these : Slovakia will have its own administration, its own parliament, its own courts. Slovak will be the official language in the schools, in the administration and in public life. Did Masaryk intend to abide by the agreement when he drew it up and personally signed it? This question was intriguing until he clarified it in his book, "World Revolution-Svetova revolucia," 1925, p. 262: "I signed the agreement," writes the author, "which was an agreement between American Slovaks and American Czechs. This was done to satisfy a small Slovak faction which dreamed of God knows what kind of independent Slovakia . . . the agreement was a local one . . . among the Czechs and Slovaks of America." According to Masaryk's testimony, therefore, the agreement was not between the Slovak and Czech nations, not even between a group of Slovak and Czech representatives of their respective societies in this country, but an ordinary local expedient agreement "to satisfy a small Slovak faction." Obviously, it was never meant to be considered in the planning of the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak state either by Masaryk or the Czechs themselves. Masaryk brushed aside the Slovaks rudely by this action, broke his word of honor and proclaimed his signature genuine but worthless, and in the same work (World Revolution-Svetova revolucia, 1925, page 105) he discounted the financial aid of the Slovaks as insignificant: �46 SLOVAKIA While I was in Russia. Dr. Benes received money in Paris. I estimate the amount at about $300,000. The cost of our activity did not reach the sum of a million Dollars. The money came from Czech sources. During the war Slovak contributions were very small. As president, after the war I received $200,000 but in this was included money from my personal American friends. What these 'very small' contributions actually were we have noted above in Jurcak's official report, as contained in his book, "The Slovaks". The fact is they were not 'very small' and the payment each time in sums of several hundred thousands dollars during and after the war to Masaryk directly or indirectly ( to the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris) were ear-marked from the Slovaks in America, and not from the Czechs. Masaryk's career as a statesman and his enduring fame would have been crowned by an aura of glory instead of being clouded by suspicion and disillusionment had he, as a man of honor, kept his word and publicly recognized the genuine contributions of the American Slovaks to the building of the Czecho-Slovak state. Delegates of the Slovak League in Slovakia Czecho-Slovakia as a free and independent republic was not proclaimed by the National Council in Paris but in the United States, and that by its branch, the CzechoSlovak National Council in America. It was on October 18, 1918, in Washington, D.C. in the form of a proclamation by Thomas G. Masaryk, provisional president, and for Dr. Milan R. Stefanik, minister of national defense, and Dr. Eduard Benes, minister of internal and foreign affairs. Neither Stefanik nor Benes were present but Masaryk signed for them by proxy. Thomas G. Masaryk compiled the proclamation but, as he writes later, he first submitted it to the scrutiny of American legal advisers. Then he presented a handwritten document to the State Department and the White House. "I presented the proclamation to the Secretary of State, Lansing, so that I would be assured of the approval of the American government," Masaryk explained in his memoirs. Official reference to the Slovaks in this historical document was unfortunate. indeed. He wrote: "The rights �SLOVAKIA 47 of the Czechs may be united with their Slovak brethren in Slovakia, once a part of our (Czech) state .. ." In effect, this meant that Slovakia was being re-united with the Czech state to which it had at one time been united as r. part of a whole. Not historically true at all. An agreement between the Czechs and Slovaks had been made as a 50-50 proposition but Masaryk ignored it completely. The new state was to be organized on his own terms. The Slovaks understood their fight was for their freedom but now Masaryk was saying they were shedding their blood for the right of the Czechs to rule the Slovaks. In one official declaration Masaryk had erased the rights of the Slovaks to their national freedom, the right of selfdetermination of the Slovak nation, the right to a federal union of states ( Slovakia and Bohemia in Czecho-Slovakia, a united state), the right to a Slovak law-making body in the Slovak capital, the right to Slovak schools and courts, the right to a Slovak political administration. ~tefanik was understandably displeased with the proclamation to which Masaryk appended his name by proxy. In his book, "My Role in the Czecho-Slovak Fiiht for Freedom," General Janin, who was in Russia with ~tefanik at the time, writes: Stefanik was greatly disturbed, he was indignant that the proclamation had been made under his name when he was not even informed of its contents. He showed me a long telegram addressed to Masaryk and Benes concerning the proclamation of October 18, 1918. Meanwhile, T . G. Masaryk after agreement with Benes and Kramat ( who was in Switzerland) became provisional president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. As such, he signed the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement on November 18, 1918, which Albert Mamatej presented to him for his signature before Masaryk returned to Paris. In his farewell message, Masaryk said: "America will have a place of honor in the history of the liberation movement in behalf of Czecho-Slovakia." Unfortunately, we have already seen above what 'place of honor' Masaryk reserved for the American Slovaks who did so much meritorious work in the struggle, but received little credit for it. Masaryk left the U.S. as provisional president of the �SLOVAKIA proposed Czecho-Slovak Republic.. Soon afterwards reports from Slovakia came to America. American Slovaks were very much disturbed by the reports coming from post-war Slovakia. Slovak Catholic priests were especially aroused by news of Czech indignities against religion in Slovakia. They grasped now in what spirit the international policy of the Czecho-Slovak National Council had been inspired and they sensed what grave consequences it had brought in the Slovaks' homeland. Rev. Jan Liscinsky characterized the entire situation: "The Slovaks freed themselves from Magyar oppression only to be enslaved under a Czech banner." Father Dianiska, after studying the post-war situation carefully, wrote that srobar selected only as associates and delegates who had been educated and trained in Praha, hence the entire personnel was Czechophile and uncertain in matters of religion. Dr. Dianiska concluded rightfully that 'a period of misfortune was in store for the Slovak nation, both politically and religiously.' First-hand information was necessary. Accordingly, the Slovak League hastened to send a number of observers to Slovakia. A five-man delegation was designated, namely, Jozef Rusek, Dr. M. Francisci, Edo Kovach, M. Getting and J. Matloch. They left America on March 7, 1919, and Rev. Pavol Siska, a representative of the Jednota (First Catholic Slovak Union) accompanied them. Later Ignac Gessay joined the delegation. The mission was to investigate conditions and report to their Slovak League colleagues and the American Slovaks who had subscribed to the Pittsburgh Agreement, a photostatic copy of which they carried to 'liberated Slovakia.' Immediately upon their arrival in Slovakia in the spring of 1919, they sensed that the Slovak nation was in the thick of a struggle for its rights. But there was much confusion and they, too, were confused by the swift rush of events. The longer they stayed, however, the clearer insight they got into the real situation. Nevertheless, even Jozef Rusek was baffled for a time so that he leaned towards the corps of slick-talking Czechoslovak politicians who assured him they were doing the right thing for Slovakia! �SLOVAKIA 49 At the Scranton (Pa.) Congress of the Slovak League on May 29, 1919, Husek reported: The government people in Bratislava oppose autonomy, they favor instead a central parliament, a central government and they hold that the Czechs and Slovaks constitute one nation, the Slovak language being only a Czech dialect! Autonomy would prevent a lingiustic union with the Czechs. That is why we were not well received in Bratislava, nor was our Pittsburgh Agreement agreeable to them. We were received with joy in Ruzomberok, Hlinka's kingdom. So was our Pittsburgh document. Some of Hlinka's views I do not like, particularly his vociferous agitation against Dr. Srobar, a minister. And it is a fact that Magyar renegades are filtering into Hlinka's party. The Magyars praise Hlinka as a fine man because he demands autonomy for Slovakia, and because he is in opposition to the Czechs. Some of Husek's observations were true to the facts. It is true that Hlinka stood firmly behind the demand for autonomy for an independent Slovak nation while srobar advocated Czechoslovakism, amalgamation with the Czechs. srobar was against the Pittsburgh Agreement, Hlinka was for it. Husek was wrong, however, in claiming that Magyar elements joined Hlinka's party exclusively. As a matter of record, the 1920 parliamentary elections proved that the majority of Magyars were in parties led by Ivan Derer and srobar. This was acclaimed as a virtue if the 'mad'ar6ni' (Magyar sympathizers) belonged to their political parties, but a vice if they returned as prodigal sons to Hlinka's party. What policy did Husek advocate as a policy for the Slovak League of America? The less we speak of autonomy, the better for Slovakia and the new republic at this time. There is no need to be fearful. Autonomy will not vanish in thin air. To declare opposition now would be aiding the Magyar cause. When Slovakia becomes of age, it will take what rightfully belongs to it. And autonomy belongs by natural right to Siovakia. A reasonable statement of policy. Self-government or autonomy would not disappear. Slovakia would get it sometime in the future ... and it did, but only after a bitter struggle that lasted a full score years (1919-1938) ! Why, then, was it necessary to get the Slovaks to agree on a 50-50 proposition with the Czechs in the first place? What good were the Memorandum, the Cleveland Agreement and the Pittsburgh Pact? For what purpose did so many American Slovaks pour out their lifeblood on the �50 SLOVAKIA battlefield of France? Why was it necessary for the Slovak nation to carry on a 20-yr. struggle for the incorporation of the principles of the Pittsburgh Pact into the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia when the American Slovaks could have readily put it into the Constitution, and even into the peace treaty as did the American Ruthenians ( Carpathian Rusins) under the leadership of zatkovic? And the Ruthenians were far from being as politically mature or developed as the Slovaks. From the very beginning the Slovak struggle abroad might well have been successfully completed if the American Slovaks had been allowed to incorporate their principles in the Constitution so that the Slovak nation would have had a constitutional right to self-rule in its own autonomous state, and their needless fight for autonomy would have been avoided. Moreover, there would have been an international basis and guarantee for their just rights, and the Slovak people would have had self-rule in their historic homeland. If American Slovaks had intervened in Washington and later had presented their case to the American delegation at the peace conference in Paris, it is certain that the right of the Slovaks to autonomy in Slovakia would have been seriously considered and debated as an international problem, and the outcome would surely have been the same as that of the Rusins whose demand for autonomy was officially registered in the Peace Treaty of St. Germaine, on September 10, 1919. But foes of Slovak freedom and Hlinka's party saw to it that every possible means was used to divide the Slovak League and Andrej Hlinka. Gradually the Slovak League began leaning to the view that Hlinka's fight in behalf of the Pittsburgh Pact was a cover-up for his personal feud with Srobar. It was becoming more and more apparent that strong pressure of Czechoslovak groups both in Slovakia and America was being applied to the Slovak League. Matters involved in this struggle became even more confusing when Milan Getting, a Slovak League delegate in Bratislava, persuaded the organization to finance a propaganda or press bureau in Bratislava to the tune of �SLOVAKIA 51 $68,000. srobar managed to buy a printing establishment in the Slovak capital for these funds and happily set up a propaganda center to fight Hlinka and oppose all autonomists in the country. Assuredly, this development did not bring Andrej Hlinka and the Slovak League of America to any mutual understanding or a friendly relationship. Andrej Hlinka's Delegates in America In memoirs, Z<ipisky z Mirova, Bratislava, 1941, Andrej Hlinka is quoted on page 31: I know the Slovak people, for I am one of their sons. All my life I have kept my finger on the Slovak nation's pulse. I have heard every beat of the Slovak heart. I aroused the Slovak people to action and I gave them hope. I sowed an idea in their minds. The people accepted all of my ideas but they did not relish the Czechoslovak idea of brotherhood. I did not sleep or rest. The idea troubled me. But for the sake of preserving the Slovak nation, I argued, I must give the people this bitter pill, yet in a sugar-coated form . It is better to live with somebody, I assured my troubled conscience, than to die alone. The people found it hard to swallow the bitter pill. Their natural instincts rebelled against it. It seems these were much wiser and stronger than my way of thinking. And so I find myself regretting a blunder committed against the primitive natural instincts of my own people. All I can pray and hope for is the chance to correct this grave error and redeem myself. If I fail in this, I feel certain the people will forgive me and will not hold it against me. A year ago I sinned because I was not sufficiently cautious or zealous enough in the struggle for the Slovak nation's right to liberty. I failed the people in a historical moment in the midst of my struggle ti) which I have devoted almost a lifetime of energy and sacrifice. First, I faltered because I went to Martin on October 30, 1918. Had I not gone there that day, I would not be conscience-stricken today. (This Hlinka wrote while held in prison by the Czechs in Mirov, October 16, 1919). Mistakes are made, even in politics. What is important is to realize one's erring ways and correct them in time. Andrej Hlinka, therefore, went to repair the damage by setting out for the peace conference in Paris during the month of August, 1919. His intention was to incorporate a guarantee of the Slovak nation's right to autonomy in the peace treaty. Hlinka's journey to Paris was in vain. The Slovak leader's venture would have been successful, perhaps, had the Slovak delegation joined him and �52 SLOVAKIA through the American representatives in Paris presented Hlinka's request at the peace conference. Paris was the logical place for the fusion of Hlinka's domestic program with the Slovak League's proposals and the official presentation of the united program at the Peace Conference. Instead, Andrej Hlinka, armed only with the Memorandum, and alone, sought entry to the Peace parley in Paris. This was not a vain gesture of an obscure adventurer seeking cheap publicity. There was history behind him. He was a prominent Slovak political leader at 55, his was a distinguished record as a patriotic leader with three years of prison because of his defense of the Slovak nation. The cernova affair that had taken the lives of 15 of his fellow countrymen was known all over the world. Thousands of articles in Slovak periodicals at home and in America alone made him famous. As founder of many societies and organizations he was a popular figure at home . . . and in the background he had the good will of eminent Polish leaders who were sympathetic to the Slovak cause. In Slovak history it remains a sad and regrettable fact that Hlinka and the Slovak League delegation did not join forces in Paris. They lacked mutual understanding of each other personally. This was the cockle that had been sown by Derer and srobar. The Slovak League confined its activity to writing memoranda for the Prague government. Here on October 24, 1919, its representatives did, however, express the desire for the gradual introduction of autonomy in Slovakia "according to the circumstances and possibilities," and they requested further "a guarantee for the incorporation of self-government into the basic state laws, namely, in the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia, and along the lines drawn up in the Agreement between Masaryk and ourselves." In reality it was merely a paper request. Moreover, it was presented as a plea with the added proviso, "self-government need not be established or introduced immediately, there is no urgency for such action, however." Neither srobar nor his Czechoslovak associates paid any attention to so woefully weak a request. To achieve results at the time it was absolutely neces- �SLOVAKIA 53 sary for the personal appearance of Andrej Hlinka at the Paris Conference, but with the full backing of the moral and material resources of the Slovaks at home and abroad on the solid platform of Slovak autonomy. The time for mere Memoranda had passed. The time for dynamic action had arrived. Unfortunately, Andrej Hlinka found himself alone in Paris. He knew he had no official support, but somehow he kept faith and hoped for a miracle in the impending crisis. No miracle occured to save the situation. Hlinka, disappointed and defeated, returned home where he was immediately arrested and taken to prison by the Czechs because he had dared to go to Paris to re• present the Slovak nation personally. But he had not for. gotten the American Slovaks. While still in Paris, he dis• patched two emissaries to America, namely, Dr. Jozef Rudinsky and Jozef Kubala. Passports and visas for these two men were given by the Poles who had previously furnished Hlinka with a Polish passport to go to Paris. Precisely on October 13, 1919, when Hlinka was seized and taken to the Mirov prison by his Czech captors, the emissaries (Father Rudinsky and Kubala) arrived in America. On October 24, 1919, they addressed an extraordinary meeting of the executive council of the Slovak League in Pittsburgh, Pa. Dr. Jozef Rudinsky visualized clearly the aim of Slovak policy as the gradual realization of the Slovak nation's natural rights as guaranteed by the Pittsburgh Pact. The minutes of this special session reveal what Rudinsky said of Hlinka's party, namely, that 'the party wanted a gradual introduction of self-rule but demanded that this autonomy, ie., the agreement, be registered immediately in Paris.' After a long discussion at this executive meeting, nothing definite was decided upon. The Slovak League was still overshadowed by the Rusek report, ie., too much emphasis on autonomy at the time would only profit the Magyar side . This was contrary to the mission of Hlinka's emissaries who had been sent to America for the primary purpose of winning the American Slovaks to Andrej Hlinka and his party's policy of concentrating all their efforts on �54 SLOVAKIA winning autonomy as soon as possible, or at least have the guarantee approved and registered at the Peace Conference in Paris. Outcome of the meetings and subsequent conferences was the 'Statement and Public Testimony of the Slovak League' in which the League's spokesmen explained their negative stand in regards to the delegates sent to them by Andrej Hlinka. Three reasons were given for their attitude: 1) The delegates had sounded a discordant note in the existing harmony betw~en the Czechs and Slovaks abroad, as well as at home, by their publicized views. 2) They lacked a Czecho-Slovak passport; they had passports furnished by the Polish government in Paris. 3) Andrej Hlinka, the head of the Slovak People's Party (Slovenska 13udova Strana) had gone to Paris with a Polish passport and visa, not one from Czecho-Slovakia. Misunderstanding only widened the gulf between the real fighters for the Pittsburgh Pact: Hlinka's party in Slovakia and the Slovak League in America. This served only one purpose, ie., the prolonging of the struggle by 20 years until the common goal of Slovak freedom and selfrule was reached in 1938. Intervention i n behalf of the Pittsburgh Pact in vain Despite the manifest refusal to Andrej Hlinka's invitation to join him and the Slovak People's Party in the struggle for autonomy ( the Slovak League's brain-child) the Slovak League could not renounce the Pittsburgh Pact. Though publicly disavowing collaboration with Andrej Hlinka, the League on its own initiative began taking steps to put the Pittsburgh Agreement into actual practice in Slovakia. This gesture, though somewhat shaky and lacking the early confidence that had been solidly based on conviction, was made in the right direction, however. As late as 1919 a branch of the Czecho-Slovak National Council was still operating in America. On November 7, 1919, it announced that "the approved representatives of the American Slovaks requested that the Pittsburgh Agreement be considered for incorporation by the National �SLOVAKIA 55 Assembly in the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." Armed with this request and with a resolution of the Slovak League in his pocket, Albert Mamatej, the president of the Slovak League, went to Czecho-Slovakia. He presented the Pittsburgh Agreement to srobar and Hodza, both of whom declared it was both bad and unnecessary. Milan Hodza openly stated: "Slovak autonomy - that is the motto of Magyar politicians. Slovak autonomy - that is the motto of Polish politicias. And that for us is a significant warning." That autonomy for Slovakia was the fulfillment of Slovak aspirations in America, as well as a good motto, and that the same program inspired Hlinka's policy in Slovakia designed for the Slovak nation's destiny as a selfgoverning state, did not occur either to Mamatej or his Slovak associates. srobar and Hodza simply refused to take cognizance of this reality. Mamatej returned to America with the resolution of srobar and Hodza, rejecting autonomy for Slovakia. He also brought the declaration of the Slovak representatives (Srobar's) at the Revolutionary National Assembly in Prague. They declared on February 6, 1920: "Autonomy would place an enormous financial burden on the Slovak nation but everything that is essentially in the Pittsburgh Agreement has been incorporated into the Constitution except a separate parliament, which under present circumstances, would be detrimental to Slovakia." Albert Mamatej was taken in. He believed all this and acted accordingly. Hence, he recommended what he was told in Praha, ie., the best future for the Slovak nation was to accept the status of 'Czechoslovakism' as part of a train pulled on the Czech main track and run by a Czech engineer . . . of course, the fireman was naturally a Slovak .. . and this, explained Mamatej naively, was in full accord with the Pittsburgh Pact! On the otherhand, it seemed that Mamatej feared that the Pittsburgh Pact would be exploited by the Magyars or Poles, nor did he have trust in the Czechoslovak group of �56 SLOVAKIA the Slovak ongm in Prague. Therefore, he felt that the Agreement was to be entrusted to Andrej Hlinka although the Slovak leader was still in prison at Mirov in Moravia. Ultimately, the Pittsburgh Agreement was to be incorporated in the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Such was the assurance given Mamatej by the Prague politicians. Yet, when the Constitution was approved by the national assembly on February 29, 1920, there was no reference to Slovak autonomy or self-government in Slovakia, and there was .no distinction made on the question of the 'Individuality of the Slovak nation'! To offset the success of the mission of Dr. Rudinsky and Kubala in America, the Prague government hastily sent its agents to this country. Rev. Ladislav Moys and Jan Pocisk, a Social Democratic leader, arrived in America on March 2, 1920. Father Liscinsky declared frankly that Father Moys, an old Slovak but totally unqualified in the game of political legerdemain, was 'a disgrace to the Slovak Catholics.' Moys' first report to his masters in Prague was that aside from a small faction, American Slovaks were "anti-autonomistic." . This statement was labelled publicly by the · Slovak Catholic Federation as a fabrication and a fable. The executive committee of the federation on October 12, 1920, made this declaration: We resent Rev. Moys' insinuation with abhorrence, and we reassure our brethren beneath the Tatras in Slovakia that American Slovaks now more than ever before adhere to the Pittsburgh Agreement because during the visit of Rev. Moys and Mr. Pocisk they had ample opportunity to become convinced that the foes of this documentary agreement consider every reasonable basis for mutual understanding presented by the Slovaks as useless. Unfortunately, Albert Mamatej, having been named a consul of Czecho-Slovakia in Pittsburgh, joined the Czechoslovak camp. In his letters, addressed to his chief, Benes in Prague, who was minister of foreign affairs, Mamatej attacked autonomism and its adherents and turned against the ideals he had represented so ably and so well during the war. He died suddenly, disillusioned and alone. His widow and three children received a monthly pension of $15.00 . Thus did Prague value a man who had �SLOVAKIA 57 carried out its wishes and had performed services contrary to his personal convictions and his fine wartime record in behalf of the Slovak cause of freedom. Mamatej, president of the Slovak League, was dead. But the ideal which had been the essence of Slovak political policy at home and in America was very much alive. Alongside the Slovak Catholic Federation the idea of an autonomous Slovakia took hold once again in the Slovak League of America, which after Mamatej's demise was directed by prominent American Slovaks who gave it the leadership it deserved. Wh~ the presidents were unable to devote full time to the Slovak League, it was that gallant secretary, Jan Kocur, who performed all necessary tasks with devotion and ability and kept the embers glowing in the old glorious tradition of self-government or autonomy for Slovakia. Andrej Blinka in America Slovak life in America slowly began losing its onetime vitality and ardor. It always happens that way ... in the lives of individuals and in the history of organizations. There is a time of development and progress followed by eclipse and eventual decline. Circumstances were unfavorable and decline was inevitable. Slovak daily newspapers in America suffered a sudden recession while many periodicals simply vanished. Old workers grew old or died, and aid from the old country was cut off as the energy of the Slovaks was directed to the defense of the Slovak nation's right to national survival. American Slovaks were in need of moral support at this time, for the new generation, though often possessing the Slovak spirit of its forebears, discovered it was far easier and more advantageous to speak English rather than the Slovak language of their parents. Nonetheless, even under increasing unfavorable circumstances, there were frequent instances of an unusual vital interest in the Slovak League and in the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom in its historic homeland. �58 SLOVAKIA By far, the majority of American Slovaks remained staunchly loyal to their ancient heritage and their ideals as expressed in the Pittsburgh Agreement to which they manifestly showed a deep attachment. A Committee of Friends of Slovak Freedom sprang up to keep alive the spirit of dedication to the Slovak cause. Contributions, moral, financial and cultural, of existing organizations throughout America did not cease completely. Undoubtedly the great event of this era in the midtwenties was the visit of Andrej Hlinka to America. The occasion was the Eucharistic Congress in Chicago. The heroic warrior came accompanied by Dr. Jozef Buday on June 5, 1926, and his visit lasted until October 13, ... a four months' stay among his fellow countrymen in America. Hlinka came to America in answer to the invitation of the Committee of Friends of Slovak Freedom, headed by .Jozef Husek, and the Slovak League, whose president was Ivan Bielek. Anticipated with great joy throughout America where Slovaks lived, Hlinka's visit was heralded by Jozef Husek's letter of April 25, 1926, assuring the Slovak leader of a warm welcome: You will not run into any trouble here, as there is only a handful of Czechoslovaks here and they are incapable of organizing any serious protest meeting. I personally guarantee your visit will be a great success. The people idolize you and your visit will fulfill their great desire to see you personally and welcome you. Ivan Bielek, president of the Slovak League, wrote in the American press that Hlinka was invited everywhere for a Sunday appearance. "Consider," reported Bielek, "that to date we have a total of 136 requests for a Sunday date. This means if we want to satisfy everyone, our distinguished guest, Andrej Hlinka, will have to remain here with us for more than two years ." Overflow crowds welcomed Andrej Hlinka and listened avidly to his addresses from the Atlantic to the midwest throughout the summer on weekends. In his final farewell to his fellow Slovak countrymen �SLOVAKIA 59 in America on October 11, 1926, Hlinka made this public statement: You received me as a national hero. I do not deserve this great honor. But if I have not as yet attained that eminent status, your affection and generosity have insipired me to aspire to rise to such noble stature. I am leaving you. I bid you farewell but not in tears or sorrow. Your success and happiness here fill me with national pride. I take with me your message in the words of the immortal Furdek: "O, thou blue Tatra . .. We, your children, have wandered far from thee. Weep not! Your clan even beyond the great ocean remains loyal to thee." God bless you, God keep you, God strengthen you. Do not forget that your cradle stood beneaith the Tatras, your beloved Motherland, our sorely-tried and suffering Slovakia. Goodbye my Slovak nation . . . Goodbye my fellow Slovak countrymen in America. The Slovak League Delegation in Slovakia Autonomy Achieved There had been a number of smaller or larger delegations sent from America to Slovakia and vice versa_ Among these were those sent by the Spolok sv. Vojtecha from Trnava and the Matica Slovenska from Turciansky Sv. Martin. Neither was the occasion for a mutual cultural exchange. The American Slovaks were on the receiving end on both occasions, they were passive recipients. They received a large number of Slovak works in literature, in return they were able to offer some two or three of their own books. Consequently, Slovak books from Slovakia found a ready market in America. But there were political delegations from America. One of these came to Trencin to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the Pittsburgh Ag-reement. It joined Hlinka for the celebration. Perhaps the most important visit to America in 1937 was that of the Spolok sv. Vojtecha (among the delegates was Msgr. Jozef Tiso) that followed the earlier visit of a Matica Slovenska delegation. Of supreme importance politically was the visit of the Slovak League delegation to Slovakia in May, 1938. Members comprising the group were Dr. Peter P. Hletko, president, Josef Husek, one of the original signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, Dominik Sloboda, Michal Sincak and Rev. Jozef Rolik. The delegation brought with it the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement to the celebration which �60 SLOVAKIA was held on June 4, 1938, in commemoration of the 20th anniversary of the signing of the historic document in Pittsburgh, Pa. (May 30, 1918). As a symbolic act the first official visit of the Slovak League delegation in Czecho-Slovakia was to Andrej Hlinka ... symbolic in the sense of the mutual unity of ideals and purpose between the American Slovaks and their fellow countrymen in Slovakia. The Slovak League delegation, therefore, did not present itself with the Pittsburgh Agreement to its Slovak and Czech opponents in Bratislava or Prague, but went directly first to its great friend, champion and foremost associate, Andrej Hlinka, in Ruzomberok. This deliberate act manifestly emphasized the unity of thought and purpose of the Slovaks at home and in America. Thus, as the First Slovak League delegation which had brought the Pittsburgh Agreement to Czecho-Slovakia at the birth of that republic, so now, it was the last Slovak League delegation that had come with the self-same historic document at the eleventh hour to persuade the leaders of the Czecho-Slovak Republic to accept and put into practical operation the principles enunciated in the Pittsburgh Agreement. In vain had been the attempt of the first Slovak League delegation, and even more of a failure was the coming of the Slovak League delegation from America as far as the centralists in Prague or Bratislava were concerned. Though the Republic was threatened by foreign powers on every side, these stubbornly refused to accept the Pittsburgh Agreement as the basis for a mutual understanding between the Slovaks and the Czechs. At least this situation set the stage for the fulfillment of Husek's prophecy uttered at a meeting of the Slovak League in America upon his return from Slovakia in May, 1919: No need to be afraid. Autonomy will not run away. When Slovakia will grow up to maturity, it will take what rightfully belongs to the Slovak nation ... and autonomy belongs to it! As a matter of fact, autonomy did not run away in those 20 years. How could it? Andrej Hlinka had held it �SLOVAKIA 61 firmly in his noble and strong hands. It was his blood and his whole life. Hlinka, whom Martin Razus, a Protestant poet, patriot and clergyman, joined, made Slovakia his country. Hlinka and Razus in mind and heart by their work, industry and devotion nourished the spirit of Slovakia so that it grew out of its infancy, became strong and reached maturity. Prematurely, Martin Razus died in 1937; and Andrej Hlinka followed , though at the age of 74, in 1938, less than t wo months before Slovakia in October really took unto herself what had always been hers by natural right, and guaranteed by the Pittsburgh Agreement in 1918. The glorious day of self-government, or autonomy, for the Slovak nation dawned in the early fall of 1938 but neither was present to celebrate this long-awaited victory and hardwon triumph inside the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Hlinka died on August 15, 1938; and a member of the Slovak League delegation, Dominik Slaboda, bade farewell to the reverend warrior at his grave . Slaboda took up a handful of Slovak earth from Hlinka's graveside and carried it to America as a memento of the great Slovak leader and fighter for the sacred principles of the Pittsburgh Pact. Slovakia seised autonomy because in the year, 1938, it had grown out of childhood into adulthood, and autonomy rightfully belonged to her as a natural right. No one can deny that it was truly a crime to be attributed to the Czech, the Slovak, and Czechoslovak opponents of the Pittsburgh Pact that they blocked the incorporation of the articles of self-government for Slovakia in the Constitution of the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia until Martin Razus and Andrej Hlinka passed on into eternity. Upon opening page 1,161 of the 1938 annual "Sbirky zakonu a natizeni statu Cesko-Slovenskeh o" ( Collection of the laws and regulations of the Czecho-Slovak State) I read: Constitutional L aw of November 22, 1938 on the Autonomy for Slovakia The National Assembly on the premise that the Czecho-Slovak Republic was form ed on the basis of the agreement of the sovereign �62 SLOVAKIA will of two equal nations, that in the Pittsburgh Agreement the Slovak nation was promised complete autonomy, and motivated by the desire to bring the Slovak and Czech nations into a friendly relationship in the spirit of the 2ilina Agreement, approves the following law: (Then follow several paragraphs of this Constitutional Law) Paragraph after paragraph follow, the same as weeks and months and days, and years, that were spent in a prolonged, self-sacrificing struggle for the recognition of the Pittsburgh Pact so that finally, the words, "Pittsburghska dohoda," might be inserted in the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic! And the word, 'Autonomy,' became an actual fact: The word became flesh! Appreciation is due to the Slovak League of America for creating the Pittsburgh Pact and thanks to its staunch defender, Andrej Hlinka, who together with the Slovak League saw eye to eye in the matter so that eventually the Slovak nation was granted what was a natural right from the very beginning of time. As a final happy conclusion to a mutual understanding and a united effort in the struggle for the Slovak nation's freedom and self-government, the outcome was a triumph that marked a new phase in the history of the Slovak people in central Europe. The Slovak nation emerged victoriously as a self-governing, united people whose national destiny in the heart of Europe was assured because the Slovaks in their homeland and abroad had been willing to make sacrifices for their ideals, had cooperated with their leaders and had persevered in the struggle until final victory. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA represents an overwhelming majority of organized Americans of Slovak descent; actively affiliated with it are the largest Slovak fraternals, religious organizations, Slovak Clubs and Slovak civic organizations in the United States. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 29 THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AND THE SLOVAK NATION'S STRUGGLE FOR AUTONOMY By Karoi Sidor I have selected the quarter of a century of history of the Slovak League of America (1914-1939 ) as my topic for r eview and analysis in order to show its influence on the future destiny of the Slovak nation in its historic homeland. My work " Slovaci v zahranicnom odboji" (The Slovaks ±n the Struggle Abroad ), 264 pp., which was published in 1928 in Bratislava, serves me well in the present instance. My book, as I noted in the preface, proves that liberation of the Slovak nation from Magyar rule was not the work of the Czechs, nor was it a gift from them, but the main work in Slovakia's liberation in the first World War ( 19141918 ) was accomplished by the Slovaks under the auspices of the Slovak League of America. "It is impossible to evaluate the participation of the Slovaks in the fight for freedom in Czecho-Slovakia", I wrote in the preface, " without delving into the history of the Slovak League of America. During the war the Slovak League influenced the great majority of our emigrant Slovaks in America through membership, and its influence extended to other parts of the world wherever Slovaks had settled. For that reason I chose this title for my book to include all emigrant Slovaks instead of limiting it to t he Slovaks in America and their role in our fight for freedom. Nonetheless, it was the American Slovaks who were actually our liberators - without their assistance the claim that others gave the Slovak nation freedom on a silver platter would have been well founded on reality." The Slovaks in America were the real liberators of their fellow countrymen from Magyar oppression in their homeland beneath the Tatras. They formulated the modern political program for their fellow Slovaks in Cleveland (1915 ) and later in Pittsburgh (1918 ) . For two decades after World War I the Slovaks struggled for recognition of this program drawn up in America and they ultimately won their struggle with the moral and financial help of 30 SLOVAKIA the American Slovaks in 1938. Slovakia finally had its own parliament, its own government, courts, and schools. This phase of Slovak political activity is a bright chapter in the Slovak nation's history, and all those who were engaged in the movement, either directly or indirectly, are fortunate indeed to have been a part of the nationwide struggle for liberty. Memorandum of 1914-1915 No Slovak can remain unmoved as he reads the 'Slovak League Memorandum in behalf of the Slovaks of Hungary 1914-1915' in the name of the American Slovaks. It is truly an amazing political document which shows the vision, foresight and profound thinking of its authors. It placed the Slovak cause in the forefront of world politics and progress. Essentially, this historic memorandum demands "complete self-government and free self-determination in the political field , as well as in the cultural and economic spheres, with the Slovak nation as a legal and equal partner among all nations of the world." These identical ideas were adopted somewhat later in the official documents and statements of world statesmen who determined the destiny of the countries of the world. It is thrilling for us Slovaks to realize that fully three years elapsed before the ideas of self-determination, equality of nations, the right to self-government (as enunciated originally in this Slovak Memorandum) were at last accepted and repeated by world diplomats and statesmen until they became integral parts of a new political world order after World War I. Note the timing of the Slovak Memorandum. World War I had just begun and the roar of guns on the western and eastern fronts signalled initial German and AustroHungarian victories. There was not as yet an organized liberating force among the American Slovaks. America was flooded with favorable German propaganda, and it even penetrated into official circles. But the 'word' was already out at the outset of World War I. The Slovak statement "the right of self-determination for nations" was destined to play an important role in SLOVAKIA 31 the development of the idea and its official expression in America. In full support of this 'word' (self-determination) the organized strength of the American Slovaks was arrayed behind the unified leadership of the Slovak League of America. All the Slovak organizations, both Catholic and nonCatholic, followed the lead of the Slovak League. All periodicals, weeklies and monthlies, were at its service and willingly propagated the 'word' and greatly influenced public opinion throughout the country. Rev. Anton Filkorn, a Catholic priest, was the president and Ivan Daxner, a prominent Lutheran member of the Slovak dynasty of national leaders, was the secretary of the Slovak League at this time. Six Slovak dailies currently indicate how vigorous and dynamic was Slovak Life in America. In Slovakia there was not one daily in 1914 or 1915. (In Budapest, however, the Hungarian government subsidized the Slovenske Noviny for its own propaganda purposes). In New York City the Slovdlc v Amerike daily was directed by an impressive editorial staff of Orbach, stiasny, Baran and Molitoris, in Chicago the Ndrodny Slovensky Dennik was in the capable hands of Editor Marsal-Petrovsky, Krizan, Laucik and Bzduch, in Pittsburgh the Ndrodny Dennik was edited by P . Kompis, Ignac Gessay and Jan culen were the editors of the Newyorksky Slovensky Dennik, Jan Kadlecik edited the Slovensky Dennik, while J. E. Chudatsik and Grigl'ak were at the helm of the Eudovy Dennik, the sixth Slovak Daily in America. These half-dozen Slovak dailies and a host of weeklies, particularly, the Jednota, the Ndrodne Noviny, Katolicky Sokol, Bratstvo, Slovenskd Obrana and many monthly publications kept the Slovaks in America well informed about political developments and helped to unite them around the central idea of the right to self-determination of the Slovak nation Jiving beneath the Tatras - in actual fact these were the spokesmen for the Slovak people who were silenced in their own native land. Only two Slovaks represented their nation in the Hungarian parliament at Budapest: Dr. Ferko Skycak, who had 32 SLOVAKIA been elected in his native Bobrov (Orava district), surrendered his mandate on the eve of World War I to Baron Ghillany, a Magyar. Dr. Ferdis Juriga and Dr. Pavol Blaha, however, courageously kept their seats in the Magyar diet in the capital city of Hungary, Budapest. It was perfectly clear that the Slovaks inside Hungary could not decide their future political destiny. Under such circumstances, it is evident that American Slovaks, well organized and having reached high political status in world opinion, must of necessity assume the responsibility of making their ideas of political liberty a reality. Albert Mamatej succeeded Father Filkorn as president of the Slovak League at the end of 1914. There were no changes, however, in the political ideology of the Slovak League . In December, 1914, Mamatej wrote to the Czechs in Paris : We seek self-government for Slovakia not as an individual state, but as a political administrati \'e unit without regards to what greater state is created provided it is assigned to it as a co-partner at the council table of diplomats and statesmen. Emphasis is unquestionably on the status of self-government for Slovakia as 'a special and integral part of an administrative whole' leaving to future developments ostensibly the unsolved questions of both what type and to what state-creation Slovakia would be attached in the immediate future. The Cleveland Agreement Later it became increasingly imperative that Mamatej's "zvlastny administrativno-politicky celok" (a special administrative-political whole ) be spelled out in detail. This was fully and clearly set forth in the Cleveland Agreement. This mutual agreement was made between the Czech National Alliance in America which represented the American Czechs and the Slovak League of America as the representative of the American Slovaks in political affairs. According to the testimony of Emanuel Vos, one of the Czech representatives said at the memorable meeting: "The text of this agreement is known to Professor Masaryk, president of the national council, and he agrees with it." SLOVAKIA 33 Masaryk at that very moment represented the entire Czech emigration in Europe, even though the Allied powers did not recognize him as such. What was, in substance, the agreement between the American Slovaks and Czechs and the Czechs in Europe headed by T. G. Masaryk? On two points the two groups agreed as registered in the Cleveland Agreement of October 25, 1915: 1) Self-government of Czech lands and Slovakia. 2) Union of Czech and Slovak nations in a federation of states with full national autonomy for Slovakia, i.e., the country was to have its own parliament, its own state administrative system, complete cultural freedom with the exclusive use of the Slovak language offically in the Slovak schools, courts, etc., a separate financial and political administration with Slovak as the official language of the country. Again we are confronted with the question of what was meant by the term, "in a federative union of states." There are only two interpretations possible: 1) A federation of Slovak, Czech, Polish, perhaps Austrian, Magyar and Croatian states. 2) A federation of the Slovak and Czech states. It soon becomes clear that in both cases the creators and signers of the Cleveland Agreement had in mind the type of unity we have in the federal union of the American states, i.e., the U.S. For a union of states, therefore; there could not be the union of one state! It requires two or more to create a union. There remains no doubt whatsoever that they did not in any manner or form intend to create the state of Czecho-Slovakia to be centralized in one parliament in Prague and operate as a monopoly from the Czech capital. A parliament of its own, a state administration, complete cultural freedom , its own finances and its own official Slovak language - all these articles as incorporated in the Cleveland Agreement leave no alternative! It meant one thing and one thing only, namely, a self-governing Slovak state. This had been the goal of all Slovak fighters for freedom and it still remained an objective to be attained on 34 SLOVAKIA the basis of the agreement above. The means to the goal was the cooperation of the Slovaks and Czechs in America, and with the Czech emigrants in Europe led by T. G. Masaryk. Cooperation, not subjugation; equality of partnership, equality of rights, even as expressed so aptly in the financial field, a '50-50 proposition!' Exclusively with the Czechs The scintillating fact that the Slovaks in America drew up this agreement with the Czechs alone indicates rather ostensibly that they voluntarily renounced advantages that other nations, and nationality forces, fighting for the liberation of their fellow countrymen in Europe might have offered the Slovaks. I refer to the Poles, Croatians, Slovenians, Serbs, Ukrainians and Sub-Carpathian Rusenes, or Ruthenians. If the Slovaks in America at that moment had united their efforts with those of other Slavic nationality groups, the Slovak cause would certainly have increased its potentialities for a more complete development of its future destiny; in a word, it would not have become so enmeshed in the Czechoslovak maze. On the part of the other Slav groups, there was a real desire for cooperation with the Slovaks, especially on the part of the Poles. The "Polonia w Ameryce" newspaper favored a union of Poles and Slovaks: "The spirit of both nations is the same, the languages not much different. That would, indeed, be the most natural union we can imagine." And the influential "Tygodnik Polski" declared: "Polak Wenger two brothers? 0, what irony! Away from this so-called mad brother, Magyar! Brother Slovak is much closer to us than that so-called brother!" Aside from the religious motif, there existed, too, the mistaken notion of the Slavic ideal, which eventually nullified cooperation between the Slovaks and Poles. It was the attitude toward Czarist Russia. Czarism, orthodoxy and imperialism - those were the underlying causes of so many Polish sufferings and obstacles to Polish freedom . Among the Slovaks there was a feeling of affection for SLOVAKlA 35 the 'bat'uska car' (a genial uncle), the father of all Slavdom and holy Russia. These would bring freedom to the Slovak nation. The Russian nation would be the liberator. Albert Mamatej, president of the Slovak League of America, under the obvious influence of this complex, made an indignant attack on the Poles at an All Slav conference jn Cleveland. That incident closed the doors to probably close friendship with the Poles and forever destroyed the possibility of an advantageous understanding between the Slovaks and Poles. Mamatej's statement was triggered by uncomplimentary remarks about the Russians, the Czar, etc. by a number of Polish leaders at the conference. It was this refusal to work with the Poles that narrowed the path that led straight into the Czech camp. This pathway was a dangerous one, for it gave the Czechs the upperhand and they took full advantage of it by assuming sole leadership, by the isolation of Slovak spokesmen, by intentionally and maliciously misrepresenting the Slovak political concept as set forth in the text of the Cleveland Agreement. Kosik and Osusky in Europe Two delegates with a precise program were authorized to go to Europe by the Congress of the Slovak League of America. The Congress selected Gustav Kosik, editor of the Katolicky Sokol weekly, and Dr. Stefan Osusky, a lawyer and Lutheran Minister. The purpose of the mission was expressed in the program thus: "To inform the civilized world about the demands of the Slovak nation and to secure positive aid for the realization of these demands." First, their journey led to London and then on to Paris in June, 1916. T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Eduard Benes, both Czech emigrants, were in Paris. "Their work" - as Dr. Lev Borsky, an emigrant, too, writes in his book, "Znovudobyti samostatnosti" (Winning Independence Again): "consisted of drawing up memoranda, writing articles and local news. As yet, they had not made any impact on the world nor had they penetrated the influential circles to present the Czech cause." Dr. Borsky writes further: 36 SLOVAKIA It was only when Milan Rastislav Stefanik ente.red the picture that their action took the first semblance of political leadership. It was through Stefanik's influence that members of the National Council got into prominent political circles. Stefanik's ability and influence 5 ot them both a hearing in high government circles and helped them a<:quire necessary experience in the delicate game of international r;olitics and diplomacy. stefanik's coming to the scene among Czech emigrants gave Masaryk's and Benes's memoranda, articles and news a certain importance. Out of ordinary propaganda efforts in which Masaryk and Benes had been engaged a serious form of political action now began taking shape. This was the logical development because the Slovak scientist was not a political emigrant but a French citizen, known in various diplomatic and international circles where diplomats, politicians, scientists and the elite met quite frequently. Stefanik had entre to the highest French circles. He moved in high society. He was well acquainted, highly respected and admired for his scientific achievements in astronomy. The cause which he represented gained tremendous prestige precisely because of his name. It is baffling to the human mind why Kosik and Osusky - later is still living in America and could tell us sincerely why they as delegates of the American Slovaks did not establish a closer relationship with M. R. Stefanik, a fellow Slovak countryman. At first they wanted to work jndependen\ly. T. G. Masaryk in a letter to the Czech National Alliance in America complained that neither Kosik nor Osusky would take orders from him: "They refused to work for me in London." He had been told by the American Czechs that the American Slovaks were sending him r Slovak secretary! Mamatej made a public statement that appeared in the newspapers during the month of August, 1916: This seemed rather strange to me. At the Congress of the Slovak League in Chicago , we American Slovaks at a united conference on April 12, 19il6, resolved to send two of our American Slovaks to Europe not as secretaries to Professor Masaryk but as our representatives who were assigned to go to England, France and especially to Russia to work for our cause in the spirit of our Cleveland Agreement and, therefore, in behalf of our common goal. How Professor Masaryk got the impression that we were forwarding him a Slovak secretary, I simply do not know. At the end, Gustav Kosik, who, together with Stef~nik went to Russia in August, 1916, accepted and signed the Kiev Agreement for SLOVAKIA the Slovak League of America by which the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris (and dent) as the sole responsible and competent tion that was to cooperate with the official P owers and their associates. 37 League recognized the T. G. Masaryk as presirepresentative organizaagencies of the Allied Thus a delegate of the Slovak League of America formally confirmed the leading position to T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Benes and empowered the Czechs to meet directly "with the official agencies of the Allied Powers." In effect the American Slovaks in deference to the Czecho-Slovak National Council surrendered their right to meet directly with the rest of the nations and their spokesmen. From the contents of the Kiev Agreement (Kijevsky zapis-Kiev document) of August 16-19, 1916, the Czechoslovak nation is mentioned: The Czechs and Slovaks . . . wish to establish a united political and indivisible free Czechoslovak nation under the standard and protection of a four-power pact. Almost immediately Gustav Kosik became the prime target of the American Slovak press for having made this unilateral agreement. Cleveland's Denny Hlas asked: We would like to know who ordered our delegate to sign such a manifesto when we already have a complete and concise agreement that we are in no way working for a Czechoslovak nation but for the Czech and Slovak nations. We call attention to the fact that nowhere in the manifesto are the Slovaks mentioned. There is only the union with the Czechs. How is that? The Ndrodne Noviny observed: In the Cleveland Agreement there was talk of two nations, not of a united nation, an indivisible nation. We do not want to be hoodwinked by anyone. Our delegates in Europe were not admitted to the source of the right information by the 'b rother Czechs who are having conferences with high authorities and speak in our name while completely ignoring the cardinal points of our mutual Cleveland Agreement. We are aware of this, too, in our meetings with them. Our delegates remain outside of closed doors while inside unauthorized persons speak in our name. After a year in Europe, G. Kosik returned to America on May 13, 1917. Upon being asked whether he signed the Kiev Agreement, he answered that both he and Stefanik had signed it. Then he proceeded to explain his action as follows: 38 SLOVAKIA We have long observed in your newspapers the attacks on the point in the Kiev document, namely, that "The Czechs and Slovaks wish to develop into a united political, indivisible and free Czechoslovak nation under the standard and protection of a fourspower pact." Now, to this very day some of our radicals are disgruntled because Kosik signed that agreement. What if he did? By signing it did Stefanik and Kosik abandon anything from the Slovak program? It is necessary only to change the one word, "narod-nation," to "§tat-state" and everything will quiet down. From now on after the public announcement of the Agreement this may be re-written. Then, it was not expedient because we could not anticipate the development of present circumstances and that particular word, may I add, required hard work of both our diplomats and the Czechoslovak military forces. Kosik's explanation satisfied the majority of the American Slovaks, perhaps chiefly because it was Kosik who said it and reassured them, Kosik's reputation and personal integrity, as well as his Slovak patriotism were unquestioned. Essentially, however, there still remained the suspicion that while the Slovaks actually thought the word, "narod", was merely to be interpreted in the sense of "stat" ie., state, the Czechs really and secretly adhered to the literal meaning, ie., in fact it was to be a Czechoslovak nation, and not merely a Czechoslovak state! Dr. Stefan Osusky, the other delegate of the Slovak League, at first known to hold the line precisely to the Slovak national idea, did not return to America nor did he send any further reports to the American Slovaks who had paid his trip to Europe. In a formal sense Osusky was right. The head of the entire movement for the liberation of the Slovaks from the rule of Hungary became the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris with the agreement of the delegates of the Slovak League. Osusky made his reports to the Council and from now on followed its orders. He was no longer in the service of the Slovak League but of the Council in Paris. Milan R. Stefanik in America Freedom for the Slovaks and liberation was not possible without the destruction of Austro-Hungary. This monarchy had many influential friends not only in France, England and America but also at the imperial Czar's court in Russia. Economic conditions, as well as centuries-old diplo- SLOVAKIA 39 matic, political, personal and family connections were on the side of retaining the empire, and it appeared that there were sufficient guarantees for its future existence after the war came to an end. Memorandas, articles and news bulletins of Czech and Slovak emigrants in opposition to this monarchial state would have remained worthless scraps of paper had not the war ended in victory over Austro-Hungary. This was the prelude to a radical turn-over of events. Only war could change an institution that had been created and buttressed by a series of wars. At the opening of the year, 1917, Russia dropped out of the war against Germany and Austro-Hungary. An internal revolution rocked the country and weakened the military resources of Russia, thereby, conveniently removing a formidable foe of Germany and the Central Powers. Accordingly, the Russians made a separate treaty with Germany. The Slovaks lost an ally upon whom they had counted on so heavily. Imperial Russia, the Czar and the army vanished as if in thin air. The Slovaks who had pinned all their hopes on this great power were suddenly disillusioned. They had never thought liberation and freedom could be won without the aid of Russia. For the moment they were stunned and did not know where to turn for much needed help in their struggle. America declared war on Germany on April 2, 1917, and began sending supplies and soldiers to the western front. This coincided with the withdrawal of Russia from the war. The balance of power was more than restored. It was now only a matter of time until one or the other side would triumph. Entry of the United States into the conflict was enthusiastically hailed by the Slovak League of America. President Wilson now replaced the fallen Czar as the Slovak nation's hope for the winning of freedom. M. R. Stefanik came to America in June, 1917, just as the U.S. began sending its military forces in strength to Europe. He came primarily to seek permission to enroll Slovak and Czech volunteers (legionaires) to fight along- 4-0 SLOVAKIA side the allies on the western front. At a meeting in New York City on September 17, 1917, he said: "Our struggle against Austria-Hungary will end only when both of our brother nations, the Czechs and Slovaks, united in an independent state will be rid of MagyarGerman rule." Stefanik succeeded in achieving his purpose of uniting the Slovaks in the final surge to victory. A group of Slovak Catholic priests who met with Stefanik at the Hotel Plaza in New York City on September 20, 1917, accepted a resolution in which they promised to work for the dissolution of Austria-Hungary and that "they would cooperate with the Slovak League, and the program of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, our supreme political institution." The Slovak League of America ceased to be "the supreme political institution for the Slovak nation", instead the national council of Masaryk, Stefanik and Benes was now the supreme political institution in Paris. And what was disastrous was the fact that its program did not include the concept of a free and individual Slovak nation but a Czechoslovak nation in a Czechoslovak state! Military Assistance and Support Incredible as it may seem, this is precisely the way the Slovak League of America came under the political control of the Czech and Slovak emigrants in Paris. Its executive power was usurped and it was exploited for conscription of volunteers and enlistments of Slovak legionaires for the Czechoslovak armed forces . Moreover, the Slovak League was used for raising funds for carrying on the international work of the council in Paris. To fight and pay the bills - that was the ultimate role of the Slovak League of America. It had been pushed aside from political leadership. American Slovaks answered the call to arms in great numbers. They willingly wanted to fight for the freedom of the Slovak nation. Milan Getting who had little faith in the resources of the Slovaks said on this occasion: Taking everything into consider ation, American Slovaks are surprising everybody by their r esponse. Our nation grasps the great im- SLOVAKIA 41 portance of a corps of fighting men and has shown greater faith in the future destiny of the Slovaks than its leaders. So far, we have more than matched the number of Czech recruits. Each enlistment has brought in at least a half or more than half of Slovak young men ready to fight. Among these volunteers are many of our most respected and beloved young men in various Slovak communities. These are on their way to fight on the battlefields of France. In France, however, the officers' corps was limited to a very small Slovak minority. Father Slavo Moravek volunteered for military duty to serve with his fellow Slovak legionaires. Dr. Eduard Benes, the secretary of the CzechoSlovak National Council, replied from Paris : "I guess our army has no need for a priest." Slovak women in America, either in their own organizations or as members of the 'Vcielky' or 'Priadky' groups carried on a nation-wide campaign for supplies. Jano Jancek, Slovak emigrant soldier who was released from a Russian military camp, came to America and was elected Secretary of the Slovak League. He credited these women with a total amount of goods valued at more than a half-million dollars that was distributed to the armed forces overseas . Both the military and material ai_d by the Slovaks exceeded all expectations. The Million Dollar Campaign War funds were established in every Slovak organization which taxed males 10 cents and females 5 cents each month. A special committee of nine members: 3 Catholic priests, 3 Protestant ministers and 3 civilian leaders were named in the fall of 1917 to raise a million dollars for the financial support of political action in international affairs . Enthusiasm ran high: Two Catholic clergymen, Father Joseph Murgas and Father John Martvon, launched the campaign by each contributing $2,000 and Michael Bosak added his pledge of $5,000. This initial good example followed until approximately $1,000,000 was collected from Slovaks from all walks of life throughout America. This money was allocated by the Slovak League as follows (as Peter P. Jurcak, president of the Slovak League in 1946 records it in his, "The Slovaks", pp. 190-191): SLOVAKIA 42 Year 1916 1917 1917 1918 1918 1918 1918 1919 1919 1919 1919 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1921 1921 Name Amount Czecho-Slo vak National Council in Paris . $ 5,000.00 20,000 .00 ditto in Russia .......... . ....... .. 10,000.00 . ....... .......... ditto in America 120,000.00 .. Council Nat. T. G. Masaryk, Pres. C.S. 36,000.00 Czecho-Slo vak Council in America .... . 3,184.00 Slav Press Bureau .......... ......... . 19,631.00 Expenses of delegation to Slovakia .... . 55,000.00 Dr. Eduard Benes .......... . . ....... . 5,194.00 For Magyar Counter-Pr opaganda in U.S . . 44,500.00 Czecho-Slo vak Nat. Council in America .. Dr. Vavro srobar for propagand a publi10,000.00 cations ... . . . . . . . .... . ...... . ........ . vak Czecho-Slo for Hurban Col. Vladimir 25,000.00 Legionaire s returning from Russia .. .. . Czechothe of T. G. Masaryk, President Slovak Republic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200,000.00 Dr. Alice Masaryk, for Czecho-Slo vak Red 25,000.00 Cross . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Relief sent to Czecho-Slo vakia . . . . . . . . . . 126,000.00 For print. presses, etc., for Slovak Ministry 68,000.00 5,000.00 Bratislava University . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . For counteract ing Magyar propagand a and helping secure loan for Czecho-Slo 9,500.00 vak Republic . .... . .......... ... . . . . . . .00 4,572 Aid to disabled Czecho-Slo vak Veterans . 4,000.00 For High School in Petrovec . ........ . Czecho-Slo vak National Council in Amer5,000.00 ica .......... .......... .......... .... . Total ....... ... .......... . .... . ....... . $800,911.00 It is significant to note that not one dollar was given to M. R. Stefanik! Everything went to T . G. Masaryk, to his daughter or followers, Benes and srobar. The expenses of G. Kosik's and st. Osusky's trip to Europe are not listed. Nothing is recorded as aid to Slovak prisoners of war in Russia. This and other expenses for publicity in America, the pay of employees , press, etc., must have added up to an additional tidy sum. As the war came to an end there is a marked drop-off SLOVAKIA 43 in donations, as also seen in the above report. This was quite in evidence in the political field, too. The Pittsburgh Pact Note that the United States, which declared war on Germany in April, 1917, did not declare hostilities upon Austria-Hungary. But the Slovaks in America from 1914 on openly declared themselves hostile to a monarchy that deprived the Slovaks of their freedom in their European homeland. The moment of decision for the Slovaks was based on their convictions, not on a calculated risk, as was the case of many American Czechs who could not be persuaded to accept the possibility of the destruction of the ancient Austro-Hungarian Empire. Even after the outbreak of war between America and Germany the position of Austria-Hungary in America was not hopeless. Defenders of the old Empire had high hopes of saving it. But these hopes were somewhat dimmed by President Wilson's recommendation to Congress on December 4, 1917, to declare war on Austria-Hungary. Yet, this act did not doom the Hapsburg Empire, for there was not any plan at the time to break up the ancient imperial state. Wilson, himself, on December 4, 1917, and on January 8, 1918, in his 14 points did not recommend the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In fact, he said: "We do not wish to weaken or reorganize the Austro-Hungarian Empire." Reaction of the allied powers to Wilson's speech in January, 1918, was of a general nature. Liberation on the Slovaks and Czechs from foreign rule did not necessarily mean the disintegration of the old empire and much less the creation of a new state of Czecho-Slovakia. Declaration of war on Austria-Hungary by the U.S. changed the situation quite radically, however. Demands for the break-up of the Hapsburg empire became more insistent. Foremost among the new states proposed was Czecho-Slovakia. As the movement for liberation became more certain, the more vociferously did the adherents of Czechoslovak- 44 SLOVAKIA ism push the Slovak League into Czech clutches. Accordingly, on February 9, 1918, in Chicago representatives of the Slovaks and Czechs organized a branch of the CzechoSlovak National Council in which eight Slovaks from the Slovak League and eight Czechs from the Bohemian National Alliance were enrolled. This eventually resulted in unity of action and organization, and in effect was a virtual recognition by the Slovak League that the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris was now the supreme agency for the struggle for freedom. T. G. Masaryk had waited for this development. He immediately announced that he would come to America. In six weeks he was here to lead the Czechs and Slovaks to victory . . . a triumph of his Czechoslovak ideology of a 'Czechoslovak nation' in a united Czechoslovak state! At first Masaryk was welcomed with great enthusiasm but this was short-lived. Jednota (May 22, 1918) had these comments: This activity, as Masaryk understands it, is only for the benefit of the Czechs, with the Slovaks helping, of course. If we are fighting and working for a Greater Bohemia, we are not fighting or working for our own interests but only for the Czechs. The struggle for a Greater Czechia is not worth one Slovak cent, nor one drop of Slovak blood. We want pure wine. We want to know whether we are fighting for a Greater Czechia or for a free, self-governing Slovakia and for a free, self-governing Czechia. T . G. Masaryk was informed of this challenge. In his subsequent remarks - as a wily tactician - he directed a few inane statements for the benefit of the Slovaks. These, oddly enough, inspired the Slovak League's press bureau to hail him as 'the greatest living Slovak' and as 'our great father and leader'! Moreover, all the Slovak newspapers got into the spirit of the moment and out did each other in an outburst of superlatives, expressing their affection, loyalty and trust in the hero of the moment, Masaryk himself. Nevertheless, the bulk of the American Slovaks was not taken in by this synthetic expression of admiration for Masaryk. What he said so nicely and smoothly they wanted down on paper, black on white, so to speak. Finally, on May 30, 1918, T. G. Masaryk picked up a copy of the Cleveland Agreement, read it, took a sheet SLOVAKIA 45 of paper and wrote down in pencil a personal draft to be proposed as an "Agreement or Contract." Masaryk's original copy, announced the press bureau of the Slovak League of America, "firmly establishes the relationship between the two branches." (Not nations, as it stood properly in the Cleveland Agreement-my comment) . "One copy of this agreement," reported the bureau, "will be forwarded to Albert Mamatej , president of the Slovak League, who will officially make it public shortly. Professor Masaryk thus has completed his mission among the Slovaks with whom he met in a conference in Pittsburgh." Thomas Masaryk's agreement written and signed by him is called the Pittsburgh Pact, therefore as of May 30, 1918. Its main articles are these : Slovakia will have its own administration, its own parliament, its own courts. Slovak will be the official language in the schools, in the administration and in public life. Did Masaryk intend to abide by the agreement when he drew it up and personally signed it? This question was intriguing until he clarified it in his book, "World Revolution-Svetova revolucia," 1925, p. 262: "I signed the agreement," writes the author, "which was an agreement between American Slovaks and American Czechs. This was done to satisfy a small Slovak faction which dreamed of God knows what kind of independent Slovakia . . . the agreement was a local one . . . among the Czechs and Slovaks of America." According to Masaryk's testimony, therefore, the agreement was not between the Slovak and Czech nations, not even between a group of Slovak and Czech representatives of their respective societies in this country, but an ordinary local expedient agreement "to satisfy a small Slovak faction." Obviously, it was never meant to be considered in the planning of the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak state either by Masaryk or the Czechs themselves. Masaryk brushed aside the Slovaks rudely by this action, broke his word of honor and proclaimed his signature genuine but worthless, and in the same work (World Revolution-Svetova revolucia, 1925, page 105) he discounted the financial aid of the Slovaks as insignificant: 46 SLOVAKIA While I was in Russia. Dr. Benes received money in Paris. I estimate the amount at about $300,000. The cost of our activity did not reach the sum of a million Dollars. The money came from Czech sources. During the war Slovak contributions were very small. As president, after the war I received $200,000 but in this was included money from my personal American friends. What these 'very small' contributions actually were we have noted above in Jurcak's official report, as contained in his book, "The Slovaks". The fact is they were not 'very small' and the payment each time in sums of several hundred thousands dollars during and after the war to Masaryk directly or indirectly ( to the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris) were ear-marked from the Slovaks in America, and not from the Czechs. Masaryk's career as a statesman and his enduring fame would have been crowned by an aura of glory instead of being clouded by suspicion and disillusionment had he, as a man of honor, kept his word and publicly recognized the genuine contributions of the American Slovaks to the building of the Czecho-Slovak state. Delegates of the Slovak League in Slovakia Czecho-Slovakia as a free and independent republic was not proclaimed by the National Council in Paris but in the United States, and that by its branch, the CzechoSlovak National Council in America. It was on October 18, 1918, in Washington, D.C. in the form of a proclamation by Thomas G. Masaryk, provisional president, and for Dr. Milan R. Stefanik, minister of national defense, and Dr. Eduard Benes, minister of internal and foreign affairs. Neither Stefanik nor Benes were present but Masaryk signed for them by proxy. Thomas G. Masaryk compiled the proclamation but, as he writes later, he first submitted it to the scrutiny of American legal advisers. Then he presented a handwritten document to the State Department and the White House. "I presented the proclamation to the Secretary of State, Lansing, so that I would be assured of the approval of the American government," Masaryk explained in his memoirs. Official reference to the Slovaks in this historical document was unfortunate. indeed. He wrote: "The rights SLOVAKIA 47 of the Czechs may be united with their Slovak brethren in Slovakia, once a part of our (Czech) state .. ." In effect, this meant that Slovakia was being re-united with the Czech state to which it had at one time been united as r. part of a whole. Not historically true at all. An agreement between the Czechs and Slovaks had been made as a 50-50 proposition but Masaryk ignored it completely. The new state was to be organized on his own terms. The Slovaks understood their fight was for their freedom but now Masaryk was saying they were shedding their blood for the right of the Czechs to rule the Slovaks. In one official declaration Masaryk had erased the rights of the Slovaks to their national freedom, the right of selfdetermination of the Slovak nation, the right to a federal union of states ( Slovakia and Bohemia in Czecho-Slovakia, a united state), the right to a Slovak law-making body in the Slovak capital, the right to Slovak schools and courts, the right to a Slovak political administration. ~tefanik was understandably displeased with the proclamation to which Masaryk appended his name by proxy. In his book, "My Role in the Czecho-Slovak Fiiht for Freedom," General Janin, who was in Russia with ~tefanik at the time, writes: Stefanik was greatly disturbed, he was indignant that the proclamation had been made under his name when he was not even informed of its contents. He showed me a long telegram addressed to Masaryk and Benes concerning the proclamation of October 18, 1918. Meanwhile, T . G. Masaryk after agreement with Benes and Kramat ( who was in Switzerland) became provisional president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. As such, he signed the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement on November 18, 1918, which Albert Mamatej presented to him for his signature before Masaryk returned to Paris. In his farewell message, Masaryk said: "America will have a place of honor in the history of the liberation movement in behalf of Czecho-Slovakia." Unfortunately, we have already seen above what 'place of honor' Masaryk reserved for the American Slovaks who did so much meritorious work in the struggle, but received little credit for it. Masaryk left the U.S. as provisional president of the SLOVAKIA proposed Czecho-Slovak Republic.. Soon afterwards reports from Slovakia came to America. American Slovaks were very much disturbed by the reports coming from post-war Slovakia. Slovak Catholic priests were especially aroused by news of Czech indignities against religion in Slovakia. They grasped now in what spirit the international policy of the Czecho-Slovak National Council had been inspired and they sensed what grave consequences it had brought in the Slovaks' homeland. Rev. Jan Liscinsky characterized the entire situation: "The Slovaks freed themselves from Magyar oppression only to be enslaved under a Czech banner." Father Dianiska, after studying the post-war situation carefully, wrote that srobar selected only as associates and delegates who had been educated and trained in Praha, hence the entire personnel was Czechophile and uncertain in matters of religion. Dr. Dianiska concluded rightfully that 'a period of misfortune was in store for the Slovak nation, both politically and religiously.' First-hand information was necessary. Accordingly, the Slovak League hastened to send a number of observers to Slovakia. A five-man delegation was designated, namely, Jozef Rusek, Dr. M. Francisci, Edo Kovach, M. Getting and J. Matloch. They left America on March 7, 1919, and Rev. Pavol Siska, a representative of the Jednota (First Catholic Slovak Union) accompanied them. Later Ignac Gessay joined the delegation. The mission was to investigate conditions and report to their Slovak League colleagues and the American Slovaks who had subscribed to the Pittsburgh Agreement, a photostatic copy of which they carried to 'liberated Slovakia.' Immediately upon their arrival in Slovakia in the spring of 1919, they sensed that the Slovak nation was in the thick of a struggle for its rights. But there was much confusion and they, too, were confused by the swift rush of events. The longer they stayed, however, the clearer insight they got into the real situation. Nevertheless, even Jozef Rusek was baffled for a time so that he leaned towards the corps of slick-talking Czechoslovak politicians who assured him they were doing the right thing for Slovakia! SLOVAKIA 49 At the Scranton (Pa.) Congress of the Slovak League on May 29, 1919, Husek reported: The government people in Bratislava oppose autonomy, they favor instead a central parliament, a central government and they hold that the Czechs and Slovaks constitute one nation, the Slovak language being only a Czech dialect! Autonomy would prevent a lingiustic union with the Czechs. That is why we were not well received in Bratislava, nor was our Pittsburgh Agreement agreeable to them. We were received with joy in Ruzomberok, Hlinka's kingdom. So was our Pittsburgh document. Some of Hlinka's views I do not like, particularly his vociferous agitation against Dr. Srobar, a minister. And it is a fact that Magyar renegades are filtering into Hlinka's party. The Magyars praise Hlinka as a fine man because he demands autonomy for Slovakia, and because he is in opposition to the Czechs. Some of Husek's observations were true to the facts. It is true that Hlinka stood firmly behind the demand for autonomy for an independent Slovak nation while srobar advocated Czechoslovakism, amalgamation with the Czechs. srobar was against the Pittsburgh Agreement, Hlinka was for it. Husek was wrong, however, in claiming that Magyar elements joined Hlinka's party exclusively. As a matter of record, the 1920 parliamentary elections proved that the majority of Magyars were in parties led by Ivan Derer and srobar. This was acclaimed as a virtue if the 'mad'ar6ni' (Magyar sympathizers) belonged to their political parties, but a vice if they returned as prodigal sons to Hlinka's party. What policy did Husek advocate as a policy for the Slovak League of America? The less we speak of autonomy, the better for Slovakia and the new republic at this time. There is no need to be fearful. Autonomy will not vanish in thin air. To declare opposition now would be aiding the Magyar cause. When Slovakia becomes of age, it will take what rightfully belongs to it. And autonomy belongs by natural right to Siovakia. A reasonable statement of policy. Self-government or autonomy would not disappear. Slovakia would get it sometime in the future ... and it did, but only after a bitter struggle that lasted a full score years (1919-1938) ! Why, then, was it necessary to get the Slovaks to agree on a 50-50 proposition with the Czechs in the first place? What good were the Memorandum, the Cleveland Agreement and the Pittsburgh Pact? For what purpose did so many American Slovaks pour out their lifeblood on the 50 SLOVAKIA battlefield of France? Why was it necessary for the Slovak nation to carry on a 20-yr. struggle for the incorporation of the principles of the Pittsburgh Pact into the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia when the American Slovaks could have readily put it into the Constitution, and even into the peace treaty as did the American Ruthenians ( Carpathian Rusins) under the leadership of zatkovic? And the Ruthenians were far from being as politically mature or developed as the Slovaks. From the very beginning the Slovak struggle abroad might well have been successfully completed if the American Slovaks had been allowed to incorporate their principles in the Constitution so that the Slovak nation would have had a constitutional right to self-rule in its own autonomous state, and their needless fight for autonomy would have been avoided. Moreover, there would have been an international basis and guarantee for their just rights, and the Slovak people would have had self-rule in their historic homeland. If American Slovaks had intervened in Washington and later had presented their case to the American delegation at the peace conference in Paris, it is certain that the right of the Slovaks to autonomy in Slovakia would have been seriously considered and debated as an international problem, and the outcome would surely have been the same as that of the Rusins whose demand for autonomy was officially registered in the Peace Treaty of St. Germaine, on September 10, 1919. But foes of Slovak freedom and Hlinka's party saw to it that every possible means was used to divide the Slovak League and Andrej Hlinka. Gradually the Slovak League began leaning to the view that Hlinka's fight in behalf of the Pittsburgh Pact was a cover-up for his personal feud with Srobar. It was becoming more and more apparent that strong pressure of Czechoslovak groups both in Slovakia and America was being applied to the Slovak League. Matters involved in this struggle became even more confusing when Milan Getting, a Slovak League delegate in Bratislava, persuaded the organization to finance a propaganda or press bureau in Bratislava to the tune of SLOVAKIA 51 $68,000. srobar managed to buy a printing establishment in the Slovak capital for these funds and happily set up a propaganda center to fight Hlinka and oppose all autonomists in the country. Assuredly, this development did not bring Andrej Hlinka and the Slovak League of America to any mutual understanding or a friendly relationship. Andrej Hlinka's Delegates in America In memoirs, Z<ipisky z Mirova, Bratislava, 1941, Andrej Hlinka is quoted on page 31: I know the Slovak people, for I am one of their sons. All my life I have kept my finger on the Slovak nation's pulse. I have heard every beat of the Slovak heart. I aroused the Slovak people to action and I gave them hope. I sowed an idea in their minds. The people accepted all of my ideas but they did not relish the Czechoslovak idea of brotherhood. I did not sleep or rest. The idea troubled me. But for the sake of preserving the Slovak nation, I argued, I must give the people this bitter pill, yet in a sugar-coated form . It is better to live with somebody, I assured my troubled conscience, than to die alone. The people found it hard to swallow the bitter pill. Their natural instincts rebelled against it. It seems these were much wiser and stronger than my way of thinking. And so I find myself regretting a blunder committed against the primitive natural instincts of my own people. All I can pray and hope for is the chance to correct this grave error and redeem myself. If I fail in this, I feel certain the people will forgive me and will not hold it against me. A year ago I sinned because I was not sufficiently cautious or zealous enough in the struggle for the Slovak nation's right to liberty. I failed the people in a historical moment in the midst of my struggle ti) which I have devoted almost a lifetime of energy and sacrifice. First, I faltered because I went to Martin on October 30, 1918. Had I not gone there that day, I would not be conscience-stricken today. (This Hlinka wrote while held in prison by the Czechs in Mirov, October 16, 1919). Mistakes are made, even in politics. What is important is to realize one's erring ways and correct them in time. Andrej Hlinka, therefore, went to repair the damage by setting out for the peace conference in Paris during the month of August, 1919. His intention was to incorporate a guarantee of the Slovak nation's right to autonomy in the peace treaty. Hlinka's journey to Paris was in vain. The Slovak leader's venture would have been successful, perhaps, had the Slovak delegation joined him and 52 SLOVAKIA through the American representatives in Paris presented Hlinka's request at the peace conference. Paris was the logical place for the fusion of Hlinka's domestic program with the Slovak League's proposals and the official presentation of the united program at the Peace Conference. Instead, Andrej Hlinka, armed only with the Memorandum, and alone, sought entry to the Peace parley in Paris. This was not a vain gesture of an obscure adventurer seeking cheap publicity. There was history behind him. He was a prominent Slovak political leader at 55, his was a distinguished record as a patriotic leader with three years of prison because of his defense of the Slovak nation. The cernova affair that had taken the lives of 15 of his fellow countrymen was known all over the world. Thousands of articles in Slovak periodicals at home and in America alone made him famous. As founder of many societies and organizations he was a popular figure at home . . . and in the background he had the good will of eminent Polish leaders who were sympathetic to the Slovak cause. In Slovak history it remains a sad and regrettable fact that Hlinka and the Slovak League delegation did not join forces in Paris. They lacked mutual understanding of each other personally. This was the cockle that had been sown by Derer and srobar. The Slovak League confined its activity to writing memoranda for the Prague government. Here on October 24, 1919, its representatives did, however, express the desire for the gradual introduction of autonomy in Slovakia "according to the circumstances and possibilities," and they requested further "a guarantee for the incorporation of self-government into the basic state laws, namely, in the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia, and along the lines drawn up in the Agreement between Masaryk and ourselves." In reality it was merely a paper request. Moreover, it was presented as a plea with the added proviso, "self-government need not be established or introduced immediately, there is no urgency for such action, however." Neither srobar nor his Czechoslovak associates paid any attention to so woefully weak a request. To achieve results at the time it was absolutely neces- SLOVAKIA 53 sary for the personal appearance of Andrej Hlinka at the Paris Conference, but with the full backing of the moral and material resources of the Slovaks at home and abroad on the solid platform of Slovak autonomy. The time for mere Memoranda had passed. The time for dynamic action had arrived. Unfortunately, Andrej Hlinka found himself alone in Paris. He knew he had no official support, but somehow he kept faith and hoped for a miracle in the impending crisis. No miracle occured to save the situation. Hlinka, disappointed and defeated, returned home where he was immediately arrested and taken to prison by the Czechs because he had dared to go to Paris to re• present the Slovak nation personally. But he had not for. gotten the American Slovaks. While still in Paris, he dis• patched two emissaries to America, namely, Dr. Jozef Rudinsky and Jozef Kubala. Passports and visas for these two men were given by the Poles who had previously furnished Hlinka with a Polish passport to go to Paris. Precisely on October 13, 1919, when Hlinka was seized and taken to the Mirov prison by his Czech captors, the emissaries (Father Rudinsky and Kubala) arrived in America. On October 24, 1919, they addressed an extraordinary meeting of the executive council of the Slovak League in Pittsburgh, Pa. Dr. Jozef Rudinsky visualized clearly the aim of Slovak policy as the gradual realization of the Slovak nation's natural rights as guaranteed by the Pittsburgh Pact. The minutes of this special session reveal what Rudinsky said of Hlinka's party, namely, that 'the party wanted a gradual introduction of self-rule but demanded that this autonomy, ie., the agreement, be registered immediately in Paris.' After a long discussion at this executive meeting, nothing definite was decided upon. The Slovak League was still overshadowed by the Rusek report, ie., too much emphasis on autonomy at the time would only profit the Magyar side . This was contrary to the mission of Hlinka's emissaries who had been sent to America for the primary purpose of winning the American Slovaks to Andrej Hlinka and his party's policy of concentrating all their efforts on 54 SLOVAKIA winning autonomy as soon as possible, or at least have the guarantee approved and registered at the Peace Conference in Paris. Outcome of the meetings and subsequent conferences was the 'Statement and Public Testimony of the Slovak League' in which the League's spokesmen explained their negative stand in regards to the delegates sent to them by Andrej Hlinka. Three reasons were given for their attitude: 1) The delegates had sounded a discordant note in the existing harmony betw~en the Czechs and Slovaks abroad, as well as at home, by their publicized views. 2) They lacked a Czecho-Slovak passport; they had passports furnished by the Polish government in Paris. 3) Andrej Hlinka, the head of the Slovak People's Party (Slovenska 13udova Strana) had gone to Paris with a Polish passport and visa, not one from Czecho-Slovakia. Misunderstanding only widened the gulf between the real fighters for the Pittsburgh Pact: Hlinka's party in Slovakia and the Slovak League in America. This served only one purpose, ie., the prolonging of the struggle by 20 years until the common goal of Slovak freedom and selfrule was reached in 1938. Intervention i n behalf of the Pittsburgh Pact in vain Despite the manifest refusal to Andrej Hlinka's invitation to join him and the Slovak People's Party in the struggle for autonomy ( the Slovak League's brain-child) the Slovak League could not renounce the Pittsburgh Pact. Though publicly disavowing collaboration with Andrej Hlinka, the League on its own initiative began taking steps to put the Pittsburgh Agreement into actual practice in Slovakia. This gesture, though somewhat shaky and lacking the early confidence that had been solidly based on conviction, was made in the right direction, however. As late as 1919 a branch of the Czecho-Slovak National Council was still operating in America. On November 7, 1919, it announced that "the approved representatives of the American Slovaks requested that the Pittsburgh Agreement be considered for incorporation by the National SLOVAKIA 55 Assembly in the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." Armed with this request and with a resolution of the Slovak League in his pocket, Albert Mamatej, the president of the Slovak League, went to Czecho-Slovakia. He presented the Pittsburgh Agreement to srobar and Hodza, both of whom declared it was both bad and unnecessary. Milan Hodza openly stated: "Slovak autonomy - that is the motto of Magyar politicians. Slovak autonomy - that is the motto of Polish politicias. And that for us is a significant warning." That autonomy for Slovakia was the fulfillment of Slovak aspirations in America, as well as a good motto, and that the same program inspired Hlinka's policy in Slovakia designed for the Slovak nation's destiny as a selfgoverning state, did not occur either to Mamatej or his Slovak associates. srobar and Hodza simply refused to take cognizance of this reality. Mamatej returned to America with the resolution of srobar and Hodza, rejecting autonomy for Slovakia. He also brought the declaration of the Slovak representatives (Srobar's) at the Revolutionary National Assembly in Prague. They declared on February 6, 1920: "Autonomy would place an enormous financial burden on the Slovak nation but everything that is essentially in the Pittsburgh Agreement has been incorporated into the Constitution except a separate parliament, which under present circumstances, would be detrimental to Slovakia." Albert Mamatej was taken in. He believed all this and acted accordingly. Hence, he recommended what he was told in Praha, ie., the best future for the Slovak nation was to accept the status of 'Czechoslovakism' as part of a train pulled on the Czech main track and run by a Czech engineer . . . of course, the fireman was naturally a Slovak .. . and this, explained Mamatej naively, was in full accord with the Pittsburgh Pact! On the otherhand, it seemed that Mamatej feared that the Pittsburgh Pact would be exploited by the Magyars or Poles, nor did he have trust in the Czechoslovak group of 56 SLOVAKIA the Slovak ongm in Prague. Therefore, he felt that the Agreement was to be entrusted to Andrej Hlinka although the Slovak leader was still in prison at Mirov in Moravia. Ultimately, the Pittsburgh Agreement was to be incorporated in the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Such was the assurance given Mamatej by the Prague politicians. Yet, when the Constitution was approved by the national assembly on February 29, 1920, there was no reference to Slovak autonomy or self-government in Slovakia, and there was .no distinction made on the question of the 'Individuality of the Slovak nation'! To offset the success of the mission of Dr. Rudinsky and Kubala in America, the Prague government hastily sent its agents to this country. Rev. Ladislav Moys and Jan Pocisk, a Social Democratic leader, arrived in America on March 2, 1920. Father Liscinsky declared frankly that Father Moys, an old Slovak but totally unqualified in the game of political legerdemain, was 'a disgrace to the Slovak Catholics.' Moys' first report to his masters in Prague was that aside from a small faction, American Slovaks were "anti-autonomistic." . This statement was labelled publicly by the · Slovak Catholic Federation as a fabrication and a fable. The executive committee of the federation on October 12, 1920, made this declaration: We resent Rev. Moys' insinuation with abhorrence, and we reassure our brethren beneath the Tatras in Slovakia that American Slovaks now more than ever before adhere to the Pittsburgh Agreement because during the visit of Rev. Moys and Mr. Pocisk they had ample opportunity to become convinced that the foes of this documentary agreement consider every reasonable basis for mutual understanding presented by the Slovaks as useless. Unfortunately, Albert Mamatej, having been named a consul of Czecho-Slovakia in Pittsburgh, joined the Czechoslovak camp. In his letters, addressed to his chief, Benes in Prague, who was minister of foreign affairs, Mamatej attacked autonomism and its adherents and turned against the ideals he had represented so ably and so well during the war. He died suddenly, disillusioned and alone. His widow and three children received a monthly pension of $15.00 . Thus did Prague value a man who had SLOVAKIA 57 carried out its wishes and had performed services contrary to his personal convictions and his fine wartime record in behalf of the Slovak cause of freedom. Mamatej, president of the Slovak League, was dead. But the ideal which had been the essence of Slovak political policy at home and in America was very much alive. Alongside the Slovak Catholic Federation the idea of an autonomous Slovakia took hold once again in the Slovak League of America, which after Mamatej's demise was directed by prominent American Slovaks who gave it the leadership it deserved. Wh~ the presidents were unable to devote full time to the Slovak League, it was that gallant secretary, Jan Kocur, who performed all necessary tasks with devotion and ability and kept the embers glowing in the old glorious tradition of self-government or autonomy for Slovakia. Andrej Blinka in America Slovak life in America slowly began losing its onetime vitality and ardor. It always happens that way ... in the lives of individuals and in the history of organizations. There is a time of development and progress followed by eclipse and eventual decline. Circumstances were unfavorable and decline was inevitable. Slovak daily newspapers in America suffered a sudden recession while many periodicals simply vanished. Old workers grew old or died, and aid from the old country was cut off as the energy of the Slovaks was directed to the defense of the Slovak nation's right to national survival. American Slovaks were in need of moral support at this time, for the new generation, though often possessing the Slovak spirit of its forebears, discovered it was far easier and more advantageous to speak English rather than the Slovak language of their parents. Nonetheless, even under increasing unfavorable circumstances, there were frequent instances of an unusual vital interest in the Slovak League and in the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom in its historic homeland. 58 SLOVAKIA By far, the majority of American Slovaks remained staunchly loyal to their ancient heritage and their ideals as expressed in the Pittsburgh Agreement to which they manifestly showed a deep attachment. A Committee of Friends of Slovak Freedom sprang up to keep alive the spirit of dedication to the Slovak cause. Contributions, moral, financial and cultural, of existing organizations throughout America did not cease completely. Undoubtedly the great event of this era in the midtwenties was the visit of Andrej Hlinka to America. The occasion was the Eucharistic Congress in Chicago. The heroic warrior came accompanied by Dr. Jozef Buday on June 5, 1926, and his visit lasted until October 13, ... a four months' stay among his fellow countrymen in America. Hlinka came to America in answer to the invitation of the Committee of Friends of Slovak Freedom, headed by .Jozef Husek, and the Slovak League, whose president was Ivan Bielek. Anticipated with great joy throughout America where Slovaks lived, Hlinka's visit was heralded by Jozef Husek's letter of April 25, 1926, assuring the Slovak leader of a warm welcome: You will not run into any trouble here, as there is only a handful of Czechoslovaks here and they are incapable of organizing any serious protest meeting. I personally guarantee your visit will be a great success. The people idolize you and your visit will fulfill their great desire to see you personally and welcome you. Ivan Bielek, president of the Slovak League, wrote in the American press that Hlinka was invited everywhere for a Sunday appearance. "Consider," reported Bielek, "that to date we have a total of 136 requests for a Sunday date. This means if we want to satisfy everyone, our distinguished guest, Andrej Hlinka, will have to remain here with us for more than two years ." Overflow crowds welcomed Andrej Hlinka and listened avidly to his addresses from the Atlantic to the midwest throughout the summer on weekends. In his final farewell to his fellow Slovak countrymen SLOVAKIA 59 in America on October 11, 1926, Hlinka made this public statement: You received me as a national hero. I do not deserve this great honor. But if I have not as yet attained that eminent status, your affection and generosity have insipired me to aspire to rise to such noble stature. I am leaving you. I bid you farewell but not in tears or sorrow. Your success and happiness here fill me with national pride. I take with me your message in the words of the immortal Furdek: "O, thou blue Tatra . .. We, your children, have wandered far from thee. Weep not! Your clan even beyond the great ocean remains loyal to thee." God bless you, God keep you, God strengthen you. Do not forget that your cradle stood beneaith the Tatras, your beloved Motherland, our sorely-tried and suffering Slovakia. Goodbye my Slovak nation . . . Goodbye my fellow Slovak countrymen in America. The Slovak League Delegation in Slovakia Autonomy Achieved There had been a number of smaller or larger delegations sent from America to Slovakia and vice versa_ Among these were those sent by the Spolok sv. Vojtecha from Trnava and the Matica Slovenska from Turciansky Sv. Martin. Neither was the occasion for a mutual cultural exchange. The American Slovaks were on the receiving end on both occasions, they were passive recipients. They received a large number of Slovak works in literature, in return they were able to offer some two or three of their own books. Consequently, Slovak books from Slovakia found a ready market in America. But there were political delegations from America. One of these came to Trencin to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the Pittsburgh Ag-reement. It joined Hlinka for the celebration. Perhaps the most important visit to America in 1937 was that of the Spolok sv. Vojtecha (among the delegates was Msgr. Jozef Tiso) that followed the earlier visit of a Matica Slovenska delegation. Of supreme importance politically was the visit of the Slovak League delegation to Slovakia in May, 1938. Members comprising the group were Dr. Peter P. Hletko, president, Josef Husek, one of the original signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, Dominik Sloboda, Michal Sincak and Rev. Jozef Rolik. The delegation brought with it the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement to the celebration which 60 SLOVAKIA was held on June 4, 1938, in commemoration of the 20th anniversary of the signing of the historic document in Pittsburgh, Pa. (May 30, 1918). As a symbolic act the first official visit of the Slovak League delegation in Czecho-Slovakia was to Andrej Hlinka ... symbolic in the sense of the mutual unity of ideals and purpose between the American Slovaks and their fellow countrymen in Slovakia. The Slovak League delegation, therefore, did not present itself with the Pittsburgh Agreement to its Slovak and Czech opponents in Bratislava or Prague, but went directly first to its great friend, champion and foremost associate, Andrej Hlinka, in Ruzomberok. This deliberate act manifestly emphasized the unity of thought and purpose of the Slovaks at home and in America. Thus, as the First Slovak League delegation which had brought the Pittsburgh Agreement to Czecho-Slovakia at the birth of that republic, so now, it was the last Slovak League delegation that had come with the self-same historic document at the eleventh hour to persuade the leaders of the Czecho-Slovak Republic to accept and put into practical operation the principles enunciated in the Pittsburgh Agreement. In vain had been the attempt of the first Slovak League delegation, and even more of a failure was the coming of the Slovak League delegation from America as far as the centralists in Prague or Bratislava were concerned. Though the Republic was threatened by foreign powers on every side, these stubbornly refused to accept the Pittsburgh Agreement as the basis for a mutual understanding between the Slovaks and the Czechs. At least this situation set the stage for the fulfillment of Husek's prophecy uttered at a meeting of the Slovak League in America upon his return from Slovakia in May, 1919: No need to be afraid. Autonomy will not run away. When Slovakia will grow up to maturity, it will take what rightfully belongs to the Slovak nation ... and autonomy belongs to it! As a matter of fact, autonomy did not run away in those 20 years. How could it? Andrej Hlinka had held it SLOVAKIA 61 firmly in his noble and strong hands. It was his blood and his whole life. Hlinka, whom Martin Razus, a Protestant poet, patriot and clergyman, joined, made Slovakia his country. Hlinka and Razus in mind and heart by their work, industry and devotion nourished the spirit of Slovakia so that it grew out of its infancy, became strong and reached maturity. Prematurely, Martin Razus died in 1937; and Andrej Hlinka followed , though at the age of 74, in 1938, less than t wo months before Slovakia in October really took unto herself what had always been hers by natural right, and guaranteed by the Pittsburgh Agreement in 1918. The glorious day of self-government, or autonomy, for the Slovak nation dawned in the early fall of 1938 but neither was present to celebrate this long-awaited victory and hardwon triumph inside the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Hlinka died on August 15, 1938; and a member of the Slovak League delegation, Dominik Slaboda, bade farewell to the reverend warrior at his grave . Slaboda took up a handful of Slovak earth from Hlinka's graveside and carried it to America as a memento of the great Slovak leader and fighter for the sacred principles of the Pittsburgh Pact. Slovakia seised autonomy because in the year, 1938, it had grown out of childhood into adulthood, and autonomy rightfully belonged to her as a natural right. No one can deny that it was truly a crime to be attributed to the Czech, the Slovak, and Czechoslovak opponents of the Pittsburgh Pact that they blocked the incorporation of the articles of self-government for Slovakia in the Constitution of the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia until Martin Razus and Andrej Hlinka passed on into eternity. Upon opening page 1,161 of the 1938 annual "Sbirky zakonu a natizeni statu Cesko-Slovenskeh o" ( Collection of the laws and regulations of the Czecho-Slovak State) I read: Constitutional L aw of November 22, 1938 on the Autonomy for Slovakia The National Assembly on the premise that the Czecho-Slovak Republic was form ed on the basis of the agreement of the sovereign 62 SLOVAKIA will of two equal nations, that in the Pittsburgh Agreement the Slovak nation was promised complete autonomy, and motivated by the desire to bring the Slovak and Czech nations into a friendly relationship in the spirit of the 2ilina Agreement, approves the following law: (Then follow several paragraphs of this Constitutional Law) Paragraph after paragraph follow, the same as weeks and months and days, and years, that were spent in a prolonged, self-sacrificing struggle for the recognition of the Pittsburgh Pact so that finally, the words, "Pittsburghska dohoda," might be inserted in the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic! And the word, 'Autonomy,' became an actual fact: The word became flesh! Appreciation is due to the Slovak League of America for creating the Pittsburgh Pact and thanks to its staunch defender, Andrej Hlinka, who together with the Slovak League saw eye to eye in the matter so that eventually the Slovak nation was granted what was a natural right from the very beginning of time. As a final happy conclusion to a mutual understanding and a united effort in the struggle for the Slovak nation's freedom and self-government, the outcome was a triumph that marked a new phase in the history of the Slovak people in central Europe. The Slovak nation emerged victoriously as a self-governing, united people whose national destiny in the heart of Europe was assured because the Slovaks in their homeland and abroad had been willing to make sacrifices for their ideals, had cooperated with their leaders and had persevered in the struggle until final victory. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA represents an overwhelming majority of organized Americans of Slovak descent; actively affiliated with it are the largest Slovak fraternals, religious organizations, Slovak Clubs and Slovak civic organizations in the United States.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovak League of America and the Slovak Nation's Struggle for Autonomy Description An account of the resource Karol Sidor Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 29-62 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sidor, Karol, 1901-1953 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Relation A related resource This article is one of five from this special issue republished as a monograph: Paučo, Jozef, ed. 1967. <em>Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America.</em> Middletown Pennsylvania: Slovak League of America. <a href="https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616" target="_blank" title="Link to WorldCat" rel="noreferrer noopener">https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616</a> 60years LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/623da38c19a9f333dd7f2d5f223cbdf8.pdf d7ddfad2f08e42c35926a9028bbac367 PDF Text Text 18 SLOVAKIA BEGINNINGS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE IN AMERICA By Constantin Culen All foes of the Slovak national idea shared the same mottoes and techniques. The first of their statements denied the Slovaks nationality status - hence, they had no right, the claim was asserted, to any rights as a nation. They could find happiness only by becoming assimilated in a greater unity with another people. Both the Magyars and Czechs made this assertion. Hurban in the Slovenske Pohl'ady publication noted that the Slovak was considered audacious if he had national pride, a coward if he was not aggressive, if he travelled outside his own country, he was a vagrant but if he stayed at home he was a lazy, shiftless bum. That's the way it was - that's the way it is today. Events proved to the Slovaks themselves that they were better off when they ignored what the state dictated and went ahead doing what other nations did, namely, what was to their own advantage and national interest. 1906 was a momentous year for the Slovaks, for it was in elections for parliamentary seats that year that they supported their own candidates, and they elected seven. The Magyars reacted by starting a political persecution and a series of reprisals sent many to prison. The courts cooperated by meting out sentences ranging from months to several years. Thus many Slovak political leaders were put out of action. The opposition was bitterly directed towards the leading exponents of the Slovak cause, particularly assailing those who by the spoken or written word exerted great influence on the masses struggling for representation and selfgovernment. Andrej Hlinka, a Catholic priest in Ruzomberok, who was not a candidate but who spoke in behalf of Vavro srobar, a candidate, became the prime target of ecclesiastical and political leaders who opposed Slovak participation in politics when it meant the election of their representative to parliament. Biskup Parvy went so far �SLOVAKIA 19 in his chauvinism that he suspended Hlinka and the courts sentenced the Slovak priest to two years in prison. This anti-Slovak outburst in Hungary coincided with a number of political demonstrations by American Slovaks in sympathy with the struggle of their fellow countrymen for political freedom in their native and historic homeland. The speakers (among them many prominent Slovak civic and Church leaders) expressed their willingness to organize an all-Slovak organization, for they deemed the time was ripe for a united front of all Slovaks in the struggle ahead. In the previous century the needs, sufferings and injustices experienced by masses of Slovak workers stimulated the organization of fraternal societies. Now was the time for united action of another kind, namely, to help the Slovak nation fight for its just rights, and it was unanimously agreed that a national united society was obviously essential to carry on the struggle. Hlinka's case, in which both Church and State cooperated in an effort to crush the Slovak spirit by eliminating the great champion of their just rights, stirred the American Slovaks and aroused them to action. Leaders of the Slovak press in America accepted Furdek's invitation for a conference on April 4, 1907. Accordingly, the slogan, "Za tu nasu slovencinu," (For our Slovak Heritage) which was destined to become the battlecry of Slovaks everywhere during and after World War I , was adopted by the following group of Slovak leaders who met in Pittsburgh: Furdek, Mamatey, Feriencik, Straka, Vakulek, Joscak, Polak, Katchmar, Gimesky, Ambrose, Pirhala, Harbula, Karchnak, Husek, Bielek, Orbach, Chudatsik, Marsall, stiasny, Getting, Pankuch, Balent, Rovnianek, Kadlecik, Thomka, Tvrdy, Gessay. A committee for formulating the by-laws of the proposed organization was named. The program unanimously adopted was twofold, namely, to give assistance, culturally, politically, financially and morally to their fellow countrymen in America and in their embattled homeland. May 30, 1907, was the date scheduled to launch the new organization in Cleveland, Ohio. What a coincidence! This date was destined to become, eleven years later, a historic day, for on May 30, �20 SLOVAKIA 1918, the famed Pittsburgh Agreement was signed by the representatives of the American Slovaks and Czechs as a basic agreement for the formation of the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia. However, in deference to the Slovak Gymnastic Sokol ( which had meeting or convention at the time) the date was re-scheduled for May 26, 1907. Invitations to this meeting used the term, "Slovak Congress." In 1861 the meeting of Slovak leaders in Turciansky sv. Martin was known as the National Slovak Assembly. It appears that historic events of similar vein, though far removed in time and place, frequently assume the same program and adopt similar nomenclatures, are the same in scope and follow the same pattern. Unification of all existing Slovak societies was the primary aim of the first Slovak Congress in Cleveland, 0., in order to coordinate their activities in a united program designed to give aid to their fellow countrymen in Slovakia. The invitation was signed by the following: First Catholic Slovak Union, National Slovak Society, Slovak Evangelical Union, Sojuz, Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol, Independent Slovak National Society, Cleveland Slovak Union, Passaic Slovak Union, zivena, First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union, Pennsylvania Slovak Ladies Union, Evangelical Slovak Ladies Union. Editors of all the Slovak national newspapers here signed also. Even today a person is thrilled as he reads the inspiring articles and the reports of spirited discussions in the Slovak newspapers of almost half a century ago. Clearly the focus is on Slovakia, their ancestral homeland. Though fully aware of the necessity and inevitability of becoming an integral part of their new life in America, these early Slovak settlers felt it was somehow decreed by Divine Providence that the American Slovaks were destined to save the Slovak nation from extinction at home, and they were convinced this could be accomplished more effectively from America than at home. 'Today,' the newspapers wrote, 'we are sufficiently strong, thank God, to pay our debt to our Motherland where the Slovak nation is struggling for its very existence.' 'Do your duty! As a child is obliged by God's laws to help his parents in time of need, so we American Slovaks, �SLOVAKIA 21 too, though forced to leave home to escape from tyranny, must fulfill our sacred obligation to help defend our native Motherland suffering under the whip lash of a cruel master.' 'Our task is not merely to unmask the tyranny but to give practical aid to our suffering brethren.' "Let us pay our debt to Slovakia" became the united slogan of the new Slovak movement. History proves that this movement remained faithful to its trust by giving invaluable aid through the years, and this despite the sad fact that at times misappropriation of needed funds weakened its position and deprived it of money necessary for additional worthwhile cases. Gray's Armory on Cleveland's East Side became the scene of a great historic gathering of more than 7,000 stalwart Slovaks representing numerous societies, organizations, parishes, newspapers and communities in every part of the country east of the Mississippi. It was an overflow crowd of Slovaks who were inspired by the desire to help their fellow countrymen overseas. On a well faded photograph from the time we can still make out the following pictures of: Furdek, Anton Bielek, Wolf, Martincek, Ambrose, Bosak, Kiesel, Gelhoff, Bielik, Marsall, Gessay, Rovnianek, Feriencik, Pirhala, stiasny and others, well known and less known Slovaks. A Prayer opened the Assembly: 0, Almighty God, Father of All Nations : Inspire in us a high sense of honor and national pride, Fill us with a sacred love of our glorious heritage, Inflame our hearts and strengthen our conscience In this struggle for human liberty. Bless us, 0 Lord, with final victory. Banish all blunders Grant freedom in our native homeland. Amen. Rev. Stefan Furdek then formally opened the session with a brief introduction: "Today we will not complain but instead we will go forward together with one will towards our national goal. It seems to me, said Furdek, that this is the glorious day of the Slovak nation's resurrection. All of us are here because of our common love of our Slovak nation." �22 SLOVAKIA Rovnianek spoke: "This day's demonstration, he said, has ignited a great fire that has smouldered for two decades. It is the answer to the charge that there is no Slovak nation! It is manifest proof, particularly for the doubting Thomases of our Slovak nation, that here in America an unbending tree has grown up for our Slovak nation, a strong tree under whose outspread branches the oppressed Slovaks driven from their homeland can find refuge and shelter." In a beautiful, heartful speech he inspired all present to persevere in the struggle for Slovak freedom. Ambrose, the third speaker, replied to the newspapers that claimed there was freedom in Hungary. The National Slovak Society offered $5,000 and challenged the Magyars to offer the same amount to cover expenses for an investigating commission of 4 Americans, 2 Magyars, 2 Slovaks and a Chairman ( of their own choice) to ascertain the truth. Musket-fire in Cernova (Slovakia) soon afterwards broke out. The offer was repeated but never accepted even when the Slovaks guaranteed to assume all financial obligations if the Magyars could prove that political freedom really existed in Hungary.) Remarks were made briefly by Pirhala, Bielek (A.), Chudatsik, N. Bielik, Getting, Harbula, Uhrin, Burik, M. Bosak and several representatives of various organizations. The by-laws of the new organization, Slovak League of America, were then read and approved by the entire assembly. Stefan Furdek was elected for the President of the League. Emphasis should be placed on the main idea that sparked the Congress, and from the words of the Prayer opening the historic session it was evident that a spirit of great national pride and self-esteem dominated the meeting, as if it were an atonement for all the years of national degradation often caused by the indifference of the Slovaks themselves. It was made clear that nothing contributed to our failures in the past so much as our submissivness, our backing down on basic issues, our timidity, our lack of courage to stand firm, in a word, lack of a healthy, vigorous national pride. As soon as these weaknesses were pointed out and admitted, the Slovaks entered upon a new era by supporting a national movement to improve their lot: politically, socially, culturally and economically. �SLOVAKIA 23 The Slovak League assumed the responsibility of fostering Slovak national pride that was a prerequisite for the spirit of human dignity. Nowhere did this spirit flourish as it did in America. And therefore, when it was proposed that the Slovaks had a right to their national program, it was but natural that for the first time since the death of stur in the mid-19th century the slogan, "We have a rigth to a Slovak state" was again heard, gained headway and soon was popularized. National self-pride leads logically to the formation of a self-governing state. A nation without its own state, though it may be a part of the most progressive and most liberal country, faces ultimate extinction, without a state of its own it cannot reach fulfillment of its cultural, social and national potential. In this particular direction precisely the program of the Slovak League of America reached the zenith of its greatness, for the ideals of freedom inspired its dynamic activity from this very first mass meeting. What undoubtedly was the Slovak League's most significant role in the life of the Slovak nation was that it provided the Slovaks, freed at last from the common traits of backwardness, slavishness and servility so evident in their native homeland, a powerful and resourceful arsenal for the struggle to win national freedom for their home country on the basis of a natural and divine right to enjoy the blessings of freedom. In the exciting years when these events transpired abroad, the spirit at home waned noticeably. The greater the pressure exerted, the more the home folks weakened in their resolve and their demands for their just rights reached a new low. It appeared that if the Magyars had offered the Slovaks a few intermediate schools and had relaxed their political pressure then, and had they allowed restricted use of the Slovak language in the schools and distributed a few minor offices, they probably would have solved the 'Slovak problem'. The Slovak struggle, which had begun as an all-out fight for all the rights the Slovak nation was entitled to, was now but a feeble movement to attain some sort of recognition. It was a far cry from the original demand for Slovak schools throughout the country, for �24 SLOVAKIA Slovak representatives of their own people and the use of the Slovak language as an official language in Slovakia. Ironically, when Slovak spokesmen sought to get even the smallest consideration, their Magyar overlords asked them arrogantly: "Now, wouldn't you like to have your own Slovak state?" Vajansky gave the proper response: "Why not? The natural right of every nation is its birthright to self-government, and we, Slovaks as a full-fledged nation, have all the prerogatives for our own free , self-governing state." (Narodne Noviny, November 15, 1910). At home, however, it was virtually impossible to voice this right to statehood, not to speak of a practical application. But we must never surrender this right because the highest aspiration of any nation is to have its own state. Are we Slovaks to be the lone exception among a long list of advanced nations down through history? No! Was there ever a Slovak who before World War I denied the right of his people to their own free state? Never! And had the opportunity presented itself, every Slovak would have exerted himself to the utmost to establish and maintain a free, self-governing Slovak state. 'Not merely the attainment of some of our rights but all of them' was the battle-cry of the Slovak League as the movement gained momentum among a united American Slovak public. Soon after the founding of the Slovak League, there appeared in the Slovak press here proposals of Slovak statehood. Freedom is a God-given right and we cannot receive it as a gift from other nations. All nations are equal in the sight of God, and hence they have equality of rights. Tholt Vel'kostiavnicky proposed the possibility of a federation of European nations in which each nation would give up a little of its national sovereignity for the common welfare of all fellow members. Studies of the Slovak pronouncements at the time indicate indisputably aspirations for state self-government; though often veiled they were there nevertheless. A closer look proves it. Why, then, did they refrain from coming out and saying so openly? Because the Slovak masses were not yet conditioned to so radical �SLOVAKIA 25 a proposal, namely, outright freedom and self-governing state of their own in their own country. Upon reflection as to the prime requisites for a selfgoverning and independent state, the Slovaks came to the following conclusions: a) They had a living language b) They possessed a common Christian faith which was the national basis of a moral life c) They shared a spirit of unity and national pride On the debit side, they realized that they lacked a strong national organization to set up this political state they vaguely dreamed of at home. But, as they looked westward, the example of the dynamic Slovak League of America gave them the courage they needed, for here actually the Slovaks were organized, ready and able to give them the assistance necessary to establish and maintain their own free, self-governing state. Slovak Independence was in the mind of Tholt Vel'kostiavnicky as he wrote in an editorial: "Slovak freedom will materialize when the political circumstances and a new favorable atmosphere appear in Europe. The Slovaks must await this moment with complete confidence and an ardent national pride. They must aspire to a full, unconditional national fulfillment in a free and independent Slovak state." What vision and courage to have written these prophetic words at the time! "We Slovaks will join that movement that will give us it.he most and surest guarantees of our national liberty. We do not want to be a footstool for any nation. We will cooperate with those who will pledge to respect our aspirations to national freedom . Theoretically, this meant possible aid from the Poles, Romanians, Croatians, and even the Germans and Austrians. "That is why we Slovaks will join our forces with those who not only offer aid to us for the attainment of our legitimate objectives as a nation but who at the same time give us the best guarantees. In politics there is no place for sentiment. We will be friends with those who give us the most advantages, but we will not be their slaves. "There were pessimistic views, then as now, ithait sought to convince the Slovaks of the utter futility of seeking full self-government based on ,t he ridiculous premise that it is far more advantageous to be allied with others more experienced in the art of government ... which, in effect, meant that one should be willing to carry the burden of oppression if only his oppressors lighten the burden somewhat! To these people Husek had only one comment: 'Such rubbish! ' " (Jednota, December 30, 1908) . �26 SLOVAKIA Slovak League leaders and members scoffed at views that were designed to discourage the Slovak nation's aspiration to national freedom and self-government. They called for an all-out struggle for the attainment of all their rights to which they were entitled by nature. It was, indeed, in harmony with what a western Slovak song so aptly expressed: "We only want what is ours, nothing more, nothing less." Liberty is the natural heritage of every nation but no nation can enjoy freedom unless it has its own free, selfgoverning state. One of the greatest services performed by the Slovak League of America in the years when the struggle for the nation's freedom reached a low ebb in the Slovak's historic homeland was to hold high the banner of national freedom and personal liberty. American Slovak immigrants soon came to the conclusion that they, too, were able to conduct their own political affairs and like nations, they, too, had an equal right to their own independent state. Strange as it may seem, the idea of national freedom and independent statehood did not originate in Slovakia but in America where the Slovak pioneers compared themselves to their neighbors of various nationalities and saw that they were not at all an inferior people. On the contrary, they were equals among equals. This discovery encouraged them to adopt a program whose objective was the liberation of the Slovaks from alien domination. The ultimate goal was the establishment of their own free state. "Independent statehood for the Slovak nation must be uppermost in the minds of all Slovaks because the nations of the world, even the least advanced, are seeking independence. Consequently, the Slovaks must not be slaves to any nation." (Slovensky Dennik, Pittsburgh, Pa. , January 21, 1910). Again in the same newspaper of June 3, 1910, we read: "No one can degrade the ideal of freedom because it is won by the sacrifice of human blood and is, therefore, sacred. Moreover, it is founded on the principles of equality, truth and justice." This was the spirit of the founders of the Slovak League as expressed in America, far from the Slovaks' native homeland. It embodied the spirit of personal liberty, human dignity, democracy, national pride. It was based upon the �SLOVAKIA 27 knowledge of God's laws as found in nature and it enkindled the spirit of free enterprise, cooperation and self-confidence. The inner strength of the Slovak nation assured the future national destiny of the Slovak people in their own free and independent state. Spontaneous and prophetic, this spirit inspired the Slovak nation to adopt a clear-cut program towards winning freedom, and if for a time the Slovak nation had been deprived of its freedom the words of I'..udovit stlir and Tholt Vel'kostiavnicky echoed and re-echoed the eternal message: "The ideal of Slovak freedom will never die. Traitors to the Slovak cause will perish but the movement to national freedom will live forever. " In this unique chapter of Slovak history, the Slovak League has a just and major portion because it inspired the struggle, maintained the fight in its day, and is still carrying on that fight because the Slovak nation has been enslaved in our times. Furdek presided at a meeting of the executive committee of the Slovak League on June 13, 1907. The discussions centered on the practical means of giving aid. A suggestion to issue stamps and a commemorative medal for a fund-raising campaign was approved and adopted. Soon a stamp was issued and a medal appeared with the inspiring motto, 'Za tu nasu slovencinu' (For our Slovak Heritage). The new stamp appeared on thousands of letters that circulated throughout the country, and the idea of Slovak freedom caught on everywhere. Some said (prophetically) that in the near future Slovakia would have its own postage stamps! A strong reaction set in overseas. Hungarian authorities returned letters by the thousands to their original mailing-points in America simply because alongside the regular postage stamp there appeared the special Slovak League stamp! They feared the danger of this propaganda medium, namely, the fear of an aroused Slovak public. In America the Slovak League fully exploited the ban by informing America Newspapers of this step. The Slovak League not only intensified its efforts towards national emancipation but gave invaluable aid to orphaned families. �28 SLOVAKLA Correspondence between Slovak political leaders at home and the American Slovaks reveals the solid strength of their fellow countrymen who had emigrated. Every appeal for help was answered. On their part, the American Slovaks were self-sufficient in that they needed no prodding to do what they deemed a sacred duty towards their embattled countrymen. When Count Albert Apponyi visited America in 1911, his mission was to convince the Americans that the Magyars were truly a bastion of democracy in Central Europe. The American Slovaks presented facts, based upon actual experience before they had left their homeland, which convinced the American public that in actuality the Magyars were tyrannical oppressors of the Slovak nation and other nations in Hungary. American census-takers for years had listed Slovaks as "Hungarians" but it was the Slovak League that intervened and set the records straight. From 1910 on, all Slovaks were listed as such officially. War clouds appeared in Europe. In 1914 Count Karolyi appeared suddenly in this country. He, too, had a mission, namely, to unite the nationality groups that had origins in Hungary. It soon became evident, however, that he found it an impossibility to inspire loyalty, for he represented the oppressor and they had been the oppressed. American Slovaks, who had got used to the idea of freedom, now envisioned national freedom and consequently complete separation from Hungary. Accordingly, they had the same reply for the liberal Karolyi as they had given only a short time before to the conservative Apponyi, ie., 'Nothing doing!' This occasion gave the Slovak League the opportunity to make a bold stand against amalgamation with the Magyars, or the Czechs later; under Mamatey's leadership the Slovak League asserted the right of the Slovak nation to determine its own destiny in a free, self-governing state. Count Karolyi's visit to America marked the end of an era, an era of oppression, and the political subjugation of the Slovaks. It was, moreover, the prelude to a new chapter in the Slovak nation's history at the very outbreak of World War I. � 18 SLOVAKIA BEGINNINGS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE IN AMERICA By Constantin Culen All foes of the Slovak national idea shared the same mottoes and techniques. The first of their statements denied the Slovaks nationality status - hence, they had no right, the claim was asserted, to any rights as a nation. They could find happiness only by becoming assimilated in a greater unity with another people. Both the Magyars and Czechs made this assertion. Hurban in the Slovenske Pohl'ady publication noted that the Slovak was considered audacious if he had national pride, a coward if he was not aggressive, if he travelled outside his own country, he was a vagrant but if he stayed at home he was a lazy, shiftless bum. That's the way it was - that's the way it is today. Events proved to the Slovaks themselves that they were better off when they ignored what the state dictated and went ahead doing what other nations did, namely, what was to their own advantage and national interest. 1906 was a momentous year for the Slovaks, for it was in elections for parliamentary seats that year that they supported their own candidates, and they elected seven. The Magyars reacted by starting a political persecution and a series of reprisals sent many to prison. The courts cooperated by meting out sentences ranging from months to several years. Thus many Slovak political leaders were put out of action. The opposition was bitterly directed towards the leading exponents of the Slovak cause, particularly assailing those who by the spoken or written word exerted great influence on the masses struggling for representation and selfgovernment. Andrej Hlinka, a Catholic priest in Ruzomberok, who was not a candidate but who spoke in behalf of Vavro srobar, a candidate, became the prime target of ecclesiastical and political leaders who opposed Slovak participation in politics when it meant the election of their representative to parliament. Biskup Parvy went so far �SLOVAKIA 19 in his chauvinism that he suspended Hlinka and the courts sentenced the Slovak priest to two years in prison. This anti-Slovak outburst in Hungary coincided with a number of political demonstrations by American Slovaks in sympathy with the struggle of their fellow countrymen for political freedom in their native and historic homeland. The speakers (among them many prominent Slovak civic and Church leaders) expressed their willingness to organize an all-Slovak organization, for they deemed the time was ripe for a united front of all Slovaks in the struggle ahead. In the previous century the needs, sufferings and injustices experienced by masses of Slovak workers stimulated the organization of fraternal societies. Now was the time for united action of another kind, namely, to help the Slovak nation fight for its just rights, and it was unanimously agreed that a national united society was obviously essential to carry on the struggle. Hlinka's case, in which both Church and State cooperated in an effort to crush the Slovak spirit by eliminating the great champion of their just rights, stirred the American Slovaks and aroused them to action. Leaders of the Slovak press in America accepted Furdek's invitation for a conference on April 4, 1907. Accordingly, the slogan, "Za tu nasu slovencinu," (For our Slovak Heritage) which was destined to become the battlecry of Slovaks everywhere during and after World War I , was adopted by the following group of Slovak leaders who met in Pittsburgh: Furdek, Mamatey, Feriencik, Straka, Vakulek, Joscak, Polak, Katchmar, Gimesky, Ambrose, Pirhala, Harbula, Karchnak, Husek, Bielek, Orbach, Chudatsik, Marsall, stiasny, Getting, Pankuch, Balent, Rovnianek, Kadlecik, Thomka, Tvrdy, Gessay. A committee for formulating the by-laws of the proposed organization was named. The program unanimously adopted was twofold, namely, to give assistance, culturally, politically, financially and morally to their fellow countrymen in America and in their embattled homeland. May 30, 1907, was the date scheduled to launch the new organization in Cleveland, Ohio. What a coincidence! This date was destined to become, eleven years later, a historic day, for on May 30, �20 SLOVAKIA 1918, the famed Pittsburgh Agreement was signed by the representatives of the American Slovaks and Czechs as a basic agreement for the formation of the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia. However, in deference to the Slovak Gymnastic Sokol ( which had meeting or convention at the time) the date was re-scheduled for May 26, 1907. Invitations to this meeting used the term, "Slovak Congress." In 1861 the meeting of Slovak leaders in Turciansky sv. Martin was known as the National Slovak Assembly. It appears that historic events of similar vein, though far removed in time and place, frequently assume the same program and adopt similar nomenclatures, are the same in scope and follow the same pattern. Unification of all existing Slovak societies was the primary aim of the first Slovak Congress in Cleveland, 0., in order to coordinate their activities in a united program designed to give aid to their fellow countrymen in Slovakia. The invitation was signed by the following: First Catholic Slovak Union, National Slovak Society, Slovak Evangelical Union, Sojuz, Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol, Independent Slovak National Society, Cleveland Slovak Union, Passaic Slovak Union, zivena, First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union, Pennsylvania Slovak Ladies Union, Evangelical Slovak Ladies Union. Editors of all the Slovak national newspapers here signed also. Even today a person is thrilled as he reads the inspiring articles and the reports of spirited discussions in the Slovak newspapers of almost half a century ago. Clearly the focus is on Slovakia, their ancestral homeland. Though fully aware of the necessity and inevitability of becoming an integral part of their new life in America, these early Slovak settlers felt it was somehow decreed by Divine Providence that the American Slovaks were destined to save the Slovak nation from extinction at home, and they were convinced this could be accomplished more effectively from America than at home. 'Today,' the newspapers wrote, 'we are sufficiently strong, thank God, to pay our debt to our Motherland where the Slovak nation is struggling for its very existence.' 'Do your duty! As a child is obliged by God's laws to help his parents in time of need, so we American Slovaks, �SLOVAKIA 21 too, though forced to leave home to escape from tyranny, must fulfill our sacred obligation to help defend our native Motherland suffering under the whip lash of a cruel master.' 'Our task is not merely to unmask the tyranny but to give practical aid to our suffering brethren.' "Let us pay our debt to Slovakia" became the united slogan of the new Slovak movement. History proves that this movement remained faithful to its trust by giving invaluable aid through the years, and this despite the sad fact that at times misappropriation of needed funds weakened its position and deprived it of money necessary for additional worthwhile cases. Gray's Armory on Cleveland's East Side became the scene of a great historic gathering of more than 7,000 stalwart Slovaks representing numerous societies, organizations, parishes, newspapers and communities in every part of the country east of the Mississippi. It was an overflow crowd of Slovaks who were inspired by the desire to help their fellow countrymen overseas. On a well faded photograph from the time we can still make out the following pictures of: Furdek, Anton Bielek, Wolf, Martincek, Ambrose, Bosak, Kiesel, Gelhoff, Bielik, Marsall, Gessay, Rovnianek, Feriencik, Pirhala, stiasny and others, well known and less known Slovaks. A Prayer opened the Assembly: 0, Almighty God, Father of All Nations : Inspire in us a high sense of honor and national pride, Fill us with a sacred love of our glorious heritage, Inflame our hearts and strengthen our conscience In this struggle for human liberty. Bless us, 0 Lord, with final victory. Banish all blunders Grant freedom in our native homeland. Amen. Rev. Stefan Furdek then formally opened the session with a brief introduction: "Today we will not complain but instead we will go forward together with one will towards our national goal. It seems to me, said Furdek, that this is the glorious day of the Slovak nation's resurrection. All of us are here because of our common love of our Slovak nation." �22 SLOVAKIA Rovnianek spoke: "This day's demonstration, he said, has ignited a great fire that has smouldered for two decades. It is the answer to the charge that there is no Slovak nation! It is manifest proof, particularly for the doubting Thomases of our Slovak nation, that here in America an unbending tree has grown up for our Slovak nation, a strong tree under whose outspread branches the oppressed Slovaks driven from their homeland can find refuge and shelter." In a beautiful, heartful speech he inspired all present to persevere in the struggle for Slovak freedom. Ambrose, the third speaker, replied to the newspapers that claimed there was freedom in Hungary. The National Slovak Society offered $5,000 and challenged the Magyars to offer the same amount to cover expenses for an investigating commission of 4 Americans, 2 Magyars, 2 Slovaks and a Chairman ( of their own choice) to ascertain the truth. Musket-fire in Cernova (Slovakia) soon afterwards broke out. The offer was repeated but never accepted even when the Slovaks guaranteed to assume all financial obligations if the Magyars could prove that political freedom really existed in Hungary.) Remarks were made briefly by Pirhala, Bielek (A.), Chudatsik, N. Bielik, Getting, Harbula, Uhrin, Burik, M. Bosak and several representatives of various organizations. The by-laws of the new organization, Slovak League of America, were then read and approved by the entire assembly. Stefan Furdek was elected for the President of the League. Emphasis should be placed on the main idea that sparked the Congress, and from the words of the Prayer opening the historic session it was evident that a spirit of great national pride and self-esteem dominated the meeting, as if it were an atonement for all the years of national degradation often caused by the indifference of the Slovaks themselves. It was made clear that nothing contributed to our failures in the past so much as our submissivness, our backing down on basic issues, our timidity, our lack of courage to stand firm, in a word, lack of a healthy, vigorous national pride. As soon as these weaknesses were pointed out and admitted, the Slovaks entered upon a new era by supporting a national movement to improve their lot: politically, socially, culturally and economically. �SLOVAKIA 23 The Slovak League assumed the responsibility of fostering Slovak national pride that was a prerequisite for the spirit of human dignity. Nowhere did this spirit flourish as it did in America. And therefore, when it was proposed that the Slovaks had a right to their national program, it was but natural that for the first time since the death of stur in the mid-19th century the slogan, "We have a rigth to a Slovak state" was again heard, gained headway and soon was popularized. National self-pride leads logically to the formation of a self-governing state. A nation without its own state, though it may be a part of the most progressive and most liberal country, faces ultimate extinction, without a state of its own it cannot reach fulfillment of its cultural, social and national potential. In this particular direction precisely the program of the Slovak League of America reached the zenith of its greatness, for the ideals of freedom inspired its dynamic activity from this very first mass meeting. What undoubtedly was the Slovak League's most significant role in the life of the Slovak nation was that it provided the Slovaks, freed at last from the common traits of backwardness, slavishness and servility so evident in their native homeland, a powerful and resourceful arsenal for the struggle to win national freedom for their home country on the basis of a natural and divine right to enjoy the blessings of freedom. In the exciting years when these events transpired abroad, the spirit at home waned noticeably. The greater the pressure exerted, the more the home folks weakened in their resolve and their demands for their just rights reached a new low. It appeared that if the Magyars had offered the Slovaks a few intermediate schools and had relaxed their political pressure then, and had they allowed restricted use of the Slovak language in the schools and distributed a few minor offices, they probably would have solved the 'Slovak problem'. The Slovak struggle, which had begun as an all-out fight for all the rights the Slovak nation was entitled to, was now but a feeble movement to attain some sort of recognition. It was a far cry from the original demand for Slovak schools throughout the country, for �24 SLOVAKIA Slovak representatives of their own people and the use of the Slovak language as an official language in Slovakia. Ironically, when Slovak spokesmen sought to get even the smallest consideration, their Magyar overlords asked them arrogantly: "Now, wouldn't you like to have your own Slovak state?" Vajansky gave the proper response: "Why not? The natural right of every nation is its birthright to self-government, and we, Slovaks as a full-fledged nation, have all the prerogatives for our own free , self-governing state." (Narodne Noviny, November 15, 1910). At home, however, it was virtually impossible to voice this right to statehood, not to speak of a practical application. But we must never surrender this right because the highest aspiration of any nation is to have its own state. Are we Slovaks to be the lone exception among a long list of advanced nations down through history? No! Was there ever a Slovak who before World War I denied the right of his people to their own free state? Never! And had the opportunity presented itself, every Slovak would have exerted himself to the utmost to establish and maintain a free, self-governing Slovak state. 'Not merely the attainment of some of our rights but all of them' was the battle-cry of the Slovak League as the movement gained momentum among a united American Slovak public. Soon after the founding of the Slovak League, there appeared in the Slovak press here proposals of Slovak statehood. Freedom is a God-given right and we cannot receive it as a gift from other nations. All nations are equal in the sight of God, and hence they have equality of rights. Tholt Vel'kostiavnicky proposed the possibility of a federation of European nations in which each nation would give up a little of its national sovereignity for the common welfare of all fellow members. Studies of the Slovak pronouncements at the time indicate indisputably aspirations for state self-government; though often veiled they were there nevertheless. A closer look proves it. Why, then, did they refrain from coming out and saying so openly? Because the Slovak masses were not yet conditioned to so radical �SLOVAKIA 25 a proposal, namely, outright freedom and self-governing state of their own in their own country. Upon reflection as to the prime requisites for a selfgoverning and independent state, the Slovaks came to the following conclusions: a) They had a living language b) They possessed a common Christian faith which was the national basis of a moral life c) They shared a spirit of unity and national pride On the debit side, they realized that they lacked a strong national organization to set up this political state they vaguely dreamed of at home. But, as they looked westward, the example of the dynamic Slovak League of America gave them the courage they needed, for here actually the Slovaks were organized, ready and able to give them the assistance necessary to establish and maintain their own free, self-governing state. Slovak Independence was in the mind of Tholt Vel'kostiavnicky as he wrote in an editorial: "Slovak freedom will materialize when the political circumstances and a new favorable atmosphere appear in Europe. The Slovaks must await this moment with complete confidence and an ardent national pride. They must aspire to a full, unconditional national fulfillment in a free and independent Slovak state." What vision and courage to have written these prophetic words at the time! "We Slovaks will join that movement that will give us it.he most and surest guarantees of our national liberty. We do not want to be a footstool for any nation. We will cooperate with those who will pledge to respect our aspirations to national freedom . Theoretically, this meant possible aid from the Poles, Romanians, Croatians, and even the Germans and Austrians. "That is why we Slovaks will join our forces with those who not only offer aid to us for the attainment of our legitimate objectives as a nation but who at the same time give us the best guarantees. In politics there is no place for sentiment. We will be friends with those who give us the most advantages, but we will not be their slaves. "There were pessimistic views, then as now, ithait sought to convince the Slovaks of the utter futility of seeking full self-government based on ,t he ridiculous premise that it is far more advantageous to be allied with others more experienced in the art of government ... which, in effect, meant that one should be willing to carry the burden of oppression if only his oppressors lighten the burden somewhat! To these people Husek had only one comment: 'Such rubbish! ' " (Jednota, December 30, 1908) . �26 SLOVAKIA Slovak League leaders and members scoffed at views that were designed to discourage the Slovak nation's aspiration to national freedom and self-government. They called for an all-out struggle for the attainment of all their rights to which they were entitled by nature. It was, indeed, in harmony with what a western Slovak song so aptly expressed: "We only want what is ours, nothing more, nothing less." Liberty is the natural heritage of every nation but no nation can enjoy freedom unless it has its own free, selfgoverning state. One of the greatest services performed by the Slovak League of America in the years when the struggle for the nation's freedom reached a low ebb in the Slovak's historic homeland was to hold high the banner of national freedom and personal liberty. American Slovak immigrants soon came to the conclusion that they, too, were able to conduct their own political affairs and like nations, they, too, had an equal right to their own independent state. Strange as it may seem, the idea of national freedom and independent statehood did not originate in Slovakia but in America where the Slovak pioneers compared themselves to their neighbors of various nationalities and saw that they were not at all an inferior people. On the contrary, they were equals among equals. This discovery encouraged them to adopt a program whose objective was the liberation of the Slovaks from alien domination. The ultimate goal was the establishment of their own free state. "Independent statehood for the Slovak nation must be uppermost in the minds of all Slovaks because the nations of the world, even the least advanced, are seeking independence. Consequently, the Slovaks must not be slaves to any nation." (Slovensky Dennik, Pittsburgh, Pa. , January 21, 1910). Again in the same newspaper of June 3, 1910, we read: "No one can degrade the ideal of freedom because it is won by the sacrifice of human blood and is, therefore, sacred. Moreover, it is founded on the principles of equality, truth and justice." This was the spirit of the founders of the Slovak League as expressed in America, far from the Slovaks' native homeland. It embodied the spirit of personal liberty, human dignity, democracy, national pride. It was based upon the �SLOVAKIA 27 knowledge of God's laws as found in nature and it enkindled the spirit of free enterprise, cooperation and self-confidence. The inner strength of the Slovak nation assured the future national destiny of the Slovak people in their own free and independent state. Spontaneous and prophetic, this spirit inspired the Slovak nation to adopt a clear-cut program towards winning freedom, and if for a time the Slovak nation had been deprived of its freedom the words of I'..udovit stlir and Tholt Vel'kostiavnicky echoed and re-echoed the eternal message: "The ideal of Slovak freedom will never die. Traitors to the Slovak cause will perish but the movement to national freedom will live forever. " In this unique chapter of Slovak history, the Slovak League has a just and major portion because it inspired the struggle, maintained the fight in its day, and is still carrying on that fight because the Slovak nation has been enslaved in our times. Furdek presided at a meeting of the executive committee of the Slovak League on June 13, 1907. The discussions centered on the practical means of giving aid. A suggestion to issue stamps and a commemorative medal for a fund-raising campaign was approved and adopted. Soon a stamp was issued and a medal appeared with the inspiring motto, 'Za tu nasu slovencinu' (For our Slovak Heritage). The new stamp appeared on thousands of letters that circulated throughout the country, and the idea of Slovak freedom caught on everywhere. Some said (prophetically) that in the near future Slovakia would have its own postage stamps! A strong reaction set in overseas. Hungarian authorities returned letters by the thousands to their original mailing-points in America simply because alongside the regular postage stamp there appeared the special Slovak League stamp! They feared the danger of this propaganda medium, namely, the fear of an aroused Slovak public. In America the Slovak League fully exploited the ban by informing America Newspapers of this step. The Slovak League not only intensified its efforts towards national emancipation but gave invaluable aid to orphaned families. �28 SLOVAKLA Correspondence between Slovak political leaders at home and the American Slovaks reveals the solid strength of their fellow countrymen who had emigrated. Every appeal for help was answered. On their part, the American Slovaks were self-sufficient in that they needed no prodding to do what they deemed a sacred duty towards their embattled countrymen. When Count Albert Apponyi visited America in 1911, his mission was to convince the Americans that the Magyars were truly a bastion of democracy in Central Europe. The American Slovaks presented facts, based upon actual experience before they had left their homeland, which convinced the American public that in actuality the Magyars were tyrannical oppressors of the Slovak nation and other nations in Hungary. American census-takers for years had listed Slovaks as "Hungarians" but it was the Slovak League that intervened and set the records straight. From 1910 on, all Slovaks were listed as such officially. War clouds appeared in Europe. In 1914 Count Karolyi appeared suddenly in this country. He, too, had a mission, namely, to unite the nationality groups that had origins in Hungary. It soon became evident, however, that he found it an impossibility to inspire loyalty, for he represented the oppressor and they had been the oppressed. American Slovaks, who had got used to the idea of freedom, now envisioned national freedom and consequently complete separation from Hungary. Accordingly, they had the same reply for the liberal Karolyi as they had given only a short time before to the conservative Apponyi, ie., 'Nothing doing!' This occasion gave the Slovak League the opportunity to make a bold stand against amalgamation with the Magyars, or the Czechs later; under Mamatey's leadership the Slovak League asserted the right of the Slovak nation to determine its own destiny in a free, self-governing state. Count Karolyi's visit to America marked the end of an era, an era of oppression, and the political subjugation of the Slovaks. It was, moreover, the prelude to a new chapter in the Slovak nation's history at the very outbreak of World War I. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 18 SLOVAKIA BEGINNINGS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE IN AMERICA By Constantin Culen All foes of the Slovak national idea shared the same mottoes and techniques. The first of their statements denied the Slovaks nationality status - hence, they had no right, the claim was asserted, to any rights as a nation. They could find happiness only by becoming assimilated in a greater unity with another people. Both the Magyars and Czechs made this assertion. Hurban in the Slovenske Pohl'ady publication noted that the Slovak was considered audacious if he had national pride, a coward if he was not aggressive, if he travelled outside his own country, he was a vagrant but if he stayed at home he was a lazy, shiftless bum. That's the way it was - that's the way it is today. Events proved to the Slovaks themselves that they were better off when they ignored what the state dictated and went ahead doing what other nations did, namely, what was to their own advantage and national interest. 1906 was a momentous year for the Slovaks, for it was in elections for parliamentary seats that year that they supported their own candidates, and they elected seven. The Magyars reacted by starting a political persecution and a series of reprisals sent many to prison. The courts cooperated by meting out sentences ranging from months to several years. Thus many Slovak political leaders were put out of action. The opposition was bitterly directed towards the leading exponents of the Slovak cause, particularly assailing those who by the spoken or written word exerted great influence on the masses struggling for representation and selfgovernment. Andrej Hlinka, a Catholic priest in Ruzomberok, who was not a candidate but who spoke in behalf of Vavro srobar, a candidate, became the prime target of ecclesiastical and political leaders who opposed Slovak participation in politics when it meant the election of their representative to parliament. Biskup Parvy went so far SLOVAKIA 19 in his chauvinism that he suspended Hlinka and the courts sentenced the Slovak priest to two years in prison. This anti-Slovak outburst in Hungary coincided with a number of political demonstrations by American Slovaks in sympathy with the struggle of their fellow countrymen for political freedom in their native and historic homeland. The speakers (among them many prominent Slovak civic and Church leaders) expressed their willingness to organize an all-Slovak organization, for they deemed the time was ripe for a united front of all Slovaks in the struggle ahead. In the previous century the needs, sufferings and injustices experienced by masses of Slovak workers stimulated the organization of fraternal societies. Now was the time for united action of another kind, namely, to help the Slovak nation fight for its just rights, and it was unanimously agreed that a national united society was obviously essential to carry on the struggle. Hlinka's case, in which both Church and State cooperated in an effort to crush the Slovak spirit by eliminating the great champion of their just rights, stirred the American Slovaks and aroused them to action. Leaders of the Slovak press in America accepted Furdek's invitation for a conference on April 4, 1907. Accordingly, the slogan, "Za tu nasu slovencinu," (For our Slovak Heritage) which was destined to become the battlecry of Slovaks everywhere during and after World War I , was adopted by the following group of Slovak leaders who met in Pittsburgh: Furdek, Mamatey, Feriencik, Straka, Vakulek, Joscak, Polak, Katchmar, Gimesky, Ambrose, Pirhala, Harbula, Karchnak, Husek, Bielek, Orbach, Chudatsik, Marsall, stiasny, Getting, Pankuch, Balent, Rovnianek, Kadlecik, Thomka, Tvrdy, Gessay. A committee for formulating the by-laws of the proposed organization was named. The program unanimously adopted was twofold, namely, to give assistance, culturally, politically, financially and morally to their fellow countrymen in America and in their embattled homeland. May 30, 1907, was the date scheduled to launch the new organization in Cleveland, Ohio. What a coincidence! This date was destined to become, eleven years later, a historic day, for on May 30, 20 SLOVAKIA 1918, the famed Pittsburgh Agreement was signed by the representatives of the American Slovaks and Czechs as a basic agreement for the formation of the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia. However, in deference to the Slovak Gymnastic Sokol ( which had meeting or convention at the time) the date was re-scheduled for May 26, 1907. Invitations to this meeting used the term, "Slovak Congress." In 1861 the meeting of Slovak leaders in Turciansky sv. Martin was known as the National Slovak Assembly. It appears that historic events of similar vein, though far removed in time and place, frequently assume the same program and adopt similar nomenclatures, are the same in scope and follow the same pattern. Unification of all existing Slovak societies was the primary aim of the first Slovak Congress in Cleveland, 0., in order to coordinate their activities in a united program designed to give aid to their fellow countrymen in Slovakia. The invitation was signed by the following: First Catholic Slovak Union, National Slovak Society, Slovak Evangelical Union, Sojuz, Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol, Independent Slovak National Society, Cleveland Slovak Union, Passaic Slovak Union, zivena, First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union, Pennsylvania Slovak Ladies Union, Evangelical Slovak Ladies Union. Editors of all the Slovak national newspapers here signed also. Even today a person is thrilled as he reads the inspiring articles and the reports of spirited discussions in the Slovak newspapers of almost half a century ago. Clearly the focus is on Slovakia, their ancestral homeland. Though fully aware of the necessity and inevitability of becoming an integral part of their new life in America, these early Slovak settlers felt it was somehow decreed by Divine Providence that the American Slovaks were destined to save the Slovak nation from extinction at home, and they were convinced this could be accomplished more effectively from America than at home. 'Today,' the newspapers wrote, 'we are sufficiently strong, thank God, to pay our debt to our Motherland where the Slovak nation is struggling for its very existence.' 'Do your duty! As a child is obliged by God's laws to help his parents in time of need, so we American Slovaks, SLOVAKIA 21 too, though forced to leave home to escape from tyranny, must fulfill our sacred obligation to help defend our native Motherland suffering under the whip lash of a cruel master.' 'Our task is not merely to unmask the tyranny but to give practical aid to our suffering brethren.' "Let us pay our debt to Slovakia" became the united slogan of the new Slovak movement. History proves that this movement remained faithful to its trust by giving invaluable aid through the years, and this despite the sad fact that at times misappropriation of needed funds weakened its position and deprived it of money necessary for additional worthwhile cases. Gray's Armory on Cleveland's East Side became the scene of a great historic gathering of more than 7,000 stalwart Slovaks representing numerous societies, organizations, parishes, newspapers and communities in every part of the country east of the Mississippi. It was an overflow crowd of Slovaks who were inspired by the desire to help their fellow countrymen overseas. On a well faded photograph from the time we can still make out the following pictures of: Furdek, Anton Bielek, Wolf, Martincek, Ambrose, Bosak, Kiesel, Gelhoff, Bielik, Marsall, Gessay, Rovnianek, Feriencik, Pirhala, stiasny and others, well known and less known Slovaks. A Prayer opened the Assembly: 0, Almighty God, Father of All Nations : Inspire in us a high sense of honor and national pride, Fill us with a sacred love of our glorious heritage, Inflame our hearts and strengthen our conscience In this struggle for human liberty. Bless us, 0 Lord, with final victory. Banish all blunders Grant freedom in our native homeland. Amen. Rev. Stefan Furdek then formally opened the session with a brief introduction: "Today we will not complain but instead we will go forward together with one will towards our national goal. It seems to me, said Furdek, that this is the glorious day of the Slovak nation's resurrection. All of us are here because of our common love of our Slovak nation." 22 SLOVAKIA Rovnianek spoke: "This day's demonstration, he said, has ignited a great fire that has smouldered for two decades. It is the answer to the charge that there is no Slovak nation! It is manifest proof, particularly for the doubting Thomases of our Slovak nation, that here in America an unbending tree has grown up for our Slovak nation, a strong tree under whose outspread branches the oppressed Slovaks driven from their homeland can find refuge and shelter." In a beautiful, heartful speech he inspired all present to persevere in the struggle for Slovak freedom. Ambrose, the third speaker, replied to the newspapers that claimed there was freedom in Hungary. The National Slovak Society offered $5,000 and challenged the Magyars to offer the same amount to cover expenses for an investigating commission of 4 Americans, 2 Magyars, 2 Slovaks and a Chairman ( of their own choice) to ascertain the truth. Musket-fire in Cernova (Slovakia) soon afterwards broke out. The offer was repeated but never accepted even when the Slovaks guaranteed to assume all financial obligations if the Magyars could prove that political freedom really existed in Hungary.) Remarks were made briefly by Pirhala, Bielek (A.), Chudatsik, N. Bielik, Getting, Harbula, Uhrin, Burik, M. Bosak and several representatives of various organizations. The by-laws of the new organization, Slovak League of America, were then read and approved by the entire assembly. Stefan Furdek was elected for the President of the League. Emphasis should be placed on the main idea that sparked the Congress, and from the words of the Prayer opening the historic session it was evident that a spirit of great national pride and self-esteem dominated the meeting, as if it were an atonement for all the years of national degradation often caused by the indifference of the Slovaks themselves. It was made clear that nothing contributed to our failures in the past so much as our submissivness, our backing down on basic issues, our timidity, our lack of courage to stand firm, in a word, lack of a healthy, vigorous national pride. As soon as these weaknesses were pointed out and admitted, the Slovaks entered upon a new era by supporting a national movement to improve their lot: politically, socially, culturally and economically. SLOVAKIA 23 The Slovak League assumed the responsibility of fostering Slovak national pride that was a prerequisite for the spirit of human dignity. Nowhere did this spirit flourish as it did in America. And therefore, when it was proposed that the Slovaks had a right to their national program, it was but natural that for the first time since the death of stur in the mid-19th century the slogan, "We have a rigth to a Slovak state" was again heard, gained headway and soon was popularized. National self-pride leads logically to the formation of a self-governing state. A nation without its own state, though it may be a part of the most progressive and most liberal country, faces ultimate extinction, without a state of its own it cannot reach fulfillment of its cultural, social and national potential. In this particular direction precisely the program of the Slovak League of America reached the zenith of its greatness, for the ideals of freedom inspired its dynamic activity from this very first mass meeting. What undoubtedly was the Slovak League's most significant role in the life of the Slovak nation was that it provided the Slovaks, freed at last from the common traits of backwardness, slavishness and servility so evident in their native homeland, a powerful and resourceful arsenal for the struggle to win national freedom for their home country on the basis of a natural and divine right to enjoy the blessings of freedom. In the exciting years when these events transpired abroad, the spirit at home waned noticeably. The greater the pressure exerted, the more the home folks weakened in their resolve and their demands for their just rights reached a new low. It appeared that if the Magyars had offered the Slovaks a few intermediate schools and had relaxed their political pressure then, and had they allowed restricted use of the Slovak language in the schools and distributed a few minor offices, they probably would have solved the 'Slovak problem'. The Slovak struggle, which had begun as an all-out fight for all the rights the Slovak nation was entitled to, was now but a feeble movement to attain some sort of recognition. It was a far cry from the original demand for Slovak schools throughout the country, for 24 SLOVAKIA Slovak representatives of their own people and the use of the Slovak language as an official language in Slovakia. Ironically, when Slovak spokesmen sought to get even the smallest consideration, their Magyar overlords asked them arrogantly: "Now, wouldn't you like to have your own Slovak state?" Vajansky gave the proper response: "Why not? The natural right of every nation is its birthright to self-government, and we, Slovaks as a full-fledged nation, have all the prerogatives for our own free , self-governing state." (Narodne Noviny, November 15, 1910). At home, however, it was virtually impossible to voice this right to statehood, not to speak of a practical application. But we must never surrender this right because the highest aspiration of any nation is to have its own state. Are we Slovaks to be the lone exception among a long list of advanced nations down through history? No! Was there ever a Slovak who before World War I denied the right of his people to their own free state? Never! And had the opportunity presented itself, every Slovak would have exerted himself to the utmost to establish and maintain a free, self-governing Slovak state. 'Not merely the attainment of some of our rights but all of them' was the battle-cry of the Slovak League as the movement gained momentum among a united American Slovak public. Soon after the founding of the Slovak League, there appeared in the Slovak press here proposals of Slovak statehood. Freedom is a God-given right and we cannot receive it as a gift from other nations. All nations are equal in the sight of God, and hence they have equality of rights. Tholt Vel'kostiavnicky proposed the possibility of a federation of European nations in which each nation would give up a little of its national sovereignity for the common welfare of all fellow members. Studies of the Slovak pronouncements at the time indicate indisputably aspirations for state self-government; though often veiled they were there nevertheless. A closer look proves it. Why, then, did they refrain from coming out and saying so openly? Because the Slovak masses were not yet conditioned to so radical SLOVAKIA 25 a proposal, namely, outright freedom and self-governing state of their own in their own country. Upon reflection as to the prime requisites for a selfgoverning and independent state, the Slovaks came to the following conclusions: a) They had a living language b) They possessed a common Christian faith which was the national basis of a moral life c) They shared a spirit of unity and national pride On the debit side, they realized that they lacked a strong national organization to set up this political state they vaguely dreamed of at home. But, as they looked westward, the example of the dynamic Slovak League of America gave them the courage they needed, for here actually the Slovaks were organized, ready and able to give them the assistance necessary to establish and maintain their own free, self-governing state. Slovak Independence was in the mind of Tholt Vel'kostiavnicky as he wrote in an editorial: "Slovak freedom will materialize when the political circumstances and a new favorable atmosphere appear in Europe. The Slovaks must await this moment with complete confidence and an ardent national pride. They must aspire to a full, unconditional national fulfillment in a free and independent Slovak state." What vision and courage to have written these prophetic words at the time! "We Slovaks will join that movement that will give us it.he most and surest guarantees of our national liberty. We do not want to be a footstool for any nation. We will cooperate with those who will pledge to respect our aspirations to national freedom . Theoretically, this meant possible aid from the Poles, Romanians, Croatians, and even the Germans and Austrians. "That is why we Slovaks will join our forces with those who not only offer aid to us for the attainment of our legitimate objectives as a nation but who at the same time give us the best guarantees. In politics there is no place for sentiment. We will be friends with those who give us the most advantages, but we will not be their slaves. "There were pessimistic views, then as now, ithait sought to convince the Slovaks of the utter futility of seeking full self-government based on ,t he ridiculous premise that it is far more advantageous to be allied with others more experienced in the art of government ... which, in effect, meant that one should be willing to carry the burden of oppression if only his oppressors lighten the burden somewhat! To these people Husek had only one comment: 'Such rubbish! ' " (Jednota, December 30, 1908) . 26 SLOVAKIA Slovak League leaders and members scoffed at views that were designed to discourage the Slovak nation's aspiration to national freedom and self-government. They called for an all-out struggle for the attainment of all their rights to which they were entitled by nature. It was, indeed, in harmony with what a western Slovak song so aptly expressed: "We only want what is ours, nothing more, nothing less." Liberty is the natural heritage of every nation but no nation can enjoy freedom unless it has its own free, selfgoverning state. One of the greatest services performed by the Slovak League of America in the years when the struggle for the nation's freedom reached a low ebb in the Slovak's historic homeland was to hold high the banner of national freedom and personal liberty. American Slovak immigrants soon came to the conclusion that they, too, were able to conduct their own political affairs and like nations, they, too, had an equal right to their own independent state. Strange as it may seem, the idea of national freedom and independent statehood did not originate in Slovakia but in America where the Slovak pioneers compared themselves to their neighbors of various nationalities and saw that they were not at all an inferior people. On the contrary, they were equals among equals. This discovery encouraged them to adopt a program whose objective was the liberation of the Slovaks from alien domination. The ultimate goal was the establishment of their own free state. "Independent statehood for the Slovak nation must be uppermost in the minds of all Slovaks because the nations of the world, even the least advanced, are seeking independence. Consequently, the Slovaks must not be slaves to any nation." (Slovensky Dennik, Pittsburgh, Pa. , January 21, 1910). Again in the same newspaper of June 3, 1910, we read: "No one can degrade the ideal of freedom because it is won by the sacrifice of human blood and is, therefore, sacred. Moreover, it is founded on the principles of equality, truth and justice." This was the spirit of the founders of the Slovak League as expressed in America, far from the Slovaks' native homeland. It embodied the spirit of personal liberty, human dignity, democracy, national pride. It was based upon the SLOVAKIA 27 knowledge of God's laws as found in nature and it enkindled the spirit of free enterprise, cooperation and self-confidence. The inner strength of the Slovak nation assured the future national destiny of the Slovak people in their own free and independent state. Spontaneous and prophetic, this spirit inspired the Slovak nation to adopt a clear-cut program towards winning freedom, and if for a time the Slovak nation had been deprived of its freedom the words of I'..udovit stlir and Tholt Vel'kostiavnicky echoed and re-echoed the eternal message: "The ideal of Slovak freedom will never die. Traitors to the Slovak cause will perish but the movement to national freedom will live forever. " In this unique chapter of Slovak history, the Slovak League has a just and major portion because it inspired the struggle, maintained the fight in its day, and is still carrying on that fight because the Slovak nation has been enslaved in our times. Furdek presided at a meeting of the executive committee of the Slovak League on June 13, 1907. The discussions centered on the practical means of giving aid. A suggestion to issue stamps and a commemorative medal for a fund-raising campaign was approved and adopted. Soon a stamp was issued and a medal appeared with the inspiring motto, 'Za tu nasu slovencinu' (For our Slovak Heritage). The new stamp appeared on thousands of letters that circulated throughout the country, and the idea of Slovak freedom caught on everywhere. Some said (prophetically) that in the near future Slovakia would have its own postage stamps! A strong reaction set in overseas. Hungarian authorities returned letters by the thousands to their original mailing-points in America simply because alongside the regular postage stamp there appeared the special Slovak League stamp! They feared the danger of this propaganda medium, namely, the fear of an aroused Slovak public. In America the Slovak League fully exploited the ban by informing America Newspapers of this step. The Slovak League not only intensified its efforts towards national emancipation but gave invaluable aid to orphaned families. 28 SLOVAKLA Correspondence between Slovak political leaders at home and the American Slovaks reveals the solid strength of their fellow countrymen who had emigrated. Every appeal for help was answered. On their part, the American Slovaks were self-sufficient in that they needed no prodding to do what they deemed a sacred duty towards their embattled countrymen. When Count Albert Apponyi visited America in 1911, his mission was to convince the Americans that the Magyars were truly a bastion of democracy in Central Europe. The American Slovaks presented facts, based upon actual experience before they had left their homeland, which convinced the American public that in actuality the Magyars were tyrannical oppressors of the Slovak nation and other nations in Hungary. American census-takers for years had listed Slovaks as "Hungarians" but it was the Slovak League that intervened and set the records straight. From 1910 on, all Slovaks were listed as such officially. War clouds appeared in Europe. In 1914 Count Karolyi appeared suddenly in this country. He, too, had a mission, namely, to unite the nationality groups that had origins in Hungary. It soon became evident, however, that he found it an impossibility to inspire loyalty, for he represented the oppressor and they had been the oppressed. American Slovaks, who had got used to the idea of freedom, now envisioned national freedom and consequently complete separation from Hungary. Accordingly, they had the same reply for the liberal Karolyi as they had given only a short time before to the conservative Apponyi, ie., 'Nothing doing!' This occasion gave the Slovak League the opportunity to make a bold stand against amalgamation with the Magyars, or the Czechs later; under Mamatey's leadership the Slovak League asserted the right of the Slovak nation to determine its own destiny in a free, self-governing state. Count Karolyi's visit to America marked the end of an era, an era of oppression, and the political subjugation of the Slovaks. It was, moreover, the prelude to a new chapter in the Slovak nation's history at the very outbreak of World War I.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Beginnings of The Slovak League of America Description An account of the resource Constantine Čulen Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 18-28 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Čulen, Konštantín, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Relation A related resource This article is one of five from this special issue republished as a monograph: Paučo, Jozef, ed. 1967. <em>Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America.</em> Middletown Pennsylvania: Slovak League of America. <a href="https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616" target="_blank" title="Link to WorldCat" rel="noreferrer noopener">https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616</a> 60years SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2c402ffb425450b873e1ac799e7f49be.pdf 6f28bbbb734e96f02c41e2505d11426d PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. XVII 1967 NO. 40 SIXTY YEARS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AMERICAN DEMOCRACY AND SLOVAK LIFE By Dr. Francis Hrusovsky Living conditions and standards of Slovak emigrants changed radically in the new world. The temperament or character of the Slovak who had lived for centuries under Magyar rule was influenced to a large degree by his environment. His economic status in Slovakia was poor, hi~ social standing low, and as for political freedom and civil rights, these, for him, were non-existent. Everyday life for the average Slovak demanded the complete expenditure of his physical energy to eke out a livelihood. Poverty and misery were the common lot of the Slovak people. Thus, oppressed and overburdened, the Slovak, though perhaps seething within because of the intolerable conditions, was helpless not only because he lacked the courage but even the strength to throw off the shackles of servitude. He was, therefore, resigned to his sad fate and he became adjusted to conditions because there was no way out for him. Under these circumstances in which the Slovak people were forced to live and struggle for mere survival, it was difficult for the idea of Slovak national consciousness to take root and grow. Organized political action was an impossibility because he was caught and held fast in the web of feudal system which still existed in Hungary. The Slovak was quite aware of his nationality but the degree of his national pride was never high. It was merely a personal thing. The idea of national unity even if it �2 SLOVAKIA entered his mind was quickly dispelled by immediate necessities of his economic life. Obviously, under such adverse circumstances one cannot expect a simple peasant either to worry about national interests or grasp the idea of unified political action to achieve the aspiration of a whole people so that as a nation, organized and working in harmony, he and his fellow countrymen might win recog-nition of their just rights. Surprisingly, the Slovak people though suffering want and being subject to political oppression, did not become depressed in their hard surroundings. Somehow, the Slovaks worked out an amazing philosophy of life: they came to the conclusion that their privations and difficulties were inevitable consequences of an earthly existence . . . and hence they must bear up under their burdens patiently. And their enduring patience became a national virtue. Slovak immigrants in the new world found an entirely different atmosphere, particularly in democratic America. The first noticeable difference were seemingly endless opportunities for earning power. A typical immigrant from Slovakia was industrious because he had learned to work hard in the struggle for survival in his native homeland. At home his opportunities for work were, however, limited, and his chances for earning a little more money were poor. As a consequence, he was unable to improve his lot. This realization made him feel that he was doomed to remain poor all his life, as if it were a national inheritance down through the ages. Naturally, of course, in view of his abject poverty at home, the Slovak immigrant to America was primarily motivated by the desire to earn more money to assure him a brighter economic future . If he earned more money, he would be able to raise his standard of living and thus free himself from the curse of poverty. He did not shirk any work provided it meant higher wages and since jobs were plentiful, the newcomer found plenty of work. For that basic reason, the Slovak peasant, now an immigrant worker, willingly worked harder and longer hours so that he might improve the living conditions of his family across the sea. Most of the Slovak immigrants were workers and farm- �SLOVAKIA 3 ers, who had no skill or special training. But a simple person with the courage to go out into the world in search of an occupation and with an innate desire to work could do wonders. Moreover he was endowed with a source of inner strength to grapple with all kinds of hardships and obstacles in the new world. Because he was uneducated he was greatly under-rated in his homeland. Nevertheless, he possessed unusual natural ability and endurance. He often excelled in good judgment and had the determination to succeed. In the multivaried life of America the new immigrants learned much. Many of them would have wasted their energies as farmers had they remained at home. However in America they soon discovered opportunities for their talents. Quite a few, on the strength of their native talents, rose to high levels in American society. This would have been impossible in their native homeland. But the democratic atmosphere in America presented them with the opportunity to develop their natural ability to the utmost. As soon as the Slovak immigrant overcame the first difficulties that he encountered in America, he quickly learned by experience and readily became accustomed to his new way of life. He was more than satisfied with the substantial increase of his earning power. He did not squander his hard-earned money but set aside a portion as savings. Seeing the tangible results of his industrious work, he acquired a new sense of importance and human dignity. From a beaten down and oppressed servile person, he changed gradually into a proud citizen of a democratic country. In comparing his position and achievements with the lot of his fellow countrymen back in Slovakia, he could not but be content for here he was an equal among equals with unlimited opportunities in an enterprising democratic land. True, this process of personal re-orientation and rehabilitation in the new world did not affect all immigrants in quite the same way. It did not bring the same results in every case. Among the Slovak immigrants there were many failures as many were swallowed up in the new world. But, in general, the great majority of the Slovak newcomers reacted favorably and successfully to the new circumstan- �4 SLOVAKIA ces. Too long had they breathed the oppresive air of oppression inside Hungary, now they reveled in breathing the invigorating atmosphere of American freedom and democracy. In life every man constantly encounters obstacles and is forced to overcome handicaps, endure hardships and struggle along the pathway to a definite goal. The Slovak, accustomed to meet challenges along his course through life, was not afraid of difficulties nor did he shrink from obstacles in his path. At home he had become disillusioned, for he had become quite conscious of his failure to rise above his station in life. He realized the hopelessness of his situation and he made the most of it. In America, it was quite different. Here nothing could stop him from im• proving his condition, for here he was a free man, and he had the will to get ahead. Each day that he worked with determination and endurance, the Slovak immigrant's appreciation of personal liberty and equality grew and his work was manifestly a labor of love and gratitude for the opportunity to fulfill his ambitions in a new world. As his appreciation of the new life increased, he began to get used to the idea of being a free man as a normal situation, and his desire to work and prosper, his initiative and his enjoyment of life increased proportionately. In the United States the Slovak immigrant became acquainted with native Americans as well as with immigrants from other lands. This influenced him twofold: 1) As a stranger among strangers and without much knowledge of the English language he shied away from all non-Slovaks. 2) He searched for fellow Slovaks with whom he could communicate. These he could understand, and they could understand him. This immediate need for friends drew the Slovaks together in a foreign country. All Slovak immigrants felt the practical impact of living among strangers in a strange environment. They soon knew they were somehow different and they drew apart seeking their own kind to whom they were drawn because they spoke the same language, and they shared the same �SLOVAKIA 5 customs, traditions, ideals and experiences. Moreover, they all had come to America with the same goal: a better life. Loneliness drew the Slovak immigrants together. They felt insecure and unhappy in the strange world. It was only natural that they sought companionship among their own Slovak countrymen. Thus, drawn together by the magnet of kinship, the need for companionship and mutual understanding, wherever a group of Slovaks came together, there they organized societies, parishes and clubs. This common activity warded off their feelings of homesickness and nostalgia and helped them to overcome the longing for their homeland. Their organizations enabled them to protect their mutual interests and promote worthwhile social activities. The sudden realization that they were an island in a strange sea made the Slovaks aware of their national origin. They were not merely individuals now, but persons who belonged to a great unity: a nation. Their national consciousness was accentuated and their national pride increased as more and more societies sprang up. Their desire to unify their mutual interests was intensified. The ultimate attainment of their aspirations to national freedom was now visualized as they saw how the enjoyment of personal liberty could readily lead to the enjoyment of national freedom in their native homeland, if liberated from foreign domination. No doubt the example of the various nationality groups in America that had become strongly organized inspired the Slovak immigrants to imitate them so that they, too, could achieve greater progress and attain whatever goals they must reach in their lifetime. "What is perhaps a paradox is that in Slovakia, though the Slovaks were what they were and nothing else, they were not Slovaks in the sense that they could not publicly appear as themselves. They were subjects of Magyar overlords and, as such, feudal peasants who were officially listed as "Hungarian inhabitants". Their real national origin was to be denied and ultimately erased according to the designs of chauvinistic Magyar masters. No obstacles or limitations were placed upon American immigrants in the matter of their nationality. Here �6 SLOVAKIA a person could appear privately or publicly as a national, ie., he could freely manifest his national origin, speak his native language, organize freely and come and go freely without being subject to government interference, public insults or repression of any kind. As a matter of fact, he was treated with respect by native Americans and other nationality groups as a rule, and there were no restrictions placed upon an immigrant by a government agency or his employer. Slovaks who became citizens of the United States learned that even as full-fledged loyal citizens of their adopted country they did not loose their identity as native sons of Slovakia. Moreover, they could still actively help their fellow countrymen here and in their homeland. Not long after his coming to American shores of freedom, the Slovak immigrant noted that he could have his own convictions and opinions and express them freely in speach or writing. Slovak organizations that had the common interest of their fellow countrymen at heart provided their members with numerous occasions to appear in public. Slovak newspapers not only informed and instructed t heir readers but acted as bond of unity and communication for all the Slovaks in America. Slovak periodicals rendered a great service in that they were a forum for public opinion among the American Slovaks. The experiences, suggestions, advice, opinions, etc. of thousands of Slovaks found their way into the pages of daily and weekly publications. Thus, even the ordinary Slovak worker could publish his views, opinions and reactions on a multiplicity of topics. For many this opportunity gave them a postgraduate course in public expression. They often voiced their growing pride in their Slovak national ancestry. Every Slovak who was forced to migrate into far off foreign countries in search of a better living never lost his love for his native country ... it was an abiding love, sometimes sentimental perhaps, but nevertheless sincere and profound. This attachment from his youth was never quite lost; even after many years of absence from his native homeland he still could see the picture of his village home and the little white church with its cross on the steeple. �SLOVAKIA 7 To him this memory would always be sacred for it symbolized the faith of his people down through centuries of time, a faith that had sustained them through the hardships, dangers, and sufferings of countless ages. Always, as long as he lived, the Slovak immigrant, no matter how far from the native village where the Church, though oftentimes small, was a symbol of the indestructible faith of his forefathers , would remember that his religion was his greatest asset in a world of struggle. Without a church, without a priest and without prayer, life in a Slovak village would have been infinitely sad. And for him, though far removed from his birthplace, this remained t rue in the country of his adoption. Prayer is for the pious Slovak today what it was for his predecessors for centuries: a solace in time of grief, a bulwark, a mighty fortress in time of peril. Church prayers and hymns in his native Slovak tongue were a balm to his soul, an inspiration to his spirit. So long as he stayed close to his Church he felt safe amidst the confusions and storms of foreign currents that sometimes terrified him, at other times made him feel uneasy and uncertain as he faced each day's struggle in strange surroundings. Slovak life in America followed a definite pattern where enough settlers came from Slovakia. Parish churches and schools were built and much of the immigrant's social life centered around these religious institutions. As a rule, the more vital parish life of a Slovak group became the more solid and permanent became the national and cultural development of Slovak immigrant units that clustered around their own parishes. Loyalty to the faith of their fathers in the midst of the hubub and maelstrom of the big new world became the source of fidelity to the Slovak family, the native mother tongue and the Slovak homeland. At the end of a week ( 6 days ) of hard labor, the Slovak immigrant invariably went to Church on Sunday. He prayed fervently, sang with enthusiasm, listened to the weekly sermon, all in his native tongue. His heart was touched, his love rekindled each week, and he kept alive love of his homeland and native hearth. �8 SLOVAKIA Unique in every respect are the Slovak churches, rectories, schools and convents in many parts of the United States, for they are living testimonials of the profound religious faith of the people from Slovakia. In Slovakia, there were not societies or organizations of their own. A few that were permitted to function were in the service directly or indirectly of anti-Slovak interests. This denationalization policy unfortunately not infrequently crossed the threshold of the church itself. On the other hand, in America Slovak societies, schools, and churches, besides fulfilling their religious, social and cultural role, were at the same time centers of the Slovak spirit and national life. This left a strong impression on the Slovak immigrant in America. He grasped the full significance of this new life of personal liberty and national freedom. The new atmosphere changed him into a true patriot who was proud equally of his new citizenship and his Slovak ancestry. The tempo of life in America was much faster and fuller then the development of the new national spirit in Slovakia where many obstacles still existed. The democratic spirit of America was vital and refreshing, whereas the feudal system of Hungary was depressing and lifeless. Hungary's 20th century feudalism was outmoded but it kept the Slovak nation, the oldest nation in the Carpathian basin of the upper Danube, in a state of political bondage and economic servitude. The result was that the mass of Slovaks was unable to rise from its plight and live a normal national life. Slovak poets and writers who felt the pain of this tragic debasement of their nation feared the future consequences of this situation. In vain, however, were their efforts to wake up the Slovak masses; the years of oppression had been too many. They had taken their toll. Hundreds of thousands remained spiritless and turned a deaf ear to their pleadings. Slovak patriots endeavored to alert the people to the danger of remaining inactive in the crisis that threatened their national extinction. They, too, failed to arouse the inert masses to action. Every attempt to put a program into action was foiled by subversive activity of the enemy. �SLOVAKIA 9 Slovakia's national life, deprived of all vital sources by her oppressors, was all but dead. Her people lacked sufficient power and initiative for a flourishing national life and progress as a highly cultured and dynamic people. Stymied internally, therefore, the Slovak national organism which was physically healthy and vigorous, biologically sound, morally solid and potentially rich, needed an injection. And that is precisely what the Slovaks in America provided for the Slovak nation's life-an injection that thoroughly revitalized Slovakia's life as a nation in its historic homeland. We have no reliable statistics to show to what extent the influence of the American Slovak way of life was exerted in various parts of Slovakia. Perhaps at some future time this will become available. Only then shall we be able to get a precise, or at least a more accurate record of this impact of American democracy on the Slovaks' historic homeland in central Europe. Lacking statistics, we are still able, however, to indicate to some degree how American Slovaks after having acquired the new experience of a life of freedom affected the life of their fellow countrymen in Slovakia. A considerable number of Slovak emigrants who went to America in search of work and higher earning power returned to their native land. They had attained their goal, namely, the acquisition of a moderate fortune which enabled them to get a fresh start in life. Most of them, however, chose to make America their permanent home. Instances of individuals who lost all contact with their homeland and their fellow countrymen here are so few that they are negligible. Even those who elected to remain in America continued their interest in Slovak affairs and maintained a lively interest in their Slovak nation's destiny. In fact, many of them inspired their children and even their grandchildren to take an active part in Slovak life. In Slovakia the effect of the American way of life manifested itself in a number of ways but primarily in an economic sense, for the prime motive of Slovak emigration overseas was economic necessity. The returnees stimulated economic progress with their savings which were invested in the purchase of land, cattle, agricultural implements and �SLOVAKIA new homes. The sum total of this new capital proved a vital factor in renewing Slovakia's national economy. At first glance, perhaps, the role of American capital in the hands of the Slovak emigrants who returned to their homeland may seem unimportant but it proved to be an essential factor in rebuilding their lives. They were able to acquire land with their savings and this, alone, strengthened their power through ownership. Under the feudal system much of the land had fallen into the hands of a foreign aristocracy for whom the Slovak peasant tilled the soil. The products of his labor were not his, the land belonged to aliens and both land and produce, as well as his daily labors, served alien and not his own interests. Vast estates, forests and fields were in the hands of an ancient Slovak nobility that either had alienated itself or was rapidly alienating itself from the people. The loss of their native Slovak national pride meant the loss of their lands to Slovakia. One of the most serious practices among small landowners was the breaking-up of the estates through inheritance. This process was the more alarming because the high birth-rate among the farming families often forced the small landowners to make loans that not only weighed heavily upon the individual land-owner but often plunged him heavily into debt. This, too often, forced him to sell some or all of his lands. Another factor that created a serious problem for the small land-owner was the reccurence of bad crops. This and the need for money to make repairs, buy equipment or make an expansion often resulted in a huge debt so that the poor man frequently could not even pay the interest on a loan. Eventually such heavily mortgaged properties ended up in the hands of strangers who held the mortgage. For the Slovak national cause such failures had a twofold effect: 1) They decreased the number of Slovak landowners and proportionately increased non-Slovak ownership of the land; 2) Loss of land meant that the Slovak peasant lost his attachment to the land of his forebears and with the loss he lost his national consciousness or pride when he migrated to the city where he got a job in the �SLOVAKIA 11 factory. Second and third generations of these families generally lost their identity as Slovaks. Slovak land, the solid base of Slovak national life, was being lost to aliens and with each loss national unity and ancestral pride were weakened. Under such adverse conditions the Slovaks could make no progress and the economy of their country was weakened considerably because it was not serving the people but foreign landowners who exploited the native workers. An independent class of small land-owners had always been the backbone of the Slovak nation. It was, therefore, a vital necessity that this class be preserved, and even extended both for the welfare of the people and for the national interest. Above all, capital was needed in this crisis. At home there was none to be had. Accordingly, there was only one hope and that was America. In the years of migration money came back to the old country and this more than any one thing helped to preserve ancient lands intact. American capital in the form of savings of the immigrants saved Slovakia's lands for her people. In almost every Slovak village or town before and after World War I new homes, new ventures and developments were made possible through American dollars, savings of Slovak settlers in America. Slovak farmers were able tc:, purchase new agricultural equipment and increase their production on a modest scale. Their lands and confidence were restored, thanks to their American experience and their savings from honest toil in the land of opportunity. Emigration of Slovak landowners to America actually strengthened the small land-owning class in Slovakia and preserved the right of ownership of the entire Slovak nation to its own native soil. Tenant farmers who had left their native homeland for America, as well as many Slovak workers, frequently returned from America to swell the ranks of the new landowners. These paid ready cash for land and equipment as they proudly took ownership of their new properties in their native country. �12 SLOVAKIA Some Slovaks who returned with savings preferred to invest their modest wealth in various enterprises such as a small business, for example, a store, a tavern, a mill or lumber plant. These, too, greatly enhanced the economic growth of the country through their initiative and enterprise. Stiff competition for the new enterprises greeted their founders but this did not scare the Slovaks who had returned from America, for competition was what stimulated progress and was an added incentive to success. Against their non-Slovak competitors, therefore, the new business men succeeded in breaking up what was considered somewhat of a monopoly by the old owners and directors in various businesses. Their experience in America served them well as they met every challenge with confidence and generally with success. American capital undoubtedly helped to raise the living· standard of the Slovak people. The Slovaks remained what they had always been, a simple people with moderate wants and desires and tastes but it was imperative that this simplicity be not interpreted as a sign of backwardness. Their American experiences helped them to cope with this problem, too. Highly important for the development of Slovak national life was the education of the youth. High school and college training was necessary so that the Slovak nation could have a strong core of educated men and women. For the average Slovak family higher education had a high social value, too. Unfortunately, Slovak schools were directed by nonSlovak elements and the children were subject to a denationalization process whereby the Magyar language and the spirit of a Hungarian nationality were fostered exclusively. It was a foregone conclusion that this would result in a tremendous loss to the Slovak nation when its youth would be alienated in its formative years. Although many were lost to the Slovak cause, not every Slovak youth succumbed to the lure of promises for the future or was terrorized into submission, for in many homes the spirit of loyalty to the Slovak national culture was cherished. �SLOVAKIA 13 Only a few Slovak youths were able to pursue higher studies in high school, college and university because their fathers who had gone to America encouraged their sons by ear-marking special funds for their education. These, as a rule, completed their studies and became loyal sons of their homeland. Their spirit of national pride inspired them to fight back at any attempt to rob them of their rightful Slovak birthright and national heritage. Such was the spirit of the American-Slovak families in Slovakia that their dynamic force and influence were invariably felt throughout the country. The sons, like their father, bore the unmistakable trade-mark of true patriotism. The printed word, either in the daily press, periodicals or in books, is an essential factor in the training of youth everywhere. It is the expression of the spirit and soul of a nation. In this respect, the situation was actually quite bad in Slovakia because there were only a few good Slovak newspapers and these, because of an extremely limited circulation, exerted little influence. Since the masses of common people had limited finances, they did not subscribe to newspapers or buy books. Most of them did not feel the urgency of supporting their own Slovak press. Most widespread of all printed matter was the religious prayerbook but its influence did not extend beyond religion. The Spolok sv. Vojtecha, a religious publication society, sought to supplement this by editing books from time to time. There were several religious periodicals, too, but these did not reach the realm of politics. Moreover, the average Slovak peasant or worker showed little or no concern for politics anyway. He had been conditioned to the idea that politics was an art in which the rich and the nobility had a natural monopoly. To use the current term, "brainwashed", would be appropriate. American Slovaks opened their eyes to the truth and they held a completely opposite view from their fellow countrymen. They soon adopted the idea that they had a right and a duty to mix in politics and they received full support for this practical view in their daily and weekly newspapers which they read regularly. �14 SLOVAKIA American Slovak newspapers were sent to Slovakia. Actually, in many villages for quite a while the only reading matter consisted of Slovak newspapers from America where one could freely write not only in his native Slovak language but give voice to his views, foster the Slovak national spirit, criticize the injustices inflicted upon their countrymen at home and register an open demand for the just rights that belonged to the Slovaks. These periodicals were almost exclusively the sole source of accurate information about what was really going on in their own country and they found out the truth by reading news that were sent to them all the way from America. When they returned to Slovakia, many American Slovak immigrants kept in touch with the organization in which they had membership. For years they proudly wore their membership emblems, subscribed to both local and American periodicals, engaged actively in public life and showed a keen interest in politics as they had become accustomed to do in America. No doubt the most valuable contributions to Slovakia by America were the Slovaks who returned home after living a year or more in a truly democratic country. These American Slovaks had had rich experiences abroad and they had developed a new outlook on life so that their presence had repercussions everywhere. A Slovak who had left his homeland, depressed and beaten down, returned from America a different man. He was full of life and energy, imbued with the spirit of national pride and fully convinced that he had a natural right to "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness" according to the spirit and principles of American democracy. This new, optimistic attitude clarified and refreshed the atmosphere throughout the country. Gone forever was the inferiority complex which had customarily marked the Slovak emigrant. Here was a renovated man not afraid to speak his mind openly, anywhere, anytime. This was the happy result of being exposed, if only briefly, to democracy in the United States. As a respected and integral part of a great and powerful country, the Slovak grew accustomed to the idea of �SLOVAKIA 15 his importance as an individual. As a member of various Slovak societies he learned to stand up for his own rights and to cooperate with others for the common welfare of all. He had fulfilled his obligations to his position in life as a free man and he knew what his rights were. This new sense of human dignity stemmed from his understanding of the genuine spirit of American democracy : every citizen worked freely for his welfare as well as for the common good in a spirit of freedom under law. Far removed from his homeland, the Slovak immigrant learned, too, how great was his innate love for his native heart and he felt a new kinship with his fellow countrymen whether they came from the east or west, the north or south of a common motherland. The horizon of his nationalism extended far beyond his native village and reached the Tatras in the north, the Danube in the south, the low Carpathians in the west and the high Carpathians in the east. A wider concept of his rightful place in the Slovak family was developed in the mind and soul of every immigrant in America. He was a member of the Slovak nation and a human person who belonged to the land that for centuries belonged to all the Slovaks for ages. This was their common national heritage. A golden chain, their common language, had bound all the Slovaks together for many centuries. The Slovak immigrant cherished this precious gift all the more after living in America. Upon returning home he became its greatest defender against detractors. He had seen it flourish in a far off and strange land and Slovak national life had taken on a new glow under its influence. Why couldn't this be realized in his home country? To this end united voices of the American Slovak returnees were heard from one end of the country to the other as they spoke up fearlessly for their natural right to develop and grow as a nation, to live as a free people in a self-governing democratic country. How did his fellow-countrymen look upon this new dynamic "American" who had come back home to Slovakia? Perhaps they envied him just a little because he could afford to live better than they, but they also greatly admired �16 SLOVAKIA him for his openmindeness, his outspoken views and his newly-acquired democratic manners. They were favorably impressed and imitated him. They, too, became self-confident and hopeful of the future as they discussed their problems and sought solutions for them in a democratic exchange of opinions. This new type of Slovak did not avoid public functions nor steer clear of political meetings. He was there in the midst of them and his frequent public appearances inspired others to follow his example so that a new generation of Slovaks sprung up as if by magic, and the new generation was as fearless and frank in the expression of its views and opinions as their leader. In these and other forms the currents of American Slovak life were transformed to Slovakia. The need arose for coordinating this mutual contact for the greatest possible benefit to all. Accordingly, plans were made and attempts at establishing a working basis for better cooperation were put into practical operation. In accord with the desire to establish closer contact with American Slovaks, a number of educated Slovaks went to America where they renewed old friendships, exchanged views and established channels of communication not only with the immigrant Slovaks but what surprised them was the opportunity to converse fluently with second generation American Slovaks who were vitally interested in the mother country of their fathers and willing to lend a helping hand. This was, indeed, a bonanza, a stroke of good fortune that was destined to be of invaluable aid to the Slovak nation. Many Slovak patriots in their homeland established a close relationship between Slovakia and the American Slovaks by contributing articles to Slovak newspapers, periodicals, annuals, almanacs, etc. A considerable number of these timely articles dealt with topics on American Slovak life, and this welcome and flattering move bound the American Slovaks closer together with their kin in the home country. There were magnanimous Slovaks who, because they �SLOVAKIA 17 fully understood and wholeheartedly sympathized with the plight of the Slovak nation beneath the Tatras, willingly sacrificed much of their time and energy to the Slovak cause often to their great personal disadvantage and material loss. Nevertheless, they did not count the cost, for they were firmly convinced every sacrifice was worthwhile in behalf of the Slovak nation's struggle for the recognition of its just rights. They justified their countrymen's faith in them, namely, that they would not forget their native homeland and that in time of need they would come to their aid though living far from their homeland. No true Slovak, no matter how successful he became in a strange land, ever forgot his native homeland. When he heard the call for help, he did not turn a deaf ear to the cry but replied with ready assistance. Slovakia's economic, cultural and national progress in the past several decades is in large measure due to the American Slovaks because of timely assistance to their brethern in Slovakia. American Slovaks never failed to respond generously in a number of crises to help save the Slovak nation. They constantly defended the Slovaks' right to self-government in their own homeland. Gratitude, the Slovaks say, is a virtue and an obligation. The Slovak nation will ever be grateful to the American Slovaks for their great role in its struggle for liberty, a democratic way of life and a self-governing state. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation, whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the right of every nation to freely choose its own form of government and freely elect persons of its own choice by whom it shall be governed. � SLOVAKIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. XVII 1967 NO. 40 SIXTY YEARS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AMERICAN DEMOCRACY AND SLOVAK LIFE By Dr. Francis Hrusovsky Living conditions and standards of Slovak emigrants changed radically in the new world. The temperament or character of the Slovak who had lived for centuries under Magyar rule was influenced to a large degree by his environment. His economic status in Slovakia was poor, hi~ social standing low, and as for political freedom and civil rights, these, for him, were non-existent. Everyday life for the average Slovak demanded the complete expenditure of his physical energy to eke out a livelihood. Poverty and misery were the common lot of the Slovak people. Thus, oppressed and overburdened, the Slovak, though perhaps seething within because of the intolerable conditions, was helpless not only because he lacked the courage but even the strength to throw off the shackles of servitude. He was, therefore, resigned to his sad fate and he became adjusted to conditions because there was no way out for him. Under these circumstances in which the Slovak people were forced to live and struggle for mere survival, it was difficult for the idea of Slovak national consciousness to take root and grow. Organized political action was an impossibility because he was caught and held fast in the web of feudal system which still existed in Hungary. The Slovak was quite aware of his nationality but the degree of his national pride was never high. It was merely a personal thing. The idea of national unity even if it �2 SLOVAKIA entered his mind was quickly dispelled by immediate necessities of his economic life. Obviously, under such adverse circumstances one cannot expect a simple peasant either to worry about national interests or grasp the idea of unified political action to achieve the aspiration of a whole people so that as a nation, organized and working in harmony, he and his fellow countrymen might win recog-nition of their just rights. Surprisingly, the Slovak people though suffering want and being subject to political oppression, did not become depressed in their hard surroundings. Somehow, the Slovaks worked out an amazing philosophy of life: they came to the conclusion that their privations and difficulties were inevitable consequences of an earthly existence . . . and hence they must bear up under their burdens patiently. And their enduring patience became a national virtue. Slovak immigrants in the new world found an entirely different atmosphere, particularly in democratic America. The first noticeable difference were seemingly endless opportunities for earning power. A typical immigrant from Slovakia was industrious because he had learned to work hard in the struggle for survival in his native homeland. At home his opportunities for work were, however, limited, and his chances for earning a little more money were poor. As a consequence, he was unable to improve his lot. This realization made him feel that he was doomed to remain poor all his life, as if it were a national inheritance down through the ages. Naturally, of course, in view of his abject poverty at home, the Slovak immigrant to America was primarily motivated by the desire to earn more money to assure him a brighter economic future . If he earned more money, he would be able to raise his standard of living and thus free himself from the curse of poverty. He did not shirk any work provided it meant higher wages and since jobs were plentiful, the newcomer found plenty of work. For that basic reason, the Slovak peasant, now an immigrant worker, willingly worked harder and longer hours so that he might improve the living conditions of his family across the sea. Most of the Slovak immigrants were workers and farm- �SLOVAKIA 3 ers, who had no skill or special training. But a simple person with the courage to go out into the world in search of an occupation and with an innate desire to work could do wonders. Moreover he was endowed with a source of inner strength to grapple with all kinds of hardships and obstacles in the new world. Because he was uneducated he was greatly under-rated in his homeland. Nevertheless, he possessed unusual natural ability and endurance. He often excelled in good judgment and had the determination to succeed. In the multivaried life of America the new immigrants learned much. Many of them would have wasted their energies as farmers had they remained at home. However in America they soon discovered opportunities for their talents. Quite a few, on the strength of their native talents, rose to high levels in American society. This would have been impossible in their native homeland. But the democratic atmosphere in America presented them with the opportunity to develop their natural ability to the utmost. As soon as the Slovak immigrant overcame the first difficulties that he encountered in America, he quickly learned by experience and readily became accustomed to his new way of life. He was more than satisfied with the substantial increase of his earning power. He did not squander his hard-earned money but set aside a portion as savings. Seeing the tangible results of his industrious work, he acquired a new sense of importance and human dignity. From a beaten down and oppressed servile person, he changed gradually into a proud citizen of a democratic country. In comparing his position and achievements with the lot of his fellow countrymen back in Slovakia, he could not but be content for here he was an equal among equals with unlimited opportunities in an enterprising democratic land. True, this process of personal re-orientation and rehabilitation in the new world did not affect all immigrants in quite the same way. It did not bring the same results in every case. Among the Slovak immigrants there were many failures as many were swallowed up in the new world. But, in general, the great majority of the Slovak newcomers reacted favorably and successfully to the new circumstan- �4 SLOVAKIA ces. Too long had they breathed the oppresive air of oppression inside Hungary, now they reveled in breathing the invigorating atmosphere of American freedom and democracy. In life every man constantly encounters obstacles and is forced to overcome handicaps, endure hardships and struggle along the pathway to a definite goal. The Slovak, accustomed to meet challenges along his course through life, was not afraid of difficulties nor did he shrink from obstacles in his path. At home he had become disillusioned, for he had become quite conscious of his failure to rise above his station in life. He realized the hopelessness of his situation and he made the most of it. In America, it was quite different. Here nothing could stop him from im• proving his condition, for here he was a free man, and he had the will to get ahead. Each day that he worked with determination and endurance, the Slovak immigrant's appreciation of personal liberty and equality grew and his work was manifestly a labor of love and gratitude for the opportunity to fulfill his ambitions in a new world. As his appreciation of the new life increased, he began to get used to the idea of being a free man as a normal situation, and his desire to work and prosper, his initiative and his enjoyment of life increased proportionately. In the United States the Slovak immigrant became acquainted with native Americans as well as with immigrants from other lands. This influenced him twofold: 1) As a stranger among strangers and without much knowledge of the English language he shied away from all non-Slovaks. 2) He searched for fellow Slovaks with whom he could communicate. These he could understand, and they could understand him. This immediate need for friends drew the Slovaks together in a foreign country. All Slovak immigrants felt the practical impact of living among strangers in a strange environment. They soon knew they were somehow different and they drew apart seeking their own kind to whom they were drawn because they spoke the same language, and they shared the same �SLOVAKIA 5 customs, traditions, ideals and experiences. Moreover, they all had come to America with the same goal: a better life. Loneliness drew the Slovak immigrants together. They felt insecure and unhappy in the strange world. It was only natural that they sought companionship among their own Slovak countrymen. Thus, drawn together by the magnet of kinship, the need for companionship and mutual understanding, wherever a group of Slovaks came together, there they organized societies, parishes and clubs. This common activity warded off their feelings of homesickness and nostalgia and helped them to overcome the longing for their homeland. Their organizations enabled them to protect their mutual interests and promote worthwhile social activities. The sudden realization that they were an island in a strange sea made the Slovaks aware of their national origin. They were not merely individuals now, but persons who belonged to a great unity: a nation. Their national consciousness was accentuated and their national pride increased as more and more societies sprang up. Their desire to unify their mutual interests was intensified. The ultimate attainment of their aspirations to national freedom was now visualized as they saw how the enjoyment of personal liberty could readily lead to the enjoyment of national freedom in their native homeland, if liberated from foreign domination. No doubt the example of the various nationality groups in America that had become strongly organized inspired the Slovak immigrants to imitate them so that they, too, could achieve greater progress and attain whatever goals they must reach in their lifetime. "What is perhaps a paradox is that in Slovakia, though the Slovaks were what they were and nothing else, they were not Slovaks in the sense that they could not publicly appear as themselves. They were subjects of Magyar overlords and, as such, feudal peasants who were officially listed as "Hungarian inhabitants". Their real national origin was to be denied and ultimately erased according to the designs of chauvinistic Magyar masters. No obstacles or limitations were placed upon American immigrants in the matter of their nationality. Here �6 SLOVAKIA a person could appear privately or publicly as a national, ie., he could freely manifest his national origin, speak his native language, organize freely and come and go freely without being subject to government interference, public insults or repression of any kind. As a matter of fact, he was treated with respect by native Americans and other nationality groups as a rule, and there were no restrictions placed upon an immigrant by a government agency or his employer. Slovaks who became citizens of the United States learned that even as full-fledged loyal citizens of their adopted country they did not loose their identity as native sons of Slovakia. Moreover, they could still actively help their fellow countrymen here and in their homeland. Not long after his coming to American shores of freedom, the Slovak immigrant noted that he could have his own convictions and opinions and express them freely in speach or writing. Slovak organizations that had the common interest of their fellow countrymen at heart provided their members with numerous occasions to appear in public. Slovak newspapers not only informed and instructed t heir readers but acted as bond of unity and communication for all the Slovaks in America. Slovak periodicals rendered a great service in that they were a forum for public opinion among the American Slovaks. The experiences, suggestions, advice, opinions, etc. of thousands of Slovaks found their way into the pages of daily and weekly publications. Thus, even the ordinary Slovak worker could publish his views, opinions and reactions on a multiplicity of topics. For many this opportunity gave them a postgraduate course in public expression. They often voiced their growing pride in their Slovak national ancestry. Every Slovak who was forced to migrate into far off foreign countries in search of a better living never lost his love for his native country ... it was an abiding love, sometimes sentimental perhaps, but nevertheless sincere and profound. This attachment from his youth was never quite lost; even after many years of absence from his native homeland he still could see the picture of his village home and the little white church with its cross on the steeple. �SLOVAKIA 7 To him this memory would always be sacred for it symbolized the faith of his people down through centuries of time, a faith that had sustained them through the hardships, dangers, and sufferings of countless ages. Always, as long as he lived, the Slovak immigrant, no matter how far from the native village where the Church, though oftentimes small, was a symbol of the indestructible faith of his forefathers , would remember that his religion was his greatest asset in a world of struggle. Without a church, without a priest and without prayer, life in a Slovak village would have been infinitely sad. And for him, though far removed from his birthplace, this remained t rue in the country of his adoption. Prayer is for the pious Slovak today what it was for his predecessors for centuries: a solace in time of grief, a bulwark, a mighty fortress in time of peril. Church prayers and hymns in his native Slovak tongue were a balm to his soul, an inspiration to his spirit. So long as he stayed close to his Church he felt safe amidst the confusions and storms of foreign currents that sometimes terrified him, at other times made him feel uneasy and uncertain as he faced each day's struggle in strange surroundings. Slovak life in America followed a definite pattern where enough settlers came from Slovakia. Parish churches and schools were built and much of the immigrant's social life centered around these religious institutions. As a rule, the more vital parish life of a Slovak group became the more solid and permanent became the national and cultural development of Slovak immigrant units that clustered around their own parishes. Loyalty to the faith of their fathers in the midst of the hubub and maelstrom of the big new world became the source of fidelity to the Slovak family, the native mother tongue and the Slovak homeland. At the end of a week ( 6 days ) of hard labor, the Slovak immigrant invariably went to Church on Sunday. He prayed fervently, sang with enthusiasm, listened to the weekly sermon, all in his native tongue. His heart was touched, his love rekindled each week, and he kept alive love of his homeland and native hearth. �8 SLOVAKIA Unique in every respect are the Slovak churches, rectories, schools and convents in many parts of the United States, for they are living testimonials of the profound religious faith of the people from Slovakia. In Slovakia, there were not societies or organizations of their own. A few that were permitted to function were in the service directly or indirectly of anti-Slovak interests. This denationalization policy unfortunately not infrequently crossed the threshold of the church itself. On the other hand, in America Slovak societies, schools, and churches, besides fulfilling their religious, social and cultural role, were at the same time centers of the Slovak spirit and national life. This left a strong impression on the Slovak immigrant in America. He grasped the full significance of this new life of personal liberty and national freedom. The new atmosphere changed him into a true patriot who was proud equally of his new citizenship and his Slovak ancestry. The tempo of life in America was much faster and fuller then the development of the new national spirit in Slovakia where many obstacles still existed. The democratic spirit of America was vital and refreshing, whereas the feudal system of Hungary was depressing and lifeless. Hungary's 20th century feudalism was outmoded but it kept the Slovak nation, the oldest nation in the Carpathian basin of the upper Danube, in a state of political bondage and economic servitude. The result was that the mass of Slovaks was unable to rise from its plight and live a normal national life. Slovak poets and writers who felt the pain of this tragic debasement of their nation feared the future consequences of this situation. In vain, however, were their efforts to wake up the Slovak masses; the years of oppression had been too many. They had taken their toll. Hundreds of thousands remained spiritless and turned a deaf ear to their pleadings. Slovak patriots endeavored to alert the people to the danger of remaining inactive in the crisis that threatened their national extinction. They, too, failed to arouse the inert masses to action. Every attempt to put a program into action was foiled by subversive activity of the enemy. �SLOVAKIA 9 Slovakia's national life, deprived of all vital sources by her oppressors, was all but dead. Her people lacked sufficient power and initiative for a flourishing national life and progress as a highly cultured and dynamic people. Stymied internally, therefore, the Slovak national organism which was physically healthy and vigorous, biologically sound, morally solid and potentially rich, needed an injection. And that is precisely what the Slovaks in America provided for the Slovak nation's life-an injection that thoroughly revitalized Slovakia's life as a nation in its historic homeland. We have no reliable statistics to show to what extent the influence of the American Slovak way of life was exerted in various parts of Slovakia. Perhaps at some future time this will become available. Only then shall we be able to get a precise, or at least a more accurate record of this impact of American democracy on the Slovaks' historic homeland in central Europe. Lacking statistics, we are still able, however, to indicate to some degree how American Slovaks after having acquired the new experience of a life of freedom affected the life of their fellow countrymen in Slovakia. A considerable number of Slovak emigrants who went to America in search of work and higher earning power returned to their native land. They had attained their goal, namely, the acquisition of a moderate fortune which enabled them to get a fresh start in life. Most of them, however, chose to make America their permanent home. Instances of individuals who lost all contact with their homeland and their fellow countrymen here are so few that they are negligible. Even those who elected to remain in America continued their interest in Slovak affairs and maintained a lively interest in their Slovak nation's destiny. In fact, many of them inspired their children and even their grandchildren to take an active part in Slovak life. In Slovakia the effect of the American way of life manifested itself in a number of ways but primarily in an economic sense, for the prime motive of Slovak emigration overseas was economic necessity. The returnees stimulated economic progress with their savings which were invested in the purchase of land, cattle, agricultural implements and �SLOVAKIA new homes. The sum total of this new capital proved a vital factor in renewing Slovakia's national economy. At first glance, perhaps, the role of American capital in the hands of the Slovak emigrants who returned to their homeland may seem unimportant but it proved to be an essential factor in rebuilding their lives. They were able to acquire land with their savings and this, alone, strengthened their power through ownership. Under the feudal system much of the land had fallen into the hands of a foreign aristocracy for whom the Slovak peasant tilled the soil. The products of his labor were not his, the land belonged to aliens and both land and produce, as well as his daily labors, served alien and not his own interests. Vast estates, forests and fields were in the hands of an ancient Slovak nobility that either had alienated itself or was rapidly alienating itself from the people. The loss of their native Slovak national pride meant the loss of their lands to Slovakia. One of the most serious practices among small landowners was the breaking-up of the estates through inheritance. This process was the more alarming because the high birth-rate among the farming families often forced the small landowners to make loans that not only weighed heavily upon the individual land-owner but often plunged him heavily into debt. This, too often, forced him to sell some or all of his lands. Another factor that created a serious problem for the small land-owner was the reccurence of bad crops. This and the need for money to make repairs, buy equipment or make an expansion often resulted in a huge debt so that the poor man frequently could not even pay the interest on a loan. Eventually such heavily mortgaged properties ended up in the hands of strangers who held the mortgage. For the Slovak national cause such failures had a twofold effect: 1) They decreased the number of Slovak landowners and proportionately increased non-Slovak ownership of the land; 2) Loss of land meant that the Slovak peasant lost his attachment to the land of his forebears and with the loss he lost his national consciousness or pride when he migrated to the city where he got a job in the �SLOVAKIA 11 factory. Second and third generations of these families generally lost their identity as Slovaks. Slovak land, the solid base of Slovak national life, was being lost to aliens and with each loss national unity and ancestral pride were weakened. Under such adverse conditions the Slovaks could make no progress and the economy of their country was weakened considerably because it was not serving the people but foreign landowners who exploited the native workers. An independent class of small land-owners had always been the backbone of the Slovak nation. It was, therefore, a vital necessity that this class be preserved, and even extended both for the welfare of the people and for the national interest. Above all, capital was needed in this crisis. At home there was none to be had. Accordingly, there was only one hope and that was America. In the years of migration money came back to the old country and this more than any one thing helped to preserve ancient lands intact. American capital in the form of savings of the immigrants saved Slovakia's lands for her people. In almost every Slovak village or town before and after World War I new homes, new ventures and developments were made possible through American dollars, savings of Slovak settlers in America. Slovak farmers were able tc:, purchase new agricultural equipment and increase their production on a modest scale. Their lands and confidence were restored, thanks to their American experience and their savings from honest toil in the land of opportunity. Emigration of Slovak landowners to America actually strengthened the small land-owning class in Slovakia and preserved the right of ownership of the entire Slovak nation to its own native soil. Tenant farmers who had left their native homeland for America, as well as many Slovak workers, frequently returned from America to swell the ranks of the new landowners. These paid ready cash for land and equipment as they proudly took ownership of their new properties in their native country. �12 SLOVAKIA Some Slovaks who returned with savings preferred to invest their modest wealth in various enterprises such as a small business, for example, a store, a tavern, a mill or lumber plant. These, too, greatly enhanced the economic growth of the country through their initiative and enterprise. Stiff competition for the new enterprises greeted their founders but this did not scare the Slovaks who had returned from America, for competition was what stimulated progress and was an added incentive to success. Against their non-Slovak competitors, therefore, the new business men succeeded in breaking up what was considered somewhat of a monopoly by the old owners and directors in various businesses. Their experience in America served them well as they met every challenge with confidence and generally with success. American capital undoubtedly helped to raise the living· standard of the Slovak people. The Slovaks remained what they had always been, a simple people with moderate wants and desires and tastes but it was imperative that this simplicity be not interpreted as a sign of backwardness. Their American experiences helped them to cope with this problem, too. Highly important for the development of Slovak national life was the education of the youth. High school and college training was necessary so that the Slovak nation could have a strong core of educated men and women. For the average Slovak family higher education had a high social value, too. Unfortunately, Slovak schools were directed by nonSlovak elements and the children were subject to a denationalization process whereby the Magyar language and the spirit of a Hungarian nationality were fostered exclusively. It was a foregone conclusion that this would result in a tremendous loss to the Slovak nation when its youth would be alienated in its formative years. Although many were lost to the Slovak cause, not every Slovak youth succumbed to the lure of promises for the future or was terrorized into submission, for in many homes the spirit of loyalty to the Slovak national culture was cherished. �SLOVAKIA 13 Only a few Slovak youths were able to pursue higher studies in high school, college and university because their fathers who had gone to America encouraged their sons by ear-marking special funds for their education. These, as a rule, completed their studies and became loyal sons of their homeland. Their spirit of national pride inspired them to fight back at any attempt to rob them of their rightful Slovak birthright and national heritage. Such was the spirit of the American-Slovak families in Slovakia that their dynamic force and influence were invariably felt throughout the country. The sons, like their father, bore the unmistakable trade-mark of true patriotism. The printed word, either in the daily press, periodicals or in books, is an essential factor in the training of youth everywhere. It is the expression of the spirit and soul of a nation. In this respect, the situation was actually quite bad in Slovakia because there were only a few good Slovak newspapers and these, because of an extremely limited circulation, exerted little influence. Since the masses of common people had limited finances, they did not subscribe to newspapers or buy books. Most of them did not feel the urgency of supporting their own Slovak press. Most widespread of all printed matter was the religious prayerbook but its influence did not extend beyond religion. The Spolok sv. Vojtecha, a religious publication society, sought to supplement this by editing books from time to time. There were several religious periodicals, too, but these did not reach the realm of politics. Moreover, the average Slovak peasant or worker showed little or no concern for politics anyway. He had been conditioned to the idea that politics was an art in which the rich and the nobility had a natural monopoly. To use the current term, "brainwashed", would be appropriate. American Slovaks opened their eyes to the truth and they held a completely opposite view from their fellow countrymen. They soon adopted the idea that they had a right and a duty to mix in politics and they received full support for this practical view in their daily and weekly newspapers which they read regularly. �14 SLOVAKIA American Slovak newspapers were sent to Slovakia. Actually, in many villages for quite a while the only reading matter consisted of Slovak newspapers from America where one could freely write not only in his native Slovak language but give voice to his views, foster the Slovak national spirit, criticize the injustices inflicted upon their countrymen at home and register an open demand for the just rights that belonged to the Slovaks. These periodicals were almost exclusively the sole source of accurate information about what was really going on in their own country and they found out the truth by reading news that were sent to them all the way from America. When they returned to Slovakia, many American Slovak immigrants kept in touch with the organization in which they had membership. For years they proudly wore their membership emblems, subscribed to both local and American periodicals, engaged actively in public life and showed a keen interest in politics as they had become accustomed to do in America. No doubt the most valuable contributions to Slovakia by America were the Slovaks who returned home after living a year or more in a truly democratic country. These American Slovaks had had rich experiences abroad and they had developed a new outlook on life so that their presence had repercussions everywhere. A Slovak who had left his homeland, depressed and beaten down, returned from America a different man. He was full of life and energy, imbued with the spirit of national pride and fully convinced that he had a natural right to "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness" according to the spirit and principles of American democracy. This new, optimistic attitude clarified and refreshed the atmosphere throughout the country. Gone forever was the inferiority complex which had customarily marked the Slovak emigrant. Here was a renovated man not afraid to speak his mind openly, anywhere, anytime. This was the happy result of being exposed, if only briefly, to democracy in the United States. As a respected and integral part of a great and powerful country, the Slovak grew accustomed to the idea of �SLOVAKIA 15 his importance as an individual. As a member of various Slovak societies he learned to stand up for his own rights and to cooperate with others for the common welfare of all. He had fulfilled his obligations to his position in life as a free man and he knew what his rights were. This new sense of human dignity stemmed from his understanding of the genuine spirit of American democracy : every citizen worked freely for his welfare as well as for the common good in a spirit of freedom under law. Far removed from his homeland, the Slovak immigrant learned, too, how great was his innate love for his native heart and he felt a new kinship with his fellow countrymen whether they came from the east or west, the north or south of a common motherland. The horizon of his nationalism extended far beyond his native village and reached the Tatras in the north, the Danube in the south, the low Carpathians in the west and the high Carpathians in the east. A wider concept of his rightful place in the Slovak family was developed in the mind and soul of every immigrant in America. He was a member of the Slovak nation and a human person who belonged to the land that for centuries belonged to all the Slovaks for ages. This was their common national heritage. A golden chain, their common language, had bound all the Slovaks together for many centuries. The Slovak immigrant cherished this precious gift all the more after living in America. Upon returning home he became its greatest defender against detractors. He had seen it flourish in a far off and strange land and Slovak national life had taken on a new glow under its influence. Why couldn't this be realized in his home country? To this end united voices of the American Slovak returnees were heard from one end of the country to the other as they spoke up fearlessly for their natural right to develop and grow as a nation, to live as a free people in a self-governing democratic country. How did his fellow-countrymen look upon this new dynamic "American" who had come back home to Slovakia? Perhaps they envied him just a little because he could afford to live better than they, but they also greatly admired �16 SLOVAKIA him for his openmindeness, his outspoken views and his newly-acquired democratic manners. They were favorably impressed and imitated him. They, too, became self-confident and hopeful of the future as they discussed their problems and sought solutions for them in a democratic exchange of opinions. This new type of Slovak did not avoid public functions nor steer clear of political meetings. He was there in the midst of them and his frequent public appearances inspired others to follow his example so that a new generation of Slovaks sprung up as if by magic, and the new generation was as fearless and frank in the expression of its views and opinions as their leader. In these and other forms the currents of American Slovak life were transformed to Slovakia. The need arose for coordinating this mutual contact for the greatest possible benefit to all. Accordingly, plans were made and attempts at establishing a working basis for better cooperation were put into practical operation. In accord with the desire to establish closer contact with American Slovaks, a number of educated Slovaks went to America where they renewed old friendships, exchanged views and established channels of communication not only with the immigrant Slovaks but what surprised them was the opportunity to converse fluently with second generation American Slovaks who were vitally interested in the mother country of their fathers and willing to lend a helping hand. This was, indeed, a bonanza, a stroke of good fortune that was destined to be of invaluable aid to the Slovak nation. Many Slovak patriots in their homeland established a close relationship between Slovakia and the American Slovaks by contributing articles to Slovak newspapers, periodicals, annuals, almanacs, etc. A considerable number of these timely articles dealt with topics on American Slovak life, and this welcome and flattering move bound the American Slovaks closer together with their kin in the home country. There were magnanimous Slovaks who, because they �SLOVAKIA 17 fully understood and wholeheartedly sympathized with the plight of the Slovak nation beneath the Tatras, willingly sacrificed much of their time and energy to the Slovak cause often to their great personal disadvantage and material loss. Nevertheless, they did not count the cost, for they were firmly convinced every sacrifice was worthwhile in behalf of the Slovak nation's struggle for the recognition of its just rights. They justified their countrymen's faith in them, namely, that they would not forget their native homeland and that in time of need they would come to their aid though living far from their homeland. No true Slovak, no matter how successful he became in a strange land, ever forgot his native homeland. When he heard the call for help, he did not turn a deaf ear to the cry but replied with ready assistance. Slovakia's economic, cultural and national progress in the past several decades is in large measure due to the American Slovaks because of timely assistance to their brethern in Slovakia. American Slovaks never failed to respond generously in a number of crises to help save the Slovak nation. They constantly defended the Slovaks' right to self-government in their own homeland. Gratitude, the Slovaks say, is a virtue and an obligation. The Slovak nation will ever be grateful to the American Slovaks for their great role in its struggle for liberty, a democratic way of life and a self-governing state. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation, whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the right of every nation to freely choose its own form of government and freely elect persons of its own choice by whom it shall be governed. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. XVII 1967 NO. 40 SIXTY YEARS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AMERICAN DEMOCRACY AND SLOVAK LIFE By Dr. Francis Hrusovsky Living conditions and standards of Slovak emigrants changed radically in the new world. The temperament or character of the Slovak who had lived for centuries under Magyar rule was influenced to a large degree by his environment. His economic status in Slovakia was poor, hi~ social standing low, and as for political freedom and civil rights, these, for him, were non-existent. Everyday life for the average Slovak demanded the complete expenditure of his physical energy to eke out a livelihood. Poverty and misery were the common lot of the Slovak people. Thus, oppressed and overburdened, the Slovak, though perhaps seething within because of the intolerable conditions, was helpless not only because he lacked the courage but even the strength to throw off the shackles of servitude. He was, therefore, resigned to his sad fate and he became adjusted to conditions because there was no way out for him. Under these circumstances in which the Slovak people were forced to live and struggle for mere survival, it was difficult for the idea of Slovak national consciousness to take root and grow. Organized political action was an impossibility because he was caught and held fast in the web of feudal system which still existed in Hungary. The Slovak was quite aware of his nationality but the degree of his national pride was never high. It was merely a personal thing. The idea of national unity even if it 2 SLOVAKIA entered his mind was quickly dispelled by immediate necessities of his economic life. Obviously, under such adverse circumstances one cannot expect a simple peasant either to worry about national interests or grasp the idea of unified political action to achieve the aspiration of a whole people so that as a nation, organized and working in harmony, he and his fellow countrymen might win recog-nition of their just rights. Surprisingly, the Slovak people though suffering want and being subject to political oppression, did not become depressed in their hard surroundings. Somehow, the Slovaks worked out an amazing philosophy of life: they came to the conclusion that their privations and difficulties were inevitable consequences of an earthly existence . . . and hence they must bear up under their burdens patiently. And their enduring patience became a national virtue. Slovak immigrants in the new world found an entirely different atmosphere, particularly in democratic America. The first noticeable difference were seemingly endless opportunities for earning power. A typical immigrant from Slovakia was industrious because he had learned to work hard in the struggle for survival in his native homeland. At home his opportunities for work were, however, limited, and his chances for earning a little more money were poor. As a consequence, he was unable to improve his lot. This realization made him feel that he was doomed to remain poor all his life, as if it were a national inheritance down through the ages. Naturally, of course, in view of his abject poverty at home, the Slovak immigrant to America was primarily motivated by the desire to earn more money to assure him a brighter economic future . If he earned more money, he would be able to raise his standard of living and thus free himself from the curse of poverty. He did not shirk any work provided it meant higher wages and since jobs were plentiful, the newcomer found plenty of work. For that basic reason, the Slovak peasant, now an immigrant worker, willingly worked harder and longer hours so that he might improve the living conditions of his family across the sea. Most of the Slovak immigrants were workers and farm- SLOVAKIA 3 ers, who had no skill or special training. But a simple person with the courage to go out into the world in search of an occupation and with an innate desire to work could do wonders. Moreover he was endowed with a source of inner strength to grapple with all kinds of hardships and obstacles in the new world. Because he was uneducated he was greatly under-rated in his homeland. Nevertheless, he possessed unusual natural ability and endurance. He often excelled in good judgment and had the determination to succeed. In the multivaried life of America the new immigrants learned much. Many of them would have wasted their energies as farmers had they remained at home. However in America they soon discovered opportunities for their talents. Quite a few, on the strength of their native talents, rose to high levels in American society. This would have been impossible in their native homeland. But the democratic atmosphere in America presented them with the opportunity to develop their natural ability to the utmost. As soon as the Slovak immigrant overcame the first difficulties that he encountered in America, he quickly learned by experience and readily became accustomed to his new way of life. He was more than satisfied with the substantial increase of his earning power. He did not squander his hard-earned money but set aside a portion as savings. Seeing the tangible results of his industrious work, he acquired a new sense of importance and human dignity. From a beaten down and oppressed servile person, he changed gradually into a proud citizen of a democratic country. In comparing his position and achievements with the lot of his fellow countrymen back in Slovakia, he could not but be content for here he was an equal among equals with unlimited opportunities in an enterprising democratic land. True, this process of personal re-orientation and rehabilitation in the new world did not affect all immigrants in quite the same way. It did not bring the same results in every case. Among the Slovak immigrants there were many failures as many were swallowed up in the new world. But, in general, the great majority of the Slovak newcomers reacted favorably and successfully to the new circumstan- 4 SLOVAKIA ces. Too long had they breathed the oppresive air of oppression inside Hungary, now they reveled in breathing the invigorating atmosphere of American freedom and democracy. In life every man constantly encounters obstacles and is forced to overcome handicaps, endure hardships and struggle along the pathway to a definite goal. The Slovak, accustomed to meet challenges along his course through life, was not afraid of difficulties nor did he shrink from obstacles in his path. At home he had become disillusioned, for he had become quite conscious of his failure to rise above his station in life. He realized the hopelessness of his situation and he made the most of it. In America, it was quite different. Here nothing could stop him from im• proving his condition, for here he was a free man, and he had the will to get ahead. Each day that he worked with determination and endurance, the Slovak immigrant's appreciation of personal liberty and equality grew and his work was manifestly a labor of love and gratitude for the opportunity to fulfill his ambitions in a new world. As his appreciation of the new life increased, he began to get used to the idea of being a free man as a normal situation, and his desire to work and prosper, his initiative and his enjoyment of life increased proportionately. In the United States the Slovak immigrant became acquainted with native Americans as well as with immigrants from other lands. This influenced him twofold: 1) As a stranger among strangers and without much knowledge of the English language he shied away from all non-Slovaks. 2) He searched for fellow Slovaks with whom he could communicate. These he could understand, and they could understand him. This immediate need for friends drew the Slovaks together in a foreign country. All Slovak immigrants felt the practical impact of living among strangers in a strange environment. They soon knew they were somehow different and they drew apart seeking their own kind to whom they were drawn because they spoke the same language, and they shared the same SLOVAKIA 5 customs, traditions, ideals and experiences. Moreover, they all had come to America with the same goal: a better life. Loneliness drew the Slovak immigrants together. They felt insecure and unhappy in the strange world. It was only natural that they sought companionship among their own Slovak countrymen. Thus, drawn together by the magnet of kinship, the need for companionship and mutual understanding, wherever a group of Slovaks came together, there they organized societies, parishes and clubs. This common activity warded off their feelings of homesickness and nostalgia and helped them to overcome the longing for their homeland. Their organizations enabled them to protect their mutual interests and promote worthwhile social activities. The sudden realization that they were an island in a strange sea made the Slovaks aware of their national origin. They were not merely individuals now, but persons who belonged to a great unity: a nation. Their national consciousness was accentuated and their national pride increased as more and more societies sprang up. Their desire to unify their mutual interests was intensified. The ultimate attainment of their aspirations to national freedom was now visualized as they saw how the enjoyment of personal liberty could readily lead to the enjoyment of national freedom in their native homeland, if liberated from foreign domination. No doubt the example of the various nationality groups in America that had become strongly organized inspired the Slovak immigrants to imitate them so that they, too, could achieve greater progress and attain whatever goals they must reach in their lifetime. "What is perhaps a paradox is that in Slovakia, though the Slovaks were what they were and nothing else, they were not Slovaks in the sense that they could not publicly appear as themselves. They were subjects of Magyar overlords and, as such, feudal peasants who were officially listed as "Hungarian inhabitants". Their real national origin was to be denied and ultimately erased according to the designs of chauvinistic Magyar masters. No obstacles or limitations were placed upon American immigrants in the matter of their nationality. Here 6 SLOVAKIA a person could appear privately or publicly as a national, ie., he could freely manifest his national origin, speak his native language, organize freely and come and go freely without being subject to government interference, public insults or repression of any kind. As a matter of fact, he was treated with respect by native Americans and other nationality groups as a rule, and there were no restrictions placed upon an immigrant by a government agency or his employer. Slovaks who became citizens of the United States learned that even as full-fledged loyal citizens of their adopted country they did not loose their identity as native sons of Slovakia. Moreover, they could still actively help their fellow countrymen here and in their homeland. Not long after his coming to American shores of freedom, the Slovak immigrant noted that he could have his own convictions and opinions and express them freely in speach or writing. Slovak organizations that had the common interest of their fellow countrymen at heart provided their members with numerous occasions to appear in public. Slovak newspapers not only informed and instructed t heir readers but acted as bond of unity and communication for all the Slovaks in America. Slovak periodicals rendered a great service in that they were a forum for public opinion among the American Slovaks. The experiences, suggestions, advice, opinions, etc. of thousands of Slovaks found their way into the pages of daily and weekly publications. Thus, even the ordinary Slovak worker could publish his views, opinions and reactions on a multiplicity of topics. For many this opportunity gave them a postgraduate course in public expression. They often voiced their growing pride in their Slovak national ancestry. Every Slovak who was forced to migrate into far off foreign countries in search of a better living never lost his love for his native country ... it was an abiding love, sometimes sentimental perhaps, but nevertheless sincere and profound. This attachment from his youth was never quite lost; even after many years of absence from his native homeland he still could see the picture of his village home and the little white church with its cross on the steeple. SLOVAKIA 7 To him this memory would always be sacred for it symbolized the faith of his people down through centuries of time, a faith that had sustained them through the hardships, dangers, and sufferings of countless ages. Always, as long as he lived, the Slovak immigrant, no matter how far from the native village where the Church, though oftentimes small, was a symbol of the indestructible faith of his forefathers , would remember that his religion was his greatest asset in a world of struggle. Without a church, without a priest and without prayer, life in a Slovak village would have been infinitely sad. And for him, though far removed from his birthplace, this remained t rue in the country of his adoption. Prayer is for the pious Slovak today what it was for his predecessors for centuries: a solace in time of grief, a bulwark, a mighty fortress in time of peril. Church prayers and hymns in his native Slovak tongue were a balm to his soul, an inspiration to his spirit. So long as he stayed close to his Church he felt safe amidst the confusions and storms of foreign currents that sometimes terrified him, at other times made him feel uneasy and uncertain as he faced each day's struggle in strange surroundings. Slovak life in America followed a definite pattern where enough settlers came from Slovakia. Parish churches and schools were built and much of the immigrant's social life centered around these religious institutions. As a rule, the more vital parish life of a Slovak group became the more solid and permanent became the national and cultural development of Slovak immigrant units that clustered around their own parishes. Loyalty to the faith of their fathers in the midst of the hubub and maelstrom of the big new world became the source of fidelity to the Slovak family, the native mother tongue and the Slovak homeland. At the end of a week ( 6 days ) of hard labor, the Slovak immigrant invariably went to Church on Sunday. He prayed fervently, sang with enthusiasm, listened to the weekly sermon, all in his native tongue. His heart was touched, his love rekindled each week, and he kept alive love of his homeland and native hearth. 8 SLOVAKIA Unique in every respect are the Slovak churches, rectories, schools and convents in many parts of the United States, for they are living testimonials of the profound religious faith of the people from Slovakia. In Slovakia, there were not societies or organizations of their own. A few that were permitted to function were in the service directly or indirectly of anti-Slovak interests. This denationalization policy unfortunately not infrequently crossed the threshold of the church itself. On the other hand, in America Slovak societies, schools, and churches, besides fulfilling their religious, social and cultural role, were at the same time centers of the Slovak spirit and national life. This left a strong impression on the Slovak immigrant in America. He grasped the full significance of this new life of personal liberty and national freedom. The new atmosphere changed him into a true patriot who was proud equally of his new citizenship and his Slovak ancestry. The tempo of life in America was much faster and fuller then the development of the new national spirit in Slovakia where many obstacles still existed. The democratic spirit of America was vital and refreshing, whereas the feudal system of Hungary was depressing and lifeless. Hungary's 20th century feudalism was outmoded but it kept the Slovak nation, the oldest nation in the Carpathian basin of the upper Danube, in a state of political bondage and economic servitude. The result was that the mass of Slovaks was unable to rise from its plight and live a normal national life. Slovak poets and writers who felt the pain of this tragic debasement of their nation feared the future consequences of this situation. In vain, however, were their efforts to wake up the Slovak masses; the years of oppression had been too many. They had taken their toll. Hundreds of thousands remained spiritless and turned a deaf ear to their pleadings. Slovak patriots endeavored to alert the people to the danger of remaining inactive in the crisis that threatened their national extinction. They, too, failed to arouse the inert masses to action. Every attempt to put a program into action was foiled by subversive activity of the enemy. SLOVAKIA 9 Slovakia's national life, deprived of all vital sources by her oppressors, was all but dead. Her people lacked sufficient power and initiative for a flourishing national life and progress as a highly cultured and dynamic people. Stymied internally, therefore, the Slovak national organism which was physically healthy and vigorous, biologically sound, morally solid and potentially rich, needed an injection. And that is precisely what the Slovaks in America provided for the Slovak nation's life-an injection that thoroughly revitalized Slovakia's life as a nation in its historic homeland. We have no reliable statistics to show to what extent the influence of the American Slovak way of life was exerted in various parts of Slovakia. Perhaps at some future time this will become available. Only then shall we be able to get a precise, or at least a more accurate record of this impact of American democracy on the Slovaks' historic homeland in central Europe. Lacking statistics, we are still able, however, to indicate to some degree how American Slovaks after having acquired the new experience of a life of freedom affected the life of their fellow countrymen in Slovakia. A considerable number of Slovak emigrants who went to America in search of work and higher earning power returned to their native land. They had attained their goal, namely, the acquisition of a moderate fortune which enabled them to get a fresh start in life. Most of them, however, chose to make America their permanent home. Instances of individuals who lost all contact with their homeland and their fellow countrymen here are so few that they are negligible. Even those who elected to remain in America continued their interest in Slovak affairs and maintained a lively interest in their Slovak nation's destiny. In fact, many of them inspired their children and even their grandchildren to take an active part in Slovak life. In Slovakia the effect of the American way of life manifested itself in a number of ways but primarily in an economic sense, for the prime motive of Slovak emigration overseas was economic necessity. The returnees stimulated economic progress with their savings which were invested in the purchase of land, cattle, agricultural implements and SLOVAKIA new homes. The sum total of this new capital proved a vital factor in renewing Slovakia's national economy. At first glance, perhaps, the role of American capital in the hands of the Slovak emigrants who returned to their homeland may seem unimportant but it proved to be an essential factor in rebuilding their lives. They were able to acquire land with their savings and this, alone, strengthened their power through ownership. Under the feudal system much of the land had fallen into the hands of a foreign aristocracy for whom the Slovak peasant tilled the soil. The products of his labor were not his, the land belonged to aliens and both land and produce, as well as his daily labors, served alien and not his own interests. Vast estates, forests and fields were in the hands of an ancient Slovak nobility that either had alienated itself or was rapidly alienating itself from the people. The loss of their native Slovak national pride meant the loss of their lands to Slovakia. One of the most serious practices among small landowners was the breaking-up of the estates through inheritance. This process was the more alarming because the high birth-rate among the farming families often forced the small landowners to make loans that not only weighed heavily upon the individual land-owner but often plunged him heavily into debt. This, too often, forced him to sell some or all of his lands. Another factor that created a serious problem for the small land-owner was the reccurence of bad crops. This and the need for money to make repairs, buy equipment or make an expansion often resulted in a huge debt so that the poor man frequently could not even pay the interest on a loan. Eventually such heavily mortgaged properties ended up in the hands of strangers who held the mortgage. For the Slovak national cause such failures had a twofold effect: 1) They decreased the number of Slovak landowners and proportionately increased non-Slovak ownership of the land; 2) Loss of land meant that the Slovak peasant lost his attachment to the land of his forebears and with the loss he lost his national consciousness or pride when he migrated to the city where he got a job in the SLOVAKIA 11 factory. Second and third generations of these families generally lost their identity as Slovaks. Slovak land, the solid base of Slovak national life, was being lost to aliens and with each loss national unity and ancestral pride were weakened. Under such adverse conditions the Slovaks could make no progress and the economy of their country was weakened considerably because it was not serving the people but foreign landowners who exploited the native workers. An independent class of small land-owners had always been the backbone of the Slovak nation. It was, therefore, a vital necessity that this class be preserved, and even extended both for the welfare of the people and for the national interest. Above all, capital was needed in this crisis. At home there was none to be had. Accordingly, there was only one hope and that was America. In the years of migration money came back to the old country and this more than any one thing helped to preserve ancient lands intact. American capital in the form of savings of the immigrants saved Slovakia's lands for her people. In almost every Slovak village or town before and after World War I new homes, new ventures and developments were made possible through American dollars, savings of Slovak settlers in America. Slovak farmers were able tc:, purchase new agricultural equipment and increase their production on a modest scale. Their lands and confidence were restored, thanks to their American experience and their savings from honest toil in the land of opportunity. Emigration of Slovak landowners to America actually strengthened the small land-owning class in Slovakia and preserved the right of ownership of the entire Slovak nation to its own native soil. Tenant farmers who had left their native homeland for America, as well as many Slovak workers, frequently returned from America to swell the ranks of the new landowners. These paid ready cash for land and equipment as they proudly took ownership of their new properties in their native country. 12 SLOVAKIA Some Slovaks who returned with savings preferred to invest their modest wealth in various enterprises such as a small business, for example, a store, a tavern, a mill or lumber plant. These, too, greatly enhanced the economic growth of the country through their initiative and enterprise. Stiff competition for the new enterprises greeted their founders but this did not scare the Slovaks who had returned from America, for competition was what stimulated progress and was an added incentive to success. Against their non-Slovak competitors, therefore, the new business men succeeded in breaking up what was considered somewhat of a monopoly by the old owners and directors in various businesses. Their experience in America served them well as they met every challenge with confidence and generally with success. American capital undoubtedly helped to raise the living· standard of the Slovak people. The Slovaks remained what they had always been, a simple people with moderate wants and desires and tastes but it was imperative that this simplicity be not interpreted as a sign of backwardness. Their American experiences helped them to cope with this problem, too. Highly important for the development of Slovak national life was the education of the youth. High school and college training was necessary so that the Slovak nation could have a strong core of educated men and women. For the average Slovak family higher education had a high social value, too. Unfortunately, Slovak schools were directed by nonSlovak elements and the children were subject to a denationalization process whereby the Magyar language and the spirit of a Hungarian nationality were fostered exclusively. It was a foregone conclusion that this would result in a tremendous loss to the Slovak nation when its youth would be alienated in its formative years. Although many were lost to the Slovak cause, not every Slovak youth succumbed to the lure of promises for the future or was terrorized into submission, for in many homes the spirit of loyalty to the Slovak national culture was cherished. SLOVAKIA 13 Only a few Slovak youths were able to pursue higher studies in high school, college and university because their fathers who had gone to America encouraged their sons by ear-marking special funds for their education. These, as a rule, completed their studies and became loyal sons of their homeland. Their spirit of national pride inspired them to fight back at any attempt to rob them of their rightful Slovak birthright and national heritage. Such was the spirit of the American-Slovak families in Slovakia that their dynamic force and influence were invariably felt throughout the country. The sons, like their father, bore the unmistakable trade-mark of true patriotism. The printed word, either in the daily press, periodicals or in books, is an essential factor in the training of youth everywhere. It is the expression of the spirit and soul of a nation. In this respect, the situation was actually quite bad in Slovakia because there were only a few good Slovak newspapers and these, because of an extremely limited circulation, exerted little influence. Since the masses of common people had limited finances, they did not subscribe to newspapers or buy books. Most of them did not feel the urgency of supporting their own Slovak press. Most widespread of all printed matter was the religious prayerbook but its influence did not extend beyond religion. The Spolok sv. Vojtecha, a religious publication society, sought to supplement this by editing books from time to time. There were several religious periodicals, too, but these did not reach the realm of politics. Moreover, the average Slovak peasant or worker showed little or no concern for politics anyway. He had been conditioned to the idea that politics was an art in which the rich and the nobility had a natural monopoly. To use the current term, "brainwashed", would be appropriate. American Slovaks opened their eyes to the truth and they held a completely opposite view from their fellow countrymen. They soon adopted the idea that they had a right and a duty to mix in politics and they received full support for this practical view in their daily and weekly newspapers which they read regularly. 14 SLOVAKIA American Slovak newspapers were sent to Slovakia. Actually, in many villages for quite a while the only reading matter consisted of Slovak newspapers from America where one could freely write not only in his native Slovak language but give voice to his views, foster the Slovak national spirit, criticize the injustices inflicted upon their countrymen at home and register an open demand for the just rights that belonged to the Slovaks. These periodicals were almost exclusively the sole source of accurate information about what was really going on in their own country and they found out the truth by reading news that were sent to them all the way from America. When they returned to Slovakia, many American Slovak immigrants kept in touch with the organization in which they had membership. For years they proudly wore their membership emblems, subscribed to both local and American periodicals, engaged actively in public life and showed a keen interest in politics as they had become accustomed to do in America. No doubt the most valuable contributions to Slovakia by America were the Slovaks who returned home after living a year or more in a truly democratic country. These American Slovaks had had rich experiences abroad and they had developed a new outlook on life so that their presence had repercussions everywhere. A Slovak who had left his homeland, depressed and beaten down, returned from America a different man. He was full of life and energy, imbued with the spirit of national pride and fully convinced that he had a natural right to "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness" according to the spirit and principles of American democracy. This new, optimistic attitude clarified and refreshed the atmosphere throughout the country. Gone forever was the inferiority complex which had customarily marked the Slovak emigrant. Here was a renovated man not afraid to speak his mind openly, anywhere, anytime. This was the happy result of being exposed, if only briefly, to democracy in the United States. As a respected and integral part of a great and powerful country, the Slovak grew accustomed to the idea of SLOVAKIA 15 his importance as an individual. As a member of various Slovak societies he learned to stand up for his own rights and to cooperate with others for the common welfare of all. He had fulfilled his obligations to his position in life as a free man and he knew what his rights were. This new sense of human dignity stemmed from his understanding of the genuine spirit of American democracy : every citizen worked freely for his welfare as well as for the common good in a spirit of freedom under law. Far removed from his homeland, the Slovak immigrant learned, too, how great was his innate love for his native heart and he felt a new kinship with his fellow countrymen whether they came from the east or west, the north or south of a common motherland. The horizon of his nationalism extended far beyond his native village and reached the Tatras in the north, the Danube in the south, the low Carpathians in the west and the high Carpathians in the east. A wider concept of his rightful place in the Slovak family was developed in the mind and soul of every immigrant in America. He was a member of the Slovak nation and a human person who belonged to the land that for centuries belonged to all the Slovaks for ages. This was their common national heritage. A golden chain, their common language, had bound all the Slovaks together for many centuries. The Slovak immigrant cherished this precious gift all the more after living in America. Upon returning home he became its greatest defender against detractors. He had seen it flourish in a far off and strange land and Slovak national life had taken on a new glow under its influence. Why couldn't this be realized in his home country? To this end united voices of the American Slovak returnees were heard from one end of the country to the other as they spoke up fearlessly for their natural right to develop and grow as a nation, to live as a free people in a self-governing democratic country. How did his fellow-countrymen look upon this new dynamic "American" who had come back home to Slovakia? Perhaps they envied him just a little because he could afford to live better than they, but they also greatly admired 16 SLOVAKIA him for his openmindeness, his outspoken views and his newly-acquired democratic manners. They were favorably impressed and imitated him. They, too, became self-confident and hopeful of the future as they discussed their problems and sought solutions for them in a democratic exchange of opinions. This new type of Slovak did not avoid public functions nor steer clear of political meetings. He was there in the midst of them and his frequent public appearances inspired others to follow his example so that a new generation of Slovaks sprung up as if by magic, and the new generation was as fearless and frank in the expression of its views and opinions as their leader. In these and other forms the currents of American Slovak life were transformed to Slovakia. The need arose for coordinating this mutual contact for the greatest possible benefit to all. Accordingly, plans were made and attempts at establishing a working basis for better cooperation were put into practical operation. In accord with the desire to establish closer contact with American Slovaks, a number of educated Slovaks went to America where they renewed old friendships, exchanged views and established channels of communication not only with the immigrant Slovaks but what surprised them was the opportunity to converse fluently with second generation American Slovaks who were vitally interested in the mother country of their fathers and willing to lend a helping hand. This was, indeed, a bonanza, a stroke of good fortune that was destined to be of invaluable aid to the Slovak nation. Many Slovak patriots in their homeland established a close relationship between Slovakia and the American Slovaks by contributing articles to Slovak newspapers, periodicals, annuals, almanacs, etc. A considerable number of these timely articles dealt with topics on American Slovak life, and this welcome and flattering move bound the American Slovaks closer together with their kin in the home country. There were magnanimous Slovaks who, because they SLOVAKIA 17 fully understood and wholeheartedly sympathized with the plight of the Slovak nation beneath the Tatras, willingly sacrificed much of their time and energy to the Slovak cause often to their great personal disadvantage and material loss. Nevertheless, they did not count the cost, for they were firmly convinced every sacrifice was worthwhile in behalf of the Slovak nation's struggle for the recognition of its just rights. They justified their countrymen's faith in them, namely, that they would not forget their native homeland and that in time of need they would come to their aid though living far from their homeland. No true Slovak, no matter how successful he became in a strange land, ever forgot his native homeland. When he heard the call for help, he did not turn a deaf ear to the cry but replied with ready assistance. Slovakia's economic, cultural and national progress in the past several decades is in large measure due to the American Slovaks because of timely assistance to their brethern in Slovakia. American Slovaks never failed to respond generously in a number of crises to help save the Slovak nation. They constantly defended the Slovaks' right to self-government in their own homeland. Gratitude, the Slovaks say, is a virtue and an obligation. The Slovak nation will ever be grateful to the American Slovaks for their great role in its struggle for liberty, a democratic way of life and a self-governing state. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation, whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the right of every nation to freely choose its own form of government and freely elect persons of its own choice by whom it shall be governed.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource American Democracy and Slovak Life Description An account of the resource Dr. Francis Hrušovský Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 1-17 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrušovský, František, 1903-1956 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Relation A related resource This article is one of five from this special issue republished as a monograph: Paučo, Jozef, ed. 1967. <em>Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America.</em> Middletown Pennsylvania: Slovak League of America. <a href="https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616" target="_blank" title="Link to WorldCat" rel="noreferrer noopener">https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616</a> 60years LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/a78e714cca0cdd112ee1d3f2ec76c6d9.pdf b440d6b5898cd1f993452bcda3640610 PDF Text Text � � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/c00456f49ea86471f4238ddb5960ed04.pdf dd07e75783228ba1f24d8c537611d79d PDF Text Text 132 SLOVAK.IA CURRENT ISSUES MANIFESTO OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Americans of Slovak descent have always expressed their loyalty to the United States of America, in harmony with their traditional effort of preserving peace and order and helping to strengthen the principles for which our democracy stands. A very large segment of the Slovak nation is thankful to Almighty God for having found a home in this our free and great republic, not only because we can freely express our private views and wishes, but also because we can speak freely in behalf of a nation which has so many times looked upon the Slovaks in the United States as their only hope for freedom and salvation. A great milestone in the life of Americans of Slovak descel'lt was the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact on May 30, 1918 in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania where the Slovak League of America, representing the Slovaks in the United States, met with their Czech counterparts under the leadership of Thomas G. Masaryk. The basis of the Pittsburgh Pact lies in this assertion: "Slovakia shall have her own administration, her own- assembly, and her own courts." This was the result of the spirit of self-determination which started at the initiative of the United States. In this spirit not only American Slovaks, but the Slovaks in Slovakia demanded their right to a free nation, and sincerely desired to reach an agreement with the Czech nation, with whom, according to the Pittsburgh Pact, they were to live in a federation. It is a historical fact that it was not the fault of the Slovaks that the spirit and letter of the Pittsburgh Pact was realized only at the end of 1938, when there was no longer any possibility of even a federation for the Slovak and Czech peoples. The European and world political forces dictated a new development, which neither the Slovaks nor Czechs could influence. The only chance presented to the Slovaks was to look for new approaches and opportunities to preserve their own Slovak entity. This salvation was �SLOVAKIA 133 found, though the Slovak nation as well as the Slovak people in the United States had hoped that this salvation would have come from the west, and especially from the United States. After the second world war Slovaks found themselves under the domination of communism and Czechs. Again as in the case of the Pittsburgh Pact, Prague leaders did not keep their word and the principle of self-determin ation was not realized in Slovakia. On the contrary, this principle of self-determin ation was oppressed not only by the Czechs, but by the Soviets as well, who mercilessly stopped any attempt and expression for a free and democratic way of life. Remembering with reverence and admiration our predecessors who signed this historical document in Pittsburgh, we must express our position on this occassion, the 50th Anniversary of the Pittsburgh Pact, negotiated by the Slovak League and those American-Slo vak organizations who joined her in the furtherance of this Slovak objective. To the question asked here in the United States and in Slovakia, "What is the position of Americans of Slovak descent concerning Slovakia today?", the following is our response : -The principles of justice, freedom, and democracy as represented by American thinking and action are sacred and untouchable to the Slovak League of America -The welfare, security, and preservation of the future of the United States is our utmost objective -No sacrifice is too large when the very foundations of American institutional life are involved, as well as the security of private ownership. The spread of the good name of the United States in word, but especially in deed, in the press and by example is primary with the Slovak League -Bearing in mind that the Slovak nation was, is, and always will be an ally of the west, and especially the United States, giving America almost half her sons and daughters and, ..:._Following and closely scrutinizing the developments in Slovakia, and knowing that freedom is a gift from God, The Slovak League of America endorses the highest right of the Slovak nation, and requests for �134 SLOVAKIA Slovakia an independent Slovak Republic, which government and judical system will be chosen by the Slovak people in a free and democratic election. In this behalf, so help us God! February 26, 1968 Stephen J. Tkach, President D r. Joseph Pauco, Secretary Executive Committee: Rt. Rev. Theodore Koji s, O.S.B . John A . Sabol Joseph Prusa Joseph Kristofik SLOVAK POLITICS "Give us this day our daily bread" in the Lord's Prayer was explained by Andrej H 1 ink a as politics! Why? Because in that petition our economic needs are implied and since we cannot presume to impose upon Divine Providence to rain down Manna from the heavens above, we must work for our daily bread. But when this demands superhuman effort because of foreign exploitation of the country one inhabits, then the inhabitants must do something about it . . . and they must become involved in politics. Such were the circumstances in Hlinka's time when Czech c a r p e tbaggers and their allies exploited the Slovaks ( as the Magyars had done before them ) that the Slovak priest in the role of a good shepherd sought to protect his flock from being fleeced by alien interlopers and thieves, and the same need exists today, for the Prague central government controls the national economy in Slovakia. Visitors to Expo 67 were amazed to note the small number of Slovak personnel in Montreal's pavilion that represented Czecho-Slovakia. The ratio was quite accurately estimated at 5 or 6 to 1. This is gross injustice to the Slovak nation when one considers there are approximately 5 million Slovaks and 9 million Czechs. These two nations constitute 90 % of the population of the c-SSR, ie., �SLOVAKIA Czecho-Slovak Socialist Republic (the 10 % represents Magyar, Polish, German, Gypsy and Jewish people. N.B. More than 3 million Germans were expelled from the Sudeten lands and some 700,000 Ruthenes were annexed in the eastern area of Czecho-S 1 o v a k i a by the U.S.S.R. in the Carpatho-Rusin region). The same discrimination against the Slovaks by the Czech ruling regime is being shown in Slovakia where the great majority of official government personnel and industrial management is preponderantly n o n-Slovak. Moreover, the Czechs hold 90 % of the number of army 135 officers from the top to the bottom! These facts which indicate what a death-grip the Czech regime has on Slovakia economically and militarily fully justify the Slovaks in their determination to free themselves from foreign rule, and if we consider that they are deprived of religious freedom, too, American Slovaks cannot help but extend a helping hand to oppressed brethren beyond the seas. We are in sympathy with their cause, and for that reason individually and collectively we, too, are determined to do something about it, even if it means we must go into politics! A . P. U.S. IMMIGRATION PATTERN TO CHANGE JULY 1 On July 1, 1968, the United States will put into effect a new immigration system. In place of the old national origins quotas, visas will be issued without regard to the immigrant's birthplace or nationality on a world-wide, first-come first-served basis, according to a series of preferences established by the law of October 3, 1965. However, not more than 20,000 immigration visas may be issued in any one year to the natives of any Eastern Hemisphere country (Europe, Asia and Africa ), and not more than 170,000 visas may be issued in any year to immigrants from all Eastern Hemisphere countries. Excluded from these totals will be the immediate relatives of American citizens, that is, their spouses, children or parents. Also, on July 1, a numerical limitation, 120,000 a year, will be placed for the first time on immigration from the W e s t e r n Hemisphere (South and Central America, Mexico and Canada). As in the Eastern Hemisphere, this. �136 SLOVAKIA limitation will not apply to the immediate relatives of American citizens. The 20,000 ceiling applicable to individual countries in the Eastern Hemisphere will not apply to Western Hemisphere countries. Not more than 200 visas may be issued in any year to the natives of a colony or dependent area. How is this new system likely to affect immigration to the United States? Numerically, it is not likely to result in any pronounced change. In the five years preceding enactment of the October 3, 1965 law, immigration averaged 290,062 a year; in the following two, the average was 342,506. Since the demand for visas in both Eastern and Western Hemispheres is expected to exceed the totals permitted (170,000 a nd 120,000 respectively) and :since the number of immigrants exempt from numerical limitation has been running around 40,000 a year (not counting the natives of Western Hemisphere countries), it seems likely that under the new system immigration will be approximately 330,000, or a third of a million, a year. It is certain, however, that the ethnic composition of immigration to the United States will be different. Countries which had small quotas but long waiting lists will be sending far more immigrants than those which formerly had 1 a r g e quotas such as Great Britain, Germany and Ireland. The U.S. Visa Office estimates that in the Eastern Hemisphere the countries sending the largest number of immigrants in the year beginning July 1 will be Italy, Greece, Portugal, China and the Philippines. With immigration on a world-wide basis, what is important for the would-be immigrant is that he get on the waiting list in his country as early as possible. Even if he does, his chances of coming to the United States are slight, unless he qualifies for one of the seven categories entitled to preference. These seven categories or preferences and the number of visas to which each is entitled are as follows: 1. Unmarried s o n s and daughters of U.S . citizens. 34,000 (20 percent of the 170,000 total) 2. Spouses and unmarried sons and daughters of aliens lawfully admitted for permanent residence. 34,000 (20 percent) plus numbers unused by First Preference 3. Members of the professions, and scientists and �SLOVAKIA artists of exceptional ability. 17,000 (10 percent) 4. Married sons and daughters of U.S. citizens. 17 ,000 (10 percent) plus numbers unused by higher preferences 5. Brothers and sisters of U.S. citizens. 40,800 (24 percent) plus numbers unused by higher preferences 6. Skilled and unskilled workers in occupations for which labor is in short supply in the U.S. 17,000 (10 percent ) 7. Refugees. 10,200 (6 percent) ( These preferences apply to all E a s t e r n Hemisphere countries. They do not apply to the Western Hemisphere, where for the present at least there are no preferences.) The foregoing system of selection puts principal emphasis on family relationships. The Visa Office estimates that the 85,000 visas available for first, second, and fourth preference immigrants in the year beginning July 1, 1968, will be more than enough to meet the demand in those categories. In contrast, it expects the third, fifth and sixth preferences to be greatly oversubscribed, so that there will be a substantial waiting list for brothers 137 and sisters of United States citizens (fifth preference), members of the professions (third preference), and skilled and unskilled aliens (sixth preference). The fifth preference is entitled to any unused numbers from the four earlier preferences. Unlike the relative preferences, the third and sixth preference are limited to the numbers assigned them. The Visa Office anticipates that on June 30, 1968, there will be a backlog or waiting list for the third preference of some 48,000 . Since only 17,000 numbers a year are available for this category, the backlog and waiting period will increase. This is also true for the sixth preference, skilled and unskilled aliens in short supply. For the fifth preference the Visa Office estimates a backlog on June 30, 1968, of 194,000. This is expected to decrease to 179,200, but that will still mean a substantial waiting time. At present some aliens in countries with large or not fully used quotas have been getting visas as nonpreference immigrants, even though they could qualify for the ,third or sixth preference. But this will not be true after June 30, 1968, when visa issuance goes on a world-wide �SLOVAKIA basis. Such persons, natives, for example, of such countries as Great Britain, Germany, Ireland, Sweden, Norway, if they are not sure of getting their v i s a s before July 1, should apply at once for preference, in order to avoid being at the end of the waiting list. In some countries, I t a 1 y for example, where the demand for the first five preferences will bring visa issuance to 20,000, there will be no sixth preference visas. As a r e s u 1 t of the new world-wide system, few, if any, visas will be available for nonpreference immigrants from Eastern Hemisphere countries after the national origins quotas are abolished on June 30, 1968. The demand for fifth and sixth preferences is so large that no numbers are expected to be left for nonpreference immigrants, except for any unused seventh preference numbers, and then only in countries in which preference demand does not exceed 20,000. Further, all nonpreference immigrants, as well as those within preference categories 3 and 6 and all W e s t e r n Hemisphere immigrants except immediate relatives, must obtain a "labor clearance" before receiving a visa. This is a certification from the Department of Labor that they will not displace American workers and that their admission will not have an adverse effect on the wages and working conditions of workers here. This provision, whatever its merit in protecting American labor, operates to prevent, or at least make more difficult, the admission of the nonpreference or "new seed" immigrant - that is, the kind of immigrant who in earlier years constituted the bulk of our immigration and contributed so much to the building of the United States. A VISIT TO SLOVAKIA An American Slovak of the younger generation recently returned from a brief visit to Slovakia. What he experienced and observed during his sojourn in the land of his forefathers I hereby report at his personal request. He did not wish to reveal his name because of fear that the ruling regime might take reprisals against relatives and friends. "I was in Slovakia. Like many others from America I went only for a short stay. �SLOVAKIA 139 I saw the natural wonders of the land of my late parents. The three weeks that I spent there will never fade from my memory. Morever, r put down my impressions in my diary. their serious discussions about world affairs. Their minds, I could readily see, were involved in problems of the universe even at their tender age ranging from thirteen to seventeen. That the Slovak nation is deeply religious, open-hearted, hospitable, industrious, healthy and vigorous, honest and dignified, r learned at first hand. Slovak youth particularly, despite some weaknesses excesses and handicaps, i~ on the whole simply beautiful alert and alive wholeso~e and fully con~ scious of its national heritage I noted that both the boy~ and girls are obsessed by desire to learn. They are respectful to their elders, which is an ancient national trait and tradition. Their behavior was correspondingly very good. Their curiosity about what's happening in the rest of the world was simply astounding. I had the opportunity to observe this on my journey eastward via train. During the entire journey, I noticed groups of teen-agers huddled together over newspapers and periodicals. Their comments were both intelligent and stimulating. I have a good knowledge of the Slovak language and hence I could not help but appreciate their conversation, as well as Naturally, neither economically nor socially could they be compared with conditions in America. Their living standards. are far below th~s~ of our high standard, of hvmg. B':1t the people don t seem to mmd very much. The new ge~eratioi:1', alth~ugh inte:ested m the fmer thmgs of life, on the mater~al side, app~ar to be well adJusted to their present status while planning a ~etter future through educatlon and hard work. We who live in America know what the Slovaks desire more than anything in this world, namely, their freedom from foreign rule. There is no question that they do not enjoy either political or religious liberty. Anyone who has eyes to see and ears to hear cannot miss this obvious lack of local and national freedom or personal 1 i be rt y as we know it in America. The Slovaks bear a double yoke: a) Czech overrule b) Communist oppression. The regime is 'Czechoslovak' in theory and practice, and therefore, anti-Slovak, and communistic, hence �140 SLOVAKIA atheistic-in both cases expressly and extremely so. Slovak people, however, in spite of the above noted burdens they are forced to bear, have such native strength and stamina that they are making progress in industry, literature and culture, if not in politics. They are holding fast to the faith of their fathers. I was moved to tears when attending Mass in a number of churches. The voices of both young and old blended in a sacred symphony that was an outer manifestation of their deep and abiding faith. In the last twenty years the Slovaks have suffered much for their faith. Many died unsung martyrs because they refused to abandon their religious beliefs. This, I am firmly convinced assures the future national destiny of the Slovak people, for the blood of their martyrs and the constancy of countless confessors of the faith constitute an inexhaustible stream of living waters for generations to come. Eventually, the godless, not the Godly, will be overcome. In closing my remarks, I wish to leave this message: Do not fear the outcome. The Slovaks at home are not afraid. They are steadfast immovable in their faith. But pray, as our persecuted brethren in Slovakia pray constantly, that the day of their deliverance may come soon. That the day of liberation will come, there is no doubt in their minds. They look forward with anticipation to the day when once again, after a quarter of a century, they will guide the destiny of their country as free men under God." This is the way our young American fellow Slovak described his visit to Slovakia. We, who cherish our noble heritage of Christian faith and f r e e d o m in this great land of 1 i be rt y, welcome these realistic observations and reactions as unmistakable signs of the future, for a nation with such spirit and a wholesome outlook on life must certainly emerge triumphant after suffering an ordeal by fire in our tragic age of man's inhumanity to man. Slovakia with a glorious past now awaits the dawn of an even more glorious era. May God in His goodness and mercy grant the beginning of a new age of freedom and peace for the Slovak nation in our time. A. P. Annual SL O VA KI A is published by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue, Middletown, Pennsylvania. Subscription $2.00. Editor: Dr. Joseph Pauco. �SLOVAKIA 141 JUST THE TRUTH ... PLEASE In the February 18, 1968, tions of the country which edition of The New York had traditionally figured as Times Magazine, Mr. Ed- the bulwark of democracy, mund Stillman presented les- the total vote for the Comsons on "The Fall of Czecho- munist-left Socialist coalition slovakia." Because I witnes- was a solid 55.76 per cent. sed the Communist take-over Only in agrarian and conof the country 20 years ago, servative S 1 ova k i a were I would like to make a few these proportions reversed." r e m a r k s on the article I would like to express my (pages 34-46) to correct some thanks for this truthful comfacts . ment. On May 26, 1946, I was elecIf not for the Czech majorted as a member of Parlia- ity, Czecho-Slovakia would be ment in Prague by a 92.3 % with the· west today. We Slomajority for the Slovak De- vaks are proud of our "primocratic Party. The night mitivism" against Communbefore the election the Com- ism, which was defeated in munists organized my kid- the 1946 election in Slovakia. napping to the USSR which Mr. Stillman mentioned a bordered my native district so-called "Czechoslovak naof Sobrance. My electoral tion" which doesn't e x i s t. district was along the "first" The Czech nation in in CzeIron Curtain. cho and the Slovak nation is Mr. Stillman called this in Slovakia with their own district " ... the more back- languages. I agree with the ward region of Slovakia to statement that on Wednesthe east . . .", and " .. . the day, February 25, "The ArchCzechs despised the Slovaks bishop of Prague called on as primitives or traitors." I the nation to support the was proud to be an educator Constitution." Ar ch bishop and a Superintendent of Beran called only on the Schools in Slovakia. Czechs. The Slovak Catholics The writer has given full never belonged with Prague credit to the Czechs for the but were d i r e c t 1 y under fall of Czecho-Slovakia into Rome. For their resistance to the Soviet block. He was the Communist doctrine, right when he stated that "In SIX of the NINE Slovak Bohemia and Moravia, the Catholic bishops DIED in industrialized western por- prisons. �142 SLOVAKIA Also, it was mentioned that Czecho-Slovakia at that time " ... was a practicing democracy." I would not agree because I was the ONLY MEMBER of Parliament in Prague in 1947 who denounced the brutality of the Communistheaded secret police who were torturing innocent Slovaks in Bratislava prisons. For that speech during the Communist coup d'etat in February of 1948, I was charged with treason and managed to survive o:r:tly by escap- ing to the West. Enclosed is a translation of that parliamentary speech. We Slovaks, as the Czechs say, are traitors, but the Czechs had "human rights and honor" when they sold Czecho-Slovakia and with it us Slovaks behind the Iron Curtain. There can be no doubt why in the USA I am carrying on the mission for a free Slovakia which cannot be dominated and sold-out by the Czechs in the future. Stefan Blasko IDEALS OF 'DHE SLOVAK NATION I think the story, the traditions and the honoc of the Slovak people is one of the most glorious stories in history. It is hard to find a story of any people who for more than one thousand years were deprived of liberty, nationality, and subjected to national and religious persecution. The Slovaks have given all the world a lesson in what i,t means to be devoted to ideals. During the crucial period of their history, these brothers, sisters, and children of thait noble race came to our United States which has ever been a sanctuary and a home O'f persecuted people. With this thought I have many recollections of the past and of that beautiful country of Slovakia from which you or your ancestors have come. It was my privilege in the happy days of peace to know your country and the character of your people, for I went to school for five yeairs with many of the boys from that country, some of whom have come to be priests here in our United States. I know the thoughts that fill your minds today of the disaster, injustice, the tyranny, the oppression, the cruelty that has come over an injured Europe that we once knew, for Europe was a great mother of America ... and I know how you feel because I feel the same. You and I must show our sympathy and give our help in every way possible to those naitions thart g,ave us birth and our birth rights. Our happiness is saddened by the thought of our persecuted brethren in Europe. We associate ourselves with them in prayer, also in determination to do everyithing in our power to alleviate their suffering. We express sympathy to those who suffered persecution foc justice's sake asking Almighty God to give them grace to carry on - Francis Cardinal Spellman in the practice of their faith. �SLOVAKIA 143 BOOK REVIEWS MORE A BOU T D R. Dr. Jozef Tiso-President of the Slovak Republic. In commemoration of the 20th anniversary of his death at the hands of the enemies of Slovak Independence. By Fr. Vnuk. Publishers: Association of Australian Slov aks. P . Gerdelan, Orbis Printing and Publishing Co., PTy ., Ltd., Sydney, 1967. An unprepossessing volume of a meager fifty pages, this important work by a prolific Slovak writer, however, is a clear, concise, factual account of the life of a Slovak leader who died on the gallows: for his faith, for his Slovak nation, for the Christian country of Slovakia in the heart of Europe. Msgr. Tiso, a Catholic priest, represented his people's ancient faith of more than a thousand years' tradition . .AJ; a spiritual leader he was, therefore a symbol of the religious background and heritage that began with SS. Cyril and Methodius in the 9th century A.D. As a political figure he was more than a politician-he was a shepherd of his flock, i.e. , the Slovak people, a revered chieftain of his clan, and a statesman whose vision, courage and leadership guided the newly independent Slovak Republic safely through the dark days of World War II. By the very nature of its brevity, the modest volume leaves much to be desired in the way of a more detailed, and consequently a more thorough review and analysis of events that are merely touched upon. Nevertheless, for one who is acquainted with the history of Slovakia, the book can well serve as a good manual for a series of talks JOZE F T IS0 and even as a logical and chronological framework for a later edition of greater proportions. Moreover, the historical background to the modern emergence of the Slovak nation and its independent state is quite adequate for those to whom the material is entirely new. What puzzles people in the western world is the presence of members of the clergy in politics. Although there is no valid reason why they, as citizens, should be excluded from the political stage, their clerical status automatically does exclude them in the minds of most people. This in spite of the fact that the American Congress from the very beginning has traditionally attracted numerous Protestant clergymen and their membership was never seriously questioned. Be that as it may, the author explains that the need for leaders in Slovakia necessiated the 'participation and involvement,' to borrow a really modern phrase, of dynamic priests who answered the call to duty for the public welfare but considered it not only a privilege but an obligation to serve the interests of religion whenever the Church was under attack, as certainly was the case after World War I when atheistic, communistic and anti-clerical elements joined forces against the Church in Slovakia. In this matter, as in others, Vnuk's work is well documented. Tiso's early political ventures were not always successful. Thus, his policy of coalition with the Czechs ended in fiasco. In 1927 he persuaded Hlinka to abandon his basic policy of opposition to the �144 SLOVAKIA Prague central regime and join the government in an attempt to secure more recognition for the Slovaks. In about two years Hlinka's Slovak People's Party resumed its uncompromising stand because the Slovaks became convinced that the Czechs were determined to maintain their position of domination over Slovakia. Dr. V. Tuka paid for the 'noble experiment' by being framed and sentenced to a 15-yr. prison sentence on charges of treason. This was a foreshadowing of the reprisals that were to cost him his life, as well as the lives of President Tiso and many stalwart Slovaks after World War II. Again in the presidential election of 1935 when President Masaryk resigned at the age of 85, Dr. Tiso negotiated with Dr. Benes whose candidacy was closely challenged in the race for the presidency, and gave him full support upon Dr. Benes' promise that if he were elected Slovakia would get autonomy in a year. The Slovaks were deceived by the new president, who, like his illustrious predecessor, failed to keep his word of honor. So once again the Slovaks were duped. In .!~merica they had given full support t0 Masaryk during World War I after he had signed the Pittsburgh Pact guaranteeing the Slovaks naticnal selfgovernment or autonomy. . . in Slovakia they were the deciding factors in Benes' succes;,ful bid for the presidency . . . and in both cases they were victimized. In the unrelenting drive for selfgovernment in Slovakia, Martin Razus, a Protestant clergyman :md writer, with his National Party became faithful allies of Andrej Hlinka. Even in the Slovak Agrarian Party the spirit of autonomy became more . and more apparent after the election of Dr. Benes. Upon the death of Hlinka on August 16, 1938, on the eve of the Munich crisis, leadership of the Slovak People's Party passed on to Dr. Tiso. The problem of self-government or autonomy for Slovakia was suddenly resolved by the Czech centralist regime in Prague in the fall of that year. A matter that had dragged on for a score of years was finally settled in less than two months because of the immediacy of the situation brought on the swift rush of events that threatened the disruption of the CzechoSlovak Republic. Even at that later date it was the united demand of all Slovak political parties (with the exception of two small factions, the Communists and the Social Democrats) at 2ilina, Slovakia, that actually prodded the Czech government to take action. Slovak autonomy was a reality at last! Bratislava became the center of the newly-established Slovak autonomous government. Almost immediately a crisis ensued as Germany annexed the Sudeten lands in Bohemia and Hungary made insistent demands on southern Slovak territorial lands. Dr. Tiso staunchly defended the Slovak cause as premier but despite his attempt to modify the excessive claims of the Magyars at Komarno, a German-Italian commission (headed by Von Ribbentrop and Count Ciano) decided arbitrarily to cede 4,000 square miles of southern Slovakia with a population of a million (considerably more than a third of whom were outspoken Slovaks and the rest mostly Magyarized Slovaks) to Hungary by the unjust award of the Vienna Verdict of November 2, 1938. Visibly shaken by the injustice of the Vienna declaration by which the Slovaks lost a full 20 % of their �SLOVAKIA historic lands and people on the Slovak-Magyar border, the new autonomous government in Slovakia, however, faced the future with courage and determination and proceeded to consolidate its political forces. Accordingly, all political parties were united into a single party of Slovak national unity. Under its banner the Slovaks elected 63 members to the Slovak parliament in the national elections in December of that fateful year. Undaunted by the seriousness of the events that saw the new autonomous government come into power, the Slovak parliament assembled in Bratislava on January 18, 1939. Dr. Tiso gave the keynote address in which he emphasized that Christian ideology was fundamental to the structure and spirit of the Slovak self-governing state in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Moreover, he steered a middle course in the turbulent stream of events that moved a group of young ardent Slovak nationalists to push the Slovak ship of state directly towards the shores of complete national freedom and independence. In Prague the central government became alarmed at this turn of events and made March 9, 1939 a fatal decision, namely, to occupy Slovakia by force. Prague ordered Czech troops to seize military control of Slovakia and declared martial law. Simultaneously with the dispatching of army units to Slovakia the dismissal of Dr. Tiso as Slovak premier was announced. Karol Sidor was named his successor. When Germany's offer to discuss the situation with Sidor met with a rebuff, Dr. Tiso was urged by party leaders to go to Berlin for a conference. He went to the German 145 capital on March 13, conferred with both Von Ribbentrop and Hitler and was told that if the Slovaks refused to declare their national independence, their country would be divided between Hungary and Poland. The Magyars had already taken 1/5 of Slovak territory at the end of the previous year. Faced with this dilemma, the Slovak parliament on March 14, 1939, voted unanimously for the declaration of Slovak independence. Although Dr. Tiso was the acknowledged head of the Slovak Peoples' Party after Hlinka's death, and the premier of the Slovak autonomous government inside CzechoSlovakia, it was not until October 26 of that year that the Slovak parliament officially and unanimously elected him president of the newlyestablished Slovak State. What type of a man was Tiso? Everyone is naturally curious to know the answer. Physically, he was a heavy-set man with broad shoulders, a striking face and imposing head, of more than average height. He moved graciously and walked with dignity. In keeping with his physical appearance he was a big man intellectually. Yet, he was not a cold and calculating man but a man with a ready smile, a sparkle in his blue eyes, and a warmth that radiated from his fatherly personality. He especially loved children and was a beloved pastor in his parish at Banovce which he administered to the end of his presidency of the Slovak Republic. Pazmaneum University and Seminary in Vienna graduated Dr. Jozef Tiso with high honors in studies of philosophy and theology. As a preacher and speaker he commanded attention by the sheer power of logic, as well as by his strong, resonant baritone voice that could �146 SLOVAKIA reach Jisterners at the fringes of a large crowd or audience. He differed from the eloquent Hlinka, whose passionate, impetuous oratory and silver-toned tenor voice moved his hearers to cheers of adulation. Tiso, a moderate rather than an impetuous man, sought to carry out policies of his party in a quiet, yet forceful and persevering manner. At heart, however, he remained a profoundly simple, sincere and humble priest who though president of the country took time out quite regularly to attend to parochial duties in his beloved Banovce parish on weekends. President Tiso preached, baptized and offered up Mass the same as any devoted pastor of a typical Slovak parish. Undoubtedly, a further clue to his personality is his own personal adjustment to his position as president. At no time did he approve of any secret servicemen to accompany him for security measures. He walked the streets of Bratislava daily . . . and unattended. He made frequent trips throughout the country unattended, i.e., without police escort. Such was his personal courage and trust in the people whom he loved and served, and who not only respected but loved him in return. German interference in internal Slovak politics was kept at minimum although at the express orders from Berlin, Vnuk declares, Dr. :i')urcansky and others were dismissed from high posts in order to make way for a Germanophile group led by V. Tuka and A. Mach. Jews in Slovakia remained unmolested until March, 1943, when the Ministry of Interior, in compliance with German orders, began their deportation. By August of the same year, however, this ceased entirely because of disturbing re- ports and rumors that the Germans were exterminating all Jews in concentration camps_ From that date until the end of the conflict in 1945, the Jews were protected by law as special wards of the Slovak state and shielded by thousands of Slovaks privately. At least 80% of Slovak Jews were saved in this way. An insidious conspiracy that flared up into a revolt in August of 1944 against the Slovak Republic was instigated by a coalition of communists and Czechoslovak partisan factions, and bolstered by Soviet parachutists, in the northern hills of the country in the Banska Bystrica region. Although summarily put down with the aid of a small German division in less than six weeks, the revolution cost the Slovaks some 30,000 lives (mostly civilians caught in the line of fire) and the destruction of a score of villages and towns, strategic railways, tunnels, <bridges and roads. It was a rebellion staged by totally irresponsible elements in the country and supported by a number of high officers who were guilty of treason ... and all guilty of a crime that resulted in the ruthless and useless destruction of many innocent lives of men, women and children. Invasion of Slovakia by the onrushing Soviet forces came in the East at the beginning of the new year of 1945. By May 1, Slovakia was overrun by three Soviet armies that showed no mercy to the Slovaks whose towns they pillaged from one end of the country to the other. The victorious troops wrote a tragic chapter of rape, murder and ravage in this era of the socalled 'liberation' of World War II. Meanwhile, at the very last minute members of the Tiso government crossed into Austria. Before �SLOVAKIA the war ended officially, President Tiso and members of his government were turned over to the Czech forces by U.S. Army to whom Dr. Tiso had voluntary surrendered. He was put into chains (actually), taken to Prague and led through the streets of the Czech capital, then to Bratislava, to await trial 'for treason' and as 'war criminal'. Their doom was a foregone conclusion. Dr. Benes and his colleagues, who thirsted for revenge, would see to it that they would hang. Wherever Communists seize power, it is common knowledge, they seek to intrench themselves firmly by a reign of terror. They pursue a policy of inprisonment, torture and death to instill terror into the hearts of people everywhere in order to paralyze all efforts of opposition. So it happened in Slovakia. Thousands were marched off to prison on the slightest pretext or for no reason at all. Before long, the clergy and Religious were destined to feel the brunt of persecution as the postwar atheistic communist regime consolidated its power to an absolute degree. The Church became a prime target of the new rule that pulled no punches in its relentless drive to absolute political control of the country. The final disposition of President Tiso was an open secret. A coalition of Dr. Benes and his reprisal-minded clique in Prague with the communists sealed the fate of the stellar Slovak statesman. His trial for the sake of appearances dragged on through four months from December 1946 to March 1947 in an all out effort to discredit the Slovak president, the Slovak Republic and aspirations of the Slovak nation to statehood. Highly censored reports were is- 147 sued to the press . . . all radio coverage was strictly 'edited.' It became quite obvious that his enemies and the foes of Slovak freedom were determined to destroy him. None was more intransigent than Dr. Benes. Assurances that Dr. Tiso would be granted political amnesty in the event of a verdict of death proved to be h o 11 o w phrases. In the final showdown following the official pronouncement of death by hanging on charges of 'treason' neither Dr. Benes nor the 17 members of a special government panel of high officials relented in their attitude, they upheld the verdict of the court. President Tiso was executed at dawn on April 18, 1947. Witnesses of the execution of President Tiso testify that he was calm throughout the ordeal. He walked quietly and prayerfully to his death on the gallows. Even the official news dispatches confirmed this report of the last hours of Msgr. Tiso. News of the execution of the Slovak president deeply stirred his fellow countrymen everywhere. His grave in a Bratislava cemetery became a national shrine overnight. Thousands rushed to place flowers on his last resting place ... not for long however, for the body of the Slovak nation's martyr was exhumed, taken away and cremated and his ashes scattered in an unknown place lest Tiso's grave, or even his ashes, become a memorial for a grief-stricken nation. This, the government shamelessly admitted, was what prompted its decision to remove the body forever for fear that a permanent national shrine should be erected to the memory of President Tiso in Slovakia. After a score of years of Czech- �148 SLOVAKIA communist rule over Slovakia resistance to political oppression and religious persecution is as strong as ever. The memory of the vengeful postwar policies emanating from Prague produced a permanent cleavage between the Czechs and Slovaks. The author, as all loyal Slovaks believe, declares the death of Tiso completely and irreparably severed the ties between the Czechs and Slovaks for a permanent sta,t e. Experience of 20 years of Czech rule from the centralist Prague after World War I and another score of years of Czecho-communist oppression and ruthless religious persecution directed from the Czech capital has touched the lives of appiioximately 5 million Slovaks in their historic homeland and another 5 million Slovaks scattered around the world. These have vowed to keep faith with their honored dead not to rest until Slovakia is once more free and independent, and a Slovak state restored to its rightful place in the family of free nations of the world. Final evaluation of the impact of Dr. Tiso's personality and the influence under the most adverse circumstances imaginable must await the verdict of future historians. They will be able to view his time in its proper perspective, weigh all the factors involved and present the facts dispassionately and justly in the light of genuine evidence. The 'rise and fall' (to borrow a popular phrase) of President Tiso and the Slovak Republic will then be viewed in its proper setting and will be adjudged according to just merits. Postwar condemnation of Tiso and his government in the Slovak Republic will be erased as an unjust stigma of disgrace for which Czech foes of Slovak freedom are responsible. Having done nothing themselves to save their country from Nazi occupation, they vented their rage on the great Slovak leader who dared to lead his people towards national freedom and independence when the rest of Europe was on the verge of a war of revenge, fratricidal slaughter and genocide. Destruction of the Slovak Republic and the execution of its president and members of the Slovak government was meant to be the death knell of the Slovak nation's aspirations to freedom and statehood. This was not to be the final verdict nor the final destiny of the Slovak nation. The Slovaks are convinced their fate under God is not oblivion but survival, and a glolious revival of life in their own independent national state. Fr. Andrew Pir, O.S.B. SLOVAKS BYPASSED BY CZECHS IN INFLUENCE ON WILSON By Prof. Aitstin J. App, Ph.D ., LaSalle College The book, I mmigrants' Influen- President Wilson between 1917 and ce on Wilson's Peace Policies, edit- 1920 in shaping the disastrous ed by Prof. Joseph P. O'Grady, LaSalle College, written by various scholars, and published by .the University Press, Lexington, Kentucky (309 pages, $8.50 ) throws much light en the pressures exerted upon peace treaties of Versailles and St. Germain. Since these led to World War II and subsequent enslavement of all the countries carved out of the Austro-Hungarian empire, history must judge those �SLOVAKIA 149 treaties as calamities for Europe University, suggests that there and the world. were about 700,000 Slovak immigThe book shows that the Ger- rants in America during World man-Americans were too cowed to War I. The estimates for the Carinfluence the peace, though their patho-Ruthenians run all the way disillusionment with the Versail- from 6,299 to 500,000. Prof. Mamatey reports: les Treaty influenced the rejection of the Treaty by Congress. The "Whether or not it was due to British were enormously influen- the support of the American Slotial in getting the U.S. into war vaks, American officials never and later in checkmating the Irish questioned Masaryk's and Benes's wish for self-determination for Ire- right to speak for the Slovaks" land. The Zionists were enormously (p. 239). influential in preventing a separate The Slovak League of America , peace treaty with Turkey, securing formed in 1907, drafted a memothe dismemberment of the Turkish randum in July 1914, envisioning empire, and through the Balfour "only Slovak administrative and Declaration achieving the gradual cultural autonomy in Hungary, not take-over of Palestine. The Aust- independence or unity with the rians and the Hungarians, like the Czechs in a Czechoslovak state" German-Americans, had practically (p. 232). And until May, 1918, "no no influence on Wilson. The Yugo- Slovak expression of a desire for slav's had much, but not as much independence and union with Czeas the Italians. The Poles got prac- choslovakia was known abroad" tically everything they wanted, and (p. 238). so did the Czechs. However, in October, 1915, in The Czechs, through Masaryk and Cleveland, "the Bohemian National Benes, who were extremely shrewd Alliance and the Slovak League of and ruthless diplomatic operators, America agreed upon the 'Clevesucceeded in getting their aspira- land Pact,' which envisioned the estions considered as identical to tablishment of 'independence' and those of tlie Slovaks and Ruthen- 'union of the Czech and Slovak peoians. This induced Wilson to favor ples in a federal union of states the formation of Czecho-Slovakia, with full national autonomy for in which the Czechs had the hege- Slovakia" (p. 233 ). mony, and the promised autonomy By May, 1918, President Wilson for the Slovaks and Ruthenians, as endorsed the policy of breaking up well as that for the Sudeten-Ger- Austria-Hungary and encouraging mans, was recognized in word but the independence of all component violated in fact. nationalities. On May 30-31, 1918, Suggesting the importance in the peacemaking of these nationalities is the fact that three chapters are devoted to them: "The Czechs" by Otakar Odlozilik, "The Slovaks and Carpatho-Ruthenians" by Victor S. Mamatey, and "The Mid-European Union" by Arthur J. May, the three comprising pages 204-271. Prof. Mamatey, of Florida State in Pittsburgh the Bohemian National Alliance, the Federation of Czech Catholics, and the Slovak League of America endorsed a program drafted by Masaryk of the organization of Czechoslovakia. In it "Slovakia was to have her own administration and courts, for which Slovak would be the official language" (p. 237). Albert Mama- �150 SLOVAKIA tey had got inser,ted into Masaryk's draft Slovakia's desire for a "Diet." This Pittsburgh Pact was signed by Masaryk in Washington on November 14, 1918. According to these provisions, but as interpreted to the peacemakers by Masaryk and Benes, the Czecho-Slovak Republic was formed. Into it the three odd million Sudeten Germans were forced against their express will, and the assurance of autonomy given to the Slovaks and to the Carpatho-Ruthenians were "not fully implemented by the Czechoslovak government." Prof. Mamatey writes of "the unfulfilled promise of Slovak autonomy" (p. 249) . The book, of course, does not go beyond 1920, and therefore does not touch upon the tragedies that by 1945 had thrown all these unhappy peoples under the communistic tyranny. But the book as a whole and the three chapters dealing with Czecho-Slovakia help one understand the catastrophe of World War II and after-and suggest to the honest and wise what must be done to set things right. This includes granting the principle of self-determination as fully to the Slovaks as to the Czechs! Slovak Studies V. Historica 3. Slovak Institute, Cleve land-Rome, 1965, p. 268. Like its four predecessors, Slovak Studies V , Historica 3, is a boom to scholars and Slavists alike. Valuable in documentation, the contributions definitely enhance the growing English literature on Slovakia. The SS. Cyril and Methodius Institute in Rome can rightfully take pride in this 1967 publication. Among the contents in the current volume are research papers on Slovakia's Church history, cultural achievements, World War II political significance and linguistic eminence. Each learned discussion gives evidence of painstaking care and adherence to a factual, accurate account. Accompanied and supplemented by numerous documents in the original language, selective bibliographies, appendices, maps and footnotes , a total of six outstanding presentations combine to make this fifth volume of Slovak Studies truly remarkable. Taken topically, three essays deal with the development of Christianity among the Slovaks. Father Ernest Bouydosh, O.M.I., of Canada devotes a considerable portion of the volume to an analysis of "The Quadrennial Reports of the Archbishop of Strigonia to Rome." Introducing the "ad limina" reports found in the archives of the Sacred Congregation of the Council, the author examines the state of the Church in Hungary from the Tridentine era. "The historical value of these reports," writes Father Buoydosh, "lies in the fact that they are first hand documents reflecting the spiritual life of the dioceses, an aspect too often neglected in our historiography. Some of these reports also have an exceptional demographic value." The reports, printed in the original language in which they were sent to Rome, span three centuries, beginning chronologically from August 15, 1598 and ending March 5, 1827. Next follows an informative monograph on the Camaldulese Hermitage, known as the Red Monastery, from the gifted pen of a Jesuit scholar, Dr. Michael Lacko of Rome. Making extensive use of the documents preserved in the Hermitage of Frascati near Rome, the Archives of the Greek-Catholic �SLOVAKIA Bishopric of Presov, and the Vatican Archives, Dr. Lacko has reconstructed a fascinating portrait of the evolution of religious life in Slovakia. He traces the beginnings of the Camaldulese Hermitage (Red Monastery) in Nitra, Slovakia, to the Monte Corono Hermitage of Central Italy. Of special interest is the work of Father Romuald Hadbavny, a Slovak hermit of such a Red Monastery in Spis County. An acknowledged scholar, he compiled a Latin-Slovak dictionary in 1763 which is still extant in manuscript form. He was also the first translator of Sacred Scripture into the Slovak language. His work is known today as "the Camaldulese Bible." Interestingly enough, Dr. Lacko notes nationalistic tendencies among the hermits, who early in the eighteenth century were already yearning for national hermitages. Vicissitudes of the era proved detrimental to the Red Monastery. For several centuries now it no longer functions according to its original purpose. Recently it has been restored as a museum and tourist attraction. It is in observance of this event that Father Lacko has favored the readers of Slovak Studies V with the present account. An impressive array of Latin documents (pp. 112-203), June 28, 1691 to 1781 amply demonstrate his thorough research in this field . A short discussion on "Slovak Greek-Catholics in America" blends well with the above. Mr. George Polak of West Liberty State College analyzes a chapter of Cyril Korolevskij's biography of the Metropolitan Andrew Szeptyckyj. While generously praising the work in general, Mr. Polak seems to take umbrage at the author's confusion concerning Slovak Greek-Catholics. Perhaps rightly so. A biographer is 151 in a broad sense of the term an historian; as such, it is essential that he presents accurate, precise information. To identify the Slovaks of the Byzantine-Slavonic Rite as the "Ruthenians from Sub-Carpathia" or the Slovaks from Eastern Slovakia as "Slavs from SubCarpathia" is both misleading and ethnically untrue. In "a noted authority on the Eastern Church and a Catholic priest of the Byzantine-Slavonic Rite," even though he is a native of France, such discrepancies are deplorable. Mr. Polak's argument would seem to be well taken and his point of view valid. Invaluable to an adequate understanding of the eighteen month interval of Slovak history between March, 1939 and August, 1940, is the "Collapse of the Czecho-Slovakia in Vatican Documentation." As a responsible historian, Frantisek Vnuk, the author, views these months in the light of the documents, eleven in number, found among the Vatican Published Archives, as crucial for Central Europe. His pithy observations substantiated by eye witness accounts of reliable authors, focus the events in proper perspective. His criticisms are well worth noting. An Appendix contains all eleven documents in the original Italian. Linguistically, William S. Patala's contribution to this volume is illuminating. "A Class in Twelve Slavic Languages," though brief in content, is rich in suggestions and ideas. Father Patala of the Steubenville Diocese describes a three year course which he taught with "appreciable success." How he managed to teach twelve related languages in one class period per week makes delightful reading. The author's imaginative approach to the teaching of languages, warmly �152 SLOVAKIA endorsed by the once prominent Slavist of Columbia, Dr. A. P. Coleman, deserves further experimentation. A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Librarianship of Marywood College, Scranton, Pennsylvania by Sister M . Emma Hvozdovic, SS.C.M., is deservedly included in Slovak Studies V. Sister M. Emma's "History and Accomplishments of the Society of Saint Adalbert, Trnava, Slovakia" is the inspiring record of Catholic Slovakia's effort to preserve and cultivate its Cyril-Methodian heritage in the face of contrary forces. In 1870 Father Andrew Radlinsky founded the St. Adalbert Society (the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius would not have been permitted in its title) to publish Catholic books and periodicals, to encourage the arts, and to promote Catholic Slovak culture in general. Through the years it succeeded in placing in the hands of the people several editions of the Bible and at least 14 editions of the famous family prayerbook Nabozne Vylevy. It made available for church use the official Slovak Catholic hymnal and the official Slovak Catholic Common Book of Prayer. It provided for its membership, which extended beyond Slovakia, a wealth of reading material on every vital subject. It sowed the good seed. Today, if Communism is rampant in Slovakia, what else can one say, but that "an enemy hath done this." Written in a smooth and engaging style, the dissertation is based entirely upon Slovak sources and contains a selective bibliography. Its publication in Slovak Studies V is most timely in view of the approaching centenary of the founding of the society. One cannot help contrasting the former years of plenty with the present "winter over the land," when the Society's hands are tied and the people are crying for the Word of God, for Bibles, prayer-books, catechisms, hymnals. May God hasten the day when we shall witness again the fulfillment of the promise, "Happy those who hunger and thirst for what is right: they shall be satisfied." So much for the plus side of Historica 3. On the minus side one must warn the reader to expect frequent typographical errors which mar one's pleasure in perusing the excellent features. Also, it seems unfortunate, at least to this writer, to find so many precious docu-ments left in their original language, Latin, Italian, French. While scholars the world over are generally proficient with one or more foreign tongues, Latin documents are for the most part a closed book to American students. Strangely enough, only one of the contributors, Frantisek Vnuk of Australia, has seen fit to recognize this problem realistically. He has translated all documents used throughout his essay, leaving them in the original only at the end of his work. This surely makes his contribution of greater value to students than it would have been otherwise. Since the· volume is obviously intended for English-speaking readers, it would have been wise to consider this element. Considered as a whole, however, Slovak Studies V is distinctly notable addition to any library. Sister M. Ev angela Lubek, SS.C.M. Jorg K. Hoensch: Die Slowakei und Hitler's Ostpolitik (Hlinkas Slowakische Volkspartei zwischen Autonomie und Separation 1938-1939). Bohlau Verlag, Koln-Graz, 1965, p. 390. �SLOVAKIA While there have been several scholarly books in English on recent history of Slovakia (J. A. Mikus, J. M. Kirschbaum, L. G. Oddo, K. Glasser, M. G. Voytko, F. Vnuk), in the German language literature dealing with Slovak problems is surprisingly scarce. The above volume attracted attention of the academic publications in Europe and since it brings some new aspects and new evaluation of the problems of Central Europe we have decided to review it. J. K. Hoensch's book is a well documented treatise of the crucial period of Slovakia's modern history: October 1938-March 1939. The declaration of Slovakia's independence in the intricate international situation of 1939 has been subject to controversial interpretations and although this book is abundant with references to sources in several languages, it will be hardly the last word. There is a clear tendency of the writer to avoid adopting either the Czech interpretation or the Slovak thesis that Slovakia had no other choice and cannot be blamed for applying the right to self-determination just because Germany made it possible. The door to the German Drang nach Osten was open at the Munich Conference and the peoples of the Danubian basin accepted the agreement of the four European Great Powers, who prepared the stage for the ensuing drama. This being clear, the writer examined the policy of the largest Slovak party-the Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party-and tried to find out if, when, and to what extent, Slovaks were involved in helping the Germans march towards the East. In comparison with other writers on this subject, Hoensch was in a privileged position of having the 153 access to the diplomatic archives of Germany and also to archives and sources of the Communist Czecho-Slovakia and Poland. On the other hand, his German ancestry, although he was brought up in Slovakia, may have been responsible for a certain bias which is evident particularly in some conclusions in the introduction to his work. Hoensch found a willing tool for German political concepts only in a group of the so-called radicals in the Slovak Populist Party, whose organ, according to him, was the bi-monthly Nastup, which, can hardly be substantiated as historically true. In addition, Hoensch came with a list of names of persons who either had nothing to do with the publication, because they were still in highschool, or belonged to the radical wing of the Party, but at the time of Tuka's imprisonment by Prague (Tuka was condemned, 1929, on "flimsy evidence" according to Macartney and other British historians to 15 years imprisonment for subversive activities), they had no connection whatsoever with Germany and were known as polonophiles. Except for Alexander Mach and Karol Murgas none of the persons mentioned by Hoensch belonged to Tuka's circle and actually could not be active in politics in 1938 because of their age or because of their studies at foreign universities, one even at the St. Cyr military academy in Paris (J. Stasko) . On the other hand, Nastup certainly had nothing to do with Tuka after his release from prison in 1938. This faux pas could seriously damage Hoensch's work, because he repeatedly used the names and therefore it was hardly an oversight. It would not, however, be �154 SLOVAKIA fair to discard the book for this error,, even if it is hard to explain how it occurred. Hoensch accumulated a great deal of information on Slovak politics in a period which decided the fate of Slovakia during and after the Second World War. He also .tried to evaluate the policy of the Slovak Populist Party and of individual politicians with much less bias than it has been done by Czech or Western historians who adopted the Czech point of view. Nevertheless, he apparently let his feelings influence his judgement when he wrote about certain Slovak politicians like Dr. F. f>urcansky, for instance, who was one of the strongest personalities in Slovak politics but for his opposition to German pressure was ousted already in 1940 together with the editor in chief of Nastup and the publication was banned. Hoensch used profusely also materials published by the Communist historians in Slovakia and some of his conclusions are undoubtedly influenced by their works. His general evaluation of Slovak efforts for an independent policy and his sympathetic attitude towards Slovakia's desire to emancipate herself from any foreign rule, infuriated, however, the communist critics. They first hailed the work in Kuiturny zivot, but later in Historicky casopis disagreed with his approach to the Slovak question as well as with his rather objective evaluation of the basic policy and the role of the Hlinka's Party in Slovak political life before the Second World War, as well as in the first years of the Slovak Republic. Slovak scholars and politicians should deal with this book in detail, because it offers a first class opportunity for correcting many misconceptions and biased views which the adversaries of Slovakia's striving for independence smuggled into the Western historiography. J . M . Kirschbaum Slovenska otcina, III. zviizok. Zostavil: Jan Elias. Vydal: 0. Frantisek Fuga, Hamilton, Ont., Canada, 1967. 432 p. This, the third and final volume of SLOVENSKA OTCINA, like its preceding issues, is an anthology of formal and informal articles and poems, interspersed with numerous pictures and some maps, all aimed at recapturing in print the rich heritage of life in Slovakia_ In this third volume, it is the western counties of Slovakia which are featured. The same format and style as that of the preceding volumes dealing with the eastern and central "zupy" is retained. The articles again have been culled from interested contributors-in this case, one hundred Slovak men and women: intellectuals, professionals, politicians, non-professionals, of various educational background, social milieux, political affiliations, and religious convictions. The names of these contributors are co.Rveniently listed in the back of the volume, with a brief comment of a personal nature, but no article or page reference is given. The literary contributions in turn have been capably edited by the following-Prof. Dr. Jozef M. Kirschbaum: Bratislava; Prof. Ing. Frantisek Vnuk: Tekov ; Draga Paucova: Nitra ; Imrich Stolarik: Trencin; Jan Elias: Komarno. The net result is a smooth-reading chronicle of the times and places dearest to the heart of the Slovak people. The book is more than a description and travel account of �SLOVAKIA Slovakia on a narrative of its social life and customs. Almost unconsciously it breathes the soul, the spirit, the life of the nation which transcends all boundaries. The first part of this last volume contains valuable assorted articles on life related to times in the Slovak Republic period. Fittingly, the volume is dedicated to Msgr. Jozef Tiso, the first and only President of the Republic, whose picture is imprinted on the cover. The articles bearing on Tiso are mainly of the personal ty.pe, e.g., Tiso--clovek; Tiso-milovnik deti; prezidentova matka; Tisovo mesto. They are valuable vignettes for future biographers of the President-Martyr. Other significant articles found in this first section include facsimiles of the stamps issued during the period of the Slovak Republic and of citizenship papers, passport records, and other legal documents. Accounts of the status of education-both higher and rural, of the thriving tobacco and sugar industries, and of the banks of the Republic keep before the reader's mind the degree of successful cultural and economic pursuits of the Republic period. A very concise resume of Independent Slovakia, its formation and treacherous overthrow, keep the political sentiments of the people in perspective. The high cultural attainments of the Slovak people are reflected in two accounts. One gives the status of Matica Slovenska in exile today; the other tells of the activities of Svoradov, a once active bulwark of Slovak intelligentsia. By way of exception, three articles rooted on American soil are found in this first section. They are concerned with the Benedictine Abbey in Cleveland, 0 ., the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Danville, Pa. , and the Daughters of 155 the Most Holy Redeemer in Gary, Ind. It may be concluded that the editors felt each of these institutes reflected the ideals of the Slovak Republic and are, or will be, instrumental in its rebirth. Each of the five following sections begins with a detailed map of the area. Unfortunately, the map reproductions in this third volume are not as clear as those in the preceding volumes. The Confucius proverb stated at the beginning of volume I, "Jeden obrazok ma taku cenu ako 1000 slov" ("A picture is worth 1000 words.") is, however, verified throughout the volumes. Especially enriching are those pictures directly related to the article. On the other hand, the irregular inclusion of authors' photographs, some formal and some informal, distracts somewhat from the material at hand. The articles themselves are unevenly distributed-20 on Bratislava, 5 on Komarno, 24 on Nitra, 11 on Tekov, and 31 on Trencin-a matter of no surprise, however, because of the unequal geographic distribution of city life in the various counties and the centralization of historical and cultural activities in Bratislava, Nitra, and Trencin. In each section, the history of the region comes alive mainly through small everyday accounts of the writers' remembrances of their own or their parents' experriences in the homeland region. As in the other two volumes, an effort again has been made by the editors to maintain a balance of articles representative of historical significance and notable personages in each area. For example, the Bratislava section has articles alluding to the archeological findings in Bratislava dated 2000 B.C.; to the famous Franciscan church in �156 SLOVAKIA Malacky; to the universities of Trnava; and brief essays on Konstantin Culen and Kral' Svatopluk, all of which nicely link the present with the past. The Komarno section has an article describing its museum and the county's historical significance in regard to Magyar influence. The Nitra section fittingly includes accounts of its royal and religious heritage enshrined in its castles and churches. The Tekov section enlightens the reader on its "Cantus Catholici" (1655), its pilgrimage site of Sv. Bei'iadik, its historic site of "Hronsky Svaty Kriz, and its mint at Kremnica. The Trencin section tells of the cave of Sv. Andrej Svorad, the birthplaces of Dr. Jozef Tiso in Vel'ka Bytca and ~udovit ~tur in Uhrovec, and the "Drotar" choir composed of natives from two hamlets in Trencin. The numberless essays not mentioned here are not less interesting or significant. Many of them give not only deep insight into the character, talents, and virtues of the Slovak people, but also provide explanation from concrete examples for the strained, and at times, hostile relationships between the Slovaks and the Czechs, between the Slovaks and the Magyars, and even among the Slovak people themselves. They each ring with a sincere tone which escapes chauvinism and marks this work as one stamped with loyalty, devotion, and real, hardly romantic, remembrances of a ruptured "free" homeland. The trilogy ends with a brief tracing of the history of SLOVENSKA OTCINA on a map, a call to its readers in the free world to champion the cause of freedom for the Slovak nation, and a wish that the articles within the three volumes, covering twenty Slovak counties or "zupy," contributed by 200 Slovak men and women, will help keep alive in the readers' minds and hearts the "fatherland " until that day when the Slovak Republic will rise again. Typical of the Slovak people, it concludes with a prayer to the Almighty Father and to the Mother of Seven SorrowsPatroness of Slovakia, for aid in the self-sacrificing work entailed in securing this just cause. The completed volumes are indeed a tribute to the faith, devotion, and self-sacrifice of its general publisher, 0. Frantisek Fuga, S.T.L., of Canada; general editor, Jan Elias; and contributors drawn from every rank of Slovak emigrants. The v,o lumes proclaim their single desire to keep before the world first-hand knowledge and a true image of the civilized, cultured Slovak people whose fatherland's name SLOVAKIA is already relegated to second place on maps, and whose official language is ever gradually being replaced by the use of Czech words, e.g., as illustrated on a 1962 Bratislava calendar in volume three, p. 218. The three volumes of the excellent series, SLOVENSKA OTCINA, are a "must" for every institution or private home with any Slovak connection, including public libraries and higher institutes of learning. In the older generation of Slovak birth, they will surely stir up fond related memories; in the younger, a rightful pride in their ancestry. Even non-Slovak people studying the language or second and third generation Slovaks who have lost speaking fluency but who still umlerstand the language can be motiviated to read the conversational type articles. A teacher of social studies, in particular, should find the material reliable source background. The books, in effect, evince the �SLOVAKIA Slovak people's " passion for freedom"-freedom of country and freedom of religion. The character, the talents, the virtues, the sufferings under exploitation, and the dreams of the Slovak people should arouse in the reader a response to hope, work, and pray that the contents of these volumes will serve as 157 a means of restoring to the Slovaks their rightful cherished dreams of freedom-soon, before the forces in Communist-controlled, Czech dominated Slovakia wipe out its smoldering embers. Then the efforts of the publisher and staff will not have been in vain. Sr. M. Raymund Horvath, SS.C.M. TWO PUBLICATIONS ON THE PRESIDENT DR. J. TISO Vnuk, F., Dr. Jozef Tiso - President of the Slovak Republic, (The Association of Australian Slovaks, Sydney) , 1967, 50 p. ill. Durica, M. S., Die Slowakische Politik 1938/ 39 im Lichte der Staatslehre Tisos (Slovak Policy 1938/ 39 in the Light of Tiso's Political Thought), (Emil Semmel Verlag, Bonn) , 1967, 49 p. summarizJ.ng Dr. Tiso's achievements, his role in the struggle of the Slovak people for equality of rights in Czecho-Slovakia and finally for national independence in the troubled period before and during the Second World War, to his mar tyr's death. In the sub-title of his work, Prof. Vnuk mentions that it was published "In commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of his (Dr. Tiso's) death at the hands of his enemies of Slovak independence", but it is not a current commemorative booklet. The author gives the reader in a nutshell, a serious anci well-documented analysis not only of Dr. Tiso's political life-struggle, but also an excellent survey of Slovak politics and of the treacheries and perfidy of the adversaries of Slovak independence. The booklet is divided into 15 chapters and also includes several photographs and a map of Slova- The twentieth anniversary of President Tiso's execution by the communists with Dr. Benes as an eager accomplice, prompted the Slovak political refugees in the Free World to write many articles on Dr. Tiso and his courageous struggle. In book form, the above studies by prominent young Slovak scholars were published and both deserve to be carefully read. Prof. Vnuk's booklet is a wellbalanced and well-written presentation of Dr. Tiso and of his political career to the democratic world. After writing hundreds of articles and two books on political and cul- * Neuveritel'ne sprisahanie (An Incredible Conspiracy), (Literartural topics from modern Slovak ny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, history,* Vnuk was one of the best Middletown, Pa.), 1964. qualified persons to seriously tackle with the subject. He displayed a Sedemruist' neurodnych rokov, <:onsiderable knowledge of foreign (Nacrt slovenskej literatury v and domestic sources on the crucrokooh 1945-62) (An outline of ial years of Slovakia's modern hisSlovak literature in 1945-62) , tory in all his writings and used it ( Slovak v Amerike, Middletown, with skill and good judgment in Pa.), 1965. �158 SLOVAKIA kia. There could hardly be a better concised presentation of "the case of Tiso", as it has been done by Vnuk. In equally sober and scholarly manner is written also Prof. M. S. !>urica's analysis of Slovak politics "in the light of Tiso's political thought and teaching". Both !>urica and Vnu.k belong to the younger generation of Slovak scholars in the Free World and while they lived in Slovakia during the crucial years of her history, they were too young to be involved personally in politics, which is undoubtedly an advantage. Nobody can seriously accuse them of speaking "pro domo sua", as the adversaries of Slovakia's aspirations for freedom used to do with regard to other Slovak writers on political subjects. !>urica also has a thorough preparation for his work and is equipped with probably the best knowledge of German and other European diplomatic sources on Slovakia, as his Italian book and numerous studies in other languages indicate.** The present publication is actually his lecture at the FriedrichWilhems-Universitat in Bonn to the students of all Faculties on June 12, 1967. Like Vnuk, !>urica also gives first a survey of Slovak history to make his subject more intelligible to his listeners. Then he speaks about the political thought (he uses the word Lehre-teaching) of Dr. Tiso and about the crisis of 1938/ 39. The·r e are all the elements of a serious scholarly paper in !>urica's publication, and it presents Dr. Tiso and Slovak politics to the Western world in an objective light, fighting only indirectly all the distortions and political propaganda which was spread by the communists and non-communists who adopted Czech and anti-Slovak conceptions about modern Slovak history. It would be only recommendable to make the lecture available in the English language, in which some scholars still rely on tendencious literature and rarely make their own research of original sources. The publication is enhanced by a bibliography of select works on Slovakia. J . M . Kirschbaum ** See my review of his book La Slovacchia e le sue relazioni politiche con la Germania 1938-1945, in Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. X, 1-2, p.69-70. Studia H istorica Slovaka IV - Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej Akademie Vi ed, Bratislava, 1966. Multi-li ngual, 290 p . The thaw behind the Iron Curtain reached Czecho-Slovakia later than the other satelite countries, but the results of the little freedom which the intellectuals have been allowed, becomes slowly apparent in several fields of cultural endeavor. Historiography is one of these fields and the volume under the review indicates that the intellectual climate is changing. For a long time not only poets and writers, but also historians, linguists and scholars in general were forced by the regime to accept Marxist theories and criteria and to be a political tool of the communist party. In historiography this was evident in all works dealing not only with the recent history of Slovakia, but the Marxist interpretation with strong political overtones was applied even to the early centuries and Middle Ages of the Slovak historical development. In the most distorted way was treated especially the period of the �SLOVAKIA Slovak Republic, the events of the Second World War, and the role of the Communist party in Slovakia since 1918 and particularly since 1944. A few books and symposia published since 1965 would indicate that this Marxist period of historiography is over. Historians, panelists and researchers are coming with views and interpretations which are much closer to the historical truths and objectivity. In the volume under the review this new trend is apparent mainly in K. Rebro's "Attempts at a rightful solution of the Slovak national question in the revolutionary years 1848-49" and Zd. Holotikova's "The Slovak Question and Czechoslovak Communist Party in pre-Munich Czechoslovakia." While the first contribution is free of the tendency to present the Slovak past as a part of "Czechoslovak" political development and views the events as an expression of the Slovak people to achieve Slovak national goals and equality of treatment with other component parts of the Habsburg Empire, the second contribution is free to a great degree of various myths which penetrated Slovak historiography with regard to the role of the Communist Party in pre-War Czecho-Slovakia. The Communist Party in Slovakia was a conglomerate of national minorities with strong preponderance of Hungarians, Czechs ( even Gottwald lived in Slovakia) and 159 others. Slovaks were not only in minority, but until 1930 did not have Slovak leadership. Only the return of Slovak students from Prague (among them Clementis, Novomesky, Ponican, Va.mos, Okaly, etc.) gave the communist movement in Slovakia some Slovak flavour. As for program, the party had none which can be interpreted as considering particular Slovak problems and national aspirations, except for linguistic rights. Communists of Slovak origin were led by Czechs and nolens-volens subscribed to the "Czechoslovak" conception and while they fought in Spain or wanted to solve problems of the world, they had little time for specific Slovak questions, and not much understanding for the struggle in which the majority of the Slovak people were involved. Holotikova still tries to explain, embellish and interpret the historical facts in favour of the Communists, but it is necessary to admit that she comes close to the historical truth and her courage and intellectual honesty are evident in many parts of her treatise. The contributions are published in German, English and French, and there is an apparent improvement in the translations in comparison with the previous volumes. The volume has for Western historians certain value, but cannot still be accepted without necessary cautiousness. J . M. Kirschbaum TAK SME SA POZNALI Tak sme sa poznali. Dr. Jozef Pauco. gaging title TAK SME SA POZNAPublished by Slovak v Amerike, LI (So Have We Known One Middletown, Pa., 1967, 281 p. Illus- Another) can be expected to entrations. compass mulUple and varied per- Dr. Joseph Pauco's MEMOIRS, sonal contacts as well as deep inwhich he has issued under the en- sight, broad vision and a skillful �160 SLOVAKIA pen. The author is a scholar, a man of the people, an editor, a journalist, a lecturer, a politician. The era he portrays was at once shatteringly disruptive and marvelously formative in its application to Central Europe and specifically to Slovakia. The men who played the leading roles in the drama of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945) were true to human nature: some giants, some midgets, some heroes, some traitors. The MEMOIRS acquire merit and authenticity from the position and the qualifications of the author. Dr. Pauco is a man whose roots rest deep in the common people. He was born in Slovakia in 1914. His father had died in the war, and so the first influences that left their mark on him came from his mother. This typical Slovak woman loved truth, right, freedom; she admired and vigorously supported the leaders who represented these qualities in government and society. The author's family, his village, his neighbors were poor in material possessions, but they were thoroughbreds in honor, dignity, integrity, courage. Dr. Pauco is a scholar, with a doctorate from Bratislava University, possessing specialized knowledge of Slovak history in its various ramifications and competent to interpret current events and human motives and aspirations. From his student days he manifested a predilection for journalism and contributed regularly to student publications and eventually also to the public press. In 1938 he served as editor of the young people's energetic Nastup. The following year he became editor of the People's Party daily, Slovenska Pravda, and in 1940 he was promoted to the staff of the Party's daily, Slovak, and became its editor in 1942. By his own account, Dr. Pauco was from childhood interested also in public speaking. He studied and admired Hlinka and Tiso, Hrusovsky and Mederly as much for their "platforms" as for their superlative ability to hold an audience spellbound. As a young student he participated in debates and panels and soon became known as a capable orator. Throughout his life he has delivered hundreds of lectures both in Europe and in America on subjects ranging from Slovak nationalism to party politics, from Slovak religious history to language. Dr. Pauco was a politician in the sense that he participated in civic movements and campaigns for human rights, and as a journalist, lecturer and editor he took a stand on political and party issues consonant with his convictions. In Tak sme sa poznali, Dr. Pauco describes his encounters with persons at the helm of the Slovak Republic, whose names are known to every Slovak. Who has not heard of Dr. Jozef Tiso, Andrej Hlinka, Karol Sidor, Frantisek Hrusovsky, Jozef Kirschbaum, Ferdinand !>urcansky, Vojtech Tuka, Sano Mach, Konstantin Culen, Andrej .Zarnov? The list is long. Some of the author's encounters with these men were casual, others in the line of duty. Some were friendly, some disappointing, others bristled with conflict. They began in the author's impressionable childhood, gained momentum in his student days at Svoradov and reached their climax when he was editor of Slovak and a leader of the People's Party. The impact of these encounters perhaps loses some of its potency for American Slovaks, to whom the system of Slovak government, the g e o g r a p h i c a 1 setting, details, �SLOVAKIA 161 of Slovak history and intricacies of however, hoping to curry German the Slovak position are not tho- favor, were bent on deporting and roughly familiar. One would like to exterminating the Jews. They sucknow more; one would like to ask ceeded in passing the infamous questions. But the personalities Jewish Codex, which however Tiso that emerge are superb. managed somewhat to mitigate by Some interesting sidelights on the inclusion of the clause permitcontroversial problems can be ting the President and other oftrailed throughout the book. Take ficers to intervene and prevent the the Jewish question, for example. deportation of any Jew allegedly There were always some Jews on essential to the nation•s welfare. It the staff of the Slovak. They con- is estimated that in this way Presitinued at their posts even after the dent Tiso saved the lives of some laws against them became extreme, 9000 Jews. being saved from deportation by At Tiso's trial Archbishop Kmet' the "urgency" clause with which ko testified that the President did President Tiso had managed to off- not sign the Jewish Codex, that he set the inhumanity of a cruel law. in fact repudiated it. And the ConThere was in Slovakia a certain ference of Slovak Bishops declared "garnitura," a set headed by Prime that Tiso was so incensed at the Minister Vojtech Tuka, which passing of the Jewish Codex that favored collaboration with the he was prepared to resign from ofNazis in the full sense of the term fice. Only the thought that he and which pressed for the exter- might yet save the situation from mination of the Jews. Strongly op- becoming worse, and because the posing him were Tiso and his fol- Jews themselves pleaded with him lowers in the People's Party, the did he decide to remain at his broad masses, who upheld God's post. law and the human rights of ever y From this book the impression individual, not excepting the Jews. grows that " true" Slovaks were In his propaganda tactics Tuka is- not so much anti-German, antisued a newspaper in which he Czech, anti-Communist, anti-Socialscornfully labeled Tiso and his fol- ist, as they were altogether wholelowers "white Jews" and "half heartedly, singlemindedly, unreJews" because of their protective servedly Slovak. Their pro-Slovak stand in favor of the Jews. On the aspirations cast out and left no room other hand, Minister Sano Mach, for any negative elements. Such who was Tuka's faithful henchman, genuine patriotism and true nais nevertheless known to have re- tionalism is God-given in the natusisted Nazi pressure for sterner ral law, as expressed by President laws against the Jews in Slovakia Tiso in his last statement to the and to have personally intervened nation : " 'For God and nation' is a in saving many Jewish lives. positive command of God, Who inIndeed Dr. Pauco presents the stituted it as the natural law and "case of the Jews in Slovakia" with planted it in the heart of the nagreat fidelity and impartial objec- tion and in the heart of its every tivity. The Slovak President did all member." in his power to protect the Jews. The Slovak Republic was born The Slovak State opposed the per- and its direction chartered under secution of the Jews. Certain ele- the most searing circumstances. ments in the Slovak government, Within it men's souls were tested. �162 SLOVAKIA Some good men, who had served the State, while it lasted, with admirable loyalty and devotedness, failed Slovakia in her greatest hour of crisis in 1945 and thereafter. Dr. Pauco speaks sadly of these, for their greatest injury was their own personal ,p erfidy. Not all men can be heroes, but all men can be true. In the drama of the Slovak Republic, heroes predominated. The reader can only marvel at the integrity, the competence, the singleminded purpose, the energetic pursuit of an ideal, the perserverance of these men. The author does not hesitate to declare that had they been in the service of a world power, they would have become internationally renowned figures . Slovakia is rightly proud of them. What was the situation in Slovakia? Her most valiant warrior, Andrej Hlinka, who had weathered years of stormy resistance to Magyar oppression and had actively challenged a Czech so-called democratic regime for 20 years, had died on the eve of the proclamation of the Slovak Republic. In the realization of its bid for independence Slovakia now found itself on the international stage, thrust there by Hitler, and the unrehearsed performance of the drama which ensued taxed the leaders to the utmost. Yet in every forward step they invoked the law and adhered steadfastly to Christian principles despite pressures that nearly crushed them. Who were the leaders? Older men. Seasoned politicians like President Jozef Tiso, Jozef Buday, Ferdis Juriga, Jozef Srobar; younger men, who had acquired some experience in government and public affairs, like Karol Sidor, Frantisek Hrusovsky, Karol Mederly, Pavol Oplustil, Konsto Culen, Tido Gaspar, Andrej ~arnov; and the very young, fresh from the universities, like Jozef Kirschbaum, Ferdinand 1'.lurcansky, and Dr. Jozef Pauco himself. Dr. Jozef Pauco is proud of his generation and the achievements they accumulated to their credit in that stirring time. Their enthusiasm and tireless energy were phenomenal. The older men relied on them, encouraged them, supported them , and excused their inevitable mistakes in favor of the obvious and sincere love of their nation which motiviated them. Dr. Pauco's book is his answer to the oft-repeated question: "How well did you know N.N?" Each encounter, each portrayal is penetrating, engrossing, and vividly alive. As a sampling of the author's method, let me sketch - all too briefly, however, -Dr. Pauco's encounters with the key figure, President Jozef Tiso. How did he come to know Dr. Tiso? First of all. by hearsay. From his mother, who referred to this remarkable priest as a gift from heaven to the Slovak people. From a casual reference of Tiso's bishop who described the pastor of Banovce as an exceptional priest. Pauco's first view of Tiso was at a political rally in Nitra when he was still too young to understand the speaker's words; but was deeply impressed by his manner of speaking, his gestures, his voice, and the reaction of the crowds. Tiso was indeed a remarkable man: what his mother used to tell him was true. His whole being responded to the magnetism and charm of Tiso. His second encounter with Tiso also occurred in historic Nitra in the year of its Christian Jubilee 1933. Slovak youth was there, bursting with enthusiasm, alert for action. Somehow Paufo found him- �SLOVAKIA self in the youthful vanguard around the speaker's tribune. The first to address the vast crowds was Dr. Tiso, who directed his stirring words on the significance of the occasion mainly to the young. His words came out in a series of questions which the audience punctuated with loud bursts of cheering: "Can a nation which embraced Christianity 1100 years ago be an unknown quantity? Does not such a nation possess the attributes of culture? Can such a nation repudiate its past history? Shall such a nation grovel before slave drivers? Has not such a nation the right vigorously and categorically to demand the same natural rights to self-identity as any of its neighbors?" There was no end to the questions. 163 party leaders. Pauco concludes that Tiso's articles were every bit as "subversive" as Hlinka's and Sidor's, but they lacked certain explosive words which the censors, using their dictionaries perhaps, obviously watched for. Pauco further opines that Tiso's erudition and style were beyond the grasp of the censors and their command of the language. But they made their mark in the hearts of the people. Pauco's first actual, person-toperson meeting with Tiso came as the result of a lecture engagemet at a school headed by Tiso. In a friendly chat that passed from personal to political and national topics, Pauco was happy to note the absence of any patronizing or censorious postures. On the contrary, Tiso conveyed complete confidence in his guest as a speaker and evinced an honest respect for his personal views. Dr. Pauco mentions that he had here an opportunity for the first time to observe Andrej Hlinka as a spectator in the audience. Hlinka applauded more vigorously than A meeting that stands out as the young people themselves and unique for Dr. Pauco was his preover and over called out "Na sla- sentation of greetings in the name vu," in praise of Tiso. of the Slovak Catholic Students Federation to Dr. Jozef Tiso on the Nevertheless, as Dr. Pauco notes, occasion of the declaration of SloHlinka and Tiso were two divervakia's independence on March 14, gent personalities. In his discourses 1939. It was brief and straight from Hlinka aroused the people as with the heart: "God help you, Sir Prime fire. Tiso's words were more pro- Minister." found , each one carrying its weight. There were other meetings with Tiso, literally hun<lreds of them , Dr. Pauco quotes a friend's reafter Pauco became editor of the mark that paragraphs from HlinSlovak. The Slovak was Tiso's newska's and Sidor's articles in the parpaper, yet he never dictated to its ty press were much oftener deeditor. He was satisfied that it was leted by the Czech censors and faithful to the People's Party, to their columns showed many more its ideals, to Christian statesmanwhite spaces than did those of ship and Christian principles in Tiso. Pauco looked into this ingeneral. His one word of advice teresting observation. He pulled out was, "Hold fast to the Slovak line." the old issues of various newspapers, including uncensored copies, President Tiso visited the editor's and compared the texts of these office regularly once a week and �164 SLOVAKIA The name of Dr. Tiso appears throughout Tak sme sa poznali. The men portrayed in its pages were either for or against the Slovak State, which is another way of saying they were either with Tiso Dr. Pauco presents the substance or against him. of many of these meetings. They President Tiso had his enemies, constitute a remarkable and authentic dossier of Tiso's policies, his ob- and they were not only the Gerjectives, and his views on perplex- mans. They included men in the ing situations, on government of- government, headed by Prime Minficials , on history and world affairs, ister Vojtech Tuka. Dr. Pauco carefully differentiates between Presiincluding America. dent, the government and the SloPages are written about Tiso's vak State. How the Slovak State identification and contact with the managed to come into existence, common people, both as President assume responsibility for its welland as a pastor of Banovce. People being and development and actualhad free access to him always. In ly achieve a high standard of operatheir visits throughout the country, tion despite pressures from within towns and villages, Tiso and his out and opposition and challenges representatives were a cc o rd e d from within, this is the account one honors from the people utterly de- reads with admiration in Dr. voted to them. And Tiso took every Pauco's book. occasion to instruct the people on But Dr. Tiso was not merely optitheir duties to the state, and they responded with the utmost generos- mistic for the fate of the Slovak ity. Well-known is the people's sup- Republic; he had the highest trust port of the national economy and in God's Providence for it. We retheir generous offering of all their echo that trust and believe firmly gold jewelry to supply the neces- that Dr. Pauco's book will be one sary gold backing for the banks in of the means God will use to acquaint the world with the truth the first months of the Republic. about Slovakia and to lead it to Tough realist that he was known acknowledge Slovakia's right to to be, Tiso rarely exhibited the self-government and to guarantee deep and abiding affection he felt it to her. for the Slovak masses. Yet on ocTAK SME SA POZN ALI is a casion he allowed himself to be carried away by his feelings. Dr. tremendously vital book. In rePauco recalls the graceful gesture counting his experiences in the Sloof hands extended to a crowd of vak Republic - "All of which he one hundred thousand Slovak citi- saw, part of which he was" - Dr. zens assembled before the National Pauco has written authentic hisTheatre and Tiso's moving words tory. As such it will live and addressed to them: "Nation of flourish . Sister M. Tarcisia, SS.C.M mine, I love you." oftener. Similarly Tiso's office was open at all times to Pauco. All he had to do was make an appointment with Tiso 's secretary ; rarely did he have to wait. �SLOVAKliA 165 OON'TIRIBU'DIONS ON SLOVAKIA IN THE S'YM:POSID1M BOHEMIA Gogolak, L. von, "T. G. Masaryks slowakische und ungarlandische Politik" (Masaryk's Slovak and Hungarian Policy), Munich, 1963. Vol. IV, p. 174-227. Hoensch, J. K. , "Die Grundlagen des Programms der Slowakischen Volkspartei vor 1938 (The Basis of the Programme of the Slovak Populist Party before 1938), Munich, 1960, Vol. VII, p. 320-356. ceptable. As far as Masaryk's influence on Slovak politics before 1918 is concerned, Professor Gogolak's conclusions seem to be, however, less acceptable. It seems that he adopted the Czech view which always exaggerated Masaryk's influence on Slovakia before 1918, and even more exaggerated the role of the "Hlasists," who before 1918 were either students or their influence was very limited. On the other hand, Prof. Gogolak appears to be emotionally biased towards the Slovak nationalist group and especially toward Andrej Hlinka and his Party, which this reviewer mentioned also previously.* The group around "Hlas" became a political force only after 1918 when Masaryk divided among them political and economic power, regardless of their capabilities, age and influence in Slovakia. On the other hand , Vajansky, Skultety and the nationalist group of Turciansky (not Turcansky) Sv. Martin represented thinking of a large segment of Slovak population whatever we can say of their ideas. But Professor Gogolak, consciously or not, forgot to mention another group which was in-between, or close to the group in Turciansky Sv. Martin, and the only one represented in Budapest as a result of the elections: the Catholics Skycak, Juriga, Hlinka and the intellectuals around "Tovarysstvo," led by Oswald, to whom originally belonged also Gregor Tajovsky, erroneously called medical doctor by Gogolak. While reviewing another very well-written treatise on Slo- Bohemia is actually an annual (Jahrlmch) of the Colegium Carolinum in Munich for the problems of the Czech lands (Bohemia in Latin), but in recent years we could find in this well-edited symposium several contributions dealing with Slovak political topics. The above contributions are among those which should not escape analysis and some critical comments on the Slovak side, because they are basically valuable and of high academic standards. Professor Gogolak, whose previous studies made him one of the best experts on Slovakia in German language, deals with a controversial subject of Masaryk's origin and his influence on Slovak politics before 1918. Masaryk is, according to Gogolak, of Slovak background or in other words a Slovak from the ethnic point of view, but assimilated with the Czechs as Kosuth and Petofi did with Hungarians. He had first a German education and became Czech in his adult age, but his Slovak origin haunted him and therefore he wanted Slovaks to follow his footsteps: to assimilate with Czechs. This is, in a nutshell, Gogolak's thesis, supported by a thorough re- * See Slavic and East-European search and references to works in Studies (Universite de Montreal) , several languages, and it seems ac- Vol. XII, 1, p. 63. �166 SLOVAKIA vak politics by Professor Gogolak, I mentioned that he can be surprisingly objective when he speaks about the Magyarization, but he seems to have an emotional prejudice against those who later were organized in the Hlinka's party and his writings indicate a "favourable bias," when he speaks about Slovak "Czechoslovaks," especially about Hodza , Derer, Ivanka , Stefanek and others, and about their role in Slovakia before 1918. This is to be regretted because rarely anyone displayed such a thorough knowledge of literature on Slovakia in several languages and could penetrate even into the political climate in Slovakia and mentality of the Slovak people as Professor Gogolak did. to be regretted that he repeats some self-evident errors (for instance persons in Tuka's group who never belonged there). The programme and policy of the Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party is presented by Hoensch in Bohemia even less objectively than in his book, since many explanations of the background of Slovak politics, which we find in the book, are missing in the contribution to Bohemia. The adversaries of the Slovak aspirations for freedom and self-rule can, therefore , misuse again his study as they did with his book, which was recently thoroughly analyzed on the Slovak side by Professor Frantisek Vnuk. ** Because there is nothing new in H-0ensch's contribution which we could not find in his book, we refer the reader to the above mentioned reviews and express regrets that Dr. Hoensch's well-documented studies on Slovakia are not free of bias and that he did not avoid being influenced by the Czech and communist sources in his conclusions about the policy of Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party. J . M. Kirschbaum The contribution by Jorg K. Hoensch seems to be a re-written chapter of his b<Wk Die Slowakei und Hitlers Ostpolitik (Hlinkas Slowakische Volkspartei zwischen Autonomie und Separation 19381939) which was reviewed by this reviewer in the quarterly Slowakei (Vol. IV, No. 2, p. 58-64) and commented on it in Slavic and East European Studies (Vol. XII, 1, p. 61) . Since Dr. Hoensch's book was ** See L iterarny Almanach Slovaka published in 1965 and his contribu- v Amerike for 1968, (Middletown, tion under review in 1967, it is Pa.) p. 21-45. SLOVAKS IN CANADA Kirschbaum, J.M., Slovaks in Canada, (Canadian Ethnic Press Association of Ontario), Toronto, 1967, XVI- 480 pp. Bibliography, Index, Illustrations. The present book by Prof. Joseph Kirschbaum is more than a true and conscienious report about the happenings to the Slovaks in Canada. It is a bi-continental report on the destiny of one of the oldest nations in Central Europe, a report on the struggle for a survival both in the old homeland and in Canada. The book itself shared the adventures of overcoming the obstacles to its survival i. e. to its publication; the same ones and coming from the very same groups which were and are at the origin of the fact that the Slovaks are denied to live a �SLOVAiaA free way of life in their own homeland. It is amazing to see to what degree the moral awareness for the human dignity can be blinded and muzzled even in the free Western world by a flood of propaganda, accepted without any criticism and without any desire to find out what the facts really are; in the present case, what the real facts are with regard to the Slovaks. From this point of view this book is much more than a book of History. It is a true History indeed, yet at the same time, and by the fact of being a true History, it is an appeal to the moral conscience of the Western world to recognize the due right of the Slovaks for a free life, even if there are no more of them than 4.5 million in Slovakia. There are about 65,000 Canadians of Slovak origin and well over one million of them in the U.S.A. The social, economic, religious and cultural history of the Slovak immigrant is basically nothing less than a profound human plea for a free life, it is a cry for freedom. Are many people ready to listen to it? Those who do not want to be disturbed in their more or less comfortable ideological pew-should put this book aside. However, if someone is inclined to risk his "mauvaise conscience" with regard to this particular case, he will get his reward both for Canada and for a people that do not ask to be judged on the merits of the facts. In this case you are going to be witness of the story that can accomplish the human craving for freedom and you will feel proud to be a member of a nation where only the freedom is the limit to the human energy. Dr. Kirschbaum gives us a thor- 167 ough and stimulating history and analysis of the life of Slovak Canadians, beginning with the first settlers in the West during the 1880's to the political refugees who fled their native land at the end of the Second World War, unwilling to accept foreign domination and Communist regime in Slovakia. The author has left few stones unturned in his research; he visited the places where Slovak Canadians live and where many died; talked to the organizers of Slovak religious and social organizations, and read their press, which in a period of 57 years has numbered 17 newspapers and 13 cultural and religious periodicals. The author also explains at some length the reasons which led Slovaks to organize themselves in associations, thus giving us an insight into the ways an immigrant group was able to adapt in a country where language and custom barriers were not the only obstacles to overcome. In time, most of these obstacles were not only overcome, but Slovak Canadians were able to make very worthy contributions to the arts and sciences as well as to the economic development of Canada. These contributions are discussed in the second of a new two-part definition of the concept of intergration which is analyzed at some length. Dr. Kirschbaum is particularly qualified to convey the story of the Slovak group in Canada to other Canadians and to link it to its origin in the old country. A Slovak European, he arrived with his family to Canada 19 years ago via several years of traveling and studying in Italy, France, Switzerland and other European countries. He participated in many fields of the Canadian life; from economy, �168 SWVAK1A social, religious, ethnic, to cultural and in particular in the University life, as former Professor at the Universite de Montreal, and lecturer at the University of Ottawa and the University of Toronto. One has to fully agree with the author's remark in his Preface that, "The story which the book tells about Slovaks in Canada is the saga of a small group of people in a new land who preserved their identity and achieved success against many odds. Many aspects of their history can apply to several other ethnic groups, particularly to those who came to Canada from the territories of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire: Poles, Slovenes, Croats, Czechs (Bohemians), and also some Ukrainians (Galicians). Basically it is a simple story without heroic deeds, but not without the courage and perseverance which brought final success. A great deal of that success is due to the democratic institutions of Canada to the tolerance of its people and the abundant resources of the land; but the main factor was the human element: a healthy and hard working people and their will to struggle and succeed, to prosper and create a better future culturally, religiously and econo- mically. The reader may conclude for himself how well they achieved these aims." Furthermore, many will also agree "Whatever happens, the purpose of this book will have been served if the second and third generations of Slovak Canaclians remember their origin and become aware of the reasons which brought Slovaks to Canada, their difficult beginnings, their successful struggles, and their contributions to Canadian life. It is also hoped that this book will serve historians in their accounts of the different aspects of Canadian history." The book makes a considerable contribution to the knowledge of Canada for all Canadians who are desirous to know their country better. It is primarily directed to the second generation Slovak Canadians and to the English speaking Canadians, but the French speaking Canadians also can get a glimpse into the contents of the book through the extensive French resume. At the same time the book is a sincere undertaking in the service of freedom and human dignity of man applied to the dramatic case of the Slovak people. Charles Murin THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA through its Ladies Auxiliary, the "VCIELKY" (Bees), sponsors Slovak cultural displays. concerts, lectures, art exhibits, folk festjvals, social evenings, etc. Our aim is to have a "Hive" of our "Vcielky" in every large Slovak community. �169 SLOVAKIA AS OTHERS SEE IT "The Free world knows the methods used by the Soviets when they aggressed and through milittary might, enslaved Poland, Slo• vakia, Lithuania, Romania, Hungary, and all the peoples in the Bal• kan nations' area. The Soviets, under Stalin and Khruschev, not only enslaved the people remaining in their homeland but deported millions into the wilds of Siberia to work and die in slave labor camps." (Congressman Ray J. Madden). "Freedom and job opportunity, and the promise of an honest day's wages for an honest day's work, brought our forefathers from Rumania and Slovakia, and from the other European countries, to the shores of America. Many of you came to this country, and through honest labor and toil, you achieved personal s u c c e s s, and if not wealth, certainly well being. The churches, the schools, the many other institutions, and the neat and well kept neighborhoods in the Slovak communities, are the fruits of the labors of many Slovaks who toiled long and hard in the coal mines of Pennsylvania, the steel mills of Ohio and Indiana, and on the railroads which connected in• dustry to the markets. Indeed, as an industrious people, the Slovaks have achieved a respected and honorable place among the nationality and ethnic peoples of this country." - Ralph S. Locher, former mayor of the City of Cleve• land, Ohio "True, ever since the founding of the state in 1918 there have been conflicts between Czechs and Slovaks. The Slovaks resented Czech supremacy ... "The Czech-Slovak dispute centered around the interpretation of the Czechoslovak nation-whether Czechs and Slovaks are one or two nations. The dispute has long been decided in favor of the second interpretation. Czechs and Slovaks Stephen are two nations. " Borsody, The New York Times "Traditional rivalry between the Czech and Slovak nationalities forms the backdrop for charges that Slovakia was being neglected in economic development projects. "And most of the writers who have criticized the government were Slovaks, including Ladislav Mnacko who defected to Israel last August in protest against the regime's strict pro-Arab stand in the Middle East war. - ( Associated Press) Evening News, Harrisburg, Pa. "The Czech Communist Party has been plagued by several fundamental problems-one of them a Slovak demand for more autonomy and broader economic opportunity." ( CA AP-Reuter ) The N ewcastie Sun "Some students of this country (Czecho-Slovakia ) believe the Slovakian drive for national autonomy is the key liberalizing factor. An embryonic parliamentarism is de• veloping as committees of the Na• tional Assembly, no longer a Sovietstyle rubber stamp, mend Govern• ment bills." (Philadelphia Inquir• er.) "A key factor in the downfall of Czecho-Slovakia's Antonin Novotny, a Stalinist Czech, was the opposition of the Slovaks ... it seems obvious that Czech preponderance �170 SLOVAK'.llA would never allow a Slovak to exercise more than limited control." (Richard Eder, The New York Times) the citizens of our country by contributing to a better understanding and appreciation of Slovak tradition, has made a significant mark on our culture. I wish you "In November, Mr. Dubcek led many more years of success in an attack on the Novotny leader- these endeavors." - Senator Robert ship, charging that the Prague F. Kennedy (N.Y.) regime had slighted Slovakia not only in term of economic develop"It is a pleasure to send greetment, but also in political terms." ings to the Slovak League of Amer(David Binder, The New York ica. One of the great strengths of Times) the United States is the cultural and historical diversity of its peo"And of course, the Slovaks are ple. The preservation of the unique still not happy with the orders they heritage of the Slovak people enget from Prague: Communist or riches the whole community." not, they would like to have a state Senator Clifford P. Case (N.J.) of their own ... "The Czechs, however, did not "Americans of Slovak descent even budge. Their Russian rulers have contributed to every sector easily forestalled any Czech action of our national life. Their dedica- by releasing Czech food reserves tion to democracy has been proven to Czech consumers. The East Euro- over and over again. They have had pean saying is: 'The Czechs opened a mighty impact on our cultural their mouths not to protest but to and political life, and I salute The eat.' The Czechs themselves add: Slovak League of America on this 'The Russians kept us quiet by occasion." - Senator Harrison A. stuffing our mouths with our own Williams, Jr. (N.J.) Czech sausage'." (Dr. Albert Parry, The [San Diego, Calif.] Union) "The Slovak League of America has rendered an important service "To the Slovaks, headed by Pre- in keeping alive the culture and mier Jozef Lenart, Novotny repre- traditions of the Slovak people in sents the old tradition of Czech America. It has alway emphasized domination and denial of full equal- the blessings of freedom and deity." - The New York Times mocracy." - Charles S. Joelson, "You (The Chicago Tribune) (N.J.) Member of Congress printed that I was a Czech. My "Congratulations to the Slovak mother was furious. She got out League of America and their enthe maps and wants to prove that deavors to preserve the historical we're Slovaks, not Czechs." (Jim background of their homeland. Valek, head foot-ball coach at Uni"One project I would like to unversity of Illinois.) dertake is to make a Bibliography "I am very pleased to salute the of all worthwhile publications Slovak League of America on its covering history, literature, music 60th Anniversary. Americans of and art because it is over twentySlovak origin have contributed as five years since anything was pubmuch as any group to the greatness lished in Slovakia by a free society. of our nation, and your organiza- The Congressional Library can tion, promating the welfare of all probably be very helpful in this �SLOVAKIA 171 project and might be able to do it through Slovakia, which for cenfor you." - Edward E. Patten turies belonged to Hungary. The Slovak language had a renaissance, (N.J.), Member of Congress thousands of folksongs and tales "The Slovak people over the cen- were gathered and given literary turies have given numerous evid- form . ences of their unquestionable de"This work was done by the sire for freedom . Catholic clergy and the village "The many thousands of Amerteachers. The priests also stood icans of Slovak descent have made with the people in their struggles great c o n tr i bu ti o n s in many with the Hungarians, Czechs, nazis spheres to the development and and communists. growth of our country. And the "The natural center of all Slofierce love of freedom which they vak life was the local church, its brought with them from their clergy, the sacraments; in short, motherland has strengthened Amerthe Christian faith in its Catholic ica's own fabric of freedom. form." - Rune P . Thuringer, NC "I wish the Slovak League of News Service America many more decades of patriotic, civic, and cultural activ"Several heads of Church deanity." - Senator Thomas J. Dodd eries in Czecho-Slovakia have been (Conn.) summoned or visited by security police to answer questions about "It is a pleasure to send warm greetings and heartiest congratula- priests who are not active in the tions to the Officers and Members peace priest movement, which supof The Slovak League of America ports that nation's communist as you celebrate your 60th Anniver- regime. The interrogations, according to KNA, German Catholic news sary. agency, also centered on those "Your organization is to be commended for its notable contribu- priests who have been relieved of tions to the economic and social their priestly duties by the govern1ife of our state and perpetuating ment and who are working in agrithe great tradition and heritage of cultural and industrial jobs. Some the Slovak culture which has great- of them are allegedly performing ly enriched the American society. pastoral functions in secret." "I send my best wishes to all NCWC News Service, Washington, present for a most enjoyable D.C. evening and continuing years of "Copies of Pope Paul Vi's encycsuccess in all of your fine en- lical On the Development of PeoSenator Jacob K . ples, as well as copies of his appeal deavors." Javits (N.Y.) for a world Day of Peace, have "Slovak League of America is in- been returned to Vienna by officterested in promoting better under- ials of the Czecho-Slovak post ofstanding and appreciation of the fice system. "Stamped 'Not permitted in the Slovak nation, its history, cultural Czecho-Slovak Socialist Republic' traditions and struggle for freedom." (The Evening News, Harris- by Czech officials, the materials had been mailed to Catholic pubburg, Pa.) lications and individuals in Czecho"During the last century, a Slovakia," according to KNA, the strong nationalist movement went German Catholic news service �172 SLOVA.KilA in that communist-ruled country (Czecho-Slovakia) many Catholic priests and a number of bishops are still in jail or confinement." - (Sunday News, New York, N.Y.) "At present, the Czech law permits workers, students and church groups to hold meetings in the open without notifying the police in advance. Now the authorities propose a regulation that will require religious processions, including funeral corteges from the church to the cemetery, to be announced three days in advance." NC News Service "At present, priests in CzechoSlovakia are all but suffocated under a mountain of petty government restrictions. These include such detailed regulations that a pastor has to get specific government approval for a nearby priest to come and say Mass or hear Confessions." - (NCWC News Service, Washington, D.C.) "With regard to institutional problems, the talks between the Vatican and the Czecho-Slovakian government will have to consider the following points in order of importance: -"Bishops: Of the dioceses (six Slovakian, two Moravian, four Bohemian), only four (three Slovakian and one Bohemian) have a bishop. The ether seven are governed by vicars capitular. That is the most important problem. -"The seminaries. We have only two major seminaries: at Litomerice for Bohemia and Moravia and at Bratislava for Slovakia. This year 80 students were ad• mitted at Litomerice and 95 at Bratislava. There were more candidates than that. Continuing at that rate, we will in 10 years have half as many priests as we have today. -"The religious education of children. The situation is particularly bad in the cities. In Prague, for example, onl)' 700 children are enrolled in catechism classes. Religion is taught in state schools only to children between the ages of seven and 13. In the villages, the situation is much better. At present, I estimate that in Slovakia, a tradition,ally Catholic country like Poland, 80 per cent of the children of Catholic parents are enrolled in catechism classes, in Moravia 50 per cent and in Bohemia 20 per cent. This situation is not very different from that of pre-war days. "In all, of the 14 million inhabitants of Czecho-Slovakia, 60 per cent are Catholics, 10 per cent are Protestants, and 30 per cent are atheists. Among the Catholics, 34 per cent in Slovakia and 15 per cent in Bohemia are practicing. -"Another problem is working priests. At present we estimate that there are 1,500 ecclesiasticsof whom 80 per cent are Religious -who have non-religious jobs. In 1966, a total of 300 received the government's authorization to take up their ministry again. "Religious orders and congregations do not always have the right to accept novices." - Czech Bishop Frantisek Tomasek * THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA stands for honesty, intergrity, industry and justice in government. �SLOVAKIA 173 CONTRIBUTOR S Hletko, Peter Paul M.D., physician-surgeon; (semi-retired); med. examiner of many insurance Co's ; born June 26, 1902 in Chicago, Ill.; son of Martin and Catherine (Hargas) Hletko; educated, St. Michael's School (1908-1915), Chicago, St. Procopius Academy and College, Lisle, Ill. (1915-1919) and (191921); De Paul Univ., Chicago (192123, B.Sc. in Chem. 1923) ; Loyola University, Chicago, (M.D. 1927); Resident Staff (interne) Cook County Hosp., Chicago (1927-1928); instructor in clinical neurology Loyola U. Medical School (193135); wed Anna E . Remijas in 1938; led Slovak League of America delegation to Czecho-Slovakia in 1938 in behalf of Pittsburgh Pact recognition; pres. Slovak League of America (1935-1939) and (1963-64); Hon. President and member of Exec. Committee of Slovak League (1938-1965); vice-pres. Slovak Cath. Federation of America (1934); Supr. Med. Examiner, Slovak Cath. Sokol (1927-1964) ; Hon. Med. Examiner (emeritus), and Member of Exec. Comm. Slovak Cath. Sokol; Supr. Med. Examiner Nat. Slovak Society (1934-39); secretary, Supreme Court of Nat. Slovak Society ( 1926-1934); organizer and 1st pres. 'Club Furdek' (Cath. Slovak Cultural Society, Chicago) 1929; member Amer. Med. Assoc., Ill. Med. Assoc. and Chicago Medical Assoc. since 1929; med. examiner of Municipal Court and Law Dept. Benefit and Pension Fund, Chicago, ( 1936-61); President, Gage Park Savings & Loan Assn., Chicago, since 1935. Author: "The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact" (published by Slovak Catholic Federation - 1934); wrote "lskry" - reprint of satiro-comic column in the Osad- ne Hlasy (Slovak Parish News), 1931 ; edited the "Catholic Slovak Sokol Cook-Book," 1964; contrib. editor, Osadne Hlasy (Chicago Parish News, 1927-63); editor "Jaro," English supplement to "Jednota", 1927-36. Editor, 'Chicagsky Dennik' (Chicago Slovak Daily News) , 192627. Democrat. Hobbies: Books, philately, pinochle. Home: Warrenville, Ill. Office : 2740 W. 55th St. Chicago, Illinois 60632 Emerentia Petr<isek, Mother M., B.A., M.A., of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Pennsy1vania. Danville, Born in Sugar Notch, Pennsylvania. Member of Holy Rosary Slovak Parish, Ashley. Elementary grades in local public school and St. Leo Parochial School, Ashley. B.A. and M.A., Marywood College, Scranton, Pa. Among the first aspirants to the newly founded Congregation of Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. One of the founding teachers of the First Catholic Slovak Gi,rls' High School, now St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa. Founder of the St. Cyril Academy annual Fialky, and for long years its moderator, Mother M. Emerentia guided young writers and trained them in skills which have since borne fruit in college research papers and creative writing on the part of SCA alumnae. Professor of Slovak at St. Cyril Academy and Marywood College, Mother M. Emerentia compiled Ucebnica slovenskej reci (1929) and Steps in Elementary Slovak (1949), �174 SLOVAK1A a text which is being continuously revised and supplemented. For several years she has been conducting a Correspondence Course for the Sisters teaching in parish schools. She has issued several editions of Slovak songs and hymnbooks for use in Slovak parish schools. Most recently under her direction have been issued Slovak hymns in translation : Bethlehem Carols and Alleluia. (1967) Mother M. Emerentia has written the history of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, portions of which have appeared from time to time in various Slovak publications, including the Fialky . In 1959 an abridged edition, entitled, Brief History of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius Told in Fiv e Decades, appeared serially in the Jednota and also in the Danville News. A limited num- ber of copies were printed. Frank Bandar was born on November 13, 1917 in Cejkov, Slovakia. He attended the elementary school there ; went to high school in Michalovce and graduated in 1940 in Ko~ice; and then went on to major in Economics at the University of Budapest. His studies were interrupted for political reasons and the war. During that time, he was a member of the Slovak University Students of the Hungary Club and a member of the United Slovak Party of Hungary. After some temporary employment, in 1948 he attempted to finish his studies in Prague, but did not pass the communist screening. He was imprisoned for a few months for political reasons. In 1949 he escaped to West Germany and in the same year emigrated to Canada. In 1956 he received his B.A. Degree in Economics from Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario. In 1965 he emigrated to the United States and became a Research Economist at Columbia University. In September, 1967 he was awarded his M.A. Degree in Economics at the University of New York. As fourth Superior General of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Mother M. Emerentia supervised the errection of the beautiful chapel of SS. Cyril and Methodius at Villa Sacred Heart, Danville, Pa. Known far and wide as an architectural About Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum gem , it is a Slovak treasure house and Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS. in its stained glass windows and its C.M., see Slovakia 1966; about Sisr eligious symbolism. ter M. Evangela Lubek, SS. C.M., At present, as a retired teacher, Mother M . Emerentia is occupied in various Community duties and continuing a life-long interest in Slovak- language, education, history, and literature. She operates a Slovak Book Department, disseminating Slovak publications nationwide, and keeping in touch with all cultural movements affecting Slovak interests. see Slovakia 1965, and about Fr. Andrew Pir, 0 .S.B., see Slovakia 1967. Sister M . Raymund Horvath, SS. C.M. and Sister M. Tarcisia, SS. C.M., are teaching at the St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa. Dr. Charles Murin is a Professor of Philosophy at the University of Montreal. �SLOVAKliA 175 SLOVAKIA is published annual]~· by the Rlovak League of Ameriea, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. One of the purposes of SLOYAKJA is to promote a better understanding and. appreeiatio11 of the Slovak nation and. its long struggle for freedom and. independence. As Americans, membel'S of the Rlonlk League of Ameriea fi1·mly believe that the SloYak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the .American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peaee and are determined to oppose the plague of Conmmnism and all other totalitarian politic-al s:;·stems. Subscription to SloYakia $2.00 per year in the "C".S.A. - $3.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA 313 Ridge Avenue Middletown, Pa. 17057 �176 SLOVAKIA Contents An Agreement Which Was Never Realized - Tkach - Stephen J . 1 The Slovaks and The Pittsburgh Pact - Peter P. Hletko M.D. -5 Jednota and The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius - M. Emerentia Petra§ek, SS.C.M. The Slovak Press in Canada - 55 J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. - Economic Discrimination Against Slovakia - - Mother 78 Frank Bandor 109 First Slovak Newspapermen in America - Tybor, SS.C.M. Current Issues - 132 Book Reviews - 143 As Others See It Contributors - Sister M. Martina 121 169 173 Photographic Copy of Original Pittsburgh Pact - 4 �PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA. � 132 SLOVAK.IA CURRENT ISSUES MANIFESTO OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Americans of Slovak descent have always expressed their loyalty to the United States of America, in harmony with their traditional effort of preserving peace and order and helping to strengthen the principles for which our democracy stands. A very large segment of the Slovak nation is thankful to Almighty God for having found a home in this our free and great republic, not only because we can freely express our private views and wishes, but also because we can speak freely in behalf of a nation which has so many times looked upon the Slovaks in the United States as their only hope for freedom and salvation. A great milestone in the life of Americans of Slovak descel'lt was the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact on May 30, 1918 in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania where the Slovak League of America, representing the Slovaks in the United States, met with their Czech counterparts under the leadership of Thomas G. Masaryk. The basis of the Pittsburgh Pact lies in this assertion: "Slovakia shall have her own administration, her own- assembly, and her own courts." This was the result of the spirit of self-determination which started at the initiative of the United States. In this spirit not only American Slovaks, but the Slovaks in Slovakia demanded their right to a free nation, and sincerely desired to reach an agreement with the Czech nation, with whom, according to the Pittsburgh Pact, they were to live in a federation. It is a historical fact that it was not the fault of the Slovaks that the spirit and letter of the Pittsburgh Pact was realized only at the end of 1938, when there was no longer any possibility of even a federation for the Slovak and Czech peoples. The European and world political forces dictated a new development, which neither the Slovaks nor Czechs could influence. The only chance presented to the Slovaks was to look for new approaches and opportunities to preserve their own Slovak entity. This salvation was �SLOVAKIA 133 found, though the Slovak nation as well as the Slovak people in the United States had hoped that this salvation would have come from the west, and especially from the United States. After the second world war Slovaks found themselves under the domination of communism and Czechs. Again as in the case of the Pittsburgh Pact, Prague leaders did not keep their word and the principle of self-determin ation was not realized in Slovakia. On the contrary, this principle of self-determin ation was oppressed not only by the Czechs, but by the Soviets as well, who mercilessly stopped any attempt and expression for a free and democratic way of life. Remembering with reverence and admiration our predecessors who signed this historical document in Pittsburgh, we must express our position on this occassion, the 50th Anniversary of the Pittsburgh Pact, negotiated by the Slovak League and those American-Slo vak organizations who joined her in the furtherance of this Slovak objective. To the question asked here in the United States and in Slovakia, "What is the position of Americans of Slovak descent concerning Slovakia today?", the following is our response : -The principles of justice, freedom, and democracy as represented by American thinking and action are sacred and untouchable to the Slovak League of America -The welfare, security, and preservation of the future of the United States is our utmost objective -No sacrifice is too large when the very foundations of American institutional life are involved, as well as the security of private ownership. The spread of the good name of the United States in word, but especially in deed, in the press and by example is primary with the Slovak League -Bearing in mind that the Slovak nation was, is, and always will be an ally of the west, and especially the United States, giving America almost half her sons and daughters and, ..:._Following and closely scrutinizing the developments in Slovakia, and knowing that freedom is a gift from God, The Slovak League of America endorses the highest right of the Slovak nation, and requests for �134 SLOVAKIA Slovakia an independent Slovak Republic, which government and judical system will be chosen by the Slovak people in a free and democratic election. In this behalf, so help us God! February 26, 1968 Stephen J. Tkach, President D r. Joseph Pauco, Secretary Executive Committee: Rt. Rev. Theodore Koji s, O.S.B . John A . Sabol Joseph Prusa Joseph Kristofik SLOVAK POLITICS "Give us this day our daily bread" in the Lord's Prayer was explained by Andrej H 1 ink a as politics! Why? Because in that petition our economic needs are implied and since we cannot presume to impose upon Divine Providence to rain down Manna from the heavens above, we must work for our daily bread. But when this demands superhuman effort because of foreign exploitation of the country one inhabits, then the inhabitants must do something about it . . . and they must become involved in politics. Such were the circumstances in Hlinka's time when Czech c a r p e tbaggers and their allies exploited the Slovaks ( as the Magyars had done before them ) that the Slovak priest in the role of a good shepherd sought to protect his flock from being fleeced by alien interlopers and thieves, and the same need exists today, for the Prague central government controls the national economy in Slovakia. Visitors to Expo 67 were amazed to note the small number of Slovak personnel in Montreal's pavilion that represented Czecho-Slovakia. The ratio was quite accurately estimated at 5 or 6 to 1. This is gross injustice to the Slovak nation when one considers there are approximately 5 million Slovaks and 9 million Czechs. These two nations constitute 90 % of the population of the c-SSR, ie., �SLOVAKIA Czecho-Slovak Socialist Republic (the 10 % represents Magyar, Polish, German, Gypsy and Jewish people. N.B. More than 3 million Germans were expelled from the Sudeten lands and some 700,000 Ruthenes were annexed in the eastern area of Czecho-S 1 o v a k i a by the U.S.S.R. in the Carpatho-Rusin region). The same discrimination against the Slovaks by the Czech ruling regime is being shown in Slovakia where the great majority of official government personnel and industrial management is preponderantly n o n-Slovak. Moreover, the Czechs hold 90 % of the number of army 135 officers from the top to the bottom! These facts which indicate what a death-grip the Czech regime has on Slovakia economically and militarily fully justify the Slovaks in their determination to free themselves from foreign rule, and if we consider that they are deprived of religious freedom, too, American Slovaks cannot help but extend a helping hand to oppressed brethren beyond the seas. We are in sympathy with their cause, and for that reason individually and collectively we, too, are determined to do something about it, even if it means we must go into politics! A . P. U.S. IMMIGRATION PATTERN TO CHANGE JULY 1 On July 1, 1968, the United States will put into effect a new immigration system. In place of the old national origins quotas, visas will be issued without regard to the immigrant's birthplace or nationality on a world-wide, first-come first-served basis, according to a series of preferences established by the law of October 3, 1965. However, not more than 20,000 immigration visas may be issued in any one year to the natives of any Eastern Hemisphere country (Europe, Asia and Africa ), and not more than 170,000 visas may be issued in any year to immigrants from all Eastern Hemisphere countries. Excluded from these totals will be the immediate relatives of American citizens, that is, their spouses, children or parents. Also, on July 1, a numerical limitation, 120,000 a year, will be placed for the first time on immigration from the W e s t e r n Hemisphere (South and Central America, Mexico and Canada). As in the Eastern Hemisphere, this. �136 SLOVAKIA limitation will not apply to the immediate relatives of American citizens. The 20,000 ceiling applicable to individual countries in the Eastern Hemisphere will not apply to Western Hemisphere countries. Not more than 200 visas may be issued in any year to the natives of a colony or dependent area. How is this new system likely to affect immigration to the United States? Numerically, it is not likely to result in any pronounced change. In the five years preceding enactment of the October 3, 1965 law, immigration averaged 290,062 a year; in the following two, the average was 342,506. Since the demand for visas in both Eastern and Western Hemispheres is expected to exceed the totals permitted (170,000 a nd 120,000 respectively) and :since the number of immigrants exempt from numerical limitation has been running around 40,000 a year (not counting the natives of Western Hemisphere countries), it seems likely that under the new system immigration will be approximately 330,000, or a third of a million, a year. It is certain, however, that the ethnic composition of immigration to the United States will be different. Countries which had small quotas but long waiting lists will be sending far more immigrants than those which formerly had 1 a r g e quotas such as Great Britain, Germany and Ireland. The U.S. Visa Office estimates that in the Eastern Hemisphere the countries sending the largest number of immigrants in the year beginning July 1 will be Italy, Greece, Portugal, China and the Philippines. With immigration on a world-wide basis, what is important for the would-be immigrant is that he get on the waiting list in his country as early as possible. Even if he does, his chances of coming to the United States are slight, unless he qualifies for one of the seven categories entitled to preference. These seven categories or preferences and the number of visas to which each is entitled are as follows: 1. Unmarried s o n s and daughters of U.S . citizens. 34,000 (20 percent of the 170,000 total) 2. Spouses and unmarried sons and daughters of aliens lawfully admitted for permanent residence. 34,000 (20 percent) plus numbers unused by First Preference 3. Members of the professions, and scientists and �SLOVAKIA artists of exceptional ability. 17,000 (10 percent) 4. Married sons and daughters of U.S. citizens. 17 ,000 (10 percent) plus numbers unused by higher preferences 5. Brothers and sisters of U.S. citizens. 40,800 (24 percent) plus numbers unused by higher preferences 6. Skilled and unskilled workers in occupations for which labor is in short supply in the U.S. 17,000 (10 percent ) 7. Refugees. 10,200 (6 percent) ( These preferences apply to all E a s t e r n Hemisphere countries. They do not apply to the Western Hemisphere, where for the present at least there are no preferences.) The foregoing system of selection puts principal emphasis on family relationships. The Visa Office estimates that the 85,000 visas available for first, second, and fourth preference immigrants in the year beginning July 1, 1968, will be more than enough to meet the demand in those categories. In contrast, it expects the third, fifth and sixth preferences to be greatly oversubscribed, so that there will be a substantial waiting list for brothers 137 and sisters of United States citizens (fifth preference), members of the professions (third preference), and skilled and unskilled aliens (sixth preference). The fifth preference is entitled to any unused numbers from the four earlier preferences. Unlike the relative preferences, the third and sixth preference are limited to the numbers assigned them. The Visa Office anticipates that on June 30, 1968, there will be a backlog or waiting list for the third preference of some 48,000 . Since only 17,000 numbers a year are available for this category, the backlog and waiting period will increase. This is also true for the sixth preference, skilled and unskilled aliens in short supply. For the fifth preference the Visa Office estimates a backlog on June 30, 1968, of 194,000. This is expected to decrease to 179,200, but that will still mean a substantial waiting time. At present some aliens in countries with large or not fully used quotas have been getting visas as nonpreference immigrants, even though they could qualify for the ,third or sixth preference. But this will not be true after June 30, 1968, when visa issuance goes on a world-wide �SLOVAKIA basis. Such persons, natives, for example, of such countries as Great Britain, Germany, Ireland, Sweden, Norway, if they are not sure of getting their v i s a s before July 1, should apply at once for preference, in order to avoid being at the end of the waiting list. In some countries, I t a 1 y for example, where the demand for the first five preferences will bring visa issuance to 20,000, there will be no sixth preference visas. As a r e s u 1 t of the new world-wide system, few, if any, visas will be available for nonpreference immigrants from Eastern Hemisphere countries after the national origins quotas are abolished on June 30, 1968. The demand for fifth and sixth preferences is so large that no numbers are expected to be left for nonpreference immigrants, except for any unused seventh preference numbers, and then only in countries in which preference demand does not exceed 20,000. Further, all nonpreference immigrants, as well as those within preference categories 3 and 6 and all W e s t e r n Hemisphere immigrants except immediate relatives, must obtain a "labor clearance" before receiving a visa. This is a certification from the Department of Labor that they will not displace American workers and that their admission will not have an adverse effect on the wages and working conditions of workers here. This provision, whatever its merit in protecting American labor, operates to prevent, or at least make more difficult, the admission of the nonpreference or "new seed" immigrant - that is, the kind of immigrant who in earlier years constituted the bulk of our immigration and contributed so much to the building of the United States. A VISIT TO SLOVAKIA An American Slovak of the younger generation recently returned from a brief visit to Slovakia. What he experienced and observed during his sojourn in the land of his forefathers I hereby report at his personal request. He did not wish to reveal his name because of fear that the ruling regime might take reprisals against relatives and friends. "I was in Slovakia. Like many others from America I went only for a short stay. �SLOVAKIA 139 I saw the natural wonders of the land of my late parents. The three weeks that I spent there will never fade from my memory. Morever, r put down my impressions in my diary. their serious discussions about world affairs. Their minds, I could readily see, were involved in problems of the universe even at their tender age ranging from thirteen to seventeen. That the Slovak nation is deeply religious, open-hearted, hospitable, industrious, healthy and vigorous, honest and dignified, r learned at first hand. Slovak youth particularly, despite some weaknesses excesses and handicaps, i~ on the whole simply beautiful alert and alive wholeso~e and fully con~ scious of its national heritage I noted that both the boy~ and girls are obsessed by desire to learn. They are respectful to their elders, which is an ancient national trait and tradition. Their behavior was correspondingly very good. Their curiosity about what's happening in the rest of the world was simply astounding. I had the opportunity to observe this on my journey eastward via train. During the entire journey, I noticed groups of teen-agers huddled together over newspapers and periodicals. Their comments were both intelligent and stimulating. I have a good knowledge of the Slovak language and hence I could not help but appreciate their conversation, as well as Naturally, neither economically nor socially could they be compared with conditions in America. Their living standards. are far below th~s~ of our high standard, of hvmg. B':1t the people don t seem to mmd very much. The new ge~eratioi:1', alth~ugh inte:ested m the fmer thmgs of life, on the mater~al side, app~ar to be well adJusted to their present status while planning a ~etter future through educatlon and hard work. We who live in America know what the Slovaks desire more than anything in this world, namely, their freedom from foreign rule. There is no question that they do not enjoy either political or religious liberty. Anyone who has eyes to see and ears to hear cannot miss this obvious lack of local and national freedom or personal 1 i be rt y as we know it in America. The Slovaks bear a double yoke: a) Czech overrule b) Communist oppression. The regime is 'Czechoslovak' in theory and practice, and therefore, anti-Slovak, and communistic, hence �140 SLOVAKIA atheistic-in both cases expressly and extremely so. Slovak people, however, in spite of the above noted burdens they are forced to bear, have such native strength and stamina that they are making progress in industry, literature and culture, if not in politics. They are holding fast to the faith of their fathers. I was moved to tears when attending Mass in a number of churches. The voices of both young and old blended in a sacred symphony that was an outer manifestation of their deep and abiding faith. In the last twenty years the Slovaks have suffered much for their faith. Many died unsung martyrs because they refused to abandon their religious beliefs. This, I am firmly convinced assures the future national destiny of the Slovak people, for the blood of their martyrs and the constancy of countless confessors of the faith constitute an inexhaustible stream of living waters for generations to come. Eventually, the godless, not the Godly, will be overcome. In closing my remarks, I wish to leave this message: Do not fear the outcome. The Slovaks at home are not afraid. They are steadfast immovable in their faith. But pray, as our persecuted brethren in Slovakia pray constantly, that the day of their deliverance may come soon. That the day of liberation will come, there is no doubt in their minds. They look forward with anticipation to the day when once again, after a quarter of a century, they will guide the destiny of their country as free men under God." This is the way our young American fellow Slovak described his visit to Slovakia. We, who cherish our noble heritage of Christian faith and f r e e d o m in this great land of 1 i be rt y, welcome these realistic observations and reactions as unmistakable signs of the future, for a nation with such spirit and a wholesome outlook on life must certainly emerge triumphant after suffering an ordeal by fire in our tragic age of man's inhumanity to man. Slovakia with a glorious past now awaits the dawn of an even more glorious era. May God in His goodness and mercy grant the beginning of a new age of freedom and peace for the Slovak nation in our time. A. P. Annual SL O VA KI A is published by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue, Middletown, Pennsylvania. Subscription $2.00. Editor: Dr. Joseph Pauco. �SLOVAKIA 141 JUST THE TRUTH ... PLEASE In the February 18, 1968, tions of the country which edition of The New York had traditionally figured as Times Magazine, Mr. Ed- the bulwark of democracy, mund Stillman presented les- the total vote for the Comsons on "The Fall of Czecho- munist-left Socialist coalition slovakia." Because I witnes- was a solid 55.76 per cent. sed the Communist take-over Only in agrarian and conof the country 20 years ago, servative S 1 ova k i a were I would like to make a few these proportions reversed." r e m a r k s on the article I would like to express my (pages 34-46) to correct some thanks for this truthful comfacts . ment. On May 26, 1946, I was elecIf not for the Czech majorted as a member of Parlia- ity, Czecho-Slovakia would be ment in Prague by a 92.3 % with the· west today. We Slomajority for the Slovak De- vaks are proud of our "primocratic Party. The night mitivism" against Communbefore the election the Com- ism, which was defeated in munists organized my kid- the 1946 election in Slovakia. napping to the USSR which Mr. Stillman mentioned a bordered my native district so-called "Czechoslovak naof Sobrance. My electoral tion" which doesn't e x i s t. district was along the "first" The Czech nation in in CzeIron Curtain. cho and the Slovak nation is Mr. Stillman called this in Slovakia with their own district " ... the more back- languages. I agree with the ward region of Slovakia to statement that on Wednesthe east . . .", and " .. . the day, February 25, "The ArchCzechs despised the Slovaks bishop of Prague called on as primitives or traitors." I the nation to support the was proud to be an educator Constitution." Ar ch bishop and a Superintendent of Beran called only on the Schools in Slovakia. Czechs. The Slovak Catholics The writer has given full never belonged with Prague credit to the Czechs for the but were d i r e c t 1 y under fall of Czecho-Slovakia into Rome. For their resistance to the Soviet block. He was the Communist doctrine, right when he stated that "In SIX of the NINE Slovak Bohemia and Moravia, the Catholic bishops DIED in industrialized western por- prisons. �142 SLOVAKIA Also, it was mentioned that Czecho-Slovakia at that time " ... was a practicing democracy." I would not agree because I was the ONLY MEMBER of Parliament in Prague in 1947 who denounced the brutality of the Communistheaded secret police who were torturing innocent Slovaks in Bratislava prisons. For that speech during the Communist coup d'etat in February of 1948, I was charged with treason and managed to survive o:r:tly by escap- ing to the West. Enclosed is a translation of that parliamentary speech. We Slovaks, as the Czechs say, are traitors, but the Czechs had "human rights and honor" when they sold Czecho-Slovakia and with it us Slovaks behind the Iron Curtain. There can be no doubt why in the USA I am carrying on the mission for a free Slovakia which cannot be dominated and sold-out by the Czechs in the future. Stefan Blasko IDEALS OF 'DHE SLOVAK NATION I think the story, the traditions and the honoc of the Slovak people is one of the most glorious stories in history. It is hard to find a story of any people who for more than one thousand years were deprived of liberty, nationality, and subjected to national and religious persecution. The Slovaks have given all the world a lesson in what i,t means to be devoted to ideals. During the crucial period of their history, these brothers, sisters, and children of thait noble race came to our United States which has ever been a sanctuary and a home O'f persecuted people. With this thought I have many recollections of the past and of that beautiful country of Slovakia from which you or your ancestors have come. It was my privilege in the happy days of peace to know your country and the character of your people, for I went to school for five yeairs with many of the boys from that country, some of whom have come to be priests here in our United States. I know the thoughts that fill your minds today of the disaster, injustice, the tyranny, the oppression, the cruelty that has come over an injured Europe that we once knew, for Europe was a great mother of America ... and I know how you feel because I feel the same. You and I must show our sympathy and give our help in every way possible to those naitions thart g,ave us birth and our birth rights. Our happiness is saddened by the thought of our persecuted brethren in Europe. We associate ourselves with them in prayer, also in determination to do everyithing in our power to alleviate their suffering. We express sympathy to those who suffered persecution foc justice's sake asking Almighty God to give them grace to carry on - Francis Cardinal Spellman in the practice of their faith. �SLOVAKIA 143 BOOK REVIEWS MORE A BOU T D R. Dr. Jozef Tiso-President of the Slovak Republic. In commemoration of the 20th anniversary of his death at the hands of the enemies of Slovak Independence. By Fr. Vnuk. Publishers: Association of Australian Slov aks. P . Gerdelan, Orbis Printing and Publishing Co., PTy ., Ltd., Sydney, 1967. An unprepossessing volume of a meager fifty pages, this important work by a prolific Slovak writer, however, is a clear, concise, factual account of the life of a Slovak leader who died on the gallows: for his faith, for his Slovak nation, for the Christian country of Slovakia in the heart of Europe. Msgr. Tiso, a Catholic priest, represented his people's ancient faith of more than a thousand years' tradition . .AJ; a spiritual leader he was, therefore a symbol of the religious background and heritage that began with SS. Cyril and Methodius in the 9th century A.D. As a political figure he was more than a politician-he was a shepherd of his flock, i.e. , the Slovak people, a revered chieftain of his clan, and a statesman whose vision, courage and leadership guided the newly independent Slovak Republic safely through the dark days of World War II. By the very nature of its brevity, the modest volume leaves much to be desired in the way of a more detailed, and consequently a more thorough review and analysis of events that are merely touched upon. Nevertheless, for one who is acquainted with the history of Slovakia, the book can well serve as a good manual for a series of talks JOZE F T IS0 and even as a logical and chronological framework for a later edition of greater proportions. Moreover, the historical background to the modern emergence of the Slovak nation and its independent state is quite adequate for those to whom the material is entirely new. What puzzles people in the western world is the presence of members of the clergy in politics. Although there is no valid reason why they, as citizens, should be excluded from the political stage, their clerical status automatically does exclude them in the minds of most people. This in spite of the fact that the American Congress from the very beginning has traditionally attracted numerous Protestant clergymen and their membership was never seriously questioned. Be that as it may, the author explains that the need for leaders in Slovakia necessiated the 'participation and involvement,' to borrow a really modern phrase, of dynamic priests who answered the call to duty for the public welfare but considered it not only a privilege but an obligation to serve the interests of religion whenever the Church was under attack, as certainly was the case after World War I when atheistic, communistic and anti-clerical elements joined forces against the Church in Slovakia. In this matter, as in others, Vnuk's work is well documented. Tiso's early political ventures were not always successful. Thus, his policy of coalition with the Czechs ended in fiasco. In 1927 he persuaded Hlinka to abandon his basic policy of opposition to the �144 SLOVAKIA Prague central regime and join the government in an attempt to secure more recognition for the Slovaks. In about two years Hlinka's Slovak People's Party resumed its uncompromising stand because the Slovaks became convinced that the Czechs were determined to maintain their position of domination over Slovakia. Dr. V. Tuka paid for the 'noble experiment' by being framed and sentenced to a 15-yr. prison sentence on charges of treason. This was a foreshadowing of the reprisals that were to cost him his life, as well as the lives of President Tiso and many stalwart Slovaks after World War II. Again in the presidential election of 1935 when President Masaryk resigned at the age of 85, Dr. Tiso negotiated with Dr. Benes whose candidacy was closely challenged in the race for the presidency, and gave him full support upon Dr. Benes' promise that if he were elected Slovakia would get autonomy in a year. The Slovaks were deceived by the new president, who, like his illustrious predecessor, failed to keep his word of honor. So once again the Slovaks were duped. In .!~merica they had given full support t0 Masaryk during World War I after he had signed the Pittsburgh Pact guaranteeing the Slovaks naticnal selfgovernment or autonomy. . . in Slovakia they were the deciding factors in Benes' succes;,ful bid for the presidency . . . and in both cases they were victimized. In the unrelenting drive for selfgovernment in Slovakia, Martin Razus, a Protestant clergyman :md writer, with his National Party became faithful allies of Andrej Hlinka. Even in the Slovak Agrarian Party the spirit of autonomy became more . and more apparent after the election of Dr. Benes. Upon the death of Hlinka on August 16, 1938, on the eve of the Munich crisis, leadership of the Slovak People's Party passed on to Dr. Tiso. The problem of self-government or autonomy for Slovakia was suddenly resolved by the Czech centralist regime in Prague in the fall of that year. A matter that had dragged on for a score of years was finally settled in less than two months because of the immediacy of the situation brought on the swift rush of events that threatened the disruption of the CzechoSlovak Republic. Even at that later date it was the united demand of all Slovak political parties (with the exception of two small factions, the Communists and the Social Democrats) at 2ilina, Slovakia, that actually prodded the Czech government to take action. Slovak autonomy was a reality at last! Bratislava became the center of the newly-established Slovak autonomous government. Almost immediately a crisis ensued as Germany annexed the Sudeten lands in Bohemia and Hungary made insistent demands on southern Slovak territorial lands. Dr. Tiso staunchly defended the Slovak cause as premier but despite his attempt to modify the excessive claims of the Magyars at Komarno, a German-Italian commission (headed by Von Ribbentrop and Count Ciano) decided arbitrarily to cede 4,000 square miles of southern Slovakia with a population of a million (considerably more than a third of whom were outspoken Slovaks and the rest mostly Magyarized Slovaks) to Hungary by the unjust award of the Vienna Verdict of November 2, 1938. Visibly shaken by the injustice of the Vienna declaration by which the Slovaks lost a full 20 % of their �SLOVAKIA historic lands and people on the Slovak-Magyar border, the new autonomous government in Slovakia, however, faced the future with courage and determination and proceeded to consolidate its political forces. Accordingly, all political parties were united into a single party of Slovak national unity. Under its banner the Slovaks elected 63 members to the Slovak parliament in the national elections in December of that fateful year. Undaunted by the seriousness of the events that saw the new autonomous government come into power, the Slovak parliament assembled in Bratislava on January 18, 1939. Dr. Tiso gave the keynote address in which he emphasized that Christian ideology was fundamental to the structure and spirit of the Slovak self-governing state in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Moreover, he steered a middle course in the turbulent stream of events that moved a group of young ardent Slovak nationalists to push the Slovak ship of state directly towards the shores of complete national freedom and independence. In Prague the central government became alarmed at this turn of events and made March 9, 1939 a fatal decision, namely, to occupy Slovakia by force. Prague ordered Czech troops to seize military control of Slovakia and declared martial law. Simultaneously with the dispatching of army units to Slovakia the dismissal of Dr. Tiso as Slovak premier was announced. Karol Sidor was named his successor. When Germany's offer to discuss the situation with Sidor met with a rebuff, Dr. Tiso was urged by party leaders to go to Berlin for a conference. He went to the German 145 capital on March 13, conferred with both Von Ribbentrop and Hitler and was told that if the Slovaks refused to declare their national independence, their country would be divided between Hungary and Poland. The Magyars had already taken 1/5 of Slovak territory at the end of the previous year. Faced with this dilemma, the Slovak parliament on March 14, 1939, voted unanimously for the declaration of Slovak independence. Although Dr. Tiso was the acknowledged head of the Slovak Peoples' Party after Hlinka's death, and the premier of the Slovak autonomous government inside CzechoSlovakia, it was not until October 26 of that year that the Slovak parliament officially and unanimously elected him president of the newlyestablished Slovak State. What type of a man was Tiso? Everyone is naturally curious to know the answer. Physically, he was a heavy-set man with broad shoulders, a striking face and imposing head, of more than average height. He moved graciously and walked with dignity. In keeping with his physical appearance he was a big man intellectually. Yet, he was not a cold and calculating man but a man with a ready smile, a sparkle in his blue eyes, and a warmth that radiated from his fatherly personality. He especially loved children and was a beloved pastor in his parish at Banovce which he administered to the end of his presidency of the Slovak Republic. Pazmaneum University and Seminary in Vienna graduated Dr. Jozef Tiso with high honors in studies of philosophy and theology. As a preacher and speaker he commanded attention by the sheer power of logic, as well as by his strong, resonant baritone voice that could �146 SLOVAKIA reach Jisterners at the fringes of a large crowd or audience. He differed from the eloquent Hlinka, whose passionate, impetuous oratory and silver-toned tenor voice moved his hearers to cheers of adulation. Tiso, a moderate rather than an impetuous man, sought to carry out policies of his party in a quiet, yet forceful and persevering manner. At heart, however, he remained a profoundly simple, sincere and humble priest who though president of the country took time out quite regularly to attend to parochial duties in his beloved Banovce parish on weekends. President Tiso preached, baptized and offered up Mass the same as any devoted pastor of a typical Slovak parish. Undoubtedly, a further clue to his personality is his own personal adjustment to his position as president. At no time did he approve of any secret servicemen to accompany him for security measures. He walked the streets of Bratislava daily . . . and unattended. He made frequent trips throughout the country unattended, i.e., without police escort. Such was his personal courage and trust in the people whom he loved and served, and who not only respected but loved him in return. German interference in internal Slovak politics was kept at minimum although at the express orders from Berlin, Vnuk declares, Dr. :i')urcansky and others were dismissed from high posts in order to make way for a Germanophile group led by V. Tuka and A. Mach. Jews in Slovakia remained unmolested until March, 1943, when the Ministry of Interior, in compliance with German orders, began their deportation. By August of the same year, however, this ceased entirely because of disturbing re- ports and rumors that the Germans were exterminating all Jews in concentration camps_ From that date until the end of the conflict in 1945, the Jews were protected by law as special wards of the Slovak state and shielded by thousands of Slovaks privately. At least 80% of Slovak Jews were saved in this way. An insidious conspiracy that flared up into a revolt in August of 1944 against the Slovak Republic was instigated by a coalition of communists and Czechoslovak partisan factions, and bolstered by Soviet parachutists, in the northern hills of the country in the Banska Bystrica region. Although summarily put down with the aid of a small German division in less than six weeks, the revolution cost the Slovaks some 30,000 lives (mostly civilians caught in the line of fire) and the destruction of a score of villages and towns, strategic railways, tunnels, <bridges and roads. It was a rebellion staged by totally irresponsible elements in the country and supported by a number of high officers who were guilty of treason ... and all guilty of a crime that resulted in the ruthless and useless destruction of many innocent lives of men, women and children. Invasion of Slovakia by the onrushing Soviet forces came in the East at the beginning of the new year of 1945. By May 1, Slovakia was overrun by three Soviet armies that showed no mercy to the Slovaks whose towns they pillaged from one end of the country to the other. The victorious troops wrote a tragic chapter of rape, murder and ravage in this era of the socalled 'liberation' of World War II. Meanwhile, at the very last minute members of the Tiso government crossed into Austria. Before �SLOVAKIA the war ended officially, President Tiso and members of his government were turned over to the Czech forces by U.S. Army to whom Dr. Tiso had voluntary surrendered. He was put into chains (actually), taken to Prague and led through the streets of the Czech capital, then to Bratislava, to await trial 'for treason' and as 'war criminal'. Their doom was a foregone conclusion. Dr. Benes and his colleagues, who thirsted for revenge, would see to it that they would hang. Wherever Communists seize power, it is common knowledge, they seek to intrench themselves firmly by a reign of terror. They pursue a policy of inprisonment, torture and death to instill terror into the hearts of people everywhere in order to paralyze all efforts of opposition. So it happened in Slovakia. Thousands were marched off to prison on the slightest pretext or for no reason at all. Before long, the clergy and Religious were destined to feel the brunt of persecution as the postwar atheistic communist regime consolidated its power to an absolute degree. The Church became a prime target of the new rule that pulled no punches in its relentless drive to absolute political control of the country. The final disposition of President Tiso was an open secret. A coalition of Dr. Benes and his reprisal-minded clique in Prague with the communists sealed the fate of the stellar Slovak statesman. His trial for the sake of appearances dragged on through four months from December 1946 to March 1947 in an all out effort to discredit the Slovak president, the Slovak Republic and aspirations of the Slovak nation to statehood. Highly censored reports were is- 147 sued to the press . . . all radio coverage was strictly 'edited.' It became quite obvious that his enemies and the foes of Slovak freedom were determined to destroy him. None was more intransigent than Dr. Benes. Assurances that Dr. Tiso would be granted political amnesty in the event of a verdict of death proved to be h o 11 o w phrases. In the final showdown following the official pronouncement of death by hanging on charges of 'treason' neither Dr. Benes nor the 17 members of a special government panel of high officials relented in their attitude, they upheld the verdict of the court. President Tiso was executed at dawn on April 18, 1947. Witnesses of the execution of President Tiso testify that he was calm throughout the ordeal. He walked quietly and prayerfully to his death on the gallows. Even the official news dispatches confirmed this report of the last hours of Msgr. Tiso. News of the execution of the Slovak president deeply stirred his fellow countrymen everywhere. His grave in a Bratislava cemetery became a national shrine overnight. Thousands rushed to place flowers on his last resting place ... not for long however, for the body of the Slovak nation's martyr was exhumed, taken away and cremated and his ashes scattered in an unknown place lest Tiso's grave, or even his ashes, become a memorial for a grief-stricken nation. This, the government shamelessly admitted, was what prompted its decision to remove the body forever for fear that a permanent national shrine should be erected to the memory of President Tiso in Slovakia. After a score of years of Czech- �148 SLOVAKIA communist rule over Slovakia resistance to political oppression and religious persecution is as strong as ever. The memory of the vengeful postwar policies emanating from Prague produced a permanent cleavage between the Czechs and Slovaks. The author, as all loyal Slovaks believe, declares the death of Tiso completely and irreparably severed the ties between the Czechs and Slovaks for a permanent sta,t e. Experience of 20 years of Czech rule from the centralist Prague after World War I and another score of years of Czecho-communist oppression and ruthless religious persecution directed from the Czech capital has touched the lives of appiioximately 5 million Slovaks in their historic homeland and another 5 million Slovaks scattered around the world. These have vowed to keep faith with their honored dead not to rest until Slovakia is once more free and independent, and a Slovak state restored to its rightful place in the family of free nations of the world. Final evaluation of the impact of Dr. Tiso's personality and the influence under the most adverse circumstances imaginable must await the verdict of future historians. They will be able to view his time in its proper perspective, weigh all the factors involved and present the facts dispassionately and justly in the light of genuine evidence. The 'rise and fall' (to borrow a popular phrase) of President Tiso and the Slovak Republic will then be viewed in its proper setting and will be adjudged according to just merits. Postwar condemnation of Tiso and his government in the Slovak Republic will be erased as an unjust stigma of disgrace for which Czech foes of Slovak freedom are responsible. Having done nothing themselves to save their country from Nazi occupation, they vented their rage on the great Slovak leader who dared to lead his people towards national freedom and independence when the rest of Europe was on the verge of a war of revenge, fratricidal slaughter and genocide. Destruction of the Slovak Republic and the execution of its president and members of the Slovak government was meant to be the death knell of the Slovak nation's aspirations to freedom and statehood. This was not to be the final verdict nor the final destiny of the Slovak nation. The Slovaks are convinced their fate under God is not oblivion but survival, and a glolious revival of life in their own independent national state. Fr. Andrew Pir, O.S.B. SLOVAKS BYPASSED BY CZECHS IN INFLUENCE ON WILSON By Prof. Aitstin J. App, Ph.D ., LaSalle College The book, I mmigrants' Influen- President Wilson between 1917 and ce on Wilson's Peace Policies, edit- 1920 in shaping the disastrous ed by Prof. Joseph P. O'Grady, LaSalle College, written by various scholars, and published by .the University Press, Lexington, Kentucky (309 pages, $8.50 ) throws much light en the pressures exerted upon peace treaties of Versailles and St. Germain. Since these led to World War II and subsequent enslavement of all the countries carved out of the Austro-Hungarian empire, history must judge those �SLOVAKIA 149 treaties as calamities for Europe University, suggests that there and the world. were about 700,000 Slovak immigThe book shows that the Ger- rants in America during World man-Americans were too cowed to War I. The estimates for the Carinfluence the peace, though their patho-Ruthenians run all the way disillusionment with the Versail- from 6,299 to 500,000. Prof. Mamatey reports: les Treaty influenced the rejection of the Treaty by Congress. The "Whether or not it was due to British were enormously influen- the support of the American Slotial in getting the U.S. into war vaks, American officials never and later in checkmating the Irish questioned Masaryk's and Benes's wish for self-determination for Ire- right to speak for the Slovaks" land. The Zionists were enormously (p. 239). influential in preventing a separate The Slovak League of America , peace treaty with Turkey, securing formed in 1907, drafted a memothe dismemberment of the Turkish randum in July 1914, envisioning empire, and through the Balfour "only Slovak administrative and Declaration achieving the gradual cultural autonomy in Hungary, not take-over of Palestine. The Aust- independence or unity with the rians and the Hungarians, like the Czechs in a Czechoslovak state" German-Americans, had practically (p. 232). And until May, 1918, "no no influence on Wilson. The Yugo- Slovak expression of a desire for slav's had much, but not as much independence and union with Czeas the Italians. The Poles got prac- choslovakia was known abroad" tically everything they wanted, and (p. 238). so did the Czechs. However, in October, 1915, in The Czechs, through Masaryk and Cleveland, "the Bohemian National Benes, who were extremely shrewd Alliance and the Slovak League of and ruthless diplomatic operators, America agreed upon the 'Clevesucceeded in getting their aspira- land Pact,' which envisioned the estions considered as identical to tablishment of 'independence' and those of tlie Slovaks and Ruthen- 'union of the Czech and Slovak peoians. This induced Wilson to favor ples in a federal union of states the formation of Czecho-Slovakia, with full national autonomy for in which the Czechs had the hege- Slovakia" (p. 233 ). mony, and the promised autonomy By May, 1918, President Wilson for the Slovaks and Ruthenians, as endorsed the policy of breaking up well as that for the Sudeten-Ger- Austria-Hungary and encouraging mans, was recognized in word but the independence of all component violated in fact. nationalities. On May 30-31, 1918, Suggesting the importance in the peacemaking of these nationalities is the fact that three chapters are devoted to them: "The Czechs" by Otakar Odlozilik, "The Slovaks and Carpatho-Ruthenians" by Victor S. Mamatey, and "The Mid-European Union" by Arthur J. May, the three comprising pages 204-271. Prof. Mamatey, of Florida State in Pittsburgh the Bohemian National Alliance, the Federation of Czech Catholics, and the Slovak League of America endorsed a program drafted by Masaryk of the organization of Czechoslovakia. In it "Slovakia was to have her own administration and courts, for which Slovak would be the official language" (p. 237). Albert Mama- �150 SLOVAKIA tey had got inser,ted into Masaryk's draft Slovakia's desire for a "Diet." This Pittsburgh Pact was signed by Masaryk in Washington on November 14, 1918. According to these provisions, but as interpreted to the peacemakers by Masaryk and Benes, the Czecho-Slovak Republic was formed. Into it the three odd million Sudeten Germans were forced against their express will, and the assurance of autonomy given to the Slovaks and to the Carpatho-Ruthenians were "not fully implemented by the Czechoslovak government." Prof. Mamatey writes of "the unfulfilled promise of Slovak autonomy" (p. 249) . The book, of course, does not go beyond 1920, and therefore does not touch upon the tragedies that by 1945 had thrown all these unhappy peoples under the communistic tyranny. But the book as a whole and the three chapters dealing with Czecho-Slovakia help one understand the catastrophe of World War II and after-and suggest to the honest and wise what must be done to set things right. This includes granting the principle of self-determination as fully to the Slovaks as to the Czechs! Slovak Studies V. Historica 3. Slovak Institute, Cleve land-Rome, 1965, p. 268. Like its four predecessors, Slovak Studies V , Historica 3, is a boom to scholars and Slavists alike. Valuable in documentation, the contributions definitely enhance the growing English literature on Slovakia. The SS. Cyril and Methodius Institute in Rome can rightfully take pride in this 1967 publication. Among the contents in the current volume are research papers on Slovakia's Church history, cultural achievements, World War II political significance and linguistic eminence. Each learned discussion gives evidence of painstaking care and adherence to a factual, accurate account. Accompanied and supplemented by numerous documents in the original language, selective bibliographies, appendices, maps and footnotes , a total of six outstanding presentations combine to make this fifth volume of Slovak Studies truly remarkable. Taken topically, three essays deal with the development of Christianity among the Slovaks. Father Ernest Bouydosh, O.M.I., of Canada devotes a considerable portion of the volume to an analysis of "The Quadrennial Reports of the Archbishop of Strigonia to Rome." Introducing the "ad limina" reports found in the archives of the Sacred Congregation of the Council, the author examines the state of the Church in Hungary from the Tridentine era. "The historical value of these reports," writes Father Buoydosh, "lies in the fact that they are first hand documents reflecting the spiritual life of the dioceses, an aspect too often neglected in our historiography. Some of these reports also have an exceptional demographic value." The reports, printed in the original language in which they were sent to Rome, span three centuries, beginning chronologically from August 15, 1598 and ending March 5, 1827. Next follows an informative monograph on the Camaldulese Hermitage, known as the Red Monastery, from the gifted pen of a Jesuit scholar, Dr. Michael Lacko of Rome. Making extensive use of the documents preserved in the Hermitage of Frascati near Rome, the Archives of the Greek-Catholic �SLOVAKIA Bishopric of Presov, and the Vatican Archives, Dr. Lacko has reconstructed a fascinating portrait of the evolution of religious life in Slovakia. He traces the beginnings of the Camaldulese Hermitage (Red Monastery) in Nitra, Slovakia, to the Monte Corono Hermitage of Central Italy. Of special interest is the work of Father Romuald Hadbavny, a Slovak hermit of such a Red Monastery in Spis County. An acknowledged scholar, he compiled a Latin-Slovak dictionary in 1763 which is still extant in manuscript form. He was also the first translator of Sacred Scripture into the Slovak language. His work is known today as "the Camaldulese Bible." Interestingly enough, Dr. Lacko notes nationalistic tendencies among the hermits, who early in the eighteenth century were already yearning for national hermitages. Vicissitudes of the era proved detrimental to the Red Monastery. For several centuries now it no longer functions according to its original purpose. Recently it has been restored as a museum and tourist attraction. It is in observance of this event that Father Lacko has favored the readers of Slovak Studies V with the present account. An impressive array of Latin documents (pp. 112-203), June 28, 1691 to 1781 amply demonstrate his thorough research in this field . A short discussion on "Slovak Greek-Catholics in America" blends well with the above. Mr. George Polak of West Liberty State College analyzes a chapter of Cyril Korolevskij's biography of the Metropolitan Andrew Szeptyckyj. While generously praising the work in general, Mr. Polak seems to take umbrage at the author's confusion concerning Slovak Greek-Catholics. Perhaps rightly so. A biographer is 151 in a broad sense of the term an historian; as such, it is essential that he presents accurate, precise information. To identify the Slovaks of the Byzantine-Slavonic Rite as the "Ruthenians from Sub-Carpathia" or the Slovaks from Eastern Slovakia as "Slavs from SubCarpathia" is both misleading and ethnically untrue. In "a noted authority on the Eastern Church and a Catholic priest of the Byzantine-Slavonic Rite," even though he is a native of France, such discrepancies are deplorable. Mr. Polak's argument would seem to be well taken and his point of view valid. Invaluable to an adequate understanding of the eighteen month interval of Slovak history between March, 1939 and August, 1940, is the "Collapse of the Czecho-Slovakia in Vatican Documentation." As a responsible historian, Frantisek Vnuk, the author, views these months in the light of the documents, eleven in number, found among the Vatican Published Archives, as crucial for Central Europe. His pithy observations substantiated by eye witness accounts of reliable authors, focus the events in proper perspective. His criticisms are well worth noting. An Appendix contains all eleven documents in the original Italian. Linguistically, William S. Patala's contribution to this volume is illuminating. "A Class in Twelve Slavic Languages," though brief in content, is rich in suggestions and ideas. Father Patala of the Steubenville Diocese describes a three year course which he taught with "appreciable success." How he managed to teach twelve related languages in one class period per week makes delightful reading. The author's imaginative approach to the teaching of languages, warmly �152 SLOVAKIA endorsed by the once prominent Slavist of Columbia, Dr. A. P. Coleman, deserves further experimentation. A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Librarianship of Marywood College, Scranton, Pennsylvania by Sister M . Emma Hvozdovic, SS.C.M., is deservedly included in Slovak Studies V. Sister M. Emma's "History and Accomplishments of the Society of Saint Adalbert, Trnava, Slovakia" is the inspiring record of Catholic Slovakia's effort to preserve and cultivate its Cyril-Methodian heritage in the face of contrary forces. In 1870 Father Andrew Radlinsky founded the St. Adalbert Society (the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius would not have been permitted in its title) to publish Catholic books and periodicals, to encourage the arts, and to promote Catholic Slovak culture in general. Through the years it succeeded in placing in the hands of the people several editions of the Bible and at least 14 editions of the famous family prayerbook Nabozne Vylevy. It made available for church use the official Slovak Catholic hymnal and the official Slovak Catholic Common Book of Prayer. It provided for its membership, which extended beyond Slovakia, a wealth of reading material on every vital subject. It sowed the good seed. Today, if Communism is rampant in Slovakia, what else can one say, but that "an enemy hath done this." Written in a smooth and engaging style, the dissertation is based entirely upon Slovak sources and contains a selective bibliography. Its publication in Slovak Studies V is most timely in view of the approaching centenary of the founding of the society. One cannot help contrasting the former years of plenty with the present "winter over the land," when the Society's hands are tied and the people are crying for the Word of God, for Bibles, prayer-books, catechisms, hymnals. May God hasten the day when we shall witness again the fulfillment of the promise, "Happy those who hunger and thirst for what is right: they shall be satisfied." So much for the plus side of Historica 3. On the minus side one must warn the reader to expect frequent typographical errors which mar one's pleasure in perusing the excellent features. Also, it seems unfortunate, at least to this writer, to find so many precious docu-ments left in their original language, Latin, Italian, French. While scholars the world over are generally proficient with one or more foreign tongues, Latin documents are for the most part a closed book to American students. Strangely enough, only one of the contributors, Frantisek Vnuk of Australia, has seen fit to recognize this problem realistically. He has translated all documents used throughout his essay, leaving them in the original only at the end of his work. This surely makes his contribution of greater value to students than it would have been otherwise. Since the· volume is obviously intended for English-speaking readers, it would have been wise to consider this element. Considered as a whole, however, Slovak Studies V is distinctly notable addition to any library. Sister M. Ev angela Lubek, SS.C.M. Jorg K. Hoensch: Die Slowakei und Hitler's Ostpolitik (Hlinkas Slowakische Volkspartei zwischen Autonomie und Separation 1938-1939). Bohlau Verlag, Koln-Graz, 1965, p. 390. �SLOVAKIA While there have been several scholarly books in English on recent history of Slovakia (J. A. Mikus, J. M. Kirschbaum, L. G. Oddo, K. Glasser, M. G. Voytko, F. Vnuk), in the German language literature dealing with Slovak problems is surprisingly scarce. The above volume attracted attention of the academic publications in Europe and since it brings some new aspects and new evaluation of the problems of Central Europe we have decided to review it. J. K. Hoensch's book is a well documented treatise of the crucial period of Slovakia's modern history: October 1938-March 1939. The declaration of Slovakia's independence in the intricate international situation of 1939 has been subject to controversial interpretations and although this book is abundant with references to sources in several languages, it will be hardly the last word. There is a clear tendency of the writer to avoid adopting either the Czech interpretation or the Slovak thesis that Slovakia had no other choice and cannot be blamed for applying the right to self-determination just because Germany made it possible. The door to the German Drang nach Osten was open at the Munich Conference and the peoples of the Danubian basin accepted the agreement of the four European Great Powers, who prepared the stage for the ensuing drama. This being clear, the writer examined the policy of the largest Slovak party-the Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party-and tried to find out if, when, and to what extent, Slovaks were involved in helping the Germans march towards the East. In comparison with other writers on this subject, Hoensch was in a privileged position of having the 153 access to the diplomatic archives of Germany and also to archives and sources of the Communist Czecho-Slovakia and Poland. On the other hand, his German ancestry, although he was brought up in Slovakia, may have been responsible for a certain bias which is evident particularly in some conclusions in the introduction to his work. Hoensch found a willing tool for German political concepts only in a group of the so-called radicals in the Slovak Populist Party, whose organ, according to him, was the bi-monthly Nastup, which, can hardly be substantiated as historically true. In addition, Hoensch came with a list of names of persons who either had nothing to do with the publication, because they were still in highschool, or belonged to the radical wing of the Party, but at the time of Tuka's imprisonment by Prague (Tuka was condemned, 1929, on "flimsy evidence" according to Macartney and other British historians to 15 years imprisonment for subversive activities), they had no connection whatsoever with Germany and were known as polonophiles. Except for Alexander Mach and Karol Murgas none of the persons mentioned by Hoensch belonged to Tuka's circle and actually could not be active in politics in 1938 because of their age or because of their studies at foreign universities, one even at the St. Cyr military academy in Paris (J. Stasko) . On the other hand, Nastup certainly had nothing to do with Tuka after his release from prison in 1938. This faux pas could seriously damage Hoensch's work, because he repeatedly used the names and therefore it was hardly an oversight. It would not, however, be �154 SLOVAKIA fair to discard the book for this error,, even if it is hard to explain how it occurred. Hoensch accumulated a great deal of information on Slovak politics in a period which decided the fate of Slovakia during and after the Second World War. He also .tried to evaluate the policy of the Slovak Populist Party and of individual politicians with much less bias than it has been done by Czech or Western historians who adopted the Czech point of view. Nevertheless, he apparently let his feelings influence his judgement when he wrote about certain Slovak politicians like Dr. F. f>urcansky, for instance, who was one of the strongest personalities in Slovak politics but for his opposition to German pressure was ousted already in 1940 together with the editor in chief of Nastup and the publication was banned. Hoensch used profusely also materials published by the Communist historians in Slovakia and some of his conclusions are undoubtedly influenced by their works. His general evaluation of Slovak efforts for an independent policy and his sympathetic attitude towards Slovakia's desire to emancipate herself from any foreign rule, infuriated, however, the communist critics. They first hailed the work in Kuiturny zivot, but later in Historicky casopis disagreed with his approach to the Slovak question as well as with his rather objective evaluation of the basic policy and the role of the Hlinka's Party in Slovak political life before the Second World War, as well as in the first years of the Slovak Republic. Slovak scholars and politicians should deal with this book in detail, because it offers a first class opportunity for correcting many misconceptions and biased views which the adversaries of Slovakia's striving for independence smuggled into the Western historiography. J . M . Kirschbaum Slovenska otcina, III. zviizok. Zostavil: Jan Elias. Vydal: 0. Frantisek Fuga, Hamilton, Ont., Canada, 1967. 432 p. This, the third and final volume of SLOVENSKA OTCINA, like its preceding issues, is an anthology of formal and informal articles and poems, interspersed with numerous pictures and some maps, all aimed at recapturing in print the rich heritage of life in Slovakia_ In this third volume, it is the western counties of Slovakia which are featured. The same format and style as that of the preceding volumes dealing with the eastern and central "zupy" is retained. The articles again have been culled from interested contributors-in this case, one hundred Slovak men and women: intellectuals, professionals, politicians, non-professionals, of various educational background, social milieux, political affiliations, and religious convictions. The names of these contributors are co.Rveniently listed in the back of the volume, with a brief comment of a personal nature, but no article or page reference is given. The literary contributions in turn have been capably edited by the following-Prof. Dr. Jozef M. Kirschbaum: Bratislava; Prof. Ing. Frantisek Vnuk: Tekov ; Draga Paucova: Nitra ; Imrich Stolarik: Trencin; Jan Elias: Komarno. The net result is a smooth-reading chronicle of the times and places dearest to the heart of the Slovak people. The book is more than a description and travel account of �SLOVAKIA Slovakia on a narrative of its social life and customs. Almost unconsciously it breathes the soul, the spirit, the life of the nation which transcends all boundaries. The first part of this last volume contains valuable assorted articles on life related to times in the Slovak Republic period. Fittingly, the volume is dedicated to Msgr. Jozef Tiso, the first and only President of the Republic, whose picture is imprinted on the cover. The articles bearing on Tiso are mainly of the personal ty.pe, e.g., Tiso--clovek; Tiso-milovnik deti; prezidentova matka; Tisovo mesto. They are valuable vignettes for future biographers of the President-Martyr. Other significant articles found in this first section include facsimiles of the stamps issued during the period of the Slovak Republic and of citizenship papers, passport records, and other legal documents. Accounts of the status of education-both higher and rural, of the thriving tobacco and sugar industries, and of the banks of the Republic keep before the reader's mind the degree of successful cultural and economic pursuits of the Republic period. A very concise resume of Independent Slovakia, its formation and treacherous overthrow, keep the political sentiments of the people in perspective. The high cultural attainments of the Slovak people are reflected in two accounts. One gives the status of Matica Slovenska in exile today; the other tells of the activities of Svoradov, a once active bulwark of Slovak intelligentsia. By way of exception, three articles rooted on American soil are found in this first section. They are concerned with the Benedictine Abbey in Cleveland, 0 ., the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Danville, Pa. , and the Daughters of 155 the Most Holy Redeemer in Gary, Ind. It may be concluded that the editors felt each of these institutes reflected the ideals of the Slovak Republic and are, or will be, instrumental in its rebirth. Each of the five following sections begins with a detailed map of the area. Unfortunately, the map reproductions in this third volume are not as clear as those in the preceding volumes. The Confucius proverb stated at the beginning of volume I, "Jeden obrazok ma taku cenu ako 1000 slov" ("A picture is worth 1000 words.") is, however, verified throughout the volumes. Especially enriching are those pictures directly related to the article. On the other hand, the irregular inclusion of authors' photographs, some formal and some informal, distracts somewhat from the material at hand. The articles themselves are unevenly distributed-20 on Bratislava, 5 on Komarno, 24 on Nitra, 11 on Tekov, and 31 on Trencin-a matter of no surprise, however, because of the unequal geographic distribution of city life in the various counties and the centralization of historical and cultural activities in Bratislava, Nitra, and Trencin. In each section, the history of the region comes alive mainly through small everyday accounts of the writers' remembrances of their own or their parents' experriences in the homeland region. As in the other two volumes, an effort again has been made by the editors to maintain a balance of articles representative of historical significance and notable personages in each area. For example, the Bratislava section has articles alluding to the archeological findings in Bratislava dated 2000 B.C.; to the famous Franciscan church in �156 SLOVAKIA Malacky; to the universities of Trnava; and brief essays on Konstantin Culen and Kral' Svatopluk, all of which nicely link the present with the past. The Komarno section has an article describing its museum and the county's historical significance in regard to Magyar influence. The Nitra section fittingly includes accounts of its royal and religious heritage enshrined in its castles and churches. The Tekov section enlightens the reader on its "Cantus Catholici" (1655), its pilgrimage site of Sv. Bei'iadik, its historic site of "Hronsky Svaty Kriz, and its mint at Kremnica. The Trencin section tells of the cave of Sv. Andrej Svorad, the birthplaces of Dr. Jozef Tiso in Vel'ka Bytca and ~udovit ~tur in Uhrovec, and the "Drotar" choir composed of natives from two hamlets in Trencin. The numberless essays not mentioned here are not less interesting or significant. Many of them give not only deep insight into the character, talents, and virtues of the Slovak people, but also provide explanation from concrete examples for the strained, and at times, hostile relationships between the Slovaks and the Czechs, between the Slovaks and the Magyars, and even among the Slovak people themselves. They each ring with a sincere tone which escapes chauvinism and marks this work as one stamped with loyalty, devotion, and real, hardly romantic, remembrances of a ruptured "free" homeland. The trilogy ends with a brief tracing of the history of SLOVENSKA OTCINA on a map, a call to its readers in the free world to champion the cause of freedom for the Slovak nation, and a wish that the articles within the three volumes, covering twenty Slovak counties or "zupy," contributed by 200 Slovak men and women, will help keep alive in the readers' minds and hearts the "fatherland " until that day when the Slovak Republic will rise again. Typical of the Slovak people, it concludes with a prayer to the Almighty Father and to the Mother of Seven SorrowsPatroness of Slovakia, for aid in the self-sacrificing work entailed in securing this just cause. The completed volumes are indeed a tribute to the faith, devotion, and self-sacrifice of its general publisher, 0. Frantisek Fuga, S.T.L., of Canada; general editor, Jan Elias; and contributors drawn from every rank of Slovak emigrants. The v,o lumes proclaim their single desire to keep before the world first-hand knowledge and a true image of the civilized, cultured Slovak people whose fatherland's name SLOVAKIA is already relegated to second place on maps, and whose official language is ever gradually being replaced by the use of Czech words, e.g., as illustrated on a 1962 Bratislava calendar in volume three, p. 218. The three volumes of the excellent series, SLOVENSKA OTCINA, are a "must" for every institution or private home with any Slovak connection, including public libraries and higher institutes of learning. In the older generation of Slovak birth, they will surely stir up fond related memories; in the younger, a rightful pride in their ancestry. Even non-Slovak people studying the language or second and third generation Slovaks who have lost speaking fluency but who still umlerstand the language can be motiviated to read the conversational type articles. A teacher of social studies, in particular, should find the material reliable source background. The books, in effect, evince the �SLOVAKIA Slovak people's " passion for freedom"-freedom of country and freedom of religion. The character, the talents, the virtues, the sufferings under exploitation, and the dreams of the Slovak people should arouse in the reader a response to hope, work, and pray that the contents of these volumes will serve as 157 a means of restoring to the Slovaks their rightful cherished dreams of freedom-soon, before the forces in Communist-controlled, Czech dominated Slovakia wipe out its smoldering embers. Then the efforts of the publisher and staff will not have been in vain. Sr. M. Raymund Horvath, SS.C.M. TWO PUBLICATIONS ON THE PRESIDENT DR. J. TISO Vnuk, F., Dr. Jozef Tiso - President of the Slovak Republic, (The Association of Australian Slovaks, Sydney) , 1967, 50 p. ill. Durica, M. S., Die Slowakische Politik 1938/ 39 im Lichte der Staatslehre Tisos (Slovak Policy 1938/ 39 in the Light of Tiso's Political Thought), (Emil Semmel Verlag, Bonn) , 1967, 49 p. summarizJ.ng Dr. Tiso's achievements, his role in the struggle of the Slovak people for equality of rights in Czecho-Slovakia and finally for national independence in the troubled period before and during the Second World War, to his mar tyr's death. In the sub-title of his work, Prof. Vnuk mentions that it was published "In commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of his (Dr. Tiso's) death at the hands of his enemies of Slovak independence", but it is not a current commemorative booklet. The author gives the reader in a nutshell, a serious anci well-documented analysis not only of Dr. Tiso's political life-struggle, but also an excellent survey of Slovak politics and of the treacheries and perfidy of the adversaries of Slovak independence. The booklet is divided into 15 chapters and also includes several photographs and a map of Slova- The twentieth anniversary of President Tiso's execution by the communists with Dr. Benes as an eager accomplice, prompted the Slovak political refugees in the Free World to write many articles on Dr. Tiso and his courageous struggle. In book form, the above studies by prominent young Slovak scholars were published and both deserve to be carefully read. Prof. Vnuk's booklet is a wellbalanced and well-written presentation of Dr. Tiso and of his political career to the democratic world. After writing hundreds of articles and two books on political and cul- * Neuveritel'ne sprisahanie (An Incredible Conspiracy), (Literartural topics from modern Slovak ny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, history,* Vnuk was one of the best Middletown, Pa.), 1964. qualified persons to seriously tackle with the subject. He displayed a Sedemruist' neurodnych rokov, <:onsiderable knowledge of foreign (Nacrt slovenskej literatury v and domestic sources on the crucrokooh 1945-62) (An outline of ial years of Slovakia's modern hisSlovak literature in 1945-62) , tory in all his writings and used it ( Slovak v Amerike, Middletown, with skill and good judgment in Pa.), 1965. �158 SLOVAKIA kia. There could hardly be a better concised presentation of "the case of Tiso", as it has been done by Vnuk. In equally sober and scholarly manner is written also Prof. M. S. !>urica's analysis of Slovak politics "in the light of Tiso's political thought and teaching". Both !>urica and Vnu.k belong to the younger generation of Slovak scholars in the Free World and while they lived in Slovakia during the crucial years of her history, they were too young to be involved personally in politics, which is undoubtedly an advantage. Nobody can seriously accuse them of speaking "pro domo sua", as the adversaries of Slovakia's aspirations for freedom used to do with regard to other Slovak writers on political subjects. !>urica also has a thorough preparation for his work and is equipped with probably the best knowledge of German and other European diplomatic sources on Slovakia, as his Italian book and numerous studies in other languages indicate.** The present publication is actually his lecture at the FriedrichWilhems-Universitat in Bonn to the students of all Faculties on June 12, 1967. Like Vnuk, !>urica also gives first a survey of Slovak history to make his subject more intelligible to his listeners. Then he speaks about the political thought (he uses the word Lehre-teaching) of Dr. Tiso and about the crisis of 1938/ 39. The·r e are all the elements of a serious scholarly paper in !>urica's publication, and it presents Dr. Tiso and Slovak politics to the Western world in an objective light, fighting only indirectly all the distortions and political propaganda which was spread by the communists and non-communists who adopted Czech and anti-Slovak conceptions about modern Slovak history. It would be only recommendable to make the lecture available in the English language, in which some scholars still rely on tendencious literature and rarely make their own research of original sources. The publication is enhanced by a bibliography of select works on Slovakia. J . M . Kirschbaum ** See my review of his book La Slovacchia e le sue relazioni politiche con la Germania 1938-1945, in Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. X, 1-2, p.69-70. Studia H istorica Slovaka IV - Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej Akademie Vi ed, Bratislava, 1966. Multi-li ngual, 290 p . The thaw behind the Iron Curtain reached Czecho-Slovakia later than the other satelite countries, but the results of the little freedom which the intellectuals have been allowed, becomes slowly apparent in several fields of cultural endeavor. Historiography is one of these fields and the volume under the review indicates that the intellectual climate is changing. For a long time not only poets and writers, but also historians, linguists and scholars in general were forced by the regime to accept Marxist theories and criteria and to be a political tool of the communist party. In historiography this was evident in all works dealing not only with the recent history of Slovakia, but the Marxist interpretation with strong political overtones was applied even to the early centuries and Middle Ages of the Slovak historical development. In the most distorted way was treated especially the period of the �SLOVAKIA Slovak Republic, the events of the Second World War, and the role of the Communist party in Slovakia since 1918 and particularly since 1944. A few books and symposia published since 1965 would indicate that this Marxist period of historiography is over. Historians, panelists and researchers are coming with views and interpretations which are much closer to the historical truths and objectivity. In the volume under the review this new trend is apparent mainly in K. Rebro's "Attempts at a rightful solution of the Slovak national question in the revolutionary years 1848-49" and Zd. Holotikova's "The Slovak Question and Czechoslovak Communist Party in pre-Munich Czechoslovakia." While the first contribution is free of the tendency to present the Slovak past as a part of "Czechoslovak" political development and views the events as an expression of the Slovak people to achieve Slovak national goals and equality of treatment with other component parts of the Habsburg Empire, the second contribution is free to a great degree of various myths which penetrated Slovak historiography with regard to the role of the Communist Party in pre-War Czecho-Slovakia. The Communist Party in Slovakia was a conglomerate of national minorities with strong preponderance of Hungarians, Czechs ( even Gottwald lived in Slovakia) and 159 others. Slovaks were not only in minority, but until 1930 did not have Slovak leadership. Only the return of Slovak students from Prague (among them Clementis, Novomesky, Ponican, Va.mos, Okaly, etc.) gave the communist movement in Slovakia some Slovak flavour. As for program, the party had none which can be interpreted as considering particular Slovak problems and national aspirations, except for linguistic rights. Communists of Slovak origin were led by Czechs and nolens-volens subscribed to the "Czechoslovak" conception and while they fought in Spain or wanted to solve problems of the world, they had little time for specific Slovak questions, and not much understanding for the struggle in which the majority of the Slovak people were involved. Holotikova still tries to explain, embellish and interpret the historical facts in favour of the Communists, but it is necessary to admit that she comes close to the historical truth and her courage and intellectual honesty are evident in many parts of her treatise. The contributions are published in German, English and French, and there is an apparent improvement in the translations in comparison with the previous volumes. The volume has for Western historians certain value, but cannot still be accepted without necessary cautiousness. J . M. Kirschbaum TAK SME SA POZNALI Tak sme sa poznali. Dr. Jozef Pauco. gaging title TAK SME SA POZNAPublished by Slovak v Amerike, LI (So Have We Known One Middletown, Pa., 1967, 281 p. Illus- Another) can be expected to entrations. compass mulUple and varied per- Dr. Joseph Pauco's MEMOIRS, sonal contacts as well as deep inwhich he has issued under the en- sight, broad vision and a skillful �160 SLOVAKIA pen. The author is a scholar, a man of the people, an editor, a journalist, a lecturer, a politician. The era he portrays was at once shatteringly disruptive and marvelously formative in its application to Central Europe and specifically to Slovakia. The men who played the leading roles in the drama of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945) were true to human nature: some giants, some midgets, some heroes, some traitors. The MEMOIRS acquire merit and authenticity from the position and the qualifications of the author. Dr. Pauco is a man whose roots rest deep in the common people. He was born in Slovakia in 1914. His father had died in the war, and so the first influences that left their mark on him came from his mother. This typical Slovak woman loved truth, right, freedom; she admired and vigorously supported the leaders who represented these qualities in government and society. The author's family, his village, his neighbors were poor in material possessions, but they were thoroughbreds in honor, dignity, integrity, courage. Dr. Pauco is a scholar, with a doctorate from Bratislava University, possessing specialized knowledge of Slovak history in its various ramifications and competent to interpret current events and human motives and aspirations. From his student days he manifested a predilection for journalism and contributed regularly to student publications and eventually also to the public press. In 1938 he served as editor of the young people's energetic Nastup. The following year he became editor of the People's Party daily, Slovenska Pravda, and in 1940 he was promoted to the staff of the Party's daily, Slovak, and became its editor in 1942. By his own account, Dr. Pauco was from childhood interested also in public speaking. He studied and admired Hlinka and Tiso, Hrusovsky and Mederly as much for their "platforms" as for their superlative ability to hold an audience spellbound. As a young student he participated in debates and panels and soon became known as a capable orator. Throughout his life he has delivered hundreds of lectures both in Europe and in America on subjects ranging from Slovak nationalism to party politics, from Slovak religious history to language. Dr. Pauco was a politician in the sense that he participated in civic movements and campaigns for human rights, and as a journalist, lecturer and editor he took a stand on political and party issues consonant with his convictions. In Tak sme sa poznali, Dr. Pauco describes his encounters with persons at the helm of the Slovak Republic, whose names are known to every Slovak. Who has not heard of Dr. Jozef Tiso, Andrej Hlinka, Karol Sidor, Frantisek Hrusovsky, Jozef Kirschbaum, Ferdinand !>urcansky, Vojtech Tuka, Sano Mach, Konstantin Culen, Andrej .Zarnov? The list is long. Some of the author's encounters with these men were casual, others in the line of duty. Some were friendly, some disappointing, others bristled with conflict. They began in the author's impressionable childhood, gained momentum in his student days at Svoradov and reached their climax when he was editor of Slovak and a leader of the People's Party. The impact of these encounters perhaps loses some of its potency for American Slovaks, to whom the system of Slovak government, the g e o g r a p h i c a 1 setting, details, �SLOVAKIA 161 of Slovak history and intricacies of however, hoping to curry German the Slovak position are not tho- favor, were bent on deporting and roughly familiar. One would like to exterminating the Jews. They sucknow more; one would like to ask ceeded in passing the infamous questions. But the personalities Jewish Codex, which however Tiso that emerge are superb. managed somewhat to mitigate by Some interesting sidelights on the inclusion of the clause permitcontroversial problems can be ting the President and other oftrailed throughout the book. Take ficers to intervene and prevent the the Jewish question, for example. deportation of any Jew allegedly There were always some Jews on essential to the nation•s welfare. It the staff of the Slovak. They con- is estimated that in this way Presitinued at their posts even after the dent Tiso saved the lives of some laws against them became extreme, 9000 Jews. being saved from deportation by At Tiso's trial Archbishop Kmet' the "urgency" clause with which ko testified that the President did President Tiso had managed to off- not sign the Jewish Codex, that he set the inhumanity of a cruel law. in fact repudiated it. And the ConThere was in Slovakia a certain ference of Slovak Bishops declared "garnitura," a set headed by Prime that Tiso was so incensed at the Minister Vojtech Tuka, which passing of the Jewish Codex that favored collaboration with the he was prepared to resign from ofNazis in the full sense of the term fice. Only the thought that he and which pressed for the exter- might yet save the situation from mination of the Jews. Strongly op- becoming worse, and because the posing him were Tiso and his fol- Jews themselves pleaded with him lowers in the People's Party, the did he decide to remain at his broad masses, who upheld God's post. law and the human rights of ever y From this book the impression individual, not excepting the Jews. grows that " true" Slovaks were In his propaganda tactics Tuka is- not so much anti-German, antisued a newspaper in which he Czech, anti-Communist, anti-Socialscornfully labeled Tiso and his fol- ist, as they were altogether wholelowers "white Jews" and "half heartedly, singlemindedly, unreJews" because of their protective servedly Slovak. Their pro-Slovak stand in favor of the Jews. On the aspirations cast out and left no room other hand, Minister Sano Mach, for any negative elements. Such who was Tuka's faithful henchman, genuine patriotism and true nais nevertheless known to have re- tionalism is God-given in the natusisted Nazi pressure for sterner ral law, as expressed by President laws against the Jews in Slovakia Tiso in his last statement to the and to have personally intervened nation : " 'For God and nation' is a in saving many Jewish lives. positive command of God, Who inIndeed Dr. Pauco presents the stituted it as the natural law and "case of the Jews in Slovakia" with planted it in the heart of the nagreat fidelity and impartial objec- tion and in the heart of its every tivity. The Slovak President did all member." in his power to protect the Jews. The Slovak Republic was born The Slovak State opposed the per- and its direction chartered under secution of the Jews. Certain ele- the most searing circumstances. ments in the Slovak government, Within it men's souls were tested. �162 SLOVAKIA Some good men, who had served the State, while it lasted, with admirable loyalty and devotedness, failed Slovakia in her greatest hour of crisis in 1945 and thereafter. Dr. Pauco speaks sadly of these, for their greatest injury was their own personal ,p erfidy. Not all men can be heroes, but all men can be true. In the drama of the Slovak Republic, heroes predominated. The reader can only marvel at the integrity, the competence, the singleminded purpose, the energetic pursuit of an ideal, the perserverance of these men. The author does not hesitate to declare that had they been in the service of a world power, they would have become internationally renowned figures . Slovakia is rightly proud of them. What was the situation in Slovakia? Her most valiant warrior, Andrej Hlinka, who had weathered years of stormy resistance to Magyar oppression and had actively challenged a Czech so-called democratic regime for 20 years, had died on the eve of the proclamation of the Slovak Republic. In the realization of its bid for independence Slovakia now found itself on the international stage, thrust there by Hitler, and the unrehearsed performance of the drama which ensued taxed the leaders to the utmost. Yet in every forward step they invoked the law and adhered steadfastly to Christian principles despite pressures that nearly crushed them. Who were the leaders? Older men. Seasoned politicians like President Jozef Tiso, Jozef Buday, Ferdis Juriga, Jozef Srobar; younger men, who had acquired some experience in government and public affairs, like Karol Sidor, Frantisek Hrusovsky, Karol Mederly, Pavol Oplustil, Konsto Culen, Tido Gaspar, Andrej ~arnov; and the very young, fresh from the universities, like Jozef Kirschbaum, Ferdinand 1'.lurcansky, and Dr. Jozef Pauco himself. Dr. Jozef Pauco is proud of his generation and the achievements they accumulated to their credit in that stirring time. Their enthusiasm and tireless energy were phenomenal. The older men relied on them, encouraged them, supported them , and excused their inevitable mistakes in favor of the obvious and sincere love of their nation which motiviated them. Dr. Pauco's book is his answer to the oft-repeated question: "How well did you know N.N?" Each encounter, each portrayal is penetrating, engrossing, and vividly alive. As a sampling of the author's method, let me sketch - all too briefly, however, -Dr. Pauco's encounters with the key figure, President Jozef Tiso. How did he come to know Dr. Tiso? First of all. by hearsay. From his mother, who referred to this remarkable priest as a gift from heaven to the Slovak people. From a casual reference of Tiso's bishop who described the pastor of Banovce as an exceptional priest. Pauco's first view of Tiso was at a political rally in Nitra when he was still too young to understand the speaker's words; but was deeply impressed by his manner of speaking, his gestures, his voice, and the reaction of the crowds. Tiso was indeed a remarkable man: what his mother used to tell him was true. His whole being responded to the magnetism and charm of Tiso. His second encounter with Tiso also occurred in historic Nitra in the year of its Christian Jubilee 1933. Slovak youth was there, bursting with enthusiasm, alert for action. Somehow Paufo found him- �SLOVAKIA self in the youthful vanguard around the speaker's tribune. The first to address the vast crowds was Dr. Tiso, who directed his stirring words on the significance of the occasion mainly to the young. His words came out in a series of questions which the audience punctuated with loud bursts of cheering: "Can a nation which embraced Christianity 1100 years ago be an unknown quantity? Does not such a nation possess the attributes of culture? Can such a nation repudiate its past history? Shall such a nation grovel before slave drivers? Has not such a nation the right vigorously and categorically to demand the same natural rights to self-identity as any of its neighbors?" There was no end to the questions. 163 party leaders. Pauco concludes that Tiso's articles were every bit as "subversive" as Hlinka's and Sidor's, but they lacked certain explosive words which the censors, using their dictionaries perhaps, obviously watched for. Pauco further opines that Tiso's erudition and style were beyond the grasp of the censors and their command of the language. But they made their mark in the hearts of the people. Pauco's first actual, person-toperson meeting with Tiso came as the result of a lecture engagemet at a school headed by Tiso. In a friendly chat that passed from personal to political and national topics, Pauco was happy to note the absence of any patronizing or censorious postures. On the contrary, Tiso conveyed complete confidence in his guest as a speaker and evinced an honest respect for his personal views. Dr. Pauco mentions that he had here an opportunity for the first time to observe Andrej Hlinka as a spectator in the audience. Hlinka applauded more vigorously than A meeting that stands out as the young people themselves and unique for Dr. Pauco was his preover and over called out "Na sla- sentation of greetings in the name vu," in praise of Tiso. of the Slovak Catholic Students Federation to Dr. Jozef Tiso on the Nevertheless, as Dr. Pauco notes, occasion of the declaration of SloHlinka and Tiso were two divervakia's independence on March 14, gent personalities. In his discourses 1939. It was brief and straight from Hlinka aroused the people as with the heart: "God help you, Sir Prime fire. Tiso's words were more pro- Minister." found , each one carrying its weight. There were other meetings with Tiso, literally hun<lreds of them , Dr. Pauco quotes a friend's reafter Pauco became editor of the mark that paragraphs from HlinSlovak. The Slovak was Tiso's newska's and Sidor's articles in the parpaper, yet he never dictated to its ty press were much oftener deeditor. He was satisfied that it was leted by the Czech censors and faithful to the People's Party, to their columns showed many more its ideals, to Christian statesmanwhite spaces than did those of ship and Christian principles in Tiso. Pauco looked into this ingeneral. His one word of advice teresting observation. He pulled out was, "Hold fast to the Slovak line." the old issues of various newspapers, including uncensored copies, President Tiso visited the editor's and compared the texts of these office regularly once a week and �164 SLOVAKIA The name of Dr. Tiso appears throughout Tak sme sa poznali. The men portrayed in its pages were either for or against the Slovak State, which is another way of saying they were either with Tiso Dr. Pauco presents the substance or against him. of many of these meetings. They President Tiso had his enemies, constitute a remarkable and authentic dossier of Tiso's policies, his ob- and they were not only the Gerjectives, and his views on perplex- mans. They included men in the ing situations, on government of- government, headed by Prime Minficials , on history and world affairs, ister Vojtech Tuka. Dr. Pauco carefully differentiates between Presiincluding America. dent, the government and the SloPages are written about Tiso's vak State. How the Slovak State identification and contact with the managed to come into existence, common people, both as President assume responsibility for its welland as a pastor of Banovce. People being and development and actualhad free access to him always. In ly achieve a high standard of operatheir visits throughout the country, tion despite pressures from within towns and villages, Tiso and his out and opposition and challenges representatives were a cc o rd e d from within, this is the account one honors from the people utterly de- reads with admiration in Dr. voted to them. And Tiso took every Pauco's book. occasion to instruct the people on But Dr. Tiso was not merely optitheir duties to the state, and they responded with the utmost generos- mistic for the fate of the Slovak ity. Well-known is the people's sup- Republic; he had the highest trust port of the national economy and in God's Providence for it. We retheir generous offering of all their echo that trust and believe firmly gold jewelry to supply the neces- that Dr. Pauco's book will be one sary gold backing for the banks in of the means God will use to acquaint the world with the truth the first months of the Republic. about Slovakia and to lead it to Tough realist that he was known acknowledge Slovakia's right to to be, Tiso rarely exhibited the self-government and to guarantee deep and abiding affection he felt it to her. for the Slovak masses. Yet on ocTAK SME SA POZN ALI is a casion he allowed himself to be carried away by his feelings. Dr. tremendously vital book. In rePauco recalls the graceful gesture counting his experiences in the Sloof hands extended to a crowd of vak Republic - "All of which he one hundred thousand Slovak citi- saw, part of which he was" - Dr. zens assembled before the National Pauco has written authentic hisTheatre and Tiso's moving words tory. As such it will live and addressed to them: "Nation of flourish . Sister M. Tarcisia, SS.C.M mine, I love you." oftener. Similarly Tiso's office was open at all times to Pauco. All he had to do was make an appointment with Tiso 's secretary ; rarely did he have to wait. �SLOVAKliA 165 OON'TIRIBU'DIONS ON SLOVAKIA IN THE S'YM:POSID1M BOHEMIA Gogolak, L. von, "T. G. Masaryks slowakische und ungarlandische Politik" (Masaryk's Slovak and Hungarian Policy), Munich, 1963. Vol. IV, p. 174-227. Hoensch, J. K. , "Die Grundlagen des Programms der Slowakischen Volkspartei vor 1938 (The Basis of the Programme of the Slovak Populist Party before 1938), Munich, 1960, Vol. VII, p. 320-356. ceptable. As far as Masaryk's influence on Slovak politics before 1918 is concerned, Professor Gogolak's conclusions seem to be, however, less acceptable. It seems that he adopted the Czech view which always exaggerated Masaryk's influence on Slovakia before 1918, and even more exaggerated the role of the "Hlasists," who before 1918 were either students or their influence was very limited. On the other hand, Prof. Gogolak appears to be emotionally biased towards the Slovak nationalist group and especially toward Andrej Hlinka and his Party, which this reviewer mentioned also previously.* The group around "Hlas" became a political force only after 1918 when Masaryk divided among them political and economic power, regardless of their capabilities, age and influence in Slovakia. On the other hand , Vajansky, Skultety and the nationalist group of Turciansky (not Turcansky) Sv. Martin represented thinking of a large segment of Slovak population whatever we can say of their ideas. But Professor Gogolak, consciously or not, forgot to mention another group which was in-between, or close to the group in Turciansky Sv. Martin, and the only one represented in Budapest as a result of the elections: the Catholics Skycak, Juriga, Hlinka and the intellectuals around "Tovarysstvo," led by Oswald, to whom originally belonged also Gregor Tajovsky, erroneously called medical doctor by Gogolak. While reviewing another very well-written treatise on Slo- Bohemia is actually an annual (Jahrlmch) of the Colegium Carolinum in Munich for the problems of the Czech lands (Bohemia in Latin), but in recent years we could find in this well-edited symposium several contributions dealing with Slovak political topics. The above contributions are among those which should not escape analysis and some critical comments on the Slovak side, because they are basically valuable and of high academic standards. Professor Gogolak, whose previous studies made him one of the best experts on Slovakia in German language, deals with a controversial subject of Masaryk's origin and his influence on Slovak politics before 1918. Masaryk is, according to Gogolak, of Slovak background or in other words a Slovak from the ethnic point of view, but assimilated with the Czechs as Kosuth and Petofi did with Hungarians. He had first a German education and became Czech in his adult age, but his Slovak origin haunted him and therefore he wanted Slovaks to follow his footsteps: to assimilate with Czechs. This is, in a nutshell, Gogolak's thesis, supported by a thorough re- * See Slavic and East-European search and references to works in Studies (Universite de Montreal) , several languages, and it seems ac- Vol. XII, 1, p. 63. �166 SLOVAKIA vak politics by Professor Gogolak, I mentioned that he can be surprisingly objective when he speaks about the Magyarization, but he seems to have an emotional prejudice against those who later were organized in the Hlinka's party and his writings indicate a "favourable bias," when he speaks about Slovak "Czechoslovaks," especially about Hodza , Derer, Ivanka , Stefanek and others, and about their role in Slovakia before 1918. This is to be regretted because rarely anyone displayed such a thorough knowledge of literature on Slovakia in several languages and could penetrate even into the political climate in Slovakia and mentality of the Slovak people as Professor Gogolak did. to be regretted that he repeats some self-evident errors (for instance persons in Tuka's group who never belonged there). The programme and policy of the Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party is presented by Hoensch in Bohemia even less objectively than in his book, since many explanations of the background of Slovak politics, which we find in the book, are missing in the contribution to Bohemia. The adversaries of the Slovak aspirations for freedom and self-rule can, therefore , misuse again his study as they did with his book, which was recently thoroughly analyzed on the Slovak side by Professor Frantisek Vnuk. ** Because there is nothing new in H-0ensch's contribution which we could not find in his book, we refer the reader to the above mentioned reviews and express regrets that Dr. Hoensch's well-documented studies on Slovakia are not free of bias and that he did not avoid being influenced by the Czech and communist sources in his conclusions about the policy of Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party. J . M. Kirschbaum The contribution by Jorg K. Hoensch seems to be a re-written chapter of his b<Wk Die Slowakei und Hitlers Ostpolitik (Hlinkas Slowakische Volkspartei zwischen Autonomie und Separation 19381939) which was reviewed by this reviewer in the quarterly Slowakei (Vol. IV, No. 2, p. 58-64) and commented on it in Slavic and East European Studies (Vol. XII, 1, p. 61) . Since Dr. Hoensch's book was ** See L iterarny Almanach Slovaka published in 1965 and his contribu- v Amerike for 1968, (Middletown, tion under review in 1967, it is Pa.) p. 21-45. SLOVAKS IN CANADA Kirschbaum, J.M., Slovaks in Canada, (Canadian Ethnic Press Association of Ontario), Toronto, 1967, XVI- 480 pp. Bibliography, Index, Illustrations. The present book by Prof. Joseph Kirschbaum is more than a true and conscienious report about the happenings to the Slovaks in Canada. It is a bi-continental report on the destiny of one of the oldest nations in Central Europe, a report on the struggle for a survival both in the old homeland and in Canada. The book itself shared the adventures of overcoming the obstacles to its survival i. e. to its publication; the same ones and coming from the very same groups which were and are at the origin of the fact that the Slovaks are denied to live a �SLOVAiaA free way of life in their own homeland. It is amazing to see to what degree the moral awareness for the human dignity can be blinded and muzzled even in the free Western world by a flood of propaganda, accepted without any criticism and without any desire to find out what the facts really are; in the present case, what the real facts are with regard to the Slovaks. From this point of view this book is much more than a book of History. It is a true History indeed, yet at the same time, and by the fact of being a true History, it is an appeal to the moral conscience of the Western world to recognize the due right of the Slovaks for a free life, even if there are no more of them than 4.5 million in Slovakia. There are about 65,000 Canadians of Slovak origin and well over one million of them in the U.S.A. The social, economic, religious and cultural history of the Slovak immigrant is basically nothing less than a profound human plea for a free life, it is a cry for freedom. Are many people ready to listen to it? Those who do not want to be disturbed in their more or less comfortable ideological pew-should put this book aside. However, if someone is inclined to risk his "mauvaise conscience" with regard to this particular case, he will get his reward both for Canada and for a people that do not ask to be judged on the merits of the facts. In this case you are going to be witness of the story that can accomplish the human craving for freedom and you will feel proud to be a member of a nation where only the freedom is the limit to the human energy. Dr. Kirschbaum gives us a thor- 167 ough and stimulating history and analysis of the life of Slovak Canadians, beginning with the first settlers in the West during the 1880's to the political refugees who fled their native land at the end of the Second World War, unwilling to accept foreign domination and Communist regime in Slovakia. The author has left few stones unturned in his research; he visited the places where Slovak Canadians live and where many died; talked to the organizers of Slovak religious and social organizations, and read their press, which in a period of 57 years has numbered 17 newspapers and 13 cultural and religious periodicals. The author also explains at some length the reasons which led Slovaks to organize themselves in associations, thus giving us an insight into the ways an immigrant group was able to adapt in a country where language and custom barriers were not the only obstacles to overcome. In time, most of these obstacles were not only overcome, but Slovak Canadians were able to make very worthy contributions to the arts and sciences as well as to the economic development of Canada. These contributions are discussed in the second of a new two-part definition of the concept of intergration which is analyzed at some length. Dr. Kirschbaum is particularly qualified to convey the story of the Slovak group in Canada to other Canadians and to link it to its origin in the old country. A Slovak European, he arrived with his family to Canada 19 years ago via several years of traveling and studying in Italy, France, Switzerland and other European countries. He participated in many fields of the Canadian life; from economy, �168 SWVAK1A social, religious, ethnic, to cultural and in particular in the University life, as former Professor at the Universite de Montreal, and lecturer at the University of Ottawa and the University of Toronto. One has to fully agree with the author's remark in his Preface that, "The story which the book tells about Slovaks in Canada is the saga of a small group of people in a new land who preserved their identity and achieved success against many odds. Many aspects of their history can apply to several other ethnic groups, particularly to those who came to Canada from the territories of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire: Poles, Slovenes, Croats, Czechs (Bohemians), and also some Ukrainians (Galicians). Basically it is a simple story without heroic deeds, but not without the courage and perseverance which brought final success. A great deal of that success is due to the democratic institutions of Canada to the tolerance of its people and the abundant resources of the land; but the main factor was the human element: a healthy and hard working people and their will to struggle and succeed, to prosper and create a better future culturally, religiously and econo- mically. The reader may conclude for himself how well they achieved these aims." Furthermore, many will also agree "Whatever happens, the purpose of this book will have been served if the second and third generations of Slovak Canaclians remember their origin and become aware of the reasons which brought Slovaks to Canada, their difficult beginnings, their successful struggles, and their contributions to Canadian life. It is also hoped that this book will serve historians in their accounts of the different aspects of Canadian history." The book makes a considerable contribution to the knowledge of Canada for all Canadians who are desirous to know their country better. It is primarily directed to the second generation Slovak Canadians and to the English speaking Canadians, but the French speaking Canadians also can get a glimpse into the contents of the book through the extensive French resume. At the same time the book is a sincere undertaking in the service of freedom and human dignity of man applied to the dramatic case of the Slovak people. Charles Murin THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA through its Ladies Auxiliary, the "VCIELKY" (Bees), sponsors Slovak cultural displays. concerts, lectures, art exhibits, folk festjvals, social evenings, etc. Our aim is to have a "Hive" of our "Vcielky" in every large Slovak community. �169 SLOVAKIA AS OTHERS SEE IT "The Free world knows the methods used by the Soviets when they aggressed and through milittary might, enslaved Poland, Slo• vakia, Lithuania, Romania, Hungary, and all the peoples in the Bal• kan nations' area. The Soviets, under Stalin and Khruschev, not only enslaved the people remaining in their homeland but deported millions into the wilds of Siberia to work and die in slave labor camps." (Congressman Ray J. Madden). "Freedom and job opportunity, and the promise of an honest day's wages for an honest day's work, brought our forefathers from Rumania and Slovakia, and from the other European countries, to the shores of America. Many of you came to this country, and through honest labor and toil, you achieved personal s u c c e s s, and if not wealth, certainly well being. The churches, the schools, the many other institutions, and the neat and well kept neighborhoods in the Slovak communities, are the fruits of the labors of many Slovaks who toiled long and hard in the coal mines of Pennsylvania, the steel mills of Ohio and Indiana, and on the railroads which connected in• dustry to the markets. Indeed, as an industrious people, the Slovaks have achieved a respected and honorable place among the nationality and ethnic peoples of this country." - Ralph S. Locher, former mayor of the City of Cleve• land, Ohio "True, ever since the founding of the state in 1918 there have been conflicts between Czechs and Slovaks. The Slovaks resented Czech supremacy ... "The Czech-Slovak dispute centered around the interpretation of the Czechoslovak nation-whether Czechs and Slovaks are one or two nations. The dispute has long been decided in favor of the second interpretation. Czechs and Slovaks Stephen are two nations. " Borsody, The New York Times "Traditional rivalry between the Czech and Slovak nationalities forms the backdrop for charges that Slovakia was being neglected in economic development projects. "And most of the writers who have criticized the government were Slovaks, including Ladislav Mnacko who defected to Israel last August in protest against the regime's strict pro-Arab stand in the Middle East war. - ( Associated Press) Evening News, Harrisburg, Pa. "The Czech Communist Party has been plagued by several fundamental problems-one of them a Slovak demand for more autonomy and broader economic opportunity." ( CA AP-Reuter ) The N ewcastie Sun "Some students of this country (Czecho-Slovakia ) believe the Slovakian drive for national autonomy is the key liberalizing factor. An embryonic parliamentarism is de• veloping as committees of the Na• tional Assembly, no longer a Sovietstyle rubber stamp, mend Govern• ment bills." (Philadelphia Inquir• er.) "A key factor in the downfall of Czecho-Slovakia's Antonin Novotny, a Stalinist Czech, was the opposition of the Slovaks ... it seems obvious that Czech preponderance �170 SLOVAK'.llA would never allow a Slovak to exercise more than limited control." (Richard Eder, The New York Times) the citizens of our country by contributing to a better understanding and appreciation of Slovak tradition, has made a significant mark on our culture. I wish you "In November, Mr. Dubcek led many more years of success in an attack on the Novotny leader- these endeavors." - Senator Robert ship, charging that the Prague F. Kennedy (N.Y.) regime had slighted Slovakia not only in term of economic develop"It is a pleasure to send greetment, but also in political terms." ings to the Slovak League of Amer(David Binder, The New York ica. One of the great strengths of Times) the United States is the cultural and historical diversity of its peo"And of course, the Slovaks are ple. The preservation of the unique still not happy with the orders they heritage of the Slovak people enget from Prague: Communist or riches the whole community." not, they would like to have a state Senator Clifford P. Case (N.J.) of their own ... "The Czechs, however, did not "Americans of Slovak descent even budge. Their Russian rulers have contributed to every sector easily forestalled any Czech action of our national life. Their dedica- by releasing Czech food reserves tion to democracy has been proven to Czech consumers. The East Euro- over and over again. They have had pean saying is: 'The Czechs opened a mighty impact on our cultural their mouths not to protest but to and political life, and I salute The eat.' The Czechs themselves add: Slovak League of America on this 'The Russians kept us quiet by occasion." - Senator Harrison A. stuffing our mouths with our own Williams, Jr. (N.J.) Czech sausage'." (Dr. Albert Parry, The [San Diego, Calif.] Union) "The Slovak League of America has rendered an important service "To the Slovaks, headed by Pre- in keeping alive the culture and mier Jozef Lenart, Novotny repre- traditions of the Slovak people in sents the old tradition of Czech America. It has alway emphasized domination and denial of full equal- the blessings of freedom and deity." - The New York Times mocracy." - Charles S. Joelson, "You (The Chicago Tribune) (N.J.) Member of Congress printed that I was a Czech. My "Congratulations to the Slovak mother was furious. She got out League of America and their enthe maps and wants to prove that deavors to preserve the historical we're Slovaks, not Czechs." (Jim background of their homeland. Valek, head foot-ball coach at Uni"One project I would like to unversity of Illinois.) dertake is to make a Bibliography "I am very pleased to salute the of all worthwhile publications Slovak League of America on its covering history, literature, music 60th Anniversary. Americans of and art because it is over twentySlovak origin have contributed as five years since anything was pubmuch as any group to the greatness lished in Slovakia by a free society. of our nation, and your organiza- The Congressional Library can tion, promating the welfare of all probably be very helpful in this �SLOVAKIA 171 project and might be able to do it through Slovakia, which for cenfor you." - Edward E. Patten turies belonged to Hungary. The Slovak language had a renaissance, (N.J.), Member of Congress thousands of folksongs and tales "The Slovak people over the cen- were gathered and given literary turies have given numerous evid- form . ences of their unquestionable de"This work was done by the sire for freedom . Catholic clergy and the village "The many thousands of Amerteachers. The priests also stood icans of Slovak descent have made with the people in their struggles great c o n tr i bu ti o n s in many with the Hungarians, Czechs, nazis spheres to the development and and communists. growth of our country. And the "The natural center of all Slofierce love of freedom which they vak life was the local church, its brought with them from their clergy, the sacraments; in short, motherland has strengthened Amerthe Christian faith in its Catholic ica's own fabric of freedom. form." - Rune P . Thuringer, NC "I wish the Slovak League of News Service America many more decades of patriotic, civic, and cultural activ"Several heads of Church deanity." - Senator Thomas J. Dodd eries in Czecho-Slovakia have been (Conn.) summoned or visited by security police to answer questions about "It is a pleasure to send warm greetings and heartiest congratula- priests who are not active in the tions to the Officers and Members peace priest movement, which supof The Slovak League of America ports that nation's communist as you celebrate your 60th Anniver- regime. The interrogations, according to KNA, German Catholic news sary. agency, also centered on those "Your organization is to be commended for its notable contribu- priests who have been relieved of tions to the economic and social their priestly duties by the govern1ife of our state and perpetuating ment and who are working in agrithe great tradition and heritage of cultural and industrial jobs. Some the Slovak culture which has great- of them are allegedly performing ly enriched the American society. pastoral functions in secret." "I send my best wishes to all NCWC News Service, Washington, present for a most enjoyable D.C. evening and continuing years of "Copies of Pope Paul Vi's encycsuccess in all of your fine en- lical On the Development of PeoSenator Jacob K . ples, as well as copies of his appeal deavors." Javits (N.Y.) for a world Day of Peace, have "Slovak League of America is in- been returned to Vienna by officterested in promoting better under- ials of the Czecho-Slovak post ofstanding and appreciation of the fice system. "Stamped 'Not permitted in the Slovak nation, its history, cultural Czecho-Slovak Socialist Republic' traditions and struggle for freedom." (The Evening News, Harris- by Czech officials, the materials had been mailed to Catholic pubburg, Pa.) lications and individuals in Czecho"During the last century, a Slovakia," according to KNA, the strong nationalist movement went German Catholic news service �172 SLOVA.KilA in that communist-ruled country (Czecho-Slovakia) many Catholic priests and a number of bishops are still in jail or confinement." - (Sunday News, New York, N.Y.) "At present, the Czech law permits workers, students and church groups to hold meetings in the open without notifying the police in advance. Now the authorities propose a regulation that will require religious processions, including funeral corteges from the church to the cemetery, to be announced three days in advance." NC News Service "At present, priests in CzechoSlovakia are all but suffocated under a mountain of petty government restrictions. These include such detailed regulations that a pastor has to get specific government approval for a nearby priest to come and say Mass or hear Confessions." - (NCWC News Service, Washington, D.C.) "With regard to institutional problems, the talks between the Vatican and the Czecho-Slovakian government will have to consider the following points in order of importance: -"Bishops: Of the dioceses (six Slovakian, two Moravian, four Bohemian), only four (three Slovakian and one Bohemian) have a bishop. The ether seven are governed by vicars capitular. That is the most important problem. -"The seminaries. We have only two major seminaries: at Litomerice for Bohemia and Moravia and at Bratislava for Slovakia. This year 80 students were ad• mitted at Litomerice and 95 at Bratislava. There were more candidates than that. Continuing at that rate, we will in 10 years have half as many priests as we have today. -"The religious education of children. The situation is particularly bad in the cities. In Prague, for example, onl)' 700 children are enrolled in catechism classes. Religion is taught in state schools only to children between the ages of seven and 13. In the villages, the situation is much better. At present, I estimate that in Slovakia, a tradition,ally Catholic country like Poland, 80 per cent of the children of Catholic parents are enrolled in catechism classes, in Moravia 50 per cent and in Bohemia 20 per cent. This situation is not very different from that of pre-war days. "In all, of the 14 million inhabitants of Czecho-Slovakia, 60 per cent are Catholics, 10 per cent are Protestants, and 30 per cent are atheists. Among the Catholics, 34 per cent in Slovakia and 15 per cent in Bohemia are practicing. -"Another problem is working priests. At present we estimate that there are 1,500 ecclesiasticsof whom 80 per cent are Religious -who have non-religious jobs. In 1966, a total of 300 received the government's authorization to take up their ministry again. "Religious orders and congregations do not always have the right to accept novices." - Czech Bishop Frantisek Tomasek * THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA stands for honesty, intergrity, industry and justice in government. �SLOVAKIA 173 CONTRIBUTOR S Hletko, Peter Paul M.D., physician-surgeon; (semi-retired); med. examiner of many insurance Co's ; born June 26, 1902 in Chicago, Ill.; son of Martin and Catherine (Hargas) Hletko; educated, St. Michael's School (1908-1915), Chicago, St. Procopius Academy and College, Lisle, Ill. (1915-1919) and (191921); De Paul Univ., Chicago (192123, B.Sc. in Chem. 1923) ; Loyola University, Chicago, (M.D. 1927); Resident Staff (interne) Cook County Hosp., Chicago (1927-1928); instructor in clinical neurology Loyola U. Medical School (193135); wed Anna E . Remijas in 1938; led Slovak League of America delegation to Czecho-Slovakia in 1938 in behalf of Pittsburgh Pact recognition; pres. Slovak League of America (1935-1939) and (1963-64); Hon. President and member of Exec. Committee of Slovak League (1938-1965); vice-pres. Slovak Cath. Federation of America (1934); Supr. Med. Examiner, Slovak Cath. Sokol (1927-1964) ; Hon. Med. Examiner (emeritus), and Member of Exec. Comm. Slovak Cath. Sokol; Supr. Med. Examiner Nat. Slovak Society (1934-39); secretary, Supreme Court of Nat. Slovak Society ( 1926-1934); organizer and 1st pres. 'Club Furdek' (Cath. Slovak Cultural Society, Chicago) 1929; member Amer. Med. Assoc., Ill. Med. Assoc. and Chicago Medical Assoc. since 1929; med. examiner of Municipal Court and Law Dept. Benefit and Pension Fund, Chicago, ( 1936-61); President, Gage Park Savings & Loan Assn., Chicago, since 1935. Author: "The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact" (published by Slovak Catholic Federation - 1934); wrote "lskry" - reprint of satiro-comic column in the Osad- ne Hlasy (Slovak Parish News), 1931 ; edited the "Catholic Slovak Sokol Cook-Book," 1964; contrib. editor, Osadne Hlasy (Chicago Parish News, 1927-63); editor "Jaro," English supplement to "Jednota", 1927-36. Editor, 'Chicagsky Dennik' (Chicago Slovak Daily News) , 192627. Democrat. Hobbies: Books, philately, pinochle. Home: Warrenville, Ill. Office : 2740 W. 55th St. Chicago, Illinois 60632 Emerentia Petr<isek, Mother M., B.A., M.A., of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Pennsy1vania. Danville, Born in Sugar Notch, Pennsylvania. Member of Holy Rosary Slovak Parish, Ashley. Elementary grades in local public school and St. Leo Parochial School, Ashley. B.A. and M.A., Marywood College, Scranton, Pa. Among the first aspirants to the newly founded Congregation of Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. One of the founding teachers of the First Catholic Slovak Gi,rls' High School, now St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa. Founder of the St. Cyril Academy annual Fialky, and for long years its moderator, Mother M. Emerentia guided young writers and trained them in skills which have since borne fruit in college research papers and creative writing on the part of SCA alumnae. Professor of Slovak at St. Cyril Academy and Marywood College, Mother M. Emerentia compiled Ucebnica slovenskej reci (1929) and Steps in Elementary Slovak (1949), �174 SLOVAK1A a text which is being continuously revised and supplemented. For several years she has been conducting a Correspondence Course for the Sisters teaching in parish schools. She has issued several editions of Slovak songs and hymnbooks for use in Slovak parish schools. Most recently under her direction have been issued Slovak hymns in translation : Bethlehem Carols and Alleluia. (1967) Mother M. Emerentia has written the history of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, portions of which have appeared from time to time in various Slovak publications, including the Fialky . In 1959 an abridged edition, entitled, Brief History of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius Told in Fiv e Decades, appeared serially in the Jednota and also in the Danville News. A limited num- ber of copies were printed. Frank Bandar was born on November 13, 1917 in Cejkov, Slovakia. He attended the elementary school there ; went to high school in Michalovce and graduated in 1940 in Ko~ice; and then went on to major in Economics at the University of Budapest. His studies were interrupted for political reasons and the war. During that time, he was a member of the Slovak University Students of the Hungary Club and a member of the United Slovak Party of Hungary. After some temporary employment, in 1948 he attempted to finish his studies in Prague, but did not pass the communist screening. He was imprisoned for a few months for political reasons. In 1949 he escaped to West Germany and in the same year emigrated to Canada. In 1956 he received his B.A. Degree in Economics from Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario. In 1965 he emigrated to the United States and became a Research Economist at Columbia University. In September, 1967 he was awarded his M.A. Degree in Economics at the University of New York. As fourth Superior General of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Mother M. Emerentia supervised the errection of the beautiful chapel of SS. Cyril and Methodius at Villa Sacred Heart, Danville, Pa. Known far and wide as an architectural About Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum gem , it is a Slovak treasure house and Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS. in its stained glass windows and its C.M., see Slovakia 1966; about Sisr eligious symbolism. ter M. Evangela Lubek, SS. C.M., At present, as a retired teacher, Mother M . Emerentia is occupied in various Community duties and continuing a life-long interest in Slovak- language, education, history, and literature. She operates a Slovak Book Department, disseminating Slovak publications nationwide, and keeping in touch with all cultural movements affecting Slovak interests. see Slovakia 1965, and about Fr. Andrew Pir, 0 .S.B., see Slovakia 1967. Sister M . Raymund Horvath, SS. C.M. and Sister M. Tarcisia, SS. C.M., are teaching at the St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa. Dr. Charles Murin is a Professor of Philosophy at the University of Montreal. �SLOVAKliA 175 SLOVAKIA is published annual]~· by the Rlovak League of Ameriea, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. One of the purposes of SLOYAKJA is to promote a better understanding and. appreeiatio11 of the Slovak nation and. its long struggle for freedom and. independence. As Americans, membel'S of the Rlonlk League of Ameriea fi1·mly believe that the SloYak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the .American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peaee and are determined to oppose the plague of Conmmnism and all other totalitarian politic-al s:;·stems. Subscription to SloYakia $2.00 per year in the "C".S.A. - $3.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA 313 Ridge Avenue Middletown, Pa. 17057 �176 SLOVAKIA Contents An Agreement Which Was Never Realized - Tkach - Stephen J . 1 The Slovaks and The Pittsburgh Pact - Peter P. Hletko M.D. -5 Jednota and The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius - M. Emerentia Petra§ek, SS.C.M. The Slovak Press in Canada - 55 J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. - Economic Discrimination Against Slovakia - - Mother 78 Frank Bandor 109 First Slovak Newspapermen in America - Tybor, SS.C.M. Current Issues - 132 Book Reviews - 143 As Others See It Contributors - Sister M. Martina 121 169 173 Photographic Copy of Original Pittsburgh Pact - 4 �PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1968, Vol. 18 Description An account of the resource Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 132 SLOVAK.IA CURRENT ISSUES MANIFESTO OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Americans of Slovak descent have always expressed their loyalty to the United States of America, in harmony with their traditional effort of preserving peace and order and helping to strengthen the principles for which our democracy stands. A very large segment of the Slovak nation is thankful to Almighty God for having found a home in this our free and great republic, not only because we can freely express our private views and wishes, but also because we can speak freely in behalf of a nation which has so many times looked upon the Slovaks in the United States as their only hope for freedom and salvation. A great milestone in the life of Americans of Slovak descel'lt was the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact on May 30, 1918 in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania where the Slovak League of America, representing the Slovaks in the United States, met with their Czech counterparts under the leadership of Thomas G. Masaryk. The basis of the Pittsburgh Pact lies in this assertion: "Slovakia shall have her own administration, her own- assembly, and her own courts." This was the result of the spirit of self-determination which started at the initiative of the United States. In this spirit not only American Slovaks, but the Slovaks in Slovakia demanded their right to a free nation, and sincerely desired to reach an agreement with the Czech nation, with whom, according to the Pittsburgh Pact, they were to live in a federation. It is a historical fact that it was not the fault of the Slovaks that the spirit and letter of the Pittsburgh Pact was realized only at the end of 1938, when there was no longer any possibility of even a federation for the Slovak and Czech peoples. The European and world political forces dictated a new development, which neither the Slovaks nor Czechs could influence. The only chance presented to the Slovaks was to look for new approaches and opportunities to preserve their own Slovak entity. This salvation was SLOVAKIA 133 found, though the Slovak nation as well as the Slovak people in the United States had hoped that this salvation would have come from the west, and especially from the United States. After the second world war Slovaks found themselves under the domination of communism and Czechs. Again as in the case of the Pittsburgh Pact, Prague leaders did not keep their word and the principle of self-determin ation was not realized in Slovakia. On the contrary, this principle of self-determin ation was oppressed not only by the Czechs, but by the Soviets as well, who mercilessly stopped any attempt and expression for a free and democratic way of life. Remembering with reverence and admiration our predecessors who signed this historical document in Pittsburgh, we must express our position on this occassion, the 50th Anniversary of the Pittsburgh Pact, negotiated by the Slovak League and those American-Slo vak organizations who joined her in the furtherance of this Slovak objective. To the question asked here in the United States and in Slovakia, "What is the position of Americans of Slovak descent concerning Slovakia today?", the following is our response : -The principles of justice, freedom, and democracy as represented by American thinking and action are sacred and untouchable to the Slovak League of America -The welfare, security, and preservation of the future of the United States is our utmost objective -No sacrifice is too large when the very foundations of American institutional life are involved, as well as the security of private ownership. The spread of the good name of the United States in word, but especially in deed, in the press and by example is primary with the Slovak League -Bearing in mind that the Slovak nation was, is, and always will be an ally of the west, and especially the United States, giving America almost half her sons and daughters and, ..:._Following and closely scrutinizing the developments in Slovakia, and knowing that freedom is a gift from God, The Slovak League of America endorses the highest right of the Slovak nation, and requests for 134 SLOVAKIA Slovakia an independent Slovak Republic, which government and judical system will be chosen by the Slovak people in a free and democratic election. In this behalf, so help us God! February 26, 1968 Stephen J. Tkach, President D r. Joseph Pauco, Secretary Executive Committee: Rt. Rev. Theodore Koji s, O.S.B . John A . Sabol Joseph Prusa Joseph Kristofik SLOVAK POLITICS "Give us this day our daily bread" in the Lord's Prayer was explained by Andrej H 1 ink a as politics! Why? Because in that petition our economic needs are implied and since we cannot presume to impose upon Divine Providence to rain down Manna from the heavens above, we must work for our daily bread. But when this demands superhuman effort because of foreign exploitation of the country one inhabits, then the inhabitants must do something about it . . . and they must become involved in politics. Such were the circumstances in Hlinka's time when Czech c a r p e tbaggers and their allies exploited the Slovaks ( as the Magyars had done before them ) that the Slovak priest in the role of a good shepherd sought to protect his flock from being fleeced by alien interlopers and thieves, and the same need exists today, for the Prague central government controls the national economy in Slovakia. Visitors to Expo 67 were amazed to note the small number of Slovak personnel in Montreal's pavilion that represented Czecho-Slovakia. The ratio was quite accurately estimated at 5 or 6 to 1. This is gross injustice to the Slovak nation when one considers there are approximately 5 million Slovaks and 9 million Czechs. These two nations constitute 90 % of the population of the c-SSR, ie., SLOVAKIA Czecho-Slovak Socialist Republic (the 10 % represents Magyar, Polish, German, Gypsy and Jewish people. N.B. More than 3 million Germans were expelled from the Sudeten lands and some 700,000 Ruthenes were annexed in the eastern area of Czecho-S 1 o v a k i a by the U.S.S.R. in the Carpatho-Rusin region). The same discrimination against the Slovaks by the Czech ruling regime is being shown in Slovakia where the great majority of official government personnel and industrial management is preponderantly n o n-Slovak. Moreover, the Czechs hold 90 % of the number of army 135 officers from the top to the bottom! These facts which indicate what a death-grip the Czech regime has on Slovakia economically and militarily fully justify the Slovaks in their determination to free themselves from foreign rule, and if we consider that they are deprived of religious freedom, too, American Slovaks cannot help but extend a helping hand to oppressed brethren beyond the seas. We are in sympathy with their cause, and for that reason individually and collectively we, too, are determined to do something about it, even if it means we must go into politics! A . P. U.S. IMMIGRATION PATTERN TO CHANGE JULY 1 On July 1, 1968, the United States will put into effect a new immigration system. In place of the old national origins quotas, visas will be issued without regard to the immigrant's birthplace or nationality on a world-wide, first-come first-served basis, according to a series of preferences established by the law of October 3, 1965. However, not more than 20,000 immigration visas may be issued in any one year to the natives of any Eastern Hemisphere country (Europe, Asia and Africa ), and not more than 170,000 visas may be issued in any year to immigrants from all Eastern Hemisphere countries. Excluded from these totals will be the immediate relatives of American citizens, that is, their spouses, children or parents. Also, on July 1, a numerical limitation, 120,000 a year, will be placed for the first time on immigration from the W e s t e r n Hemisphere (South and Central America, Mexico and Canada). As in the Eastern Hemisphere, this. 136 SLOVAKIA limitation will not apply to the immediate relatives of American citizens. The 20,000 ceiling applicable to individual countries in the Eastern Hemisphere will not apply to Western Hemisphere countries. Not more than 200 visas may be issued in any year to the natives of a colony or dependent area. How is this new system likely to affect immigration to the United States? Numerically, it is not likely to result in any pronounced change. In the five years preceding enactment of the October 3, 1965 law, immigration averaged 290,062 a year; in the following two, the average was 342,506. Since the demand for visas in both Eastern and Western Hemispheres is expected to exceed the totals permitted (170,000 a nd 120,000 respectively) and :since the number of immigrants exempt from numerical limitation has been running around 40,000 a year (not counting the natives of Western Hemisphere countries), it seems likely that under the new system immigration will be approximately 330,000, or a third of a million, a year. It is certain, however, that the ethnic composition of immigration to the United States will be different. Countries which had small quotas but long waiting lists will be sending far more immigrants than those which formerly had 1 a r g e quotas such as Great Britain, Germany and Ireland. The U.S. Visa Office estimates that in the Eastern Hemisphere the countries sending the largest number of immigrants in the year beginning July 1 will be Italy, Greece, Portugal, China and the Philippines. With immigration on a world-wide basis, what is important for the would-be immigrant is that he get on the waiting list in his country as early as possible. Even if he does, his chances of coming to the United States are slight, unless he qualifies for one of the seven categories entitled to preference. These seven categories or preferences and the number of visas to which each is entitled are as follows: 1. Unmarried s o n s and daughters of U.S . citizens. 34,000 (20 percent of the 170,000 total) 2. Spouses and unmarried sons and daughters of aliens lawfully admitted for permanent residence. 34,000 (20 percent) plus numbers unused by First Preference 3. Members of the professions, and scientists and SLOVAKIA artists of exceptional ability. 17,000 (10 percent) 4. Married sons and daughters of U.S. citizens. 17 ,000 (10 percent) plus numbers unused by higher preferences 5. Brothers and sisters of U.S. citizens. 40,800 (24 percent) plus numbers unused by higher preferences 6. Skilled and unskilled workers in occupations for which labor is in short supply in the U.S. 17,000 (10 percent ) 7. Refugees. 10,200 (6 percent) ( These preferences apply to all E a s t e r n Hemisphere countries. They do not apply to the Western Hemisphere, where for the present at least there are no preferences.) The foregoing system of selection puts principal emphasis on family relationships. The Visa Office estimates that the 85,000 visas available for first, second, and fourth preference immigrants in the year beginning July 1, 1968, will be more than enough to meet the demand in those categories. In contrast, it expects the third, fifth and sixth preferences to be greatly oversubscribed, so that there will be a substantial waiting list for brothers 137 and sisters of United States citizens (fifth preference), members of the professions (third preference), and skilled and unskilled aliens (sixth preference). The fifth preference is entitled to any unused numbers from the four earlier preferences. Unlike the relative preferences, the third and sixth preference are limited to the numbers assigned them. The Visa Office anticipates that on June 30, 1968, there will be a backlog or waiting list for the third preference of some 48,000 . Since only 17,000 numbers a year are available for this category, the backlog and waiting period will increase. This is also true for the sixth preference, skilled and unskilled aliens in short supply. For the fifth preference the Visa Office estimates a backlog on June 30, 1968, of 194,000. This is expected to decrease to 179,200, but that will still mean a substantial waiting time. At present some aliens in countries with large or not fully used quotas have been getting visas as nonpreference immigrants, even though they could qualify for the ,third or sixth preference. But this will not be true after June 30, 1968, when visa issuance goes on a world-wide SLOVAKIA basis. Such persons, natives, for example, of such countries as Great Britain, Germany, Ireland, Sweden, Norway, if they are not sure of getting their v i s a s before July 1, should apply at once for preference, in order to avoid being at the end of the waiting list. In some countries, I t a 1 y for example, where the demand for the first five preferences will bring visa issuance to 20,000, there will be no sixth preference visas. As a r e s u 1 t of the new world-wide system, few, if any, visas will be available for nonpreference immigrants from Eastern Hemisphere countries after the national origins quotas are abolished on June 30, 1968. The demand for fifth and sixth preferences is so large that no numbers are expected to be left for nonpreference immigrants, except for any unused seventh preference numbers, and then only in countries in which preference demand does not exceed 20,000. Further, all nonpreference immigrants, as well as those within preference categories 3 and 6 and all W e s t e r n Hemisphere immigrants except immediate relatives, must obtain a "labor clearance" before receiving a visa. This is a certification from the Department of Labor that they will not displace American workers and that their admission will not have an adverse effect on the wages and working conditions of workers here. This provision, whatever its merit in protecting American labor, operates to prevent, or at least make more difficult, the admission of the nonpreference or "new seed" immigrant - that is, the kind of immigrant who in earlier years constituted the bulk of our immigration and contributed so much to the building of the United States. A VISIT TO SLOVAKIA An American Slovak of the younger generation recently returned from a brief visit to Slovakia. What he experienced and observed during his sojourn in the land of his forefathers I hereby report at his personal request. He did not wish to reveal his name because of fear that the ruling regime might take reprisals against relatives and friends. "I was in Slovakia. Like many others from America I went only for a short stay. SLOVAKIA 139 I saw the natural wonders of the land of my late parents. The three weeks that I spent there will never fade from my memory. Morever, r put down my impressions in my diary. their serious discussions about world affairs. Their minds, I could readily see, were involved in problems of the universe even at their tender age ranging from thirteen to seventeen. That the Slovak nation is deeply religious, open-hearted, hospitable, industrious, healthy and vigorous, honest and dignified, r learned at first hand. Slovak youth particularly, despite some weaknesses excesses and handicaps, i~ on the whole simply beautiful alert and alive wholeso~e and fully con~ scious of its national heritage I noted that both the boy~ and girls are obsessed by desire to learn. They are respectful to their elders, which is an ancient national trait and tradition. Their behavior was correspondingly very good. Their curiosity about what's happening in the rest of the world was simply astounding. I had the opportunity to observe this on my journey eastward via train. During the entire journey, I noticed groups of teen-agers huddled together over newspapers and periodicals. Their comments were both intelligent and stimulating. I have a good knowledge of the Slovak language and hence I could not help but appreciate their conversation, as well as Naturally, neither economically nor socially could they be compared with conditions in America. Their living standards. are far below th~s~ of our high standard, of hvmg. B':1t the people don t seem to mmd very much. The new ge~eratioi:1', alth~ugh inte:ested m the fmer thmgs of life, on the mater~al side, app~ar to be well adJusted to their present status while planning a ~etter future through educatlon and hard work. We who live in America know what the Slovaks desire more than anything in this world, namely, their freedom from foreign rule. There is no question that they do not enjoy either political or religious liberty. Anyone who has eyes to see and ears to hear cannot miss this obvious lack of local and national freedom or personal 1 i be rt y as we know it in America. The Slovaks bear a double yoke: a) Czech overrule b) Communist oppression. The regime is 'Czechoslovak' in theory and practice, and therefore, anti-Slovak, and communistic, hence 140 SLOVAKIA atheistic-in both cases expressly and extremely so. Slovak people, however, in spite of the above noted burdens they are forced to bear, have such native strength and stamina that they are making progress in industry, literature and culture, if not in politics. They are holding fast to the faith of their fathers. I was moved to tears when attending Mass in a number of churches. The voices of both young and old blended in a sacred symphony that was an outer manifestation of their deep and abiding faith. In the last twenty years the Slovaks have suffered much for their faith. Many died unsung martyrs because they refused to abandon their religious beliefs. This, I am firmly convinced assures the future national destiny of the Slovak people, for the blood of their martyrs and the constancy of countless confessors of the faith constitute an inexhaustible stream of living waters for generations to come. Eventually, the godless, not the Godly, will be overcome. In closing my remarks, I wish to leave this message: Do not fear the outcome. The Slovaks at home are not afraid. They are steadfast immovable in their faith. But pray, as our persecuted brethren in Slovakia pray constantly, that the day of their deliverance may come soon. That the day of liberation will come, there is no doubt in their minds. They look forward with anticipation to the day when once again, after a quarter of a century, they will guide the destiny of their country as free men under God." This is the way our young American fellow Slovak described his visit to Slovakia. We, who cherish our noble heritage of Christian faith and f r e e d o m in this great land of 1 i be rt y, welcome these realistic observations and reactions as unmistakable signs of the future, for a nation with such spirit and a wholesome outlook on life must certainly emerge triumphant after suffering an ordeal by fire in our tragic age of man's inhumanity to man. Slovakia with a glorious past now awaits the dawn of an even more glorious era. May God in His goodness and mercy grant the beginning of a new age of freedom and peace for the Slovak nation in our time. A. P. Annual SL O VA KI A is published by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue, Middletown, Pennsylvania. Subscription $2.00. Editor: Dr. Joseph Pauco. SLOVAKIA 141 JUST THE TRUTH ... PLEASE In the February 18, 1968, tions of the country which edition of The New York had traditionally figured as Times Magazine, Mr. Ed- the bulwark of democracy, mund Stillman presented les- the total vote for the Comsons on "The Fall of Czecho- munist-left Socialist coalition slovakia." Because I witnes- was a solid 55.76 per cent. sed the Communist take-over Only in agrarian and conof the country 20 years ago, servative S 1 ova k i a were I would like to make a few these proportions reversed." r e m a r k s on the article I would like to express my (pages 34-46) to correct some thanks for this truthful comfacts . ment. On May 26, 1946, I was elecIf not for the Czech majorted as a member of Parlia- ity, Czecho-Slovakia would be ment in Prague by a 92.3 % with the· west today. We Slomajority for the Slovak De- vaks are proud of our "primocratic Party. The night mitivism" against Communbefore the election the Com- ism, which was defeated in munists organized my kid- the 1946 election in Slovakia. napping to the USSR which Mr. Stillman mentioned a bordered my native district so-called "Czechoslovak naof Sobrance. My electoral tion" which doesn't e x i s t. district was along the "first" The Czech nation in in CzeIron Curtain. cho and the Slovak nation is Mr. Stillman called this in Slovakia with their own district " ... the more back- languages. I agree with the ward region of Slovakia to statement that on Wednesthe east . . .", and " .. . the day, February 25, "The ArchCzechs despised the Slovaks bishop of Prague called on as primitives or traitors." I the nation to support the was proud to be an educator Constitution." Ar ch bishop and a Superintendent of Beran called only on the Schools in Slovakia. Czechs. The Slovak Catholics The writer has given full never belonged with Prague credit to the Czechs for the but were d i r e c t 1 y under fall of Czecho-Slovakia into Rome. For their resistance to the Soviet block. He was the Communist doctrine, right when he stated that "In SIX of the NINE Slovak Bohemia and Moravia, the Catholic bishops DIED in industrialized western por- prisons. 142 SLOVAKIA Also, it was mentioned that Czecho-Slovakia at that time " ... was a practicing democracy." I would not agree because I was the ONLY MEMBER of Parliament in Prague in 1947 who denounced the brutality of the Communistheaded secret police who were torturing innocent Slovaks in Bratislava prisons. For that speech during the Communist coup d'etat in February of 1948, I was charged with treason and managed to survive o:r:tly by escap- ing to the West. Enclosed is a translation of that parliamentary speech. We Slovaks, as the Czechs say, are traitors, but the Czechs had "human rights and honor" when they sold Czecho-Slovakia and with it us Slovaks behind the Iron Curtain. There can be no doubt why in the USA I am carrying on the mission for a free Slovakia which cannot be dominated and sold-out by the Czechs in the future. Stefan Blasko IDEALS OF 'DHE SLOVAK NATION I think the story, the traditions and the honoc of the Slovak people is one of the most glorious stories in history. It is hard to find a story of any people who for more than one thousand years were deprived of liberty, nationality, and subjected to national and religious persecution. The Slovaks have given all the world a lesson in what i,t means to be devoted to ideals. During the crucial period of their history, these brothers, sisters, and children of thait noble race came to our United States which has ever been a sanctuary and a home O'f persecuted people. With this thought I have many recollections of the past and of that beautiful country of Slovakia from which you or your ancestors have come. It was my privilege in the happy days of peace to know your country and the character of your people, for I went to school for five yeairs with many of the boys from that country, some of whom have come to be priests here in our United States. I know the thoughts that fill your minds today of the disaster, injustice, the tyranny, the oppression, the cruelty that has come over an injured Europe that we once knew, for Europe was a great mother of America ... and I know how you feel because I feel the same. You and I must show our sympathy and give our help in every way possible to those naitions thart g,ave us birth and our birth rights. Our happiness is saddened by the thought of our persecuted brethren in Europe. We associate ourselves with them in prayer, also in determination to do everyithing in our power to alleviate their suffering. We express sympathy to those who suffered persecution foc justice's sake asking Almighty God to give them grace to carry on - Francis Cardinal Spellman in the practice of their faith. SLOVAKIA 143 BOOK REVIEWS MORE A BOU T D R. Dr. Jozef Tiso-President of the Slovak Republic. In commemoration of the 20th anniversary of his death at the hands of the enemies of Slovak Independence. By Fr. Vnuk. Publishers: Association of Australian Slov aks. P . Gerdelan, Orbis Printing and Publishing Co., PTy ., Ltd., Sydney, 1967. An unprepossessing volume of a meager fifty pages, this important work by a prolific Slovak writer, however, is a clear, concise, factual account of the life of a Slovak leader who died on the gallows: for his faith, for his Slovak nation, for the Christian country of Slovakia in the heart of Europe. Msgr. Tiso, a Catholic priest, represented his people's ancient faith of more than a thousand years' tradition . .AJ; a spiritual leader he was, therefore a symbol of the religious background and heritage that began with SS. Cyril and Methodius in the 9th century A.D. As a political figure he was more than a politician-he was a shepherd of his flock, i.e. , the Slovak people, a revered chieftain of his clan, and a statesman whose vision, courage and leadership guided the newly independent Slovak Republic safely through the dark days of World War II. By the very nature of its brevity, the modest volume leaves much to be desired in the way of a more detailed, and consequently a more thorough review and analysis of events that are merely touched upon. Nevertheless, for one who is acquainted with the history of Slovakia, the book can well serve as a good manual for a series of talks JOZE F T IS0 and even as a logical and chronological framework for a later edition of greater proportions. Moreover, the historical background to the modern emergence of the Slovak nation and its independent state is quite adequate for those to whom the material is entirely new. What puzzles people in the western world is the presence of members of the clergy in politics. Although there is no valid reason why they, as citizens, should be excluded from the political stage, their clerical status automatically does exclude them in the minds of most people. This in spite of the fact that the American Congress from the very beginning has traditionally attracted numerous Protestant clergymen and their membership was never seriously questioned. Be that as it may, the author explains that the need for leaders in Slovakia necessiated the 'participation and involvement,' to borrow a really modern phrase, of dynamic priests who answered the call to duty for the public welfare but considered it not only a privilege but an obligation to serve the interests of religion whenever the Church was under attack, as certainly was the case after World War I when atheistic, communistic and anti-clerical elements joined forces against the Church in Slovakia. In this matter, as in others, Vnuk's work is well documented. Tiso's early political ventures were not always successful. Thus, his policy of coalition with the Czechs ended in fiasco. In 1927 he persuaded Hlinka to abandon his basic policy of opposition to the 144 SLOVAKIA Prague central regime and join the government in an attempt to secure more recognition for the Slovaks. In about two years Hlinka's Slovak People's Party resumed its uncompromising stand because the Slovaks became convinced that the Czechs were determined to maintain their position of domination over Slovakia. Dr. V. Tuka paid for the 'noble experiment' by being framed and sentenced to a 15-yr. prison sentence on charges of treason. This was a foreshadowing of the reprisals that were to cost him his life, as well as the lives of President Tiso and many stalwart Slovaks after World War II. Again in the presidential election of 1935 when President Masaryk resigned at the age of 85, Dr. Tiso negotiated with Dr. Benes whose candidacy was closely challenged in the race for the presidency, and gave him full support upon Dr. Benes' promise that if he were elected Slovakia would get autonomy in a year. The Slovaks were deceived by the new president, who, like his illustrious predecessor, failed to keep his word of honor. So once again the Slovaks were duped. In .!~merica they had given full support t0 Masaryk during World War I after he had signed the Pittsburgh Pact guaranteeing the Slovaks naticnal selfgovernment or autonomy. . . in Slovakia they were the deciding factors in Benes' succes;,ful bid for the presidency . . . and in both cases they were victimized. In the unrelenting drive for selfgovernment in Slovakia, Martin Razus, a Protestant clergyman :md writer, with his National Party became faithful allies of Andrej Hlinka. Even in the Slovak Agrarian Party the spirit of autonomy became more . and more apparent after the election of Dr. Benes. Upon the death of Hlinka on August 16, 1938, on the eve of the Munich crisis, leadership of the Slovak People's Party passed on to Dr. Tiso. The problem of self-government or autonomy for Slovakia was suddenly resolved by the Czech centralist regime in Prague in the fall of that year. A matter that had dragged on for a score of years was finally settled in less than two months because of the immediacy of the situation brought on the swift rush of events that threatened the disruption of the CzechoSlovak Republic. Even at that later date it was the united demand of all Slovak political parties (with the exception of two small factions, the Communists and the Social Democrats) at 2ilina, Slovakia, that actually prodded the Czech government to take action. Slovak autonomy was a reality at last! Bratislava became the center of the newly-established Slovak autonomous government. Almost immediately a crisis ensued as Germany annexed the Sudeten lands in Bohemia and Hungary made insistent demands on southern Slovak territorial lands. Dr. Tiso staunchly defended the Slovak cause as premier but despite his attempt to modify the excessive claims of the Magyars at Komarno, a German-Italian commission (headed by Von Ribbentrop and Count Ciano) decided arbitrarily to cede 4,000 square miles of southern Slovakia with a population of a million (considerably more than a third of whom were outspoken Slovaks and the rest mostly Magyarized Slovaks) to Hungary by the unjust award of the Vienna Verdict of November 2, 1938. Visibly shaken by the injustice of the Vienna declaration by which the Slovaks lost a full 20 % of their SLOVAKIA historic lands and people on the Slovak-Magyar border, the new autonomous government in Slovakia, however, faced the future with courage and determination and proceeded to consolidate its political forces. Accordingly, all political parties were united into a single party of Slovak national unity. Under its banner the Slovaks elected 63 members to the Slovak parliament in the national elections in December of that fateful year. Undaunted by the seriousness of the events that saw the new autonomous government come into power, the Slovak parliament assembled in Bratislava on January 18, 1939. Dr. Tiso gave the keynote address in which he emphasized that Christian ideology was fundamental to the structure and spirit of the Slovak self-governing state in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Moreover, he steered a middle course in the turbulent stream of events that moved a group of young ardent Slovak nationalists to push the Slovak ship of state directly towards the shores of complete national freedom and independence. In Prague the central government became alarmed at this turn of events and made March 9, 1939 a fatal decision, namely, to occupy Slovakia by force. Prague ordered Czech troops to seize military control of Slovakia and declared martial law. Simultaneously with the dispatching of army units to Slovakia the dismissal of Dr. Tiso as Slovak premier was announced. Karol Sidor was named his successor. When Germany's offer to discuss the situation with Sidor met with a rebuff, Dr. Tiso was urged by party leaders to go to Berlin for a conference. He went to the German 145 capital on March 13, conferred with both Von Ribbentrop and Hitler and was told that if the Slovaks refused to declare their national independence, their country would be divided between Hungary and Poland. The Magyars had already taken 1/5 of Slovak territory at the end of the previous year. Faced with this dilemma, the Slovak parliament on March 14, 1939, voted unanimously for the declaration of Slovak independence. Although Dr. Tiso was the acknowledged head of the Slovak Peoples' Party after Hlinka's death, and the premier of the Slovak autonomous government inside CzechoSlovakia, it was not until October 26 of that year that the Slovak parliament officially and unanimously elected him president of the newlyestablished Slovak State. What type of a man was Tiso? Everyone is naturally curious to know the answer. Physically, he was a heavy-set man with broad shoulders, a striking face and imposing head, of more than average height. He moved graciously and walked with dignity. In keeping with his physical appearance he was a big man intellectually. Yet, he was not a cold and calculating man but a man with a ready smile, a sparkle in his blue eyes, and a warmth that radiated from his fatherly personality. He especially loved children and was a beloved pastor in his parish at Banovce which he administered to the end of his presidency of the Slovak Republic. Pazmaneum University and Seminary in Vienna graduated Dr. Jozef Tiso with high honors in studies of philosophy and theology. As a preacher and speaker he commanded attention by the sheer power of logic, as well as by his strong, resonant baritone voice that could 146 SLOVAKIA reach Jisterners at the fringes of a large crowd or audience. He differed from the eloquent Hlinka, whose passionate, impetuous oratory and silver-toned tenor voice moved his hearers to cheers of adulation. Tiso, a moderate rather than an impetuous man, sought to carry out policies of his party in a quiet, yet forceful and persevering manner. At heart, however, he remained a profoundly simple, sincere and humble priest who though president of the country took time out quite regularly to attend to parochial duties in his beloved Banovce parish on weekends. President Tiso preached, baptized and offered up Mass the same as any devoted pastor of a typical Slovak parish. Undoubtedly, a further clue to his personality is his own personal adjustment to his position as president. At no time did he approve of any secret servicemen to accompany him for security measures. He walked the streets of Bratislava daily . . . and unattended. He made frequent trips throughout the country unattended, i.e., without police escort. Such was his personal courage and trust in the people whom he loved and served, and who not only respected but loved him in return. German interference in internal Slovak politics was kept at minimum although at the express orders from Berlin, Vnuk declares, Dr. :i')urcansky and others were dismissed from high posts in order to make way for a Germanophile group led by V. Tuka and A. Mach. Jews in Slovakia remained unmolested until March, 1943, when the Ministry of Interior, in compliance with German orders, began their deportation. By August of the same year, however, this ceased entirely because of disturbing re- ports and rumors that the Germans were exterminating all Jews in concentration camps_ From that date until the end of the conflict in 1945, the Jews were protected by law as special wards of the Slovak state and shielded by thousands of Slovaks privately. At least 80% of Slovak Jews were saved in this way. An insidious conspiracy that flared up into a revolt in August of 1944 against the Slovak Republic was instigated by a coalition of communists and Czechoslovak partisan factions, and bolstered by Soviet parachutists, in the northern hills of the country in the Banska Bystrica region. Although summarily put down with the aid of a small German division in less than six weeks, the revolution cost the Slovaks some 30,000 lives (mostly civilians caught in the line of fire) and the destruction of a score of villages and towns, strategic railways, tunnels, <bridges and roads. It was a rebellion staged by totally irresponsible elements in the country and supported by a number of high officers who were guilty of treason ... and all guilty of a crime that resulted in the ruthless and useless destruction of many innocent lives of men, women and children. Invasion of Slovakia by the onrushing Soviet forces came in the East at the beginning of the new year of 1945. By May 1, Slovakia was overrun by three Soviet armies that showed no mercy to the Slovaks whose towns they pillaged from one end of the country to the other. The victorious troops wrote a tragic chapter of rape, murder and ravage in this era of the socalled 'liberation' of World War II. Meanwhile, at the very last minute members of the Tiso government crossed into Austria. Before SLOVAKIA the war ended officially, President Tiso and members of his government were turned over to the Czech forces by U.S. Army to whom Dr. Tiso had voluntary surrendered. He was put into chains (actually), taken to Prague and led through the streets of the Czech capital, then to Bratislava, to await trial 'for treason' and as 'war criminal'. Their doom was a foregone conclusion. Dr. Benes and his colleagues, who thirsted for revenge, would see to it that they would hang. Wherever Communists seize power, it is common knowledge, they seek to intrench themselves firmly by a reign of terror. They pursue a policy of inprisonment, torture and death to instill terror into the hearts of people everywhere in order to paralyze all efforts of opposition. So it happened in Slovakia. Thousands were marched off to prison on the slightest pretext or for no reason at all. Before long, the clergy and Religious were destined to feel the brunt of persecution as the postwar atheistic communist regime consolidated its power to an absolute degree. The Church became a prime target of the new rule that pulled no punches in its relentless drive to absolute political control of the country. The final disposition of President Tiso was an open secret. A coalition of Dr. Benes and his reprisal-minded clique in Prague with the communists sealed the fate of the stellar Slovak statesman. His trial for the sake of appearances dragged on through four months from December 1946 to March 1947 in an all out effort to discredit the Slovak president, the Slovak Republic and aspirations of the Slovak nation to statehood. Highly censored reports were is- 147 sued to the press . . . all radio coverage was strictly 'edited.' It became quite obvious that his enemies and the foes of Slovak freedom were determined to destroy him. None was more intransigent than Dr. Benes. Assurances that Dr. Tiso would be granted political amnesty in the event of a verdict of death proved to be h o 11 o w phrases. In the final showdown following the official pronouncement of death by hanging on charges of 'treason' neither Dr. Benes nor the 17 members of a special government panel of high officials relented in their attitude, they upheld the verdict of the court. President Tiso was executed at dawn on April 18, 1947. Witnesses of the execution of President Tiso testify that he was calm throughout the ordeal. He walked quietly and prayerfully to his death on the gallows. Even the official news dispatches confirmed this report of the last hours of Msgr. Tiso. News of the execution of the Slovak president deeply stirred his fellow countrymen everywhere. His grave in a Bratislava cemetery became a national shrine overnight. Thousands rushed to place flowers on his last resting place ... not for long however, for the body of the Slovak nation's martyr was exhumed, taken away and cremated and his ashes scattered in an unknown place lest Tiso's grave, or even his ashes, become a memorial for a grief-stricken nation. This, the government shamelessly admitted, was what prompted its decision to remove the body forever for fear that a permanent national shrine should be erected to the memory of President Tiso in Slovakia. After a score of years of Czech- 148 SLOVAKIA communist rule over Slovakia resistance to political oppression and religious persecution is as strong as ever. The memory of the vengeful postwar policies emanating from Prague produced a permanent cleavage between the Czechs and Slovaks. The author, as all loyal Slovaks believe, declares the death of Tiso completely and irreparably severed the ties between the Czechs and Slovaks for a permanent sta,t e. Experience of 20 years of Czech rule from the centralist Prague after World War I and another score of years of Czecho-communist oppression and ruthless religious persecution directed from the Czech capital has touched the lives of appiioximately 5 million Slovaks in their historic homeland and another 5 million Slovaks scattered around the world. These have vowed to keep faith with their honored dead not to rest until Slovakia is once more free and independent, and a Slovak state restored to its rightful place in the family of free nations of the world. Final evaluation of the impact of Dr. Tiso's personality and the influence under the most adverse circumstances imaginable must await the verdict of future historians. They will be able to view his time in its proper perspective, weigh all the factors involved and present the facts dispassionately and justly in the light of genuine evidence. The 'rise and fall' (to borrow a popular phrase) of President Tiso and the Slovak Republic will then be viewed in its proper setting and will be adjudged according to just merits. Postwar condemnation of Tiso and his government in the Slovak Republic will be erased as an unjust stigma of disgrace for which Czech foes of Slovak freedom are responsible. Having done nothing themselves to save their country from Nazi occupation, they vented their rage on the great Slovak leader who dared to lead his people towards national freedom and independence when the rest of Europe was on the verge of a war of revenge, fratricidal slaughter and genocide. Destruction of the Slovak Republic and the execution of its president and members of the Slovak government was meant to be the death knell of the Slovak nation's aspirations to freedom and statehood. This was not to be the final verdict nor the final destiny of the Slovak nation. The Slovaks are convinced their fate under God is not oblivion but survival, and a glolious revival of life in their own independent national state. Fr. Andrew Pir, O.S.B. SLOVAKS BYPASSED BY CZECHS IN INFLUENCE ON WILSON By Prof. Aitstin J. App, Ph.D ., LaSalle College The book, I mmigrants' Influen- President Wilson between 1917 and ce on Wilson's Peace Policies, edit- 1920 in shaping the disastrous ed by Prof. Joseph P. O'Grady, LaSalle College, written by various scholars, and published by .the University Press, Lexington, Kentucky (309 pages, $8.50 ) throws much light en the pressures exerted upon peace treaties of Versailles and St. Germain. Since these led to World War II and subsequent enslavement of all the countries carved out of the Austro-Hungarian empire, history must judge those SLOVAKIA 149 treaties as calamities for Europe University, suggests that there and the world. were about 700,000 Slovak immigThe book shows that the Ger- rants in America during World man-Americans were too cowed to War I. The estimates for the Carinfluence the peace, though their patho-Ruthenians run all the way disillusionment with the Versail- from 6,299 to 500,000. Prof. Mamatey reports: les Treaty influenced the rejection of the Treaty by Congress. The "Whether or not it was due to British were enormously influen- the support of the American Slotial in getting the U.S. into war vaks, American officials never and later in checkmating the Irish questioned Masaryk's and Benes's wish for self-determination for Ire- right to speak for the Slovaks" land. The Zionists were enormously (p. 239). influential in preventing a separate The Slovak League of America , peace treaty with Turkey, securing formed in 1907, drafted a memothe dismemberment of the Turkish randum in July 1914, envisioning empire, and through the Balfour "only Slovak administrative and Declaration achieving the gradual cultural autonomy in Hungary, not take-over of Palestine. The Aust- independence or unity with the rians and the Hungarians, like the Czechs in a Czechoslovak state" German-Americans, had practically (p. 232). And until May, 1918, "no no influence on Wilson. The Yugo- Slovak expression of a desire for slav's had much, but not as much independence and union with Czeas the Italians. The Poles got prac- choslovakia was known abroad" tically everything they wanted, and (p. 238). so did the Czechs. However, in October, 1915, in The Czechs, through Masaryk and Cleveland, "the Bohemian National Benes, who were extremely shrewd Alliance and the Slovak League of and ruthless diplomatic operators, America agreed upon the 'Clevesucceeded in getting their aspira- land Pact,' which envisioned the estions considered as identical to tablishment of 'independence' and those of tlie Slovaks and Ruthen- 'union of the Czech and Slovak peoians. This induced Wilson to favor ples in a federal union of states the formation of Czecho-Slovakia, with full national autonomy for in which the Czechs had the hege- Slovakia" (p. 233 ). mony, and the promised autonomy By May, 1918, President Wilson for the Slovaks and Ruthenians, as endorsed the policy of breaking up well as that for the Sudeten-Ger- Austria-Hungary and encouraging mans, was recognized in word but the independence of all component violated in fact. nationalities. On May 30-31, 1918, Suggesting the importance in the peacemaking of these nationalities is the fact that three chapters are devoted to them: "The Czechs" by Otakar Odlozilik, "The Slovaks and Carpatho-Ruthenians" by Victor S. Mamatey, and "The Mid-European Union" by Arthur J. May, the three comprising pages 204-271. Prof. Mamatey, of Florida State in Pittsburgh the Bohemian National Alliance, the Federation of Czech Catholics, and the Slovak League of America endorsed a program drafted by Masaryk of the organization of Czechoslovakia. In it "Slovakia was to have her own administration and courts, for which Slovak would be the official language" (p. 237). Albert Mama- 150 SLOVAKIA tey had got inser,ted into Masaryk's draft Slovakia's desire for a "Diet." This Pittsburgh Pact was signed by Masaryk in Washington on November 14, 1918. According to these provisions, but as interpreted to the peacemakers by Masaryk and Benes, the Czecho-Slovak Republic was formed. Into it the three odd million Sudeten Germans were forced against their express will, and the assurance of autonomy given to the Slovaks and to the Carpatho-Ruthenians were "not fully implemented by the Czechoslovak government." Prof. Mamatey writes of "the unfulfilled promise of Slovak autonomy" (p. 249) . The book, of course, does not go beyond 1920, and therefore does not touch upon the tragedies that by 1945 had thrown all these unhappy peoples under the communistic tyranny. But the book as a whole and the three chapters dealing with Czecho-Slovakia help one understand the catastrophe of World War II and after-and suggest to the honest and wise what must be done to set things right. This includes granting the principle of self-determination as fully to the Slovaks as to the Czechs! Slovak Studies V. Historica 3. Slovak Institute, Cleve land-Rome, 1965, p. 268. Like its four predecessors, Slovak Studies V , Historica 3, is a boom to scholars and Slavists alike. Valuable in documentation, the contributions definitely enhance the growing English literature on Slovakia. The SS. Cyril and Methodius Institute in Rome can rightfully take pride in this 1967 publication. Among the contents in the current volume are research papers on Slovakia's Church history, cultural achievements, World War II political significance and linguistic eminence. Each learned discussion gives evidence of painstaking care and adherence to a factual, accurate account. Accompanied and supplemented by numerous documents in the original language, selective bibliographies, appendices, maps and footnotes , a total of six outstanding presentations combine to make this fifth volume of Slovak Studies truly remarkable. Taken topically, three essays deal with the development of Christianity among the Slovaks. Father Ernest Bouydosh, O.M.I., of Canada devotes a considerable portion of the volume to an analysis of "The Quadrennial Reports of the Archbishop of Strigonia to Rome." Introducing the "ad limina" reports found in the archives of the Sacred Congregation of the Council, the author examines the state of the Church in Hungary from the Tridentine era. "The historical value of these reports," writes Father Buoydosh, "lies in the fact that they are first hand documents reflecting the spiritual life of the dioceses, an aspect too often neglected in our historiography. Some of these reports also have an exceptional demographic value." The reports, printed in the original language in which they were sent to Rome, span three centuries, beginning chronologically from August 15, 1598 and ending March 5, 1827. Next follows an informative monograph on the Camaldulese Hermitage, known as the Red Monastery, from the gifted pen of a Jesuit scholar, Dr. Michael Lacko of Rome. Making extensive use of the documents preserved in the Hermitage of Frascati near Rome, the Archives of the Greek-Catholic SLOVAKIA Bishopric of Presov, and the Vatican Archives, Dr. Lacko has reconstructed a fascinating portrait of the evolution of religious life in Slovakia. He traces the beginnings of the Camaldulese Hermitage (Red Monastery) in Nitra, Slovakia, to the Monte Corono Hermitage of Central Italy. Of special interest is the work of Father Romuald Hadbavny, a Slovak hermit of such a Red Monastery in Spis County. An acknowledged scholar, he compiled a Latin-Slovak dictionary in 1763 which is still extant in manuscript form. He was also the first translator of Sacred Scripture into the Slovak language. His work is known today as "the Camaldulese Bible." Interestingly enough, Dr. Lacko notes nationalistic tendencies among the hermits, who early in the eighteenth century were already yearning for national hermitages. Vicissitudes of the era proved detrimental to the Red Monastery. For several centuries now it no longer functions according to its original purpose. Recently it has been restored as a museum and tourist attraction. It is in observance of this event that Father Lacko has favored the readers of Slovak Studies V with the present account. An impressive array of Latin documents (pp. 112-203), June 28, 1691 to 1781 amply demonstrate his thorough research in this field . A short discussion on "Slovak Greek-Catholics in America" blends well with the above. Mr. George Polak of West Liberty State College analyzes a chapter of Cyril Korolevskij's biography of the Metropolitan Andrew Szeptyckyj. While generously praising the work in general, Mr. Polak seems to take umbrage at the author's confusion concerning Slovak Greek-Catholics. Perhaps rightly so. A biographer is 151 in a broad sense of the term an historian; as such, it is essential that he presents accurate, precise information. To identify the Slovaks of the Byzantine-Slavonic Rite as the "Ruthenians from Sub-Carpathia" or the Slovaks from Eastern Slovakia as "Slavs from SubCarpathia" is both misleading and ethnically untrue. In "a noted authority on the Eastern Church and a Catholic priest of the Byzantine-Slavonic Rite," even though he is a native of France, such discrepancies are deplorable. Mr. Polak's argument would seem to be well taken and his point of view valid. Invaluable to an adequate understanding of the eighteen month interval of Slovak history between March, 1939 and August, 1940, is the "Collapse of the Czecho-Slovakia in Vatican Documentation." As a responsible historian, Frantisek Vnuk, the author, views these months in the light of the documents, eleven in number, found among the Vatican Published Archives, as crucial for Central Europe. His pithy observations substantiated by eye witness accounts of reliable authors, focus the events in proper perspective. His criticisms are well worth noting. An Appendix contains all eleven documents in the original Italian. Linguistically, William S. Patala's contribution to this volume is illuminating. "A Class in Twelve Slavic Languages," though brief in content, is rich in suggestions and ideas. Father Patala of the Steubenville Diocese describes a three year course which he taught with "appreciable success." How he managed to teach twelve related languages in one class period per week makes delightful reading. The author's imaginative approach to the teaching of languages, warmly 152 SLOVAKIA endorsed by the once prominent Slavist of Columbia, Dr. A. P. Coleman, deserves further experimentation. A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Librarianship of Marywood College, Scranton, Pennsylvania by Sister M . Emma Hvozdovic, SS.C.M., is deservedly included in Slovak Studies V. Sister M. Emma's "History and Accomplishments of the Society of Saint Adalbert, Trnava, Slovakia" is the inspiring record of Catholic Slovakia's effort to preserve and cultivate its Cyril-Methodian heritage in the face of contrary forces. In 1870 Father Andrew Radlinsky founded the St. Adalbert Society (the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius would not have been permitted in its title) to publish Catholic books and periodicals, to encourage the arts, and to promote Catholic Slovak culture in general. Through the years it succeeded in placing in the hands of the people several editions of the Bible and at least 14 editions of the famous family prayerbook Nabozne Vylevy. It made available for church use the official Slovak Catholic hymnal and the official Slovak Catholic Common Book of Prayer. It provided for its membership, which extended beyond Slovakia, a wealth of reading material on every vital subject. It sowed the good seed. Today, if Communism is rampant in Slovakia, what else can one say, but that "an enemy hath done this." Written in a smooth and engaging style, the dissertation is based entirely upon Slovak sources and contains a selective bibliography. Its publication in Slovak Studies V is most timely in view of the approaching centenary of the founding of the society. One cannot help contrasting the former years of plenty with the present "winter over the land," when the Society's hands are tied and the people are crying for the Word of God, for Bibles, prayer-books, catechisms, hymnals. May God hasten the day when we shall witness again the fulfillment of the promise, "Happy those who hunger and thirst for what is right: they shall be satisfied." So much for the plus side of Historica 3. On the minus side one must warn the reader to expect frequent typographical errors which mar one's pleasure in perusing the excellent features. Also, it seems unfortunate, at least to this writer, to find so many precious docu-ments left in their original language, Latin, Italian, French. While scholars the world over are generally proficient with one or more foreign tongues, Latin documents are for the most part a closed book to American students. Strangely enough, only one of the contributors, Frantisek Vnuk of Australia, has seen fit to recognize this problem realistically. He has translated all documents used throughout his essay, leaving them in the original only at the end of his work. This surely makes his contribution of greater value to students than it would have been otherwise. Since the· volume is obviously intended for English-speaking readers, it would have been wise to consider this element. Considered as a whole, however, Slovak Studies V is distinctly notable addition to any library. Sister M. Ev angela Lubek, SS.C.M. Jorg K. Hoensch: Die Slowakei und Hitler's Ostpolitik (Hlinkas Slowakische Volkspartei zwischen Autonomie und Separation 1938-1939). Bohlau Verlag, Koln-Graz, 1965, p. 390. SLOVAKIA While there have been several scholarly books in English on recent history of Slovakia (J. A. Mikus, J. M. Kirschbaum, L. G. Oddo, K. Glasser, M. G. Voytko, F. Vnuk), in the German language literature dealing with Slovak problems is surprisingly scarce. The above volume attracted attention of the academic publications in Europe and since it brings some new aspects and new evaluation of the problems of Central Europe we have decided to review it. J. K. Hoensch's book is a well documented treatise of the crucial period of Slovakia's modern history: October 1938-March 1939. The declaration of Slovakia's independence in the intricate international situation of 1939 has been subject to controversial interpretations and although this book is abundant with references to sources in several languages, it will be hardly the last word. There is a clear tendency of the writer to avoid adopting either the Czech interpretation or the Slovak thesis that Slovakia had no other choice and cannot be blamed for applying the right to self-determination just because Germany made it possible. The door to the German Drang nach Osten was open at the Munich Conference and the peoples of the Danubian basin accepted the agreement of the four European Great Powers, who prepared the stage for the ensuing drama. This being clear, the writer examined the policy of the largest Slovak party-the Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party-and tried to find out if, when, and to what extent, Slovaks were involved in helping the Germans march towards the East. In comparison with other writers on this subject, Hoensch was in a privileged position of having the 153 access to the diplomatic archives of Germany and also to archives and sources of the Communist Czecho-Slovakia and Poland. On the other hand, his German ancestry, although he was brought up in Slovakia, may have been responsible for a certain bias which is evident particularly in some conclusions in the introduction to his work. Hoensch found a willing tool for German political concepts only in a group of the so-called radicals in the Slovak Populist Party, whose organ, according to him, was the bi-monthly Nastup, which, can hardly be substantiated as historically true. In addition, Hoensch came with a list of names of persons who either had nothing to do with the publication, because they were still in highschool, or belonged to the radical wing of the Party, but at the time of Tuka's imprisonment by Prague (Tuka was condemned, 1929, on "flimsy evidence" according to Macartney and other British historians to 15 years imprisonment for subversive activities), they had no connection whatsoever with Germany and were known as polonophiles. Except for Alexander Mach and Karol Murgas none of the persons mentioned by Hoensch belonged to Tuka's circle and actually could not be active in politics in 1938 because of their age or because of their studies at foreign universities, one even at the St. Cyr military academy in Paris (J. Stasko) . On the other hand, Nastup certainly had nothing to do with Tuka after his release from prison in 1938. This faux pas could seriously damage Hoensch's work, because he repeatedly used the names and therefore it was hardly an oversight. It would not, however, be 154 SLOVAKIA fair to discard the book for this error,, even if it is hard to explain how it occurred. Hoensch accumulated a great deal of information on Slovak politics in a period which decided the fate of Slovakia during and after the Second World War. He also .tried to evaluate the policy of the Slovak Populist Party and of individual politicians with much less bias than it has been done by Czech or Western historians who adopted the Czech point of view. Nevertheless, he apparently let his feelings influence his judgement when he wrote about certain Slovak politicians like Dr. F. f>urcansky, for instance, who was one of the strongest personalities in Slovak politics but for his opposition to German pressure was ousted already in 1940 together with the editor in chief of Nastup and the publication was banned. Hoensch used profusely also materials published by the Communist historians in Slovakia and some of his conclusions are undoubtedly influenced by their works. His general evaluation of Slovak efforts for an independent policy and his sympathetic attitude towards Slovakia's desire to emancipate herself from any foreign rule, infuriated, however, the communist critics. They first hailed the work in Kuiturny zivot, but later in Historicky casopis disagreed with his approach to the Slovak question as well as with his rather objective evaluation of the basic policy and the role of the Hlinka's Party in Slovak political life before the Second World War, as well as in the first years of the Slovak Republic. Slovak scholars and politicians should deal with this book in detail, because it offers a first class opportunity for correcting many misconceptions and biased views which the adversaries of Slovakia's striving for independence smuggled into the Western historiography. J . M . Kirschbaum Slovenska otcina, III. zviizok. Zostavil: Jan Elias. Vydal: 0. Frantisek Fuga, Hamilton, Ont., Canada, 1967. 432 p. This, the third and final volume of SLOVENSKA OTCINA, like its preceding issues, is an anthology of formal and informal articles and poems, interspersed with numerous pictures and some maps, all aimed at recapturing in print the rich heritage of life in Slovakia_ In this third volume, it is the western counties of Slovakia which are featured. The same format and style as that of the preceding volumes dealing with the eastern and central "zupy" is retained. The articles again have been culled from interested contributors-in this case, one hundred Slovak men and women: intellectuals, professionals, politicians, non-professionals, of various educational background, social milieux, political affiliations, and religious convictions. The names of these contributors are co.Rveniently listed in the back of the volume, with a brief comment of a personal nature, but no article or page reference is given. The literary contributions in turn have been capably edited by the following-Prof. Dr. Jozef M. Kirschbaum: Bratislava; Prof. Ing. Frantisek Vnuk: Tekov ; Draga Paucova: Nitra ; Imrich Stolarik: Trencin; Jan Elias: Komarno. The net result is a smooth-reading chronicle of the times and places dearest to the heart of the Slovak people. The book is more than a description and travel account of SLOVAKIA Slovakia on a narrative of its social life and customs. Almost unconsciously it breathes the soul, the spirit, the life of the nation which transcends all boundaries. The first part of this last volume contains valuable assorted articles on life related to times in the Slovak Republic period. Fittingly, the volume is dedicated to Msgr. Jozef Tiso, the first and only President of the Republic, whose picture is imprinted on the cover. The articles bearing on Tiso are mainly of the personal ty.pe, e.g., Tiso--clovek; Tiso-milovnik deti; prezidentova matka; Tisovo mesto. They are valuable vignettes for future biographers of the President-Martyr. Other significant articles found in this first section include facsimiles of the stamps issued during the period of the Slovak Republic and of citizenship papers, passport records, and other legal documents. Accounts of the status of education-both higher and rural, of the thriving tobacco and sugar industries, and of the banks of the Republic keep before the reader's mind the degree of successful cultural and economic pursuits of the Republic period. A very concise resume of Independent Slovakia, its formation and treacherous overthrow, keep the political sentiments of the people in perspective. The high cultural attainments of the Slovak people are reflected in two accounts. One gives the status of Matica Slovenska in exile today; the other tells of the activities of Svoradov, a once active bulwark of Slovak intelligentsia. By way of exception, three articles rooted on American soil are found in this first section. They are concerned with the Benedictine Abbey in Cleveland, 0 ., the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Danville, Pa. , and the Daughters of 155 the Most Holy Redeemer in Gary, Ind. It may be concluded that the editors felt each of these institutes reflected the ideals of the Slovak Republic and are, or will be, instrumental in its rebirth. Each of the five following sections begins with a detailed map of the area. Unfortunately, the map reproductions in this third volume are not as clear as those in the preceding volumes. The Confucius proverb stated at the beginning of volume I, "Jeden obrazok ma taku cenu ako 1000 slov" ("A picture is worth 1000 words.") is, however, verified throughout the volumes. Especially enriching are those pictures directly related to the article. On the other hand, the irregular inclusion of authors' photographs, some formal and some informal, distracts somewhat from the material at hand. The articles themselves are unevenly distributed-20 on Bratislava, 5 on Komarno, 24 on Nitra, 11 on Tekov, and 31 on Trencin-a matter of no surprise, however, because of the unequal geographic distribution of city life in the various counties and the centralization of historical and cultural activities in Bratislava, Nitra, and Trencin. In each section, the history of the region comes alive mainly through small everyday accounts of the writers' remembrances of their own or their parents' experriences in the homeland region. As in the other two volumes, an effort again has been made by the editors to maintain a balance of articles representative of historical significance and notable personages in each area. For example, the Bratislava section has articles alluding to the archeological findings in Bratislava dated 2000 B.C.; to the famous Franciscan church in 156 SLOVAKIA Malacky; to the universities of Trnava; and brief essays on Konstantin Culen and Kral' Svatopluk, all of which nicely link the present with the past. The Komarno section has an article describing its museum and the county's historical significance in regard to Magyar influence. The Nitra section fittingly includes accounts of its royal and religious heritage enshrined in its castles and churches. The Tekov section enlightens the reader on its "Cantus Catholici" (1655), its pilgrimage site of Sv. Bei'iadik, its historic site of "Hronsky Svaty Kriz, and its mint at Kremnica. The Trencin section tells of the cave of Sv. Andrej Svorad, the birthplaces of Dr. Jozef Tiso in Vel'ka Bytca and ~udovit ~tur in Uhrovec, and the "Drotar" choir composed of natives from two hamlets in Trencin. The numberless essays not mentioned here are not less interesting or significant. Many of them give not only deep insight into the character, talents, and virtues of the Slovak people, but also provide explanation from concrete examples for the strained, and at times, hostile relationships between the Slovaks and the Czechs, between the Slovaks and the Magyars, and even among the Slovak people themselves. They each ring with a sincere tone which escapes chauvinism and marks this work as one stamped with loyalty, devotion, and real, hardly romantic, remembrances of a ruptured "free" homeland. The trilogy ends with a brief tracing of the history of SLOVENSKA OTCINA on a map, a call to its readers in the free world to champion the cause of freedom for the Slovak nation, and a wish that the articles within the three volumes, covering twenty Slovak counties or "zupy," contributed by 200 Slovak men and women, will help keep alive in the readers' minds and hearts the "fatherland " until that day when the Slovak Republic will rise again. Typical of the Slovak people, it concludes with a prayer to the Almighty Father and to the Mother of Seven SorrowsPatroness of Slovakia, for aid in the self-sacrificing work entailed in securing this just cause. The completed volumes are indeed a tribute to the faith, devotion, and self-sacrifice of its general publisher, 0. Frantisek Fuga, S.T.L., of Canada; general editor, Jan Elias; and contributors drawn from every rank of Slovak emigrants. The v,o lumes proclaim their single desire to keep before the world first-hand knowledge and a true image of the civilized, cultured Slovak people whose fatherland's name SLOVAKIA is already relegated to second place on maps, and whose official language is ever gradually being replaced by the use of Czech words, e.g., as illustrated on a 1962 Bratislava calendar in volume three, p. 218. The three volumes of the excellent series, SLOVENSKA OTCINA, are a "must" for every institution or private home with any Slovak connection, including public libraries and higher institutes of learning. In the older generation of Slovak birth, they will surely stir up fond related memories; in the younger, a rightful pride in their ancestry. Even non-Slovak people studying the language or second and third generation Slovaks who have lost speaking fluency but who still umlerstand the language can be motiviated to read the conversational type articles. A teacher of social studies, in particular, should find the material reliable source background. The books, in effect, evince the SLOVAKIA Slovak people's " passion for freedom"-freedom of country and freedom of religion. The character, the talents, the virtues, the sufferings under exploitation, and the dreams of the Slovak people should arouse in the reader a response to hope, work, and pray that the contents of these volumes will serve as 157 a means of restoring to the Slovaks their rightful cherished dreams of freedom-soon, before the forces in Communist-controlled, Czech dominated Slovakia wipe out its smoldering embers. Then the efforts of the publisher and staff will not have been in vain. Sr. M. Raymund Horvath, SS.C.M. TWO PUBLICATIONS ON THE PRESIDENT DR. J. TISO Vnuk, F., Dr. Jozef Tiso - President of the Slovak Republic, (The Association of Australian Slovaks, Sydney) , 1967, 50 p. ill. Durica, M. S., Die Slowakische Politik 1938/ 39 im Lichte der Staatslehre Tisos (Slovak Policy 1938/ 39 in the Light of Tiso's Political Thought), (Emil Semmel Verlag, Bonn) , 1967, 49 p. summarizJ.ng Dr. Tiso's achievements, his role in the struggle of the Slovak people for equality of rights in Czecho-Slovakia and finally for national independence in the troubled period before and during the Second World War, to his mar tyr's death. In the sub-title of his work, Prof. Vnuk mentions that it was published "In commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of his (Dr. Tiso's) death at the hands of his enemies of Slovak independence", but it is not a current commemorative booklet. The author gives the reader in a nutshell, a serious anci well-documented analysis not only of Dr. Tiso's political life-struggle, but also an excellent survey of Slovak politics and of the treacheries and perfidy of the adversaries of Slovak independence. The booklet is divided into 15 chapters and also includes several photographs and a map of Slova- The twentieth anniversary of President Tiso's execution by the communists with Dr. Benes as an eager accomplice, prompted the Slovak political refugees in the Free World to write many articles on Dr. Tiso and his courageous struggle. In book form, the above studies by prominent young Slovak scholars were published and both deserve to be carefully read. Prof. Vnuk's booklet is a wellbalanced and well-written presentation of Dr. Tiso and of his political career to the democratic world. After writing hundreds of articles and two books on political and cul- * Neuveritel'ne sprisahanie (An Incredible Conspiracy), (Literartural topics from modern Slovak ny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, history,* Vnuk was one of the best Middletown, Pa.), 1964. qualified persons to seriously tackle with the subject. He displayed a Sedemruist' neurodnych rokov, <:onsiderable knowledge of foreign (Nacrt slovenskej literatury v and domestic sources on the crucrokooh 1945-62) (An outline of ial years of Slovakia's modern hisSlovak literature in 1945-62) , tory in all his writings and used it ( Slovak v Amerike, Middletown, with skill and good judgment in Pa.), 1965. 158 SLOVAKIA kia. There could hardly be a better concised presentation of "the case of Tiso", as it has been done by Vnuk. In equally sober and scholarly manner is written also Prof. M. S. !>urica's analysis of Slovak politics "in the light of Tiso's political thought and teaching". Both !>urica and Vnu.k belong to the younger generation of Slovak scholars in the Free World and while they lived in Slovakia during the crucial years of her history, they were too young to be involved personally in politics, which is undoubtedly an advantage. Nobody can seriously accuse them of speaking "pro domo sua", as the adversaries of Slovakia's aspirations for freedom used to do with regard to other Slovak writers on political subjects. !>urica also has a thorough preparation for his work and is equipped with probably the best knowledge of German and other European diplomatic sources on Slovakia, as his Italian book and numerous studies in other languages indicate.** The present publication is actually his lecture at the FriedrichWilhems-Universitat in Bonn to the students of all Faculties on June 12, 1967. Like Vnuk, !>urica also gives first a survey of Slovak history to make his subject more intelligible to his listeners. Then he speaks about the political thought (he uses the word Lehre-teaching) of Dr. Tiso and about the crisis of 1938/ 39. The·r e are all the elements of a serious scholarly paper in !>urica's publication, and it presents Dr. Tiso and Slovak politics to the Western world in an objective light, fighting only indirectly all the distortions and political propaganda which was spread by the communists and non-communists who adopted Czech and anti-Slovak conceptions about modern Slovak history. It would be only recommendable to make the lecture available in the English language, in which some scholars still rely on tendencious literature and rarely make their own research of original sources. The publication is enhanced by a bibliography of select works on Slovakia. J . M . Kirschbaum ** See my review of his book La Slovacchia e le sue relazioni politiche con la Germania 1938-1945, in Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. X, 1-2, p.69-70. Studia H istorica Slovaka IV - Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej Akademie Vi ed, Bratislava, 1966. Multi-li ngual, 290 p . The thaw behind the Iron Curtain reached Czecho-Slovakia later than the other satelite countries, but the results of the little freedom which the intellectuals have been allowed, becomes slowly apparent in several fields of cultural endeavor. Historiography is one of these fields and the volume under the review indicates that the intellectual climate is changing. For a long time not only poets and writers, but also historians, linguists and scholars in general were forced by the regime to accept Marxist theories and criteria and to be a political tool of the communist party. In historiography this was evident in all works dealing not only with the recent history of Slovakia, but the Marxist interpretation with strong political overtones was applied even to the early centuries and Middle Ages of the Slovak historical development. In the most distorted way was treated especially the period of the SLOVAKIA Slovak Republic, the events of the Second World War, and the role of the Communist party in Slovakia since 1918 and particularly since 1944. A few books and symposia published since 1965 would indicate that this Marxist period of historiography is over. Historians, panelists and researchers are coming with views and interpretations which are much closer to the historical truths and objectivity. In the volume under the review this new trend is apparent mainly in K. Rebro's "Attempts at a rightful solution of the Slovak national question in the revolutionary years 1848-49" and Zd. Holotikova's "The Slovak Question and Czechoslovak Communist Party in pre-Munich Czechoslovakia." While the first contribution is free of the tendency to present the Slovak past as a part of "Czechoslovak" political development and views the events as an expression of the Slovak people to achieve Slovak national goals and equality of treatment with other component parts of the Habsburg Empire, the second contribution is free to a great degree of various myths which penetrated Slovak historiography with regard to the role of the Communist Party in pre-War Czecho-Slovakia. The Communist Party in Slovakia was a conglomerate of national minorities with strong preponderance of Hungarians, Czechs ( even Gottwald lived in Slovakia) and 159 others. Slovaks were not only in minority, but until 1930 did not have Slovak leadership. Only the return of Slovak students from Prague (among them Clementis, Novomesky, Ponican, Va.mos, Okaly, etc.) gave the communist movement in Slovakia some Slovak flavour. As for program, the party had none which can be interpreted as considering particular Slovak problems and national aspirations, except for linguistic rights. Communists of Slovak origin were led by Czechs and nolens-volens subscribed to the "Czechoslovak" conception and while they fought in Spain or wanted to solve problems of the world, they had little time for specific Slovak questions, and not much understanding for the struggle in which the majority of the Slovak people were involved. Holotikova still tries to explain, embellish and interpret the historical facts in favour of the Communists, but it is necessary to admit that she comes close to the historical truth and her courage and intellectual honesty are evident in many parts of her treatise. The contributions are published in German, English and French, and there is an apparent improvement in the translations in comparison with the previous volumes. The volume has for Western historians certain value, but cannot still be accepted without necessary cautiousness. J . M. Kirschbaum TAK SME SA POZNALI Tak sme sa poznali. Dr. Jozef Pauco. gaging title TAK SME SA POZNAPublished by Slovak v Amerike, LI (So Have We Known One Middletown, Pa., 1967, 281 p. Illus- Another) can be expected to entrations. compass mulUple and varied per- Dr. Joseph Pauco's MEMOIRS, sonal contacts as well as deep inwhich he has issued under the en- sight, broad vision and a skillful 160 SLOVAKIA pen. The author is a scholar, a man of the people, an editor, a journalist, a lecturer, a politician. The era he portrays was at once shatteringly disruptive and marvelously formative in its application to Central Europe and specifically to Slovakia. The men who played the leading roles in the drama of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945) were true to human nature: some giants, some midgets, some heroes, some traitors. The MEMOIRS acquire merit and authenticity from the position and the qualifications of the author. Dr. Pauco is a man whose roots rest deep in the common people. He was born in Slovakia in 1914. His father had died in the war, and so the first influences that left their mark on him came from his mother. This typical Slovak woman loved truth, right, freedom; she admired and vigorously supported the leaders who represented these qualities in government and society. The author's family, his village, his neighbors were poor in material possessions, but they were thoroughbreds in honor, dignity, integrity, courage. Dr. Pauco is a scholar, with a doctorate from Bratislava University, possessing specialized knowledge of Slovak history in its various ramifications and competent to interpret current events and human motives and aspirations. From his student days he manifested a predilection for journalism and contributed regularly to student publications and eventually also to the public press. In 1938 he served as editor of the young people's energetic Nastup. The following year he became editor of the People's Party daily, Slovenska Pravda, and in 1940 he was promoted to the staff of the Party's daily, Slovak, and became its editor in 1942. By his own account, Dr. Pauco was from childhood interested also in public speaking. He studied and admired Hlinka and Tiso, Hrusovsky and Mederly as much for their "platforms" as for their superlative ability to hold an audience spellbound. As a young student he participated in debates and panels and soon became known as a capable orator. Throughout his life he has delivered hundreds of lectures both in Europe and in America on subjects ranging from Slovak nationalism to party politics, from Slovak religious history to language. Dr. Pauco was a politician in the sense that he participated in civic movements and campaigns for human rights, and as a journalist, lecturer and editor he took a stand on political and party issues consonant with his convictions. In Tak sme sa poznali, Dr. Pauco describes his encounters with persons at the helm of the Slovak Republic, whose names are known to every Slovak. Who has not heard of Dr. Jozef Tiso, Andrej Hlinka, Karol Sidor, Frantisek Hrusovsky, Jozef Kirschbaum, Ferdinand !>urcansky, Vojtech Tuka, Sano Mach, Konstantin Culen, Andrej .Zarnov? The list is long. Some of the author's encounters with these men were casual, others in the line of duty. Some were friendly, some disappointing, others bristled with conflict. They began in the author's impressionable childhood, gained momentum in his student days at Svoradov and reached their climax when he was editor of Slovak and a leader of the People's Party. The impact of these encounters perhaps loses some of its potency for American Slovaks, to whom the system of Slovak government, the g e o g r a p h i c a 1 setting, details, SLOVAKIA 161 of Slovak history and intricacies of however, hoping to curry German the Slovak position are not tho- favor, were bent on deporting and roughly familiar. One would like to exterminating the Jews. They sucknow more; one would like to ask ceeded in passing the infamous questions. But the personalities Jewish Codex, which however Tiso that emerge are superb. managed somewhat to mitigate by Some interesting sidelights on the inclusion of the clause permitcontroversial problems can be ting the President and other oftrailed throughout the book. Take ficers to intervene and prevent the the Jewish question, for example. deportation of any Jew allegedly There were always some Jews on essential to the nation•s welfare. It the staff of the Slovak. They con- is estimated that in this way Presitinued at their posts even after the dent Tiso saved the lives of some laws against them became extreme, 9000 Jews. being saved from deportation by At Tiso's trial Archbishop Kmet' the "urgency" clause with which ko testified that the President did President Tiso had managed to off- not sign the Jewish Codex, that he set the inhumanity of a cruel law. in fact repudiated it. And the ConThere was in Slovakia a certain ference of Slovak Bishops declared "garnitura," a set headed by Prime that Tiso was so incensed at the Minister Vojtech Tuka, which passing of the Jewish Codex that favored collaboration with the he was prepared to resign from ofNazis in the full sense of the term fice. Only the thought that he and which pressed for the exter- might yet save the situation from mination of the Jews. Strongly op- becoming worse, and because the posing him were Tiso and his fol- Jews themselves pleaded with him lowers in the People's Party, the did he decide to remain at his broad masses, who upheld God's post. law and the human rights of ever y From this book the impression individual, not excepting the Jews. grows that " true" Slovaks were In his propaganda tactics Tuka is- not so much anti-German, antisued a newspaper in which he Czech, anti-Communist, anti-Socialscornfully labeled Tiso and his fol- ist, as they were altogether wholelowers "white Jews" and "half heartedly, singlemindedly, unreJews" because of their protective servedly Slovak. Their pro-Slovak stand in favor of the Jews. On the aspirations cast out and left no room other hand, Minister Sano Mach, for any negative elements. Such who was Tuka's faithful henchman, genuine patriotism and true nais nevertheless known to have re- tionalism is God-given in the natusisted Nazi pressure for sterner ral law, as expressed by President laws against the Jews in Slovakia Tiso in his last statement to the and to have personally intervened nation : " 'For God and nation' is a in saving many Jewish lives. positive command of God, Who inIndeed Dr. Pauco presents the stituted it as the natural law and "case of the Jews in Slovakia" with planted it in the heart of the nagreat fidelity and impartial objec- tion and in the heart of its every tivity. The Slovak President did all member." in his power to protect the Jews. The Slovak Republic was born The Slovak State opposed the per- and its direction chartered under secution of the Jews. Certain ele- the most searing circumstances. ments in the Slovak government, Within it men's souls were tested. 162 SLOVAKIA Some good men, who had served the State, while it lasted, with admirable loyalty and devotedness, failed Slovakia in her greatest hour of crisis in 1945 and thereafter. Dr. Pauco speaks sadly of these, for their greatest injury was their own personal ,p erfidy. Not all men can be heroes, but all men can be true. In the drama of the Slovak Republic, heroes predominated. The reader can only marvel at the integrity, the competence, the singleminded purpose, the energetic pursuit of an ideal, the perserverance of these men. The author does not hesitate to declare that had they been in the service of a world power, they would have become internationally renowned figures . Slovakia is rightly proud of them. What was the situation in Slovakia? Her most valiant warrior, Andrej Hlinka, who had weathered years of stormy resistance to Magyar oppression and had actively challenged a Czech so-called democratic regime for 20 years, had died on the eve of the proclamation of the Slovak Republic. In the realization of its bid for independence Slovakia now found itself on the international stage, thrust there by Hitler, and the unrehearsed performance of the drama which ensued taxed the leaders to the utmost. Yet in every forward step they invoked the law and adhered steadfastly to Christian principles despite pressures that nearly crushed them. Who were the leaders? Older men. Seasoned politicians like President Jozef Tiso, Jozef Buday, Ferdis Juriga, Jozef Srobar; younger men, who had acquired some experience in government and public affairs, like Karol Sidor, Frantisek Hrusovsky, Karol Mederly, Pavol Oplustil, Konsto Culen, Tido Gaspar, Andrej ~arnov; and the very young, fresh from the universities, like Jozef Kirschbaum, Ferdinand 1'.lurcansky, and Dr. Jozef Pauco himself. Dr. Jozef Pauco is proud of his generation and the achievements they accumulated to their credit in that stirring time. Their enthusiasm and tireless energy were phenomenal. The older men relied on them, encouraged them, supported them , and excused their inevitable mistakes in favor of the obvious and sincere love of their nation which motiviated them. Dr. Pauco's book is his answer to the oft-repeated question: "How well did you know N.N?" Each encounter, each portrayal is penetrating, engrossing, and vividly alive. As a sampling of the author's method, let me sketch - all too briefly, however, -Dr. Pauco's encounters with the key figure, President Jozef Tiso. How did he come to know Dr. Tiso? First of all. by hearsay. From his mother, who referred to this remarkable priest as a gift from heaven to the Slovak people. From a casual reference of Tiso's bishop who described the pastor of Banovce as an exceptional priest. Pauco's first view of Tiso was at a political rally in Nitra when he was still too young to understand the speaker's words; but was deeply impressed by his manner of speaking, his gestures, his voice, and the reaction of the crowds. Tiso was indeed a remarkable man: what his mother used to tell him was true. His whole being responded to the magnetism and charm of Tiso. His second encounter with Tiso also occurred in historic Nitra in the year of its Christian Jubilee 1933. Slovak youth was there, bursting with enthusiasm, alert for action. Somehow Paufo found him- SLOVAKIA self in the youthful vanguard around the speaker's tribune. The first to address the vast crowds was Dr. Tiso, who directed his stirring words on the significance of the occasion mainly to the young. His words came out in a series of questions which the audience punctuated with loud bursts of cheering: "Can a nation which embraced Christianity 1100 years ago be an unknown quantity? Does not such a nation possess the attributes of culture? Can such a nation repudiate its past history? Shall such a nation grovel before slave drivers? Has not such a nation the right vigorously and categorically to demand the same natural rights to self-identity as any of its neighbors?" There was no end to the questions. 163 party leaders. Pauco concludes that Tiso's articles were every bit as "subversive" as Hlinka's and Sidor's, but they lacked certain explosive words which the censors, using their dictionaries perhaps, obviously watched for. Pauco further opines that Tiso's erudition and style were beyond the grasp of the censors and their command of the language. But they made their mark in the hearts of the people. Pauco's first actual, person-toperson meeting with Tiso came as the result of a lecture engagemet at a school headed by Tiso. In a friendly chat that passed from personal to political and national topics, Pauco was happy to note the absence of any patronizing or censorious postures. On the contrary, Tiso conveyed complete confidence in his guest as a speaker and evinced an honest respect for his personal views. Dr. Pauco mentions that he had here an opportunity for the first time to observe Andrej Hlinka as a spectator in the audience. Hlinka applauded more vigorously than A meeting that stands out as the young people themselves and unique for Dr. Pauco was his preover and over called out "Na sla- sentation of greetings in the name vu," in praise of Tiso. of the Slovak Catholic Students Federation to Dr. Jozef Tiso on the Nevertheless, as Dr. Pauco notes, occasion of the declaration of SloHlinka and Tiso were two divervakia's independence on March 14, gent personalities. In his discourses 1939. It was brief and straight from Hlinka aroused the people as with the heart: "God help you, Sir Prime fire. Tiso's words were more pro- Minister." found , each one carrying its weight. There were other meetings with Tiso, literally hun<lreds of them , Dr. Pauco quotes a friend's reafter Pauco became editor of the mark that paragraphs from HlinSlovak. The Slovak was Tiso's newska's and Sidor's articles in the parpaper, yet he never dictated to its ty press were much oftener deeditor. He was satisfied that it was leted by the Czech censors and faithful to the People's Party, to their columns showed many more its ideals, to Christian statesmanwhite spaces than did those of ship and Christian principles in Tiso. Pauco looked into this ingeneral. His one word of advice teresting observation. He pulled out was, "Hold fast to the Slovak line." the old issues of various newspapers, including uncensored copies, President Tiso visited the editor's and compared the texts of these office regularly once a week and 164 SLOVAKIA The name of Dr. Tiso appears throughout Tak sme sa poznali. The men portrayed in its pages were either for or against the Slovak State, which is another way of saying they were either with Tiso Dr. Pauco presents the substance or against him. of many of these meetings. They President Tiso had his enemies, constitute a remarkable and authentic dossier of Tiso's policies, his ob- and they were not only the Gerjectives, and his views on perplex- mans. They included men in the ing situations, on government of- government, headed by Prime Minficials , on history and world affairs, ister Vojtech Tuka. Dr. Pauco carefully differentiates between Presiincluding America. dent, the government and the SloPages are written about Tiso's vak State. How the Slovak State identification and contact with the managed to come into existence, common people, both as President assume responsibility for its welland as a pastor of Banovce. People being and development and actualhad free access to him always. In ly achieve a high standard of operatheir visits throughout the country, tion despite pressures from within towns and villages, Tiso and his out and opposition and challenges representatives were a cc o rd e d from within, this is the account one honors from the people utterly de- reads with admiration in Dr. voted to them. And Tiso took every Pauco's book. occasion to instruct the people on But Dr. Tiso was not merely optitheir duties to the state, and they responded with the utmost generos- mistic for the fate of the Slovak ity. Well-known is the people's sup- Republic; he had the highest trust port of the national economy and in God's Providence for it. We retheir generous offering of all their echo that trust and believe firmly gold jewelry to supply the neces- that Dr. Pauco's book will be one sary gold backing for the banks in of the means God will use to acquaint the world with the truth the first months of the Republic. about Slovakia and to lead it to Tough realist that he was known acknowledge Slovakia's right to to be, Tiso rarely exhibited the self-government and to guarantee deep and abiding affection he felt it to her. for the Slovak masses. Yet on ocTAK SME SA POZN ALI is a casion he allowed himself to be carried away by his feelings. Dr. tremendously vital book. In rePauco recalls the graceful gesture counting his experiences in the Sloof hands extended to a crowd of vak Republic - "All of which he one hundred thousand Slovak citi- saw, part of which he was" - Dr. zens assembled before the National Pauco has written authentic hisTheatre and Tiso's moving words tory. As such it will live and addressed to them: "Nation of flourish . Sister M. Tarcisia, SS.C.M mine, I love you." oftener. Similarly Tiso's office was open at all times to Pauco. All he had to do was make an appointment with Tiso 's secretary ; rarely did he have to wait. SLOVAKliA 165 OON'TIRIBU'DIONS ON SLOVAKIA IN THE S'YM:POSID1M BOHEMIA Gogolak, L. von, "T. G. Masaryks slowakische und ungarlandische Politik" (Masaryk's Slovak and Hungarian Policy), Munich, 1963. Vol. IV, p. 174-227. Hoensch, J. K. , "Die Grundlagen des Programms der Slowakischen Volkspartei vor 1938 (The Basis of the Programme of the Slovak Populist Party before 1938), Munich, 1960, Vol. VII, p. 320-356. ceptable. As far as Masaryk's influence on Slovak politics before 1918 is concerned, Professor Gogolak's conclusions seem to be, however, less acceptable. It seems that he adopted the Czech view which always exaggerated Masaryk's influence on Slovakia before 1918, and even more exaggerated the role of the "Hlasists," who before 1918 were either students or their influence was very limited. On the other hand, Prof. Gogolak appears to be emotionally biased towards the Slovak nationalist group and especially toward Andrej Hlinka and his Party, which this reviewer mentioned also previously.* The group around "Hlas" became a political force only after 1918 when Masaryk divided among them political and economic power, regardless of their capabilities, age and influence in Slovakia. On the other hand , Vajansky, Skultety and the nationalist group of Turciansky (not Turcansky) Sv. Martin represented thinking of a large segment of Slovak population whatever we can say of their ideas. But Professor Gogolak, consciously or not, forgot to mention another group which was in-between, or close to the group in Turciansky Sv. Martin, and the only one represented in Budapest as a result of the elections: the Catholics Skycak, Juriga, Hlinka and the intellectuals around "Tovarysstvo," led by Oswald, to whom originally belonged also Gregor Tajovsky, erroneously called medical doctor by Gogolak. While reviewing another very well-written treatise on Slo- Bohemia is actually an annual (Jahrlmch) of the Colegium Carolinum in Munich for the problems of the Czech lands (Bohemia in Latin), but in recent years we could find in this well-edited symposium several contributions dealing with Slovak political topics. The above contributions are among those which should not escape analysis and some critical comments on the Slovak side, because they are basically valuable and of high academic standards. Professor Gogolak, whose previous studies made him one of the best experts on Slovakia in German language, deals with a controversial subject of Masaryk's origin and his influence on Slovak politics before 1918. Masaryk is, according to Gogolak, of Slovak background or in other words a Slovak from the ethnic point of view, but assimilated with the Czechs as Kosuth and Petofi did with Hungarians. He had first a German education and became Czech in his adult age, but his Slovak origin haunted him and therefore he wanted Slovaks to follow his footsteps: to assimilate with Czechs. This is, in a nutshell, Gogolak's thesis, supported by a thorough re- * See Slavic and East-European search and references to works in Studies (Universite de Montreal) , several languages, and it seems ac- Vol. XII, 1, p. 63. 166 SLOVAKIA vak politics by Professor Gogolak, I mentioned that he can be surprisingly objective when he speaks about the Magyarization, but he seems to have an emotional prejudice against those who later were organized in the Hlinka's party and his writings indicate a "favourable bias," when he speaks about Slovak "Czechoslovaks," especially about Hodza , Derer, Ivanka , Stefanek and others, and about their role in Slovakia before 1918. This is to be regretted because rarely anyone displayed such a thorough knowledge of literature on Slovakia in several languages and could penetrate even into the political climate in Slovakia and mentality of the Slovak people as Professor Gogolak did. to be regretted that he repeats some self-evident errors (for instance persons in Tuka's group who never belonged there). The programme and policy of the Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party is presented by Hoensch in Bohemia even less objectively than in his book, since many explanations of the background of Slovak politics, which we find in the book, are missing in the contribution to Bohemia. The adversaries of the Slovak aspirations for freedom and self-rule can, therefore , misuse again his study as they did with his book, which was recently thoroughly analyzed on the Slovak side by Professor Frantisek Vnuk. ** Because there is nothing new in H-0ensch's contribution which we could not find in his book, we refer the reader to the above mentioned reviews and express regrets that Dr. Hoensch's well-documented studies on Slovakia are not free of bias and that he did not avoid being influenced by the Czech and communist sources in his conclusions about the policy of Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party. J . M. Kirschbaum The contribution by Jorg K. Hoensch seems to be a re-written chapter of his b<Wk Die Slowakei und Hitlers Ostpolitik (Hlinkas Slowakische Volkspartei zwischen Autonomie und Separation 19381939) which was reviewed by this reviewer in the quarterly Slowakei (Vol. IV, No. 2, p. 58-64) and commented on it in Slavic and East European Studies (Vol. XII, 1, p. 61) . Since Dr. Hoensch's book was ** See L iterarny Almanach Slovaka published in 1965 and his contribu- v Amerike for 1968, (Middletown, tion under review in 1967, it is Pa.) p. 21-45. SLOVAKS IN CANADA Kirschbaum, J.M., Slovaks in Canada, (Canadian Ethnic Press Association of Ontario), Toronto, 1967, XVI- 480 pp. Bibliography, Index, Illustrations. The present book by Prof. Joseph Kirschbaum is more than a true and conscienious report about the happenings to the Slovaks in Canada. It is a bi-continental report on the destiny of one of the oldest nations in Central Europe, a report on the struggle for a survival both in the old homeland and in Canada. The book itself shared the adventures of overcoming the obstacles to its survival i. e. to its publication; the same ones and coming from the very same groups which were and are at the origin of the fact that the Slovaks are denied to live a SLOVAiaA free way of life in their own homeland. It is amazing to see to what degree the moral awareness for the human dignity can be blinded and muzzled even in the free Western world by a flood of propaganda, accepted without any criticism and without any desire to find out what the facts really are; in the present case, what the real facts are with regard to the Slovaks. From this point of view this book is much more than a book of History. It is a true History indeed, yet at the same time, and by the fact of being a true History, it is an appeal to the moral conscience of the Western world to recognize the due right of the Slovaks for a free life, even if there are no more of them than 4.5 million in Slovakia. There are about 65,000 Canadians of Slovak origin and well over one million of them in the U.S.A. The social, economic, religious and cultural history of the Slovak immigrant is basically nothing less than a profound human plea for a free life, it is a cry for freedom. Are many people ready to listen to it? Those who do not want to be disturbed in their more or less comfortable ideological pew-should put this book aside. However, if someone is inclined to risk his "mauvaise conscience" with regard to this particular case, he will get his reward both for Canada and for a people that do not ask to be judged on the merits of the facts. In this case you are going to be witness of the story that can accomplish the human craving for freedom and you will feel proud to be a member of a nation where only the freedom is the limit to the human energy. Dr. Kirschbaum gives us a thor- 167 ough and stimulating history and analysis of the life of Slovak Canadians, beginning with the first settlers in the West during the 1880's to the political refugees who fled their native land at the end of the Second World War, unwilling to accept foreign domination and Communist regime in Slovakia. The author has left few stones unturned in his research; he visited the places where Slovak Canadians live and where many died; talked to the organizers of Slovak religious and social organizations, and read their press, which in a period of 57 years has numbered 17 newspapers and 13 cultural and religious periodicals. The author also explains at some length the reasons which led Slovaks to organize themselves in associations, thus giving us an insight into the ways an immigrant group was able to adapt in a country where language and custom barriers were not the only obstacles to overcome. In time, most of these obstacles were not only overcome, but Slovak Canadians were able to make very worthy contributions to the arts and sciences as well as to the economic development of Canada. These contributions are discussed in the second of a new two-part definition of the concept of intergration which is analyzed at some length. Dr. Kirschbaum is particularly qualified to convey the story of the Slovak group in Canada to other Canadians and to link it to its origin in the old country. A Slovak European, he arrived with his family to Canada 19 years ago via several years of traveling and studying in Italy, France, Switzerland and other European countries. He participated in many fields of the Canadian life; from economy, 168 SWVAK1A social, religious, ethnic, to cultural and in particular in the University life, as former Professor at the Universite de Montreal, and lecturer at the University of Ottawa and the University of Toronto. One has to fully agree with the author's remark in his Preface that, "The story which the book tells about Slovaks in Canada is the saga of a small group of people in a new land who preserved their identity and achieved success against many odds. Many aspects of their history can apply to several other ethnic groups, particularly to those who came to Canada from the territories of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire: Poles, Slovenes, Croats, Czechs (Bohemians), and also some Ukrainians (Galicians). Basically it is a simple story without heroic deeds, but not without the courage and perseverance which brought final success. A great deal of that success is due to the democratic institutions of Canada to the tolerance of its people and the abundant resources of the land; but the main factor was the human element: a healthy and hard working people and their will to struggle and succeed, to prosper and create a better future culturally, religiously and econo- mically. The reader may conclude for himself how well they achieved these aims." Furthermore, many will also agree "Whatever happens, the purpose of this book will have been served if the second and third generations of Slovak Canaclians remember their origin and become aware of the reasons which brought Slovaks to Canada, their difficult beginnings, their successful struggles, and their contributions to Canadian life. It is also hoped that this book will serve historians in their accounts of the different aspects of Canadian history." The book makes a considerable contribution to the knowledge of Canada for all Canadians who are desirous to know their country better. It is primarily directed to the second generation Slovak Canadians and to the English speaking Canadians, but the French speaking Canadians also can get a glimpse into the contents of the book through the extensive French resume. At the same time the book is a sincere undertaking in the service of freedom and human dignity of man applied to the dramatic case of the Slovak people. Charles Murin THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA through its Ladies Auxiliary, the "VCIELKY" (Bees), sponsors Slovak cultural displays. concerts, lectures, art exhibits, folk festjvals, social evenings, etc. Our aim is to have a "Hive" of our "Vcielky" in every large Slovak community. 169 SLOVAKIA AS OTHERS SEE IT "The Free world knows the methods used by the Soviets when they aggressed and through milittary might, enslaved Poland, Slo• vakia, Lithuania, Romania, Hungary, and all the peoples in the Bal• kan nations' area. The Soviets, under Stalin and Khruschev, not only enslaved the people remaining in their homeland but deported millions into the wilds of Siberia to work and die in slave labor camps." (Congressman Ray J. Madden). "Freedom and job opportunity, and the promise of an honest day's wages for an honest day's work, brought our forefathers from Rumania and Slovakia, and from the other European countries, to the shores of America. Many of you came to this country, and through honest labor and toil, you achieved personal s u c c e s s, and if not wealth, certainly well being. The churches, the schools, the many other institutions, and the neat and well kept neighborhoods in the Slovak communities, are the fruits of the labors of many Slovaks who toiled long and hard in the coal mines of Pennsylvania, the steel mills of Ohio and Indiana, and on the railroads which connected in• dustry to the markets. Indeed, as an industrious people, the Slovaks have achieved a respected and honorable place among the nationality and ethnic peoples of this country." - Ralph S. Locher, former mayor of the City of Cleve• land, Ohio "True, ever since the founding of the state in 1918 there have been conflicts between Czechs and Slovaks. The Slovaks resented Czech supremacy ... "The Czech-Slovak dispute centered around the interpretation of the Czechoslovak nation-whether Czechs and Slovaks are one or two nations. The dispute has long been decided in favor of the second interpretation. Czechs and Slovaks Stephen are two nations. " Borsody, The New York Times "Traditional rivalry between the Czech and Slovak nationalities forms the backdrop for charges that Slovakia was being neglected in economic development projects. "And most of the writers who have criticized the government were Slovaks, including Ladislav Mnacko who defected to Israel last August in protest against the regime's strict pro-Arab stand in the Middle East war. - ( Associated Press) Evening News, Harrisburg, Pa. "The Czech Communist Party has been plagued by several fundamental problems-one of them a Slovak demand for more autonomy and broader economic opportunity." ( CA AP-Reuter ) The N ewcastie Sun "Some students of this country (Czecho-Slovakia ) believe the Slovakian drive for national autonomy is the key liberalizing factor. An embryonic parliamentarism is de• veloping as committees of the Na• tional Assembly, no longer a Sovietstyle rubber stamp, mend Govern• ment bills." (Philadelphia Inquir• er.) "A key factor in the downfall of Czecho-Slovakia's Antonin Novotny, a Stalinist Czech, was the opposition of the Slovaks ... it seems obvious that Czech preponderance 170 SLOVAK'.llA would never allow a Slovak to exercise more than limited control." (Richard Eder, The New York Times) the citizens of our country by contributing to a better understanding and appreciation of Slovak tradition, has made a significant mark on our culture. I wish you "In November, Mr. Dubcek led many more years of success in an attack on the Novotny leader- these endeavors." - Senator Robert ship, charging that the Prague F. Kennedy (N.Y.) regime had slighted Slovakia not only in term of economic develop"It is a pleasure to send greetment, but also in political terms." ings to the Slovak League of Amer(David Binder, The New York ica. One of the great strengths of Times) the United States is the cultural and historical diversity of its peo"And of course, the Slovaks are ple. The preservation of the unique still not happy with the orders they heritage of the Slovak people enget from Prague: Communist or riches the whole community." not, they would like to have a state Senator Clifford P. Case (N.J.) of their own ... "The Czechs, however, did not "Americans of Slovak descent even budge. Their Russian rulers have contributed to every sector easily forestalled any Czech action of our national life. Their dedica- by releasing Czech food reserves tion to democracy has been proven to Czech consumers. The East Euro- over and over again. They have had pean saying is: 'The Czechs opened a mighty impact on our cultural their mouths not to protest but to and political life, and I salute The eat.' The Czechs themselves add: Slovak League of America on this 'The Russians kept us quiet by occasion." - Senator Harrison A. stuffing our mouths with our own Williams, Jr. (N.J.) Czech sausage'." (Dr. Albert Parry, The [San Diego, Calif.] Union) "The Slovak League of America has rendered an important service "To the Slovaks, headed by Pre- in keeping alive the culture and mier Jozef Lenart, Novotny repre- traditions of the Slovak people in sents the old tradition of Czech America. It has alway emphasized domination and denial of full equal- the blessings of freedom and deity." - The New York Times mocracy." - Charles S. Joelson, "You (The Chicago Tribune) (N.J.) Member of Congress printed that I was a Czech. My "Congratulations to the Slovak mother was furious. She got out League of America and their enthe maps and wants to prove that deavors to preserve the historical we're Slovaks, not Czechs." (Jim background of their homeland. Valek, head foot-ball coach at Uni"One project I would like to unversity of Illinois.) dertake is to make a Bibliography "I am very pleased to salute the of all worthwhile publications Slovak League of America on its covering history, literature, music 60th Anniversary. Americans of and art because it is over twentySlovak origin have contributed as five years since anything was pubmuch as any group to the greatness lished in Slovakia by a free society. of our nation, and your organiza- The Congressional Library can tion, promating the welfare of all probably be very helpful in this SLOVAKIA 171 project and might be able to do it through Slovakia, which for cenfor you." - Edward E. Patten turies belonged to Hungary. The Slovak language had a renaissance, (N.J.), Member of Congress thousands of folksongs and tales "The Slovak people over the cen- were gathered and given literary turies have given numerous evid- form . ences of their unquestionable de"This work was done by the sire for freedom . Catholic clergy and the village "The many thousands of Amerteachers. The priests also stood icans of Slovak descent have made with the people in their struggles great c o n tr i bu ti o n s in many with the Hungarians, Czechs, nazis spheres to the development and and communists. growth of our country. And the "The natural center of all Slofierce love of freedom which they vak life was the local church, its brought with them from their clergy, the sacraments; in short, motherland has strengthened Amerthe Christian faith in its Catholic ica's own fabric of freedom. form." - Rune P . Thuringer, NC "I wish the Slovak League of News Service America many more decades of patriotic, civic, and cultural activ"Several heads of Church deanity." - Senator Thomas J. Dodd eries in Czecho-Slovakia have been (Conn.) summoned or visited by security police to answer questions about "It is a pleasure to send warm greetings and heartiest congratula- priests who are not active in the tions to the Officers and Members peace priest movement, which supof The Slovak League of America ports that nation's communist as you celebrate your 60th Anniver- regime. The interrogations, according to KNA, German Catholic news sary. agency, also centered on those "Your organization is to be commended for its notable contribu- priests who have been relieved of tions to the economic and social their priestly duties by the govern1ife of our state and perpetuating ment and who are working in agrithe great tradition and heritage of cultural and industrial jobs. Some the Slovak culture which has great- of them are allegedly performing ly enriched the American society. pastoral functions in secret." "I send my best wishes to all NCWC News Service, Washington, present for a most enjoyable D.C. evening and continuing years of "Copies of Pope Paul Vi's encycsuccess in all of your fine en- lical On the Development of PeoSenator Jacob K . ples, as well as copies of his appeal deavors." Javits (N.Y.) for a world Day of Peace, have "Slovak League of America is in- been returned to Vienna by officterested in promoting better under- ials of the Czecho-Slovak post ofstanding and appreciation of the fice system. "Stamped 'Not permitted in the Slovak nation, its history, cultural Czecho-Slovak Socialist Republic' traditions and struggle for freedom." (The Evening News, Harris- by Czech officials, the materials had been mailed to Catholic pubburg, Pa.) lications and individuals in Czecho"During the last century, a Slovakia," according to KNA, the strong nationalist movement went German Catholic news service 172 SLOVA.KilA in that communist-ruled country (Czecho-Slovakia) many Catholic priests and a number of bishops are still in jail or confinement." - (Sunday News, New York, N.Y.) "At present, the Czech law permits workers, students and church groups to hold meetings in the open without notifying the police in advance. Now the authorities propose a regulation that will require religious processions, including funeral corteges from the church to the cemetery, to be announced three days in advance." NC News Service "At present, priests in CzechoSlovakia are all but suffocated under a mountain of petty government restrictions. These include such detailed regulations that a pastor has to get specific government approval for a nearby priest to come and say Mass or hear Confessions." - (NCWC News Service, Washington, D.C.) "With regard to institutional problems, the talks between the Vatican and the Czecho-Slovakian government will have to consider the following points in order of importance: -"Bishops: Of the dioceses (six Slovakian, two Moravian, four Bohemian), only four (three Slovakian and one Bohemian) have a bishop. The ether seven are governed by vicars capitular. That is the most important problem. -"The seminaries. We have only two major seminaries: at Litomerice for Bohemia and Moravia and at Bratislava for Slovakia. This year 80 students were ad• mitted at Litomerice and 95 at Bratislava. There were more candidates than that. Continuing at that rate, we will in 10 years have half as many priests as we have today. -"The religious education of children. The situation is particularly bad in the cities. In Prague, for example, onl)' 700 children are enrolled in catechism classes. Religion is taught in state schools only to children between the ages of seven and 13. In the villages, the situation is much better. At present, I estimate that in Slovakia, a tradition,ally Catholic country like Poland, 80 per cent of the children of Catholic parents are enrolled in catechism classes, in Moravia 50 per cent and in Bohemia 20 per cent. This situation is not very different from that of pre-war days. "In all, of the 14 million inhabitants of Czecho-Slovakia, 60 per cent are Catholics, 10 per cent are Protestants, and 30 per cent are atheists. Among the Catholics, 34 per cent in Slovakia and 15 per cent in Bohemia are practicing. -"Another problem is working priests. At present we estimate that there are 1,500 ecclesiasticsof whom 80 per cent are Religious -who have non-religious jobs. In 1966, a total of 300 received the government's authorization to take up their ministry again. "Religious orders and congregations do not always have the right to accept novices." - Czech Bishop Frantisek Tomasek * THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA stands for honesty, intergrity, industry and justice in government. SLOVAKIA 173 CONTRIBUTOR S Hletko, Peter Paul M.D., physician-surgeon; (semi-retired); med. examiner of many insurance Co's ; born June 26, 1902 in Chicago, Ill.; son of Martin and Catherine (Hargas) Hletko; educated, St. Michael's School (1908-1915), Chicago, St. Procopius Academy and College, Lisle, Ill. (1915-1919) and (191921); De Paul Univ., Chicago (192123, B.Sc. in Chem. 1923) ; Loyola University, Chicago, (M.D. 1927); Resident Staff (interne) Cook County Hosp., Chicago (1927-1928); instructor in clinical neurology Loyola U. Medical School (193135); wed Anna E . Remijas in 1938; led Slovak League of America delegation to Czecho-Slovakia in 1938 in behalf of Pittsburgh Pact recognition; pres. Slovak League of America (1935-1939) and (1963-64); Hon. President and member of Exec. Committee of Slovak League (1938-1965); vice-pres. Slovak Cath. Federation of America (1934); Supr. Med. Examiner, Slovak Cath. Sokol (1927-1964) ; Hon. Med. Examiner (emeritus), and Member of Exec. Comm. Slovak Cath. Sokol; Supr. Med. Examiner Nat. Slovak Society (1934-39); secretary, Supreme Court of Nat. Slovak Society ( 1926-1934); organizer and 1st pres. 'Club Furdek' (Cath. Slovak Cultural Society, Chicago) 1929; member Amer. Med. Assoc., Ill. Med. Assoc. and Chicago Medical Assoc. since 1929; med. examiner of Municipal Court and Law Dept. Benefit and Pension Fund, Chicago, ( 1936-61); President, Gage Park Savings & Loan Assn., Chicago, since 1935. Author: "The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact" (published by Slovak Catholic Federation - 1934); wrote "lskry" - reprint of satiro-comic column in the Osad- ne Hlasy (Slovak Parish News), 1931 ; edited the "Catholic Slovak Sokol Cook-Book," 1964; contrib. editor, Osadne Hlasy (Chicago Parish News, 1927-63); editor "Jaro," English supplement to "Jednota", 1927-36. Editor, 'Chicagsky Dennik' (Chicago Slovak Daily News) , 192627. Democrat. Hobbies: Books, philately, pinochle. Home: Warrenville, Ill. Office : 2740 W. 55th St. Chicago, Illinois 60632 Emerentia Petr<isek, Mother M., B.A., M.A., of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Pennsy1vania. Danville, Born in Sugar Notch, Pennsylvania. Member of Holy Rosary Slovak Parish, Ashley. Elementary grades in local public school and St. Leo Parochial School, Ashley. B.A. and M.A., Marywood College, Scranton, Pa. Among the first aspirants to the newly founded Congregation of Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. One of the founding teachers of the First Catholic Slovak Gi,rls' High School, now St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa. Founder of the St. Cyril Academy annual Fialky, and for long years its moderator, Mother M. Emerentia guided young writers and trained them in skills which have since borne fruit in college research papers and creative writing on the part of SCA alumnae. Professor of Slovak at St. Cyril Academy and Marywood College, Mother M. Emerentia compiled Ucebnica slovenskej reci (1929) and Steps in Elementary Slovak (1949), 174 SLOVAK1A a text which is being continuously revised and supplemented. For several years she has been conducting a Correspondence Course for the Sisters teaching in parish schools. She has issued several editions of Slovak songs and hymnbooks for use in Slovak parish schools. Most recently under her direction have been issued Slovak hymns in translation : Bethlehem Carols and Alleluia. (1967) Mother M. Emerentia has written the history of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, portions of which have appeared from time to time in various Slovak publications, including the Fialky . In 1959 an abridged edition, entitled, Brief History of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius Told in Fiv e Decades, appeared serially in the Jednota and also in the Danville News. A limited num- ber of copies were printed. Frank Bandar was born on November 13, 1917 in Cejkov, Slovakia. He attended the elementary school there ; went to high school in Michalovce and graduated in 1940 in Ko~ice; and then went on to major in Economics at the University of Budapest. His studies were interrupted for political reasons and the war. During that time, he was a member of the Slovak University Students of the Hungary Club and a member of the United Slovak Party of Hungary. After some temporary employment, in 1948 he attempted to finish his studies in Prague, but did not pass the communist screening. He was imprisoned for a few months for political reasons. In 1949 he escaped to West Germany and in the same year emigrated to Canada. In 1956 he received his B.A. Degree in Economics from Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario. In 1965 he emigrated to the United States and became a Research Economist at Columbia University. In September, 1967 he was awarded his M.A. Degree in Economics at the University of New York. As fourth Superior General of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Mother M. Emerentia supervised the errection of the beautiful chapel of SS. Cyril and Methodius at Villa Sacred Heart, Danville, Pa. Known far and wide as an architectural About Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum gem , it is a Slovak treasure house and Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS. in its stained glass windows and its C.M., see Slovakia 1966; about Sisr eligious symbolism. ter M. Evangela Lubek, SS. C.M., At present, as a retired teacher, Mother M . Emerentia is occupied in various Community duties and continuing a life-long interest in Slovak- language, education, history, and literature. She operates a Slovak Book Department, disseminating Slovak publications nationwide, and keeping in touch with all cultural movements affecting Slovak interests. see Slovakia 1965, and about Fr. Andrew Pir, 0 .S.B., see Slovakia 1967. Sister M . Raymund Horvath, SS. C.M. and Sister M. Tarcisia, SS. C.M., are teaching at the St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa. Dr. Charles Murin is a Professor of Philosophy at the University of Montreal. SLOVAKliA 175 SLOVAKIA is published annual]~· by the Rlovak League of Ameriea, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. One of the purposes of SLOYAKJA is to promote a better understanding and. appreeiatio11 of the Slovak nation and. its long struggle for freedom and. independence. As Americans, membel'S of the Rlonlk League of Ameriea fi1·mly believe that the SloYak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the .American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peaee and are determined to oppose the plague of Conmmnism and all other totalitarian politic-al s:;·stems. Subscription to SloYakia $2.00 per year in the "C".S.A. - $3.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA 313 Ridge Avenue Middletown, Pa. 17057 176 SLOVAKIA Contents An Agreement Which Was Never Realized - Tkach - Stephen J . 1 The Slovaks and The Pittsburgh Pact - Peter P. Hletko M.D. -5 Jednota and The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius - M. Emerentia Petra§ek, SS.C.M. The Slovak Press in Canada - 55 J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. - Economic Discrimination Against Slovakia - - Mother 78 Frank Bandor 109 First Slovak Newspapermen in America - Tybor, SS.C.M. Current Issues - 132 Book Reviews - 143 As Others See It Contributors - Sister M. Martina 121 169 173 Photographic Copy of Original Pittsburgh Pact - 4 PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 18 (No. 41) Description An account of the resource includes Current Issues; Book Reviews; As Others See It; Contributors Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/3913c0c0e176b5794db9f9f04f5a5cc6.pdf ec93320ccc8b7b93c0e0d3293708081e PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 121 FIRST SLOVAK NEWSPAPERMEN IN AMERICA Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS .C.M. In 1879 two interesting romantics set out from their native city of Krompachy in Spis County, Slovakia. They were Janko Slovensky, then twenty-two years old, and his cousin, Julius J. Wolf, only nineteen. They had finished elementary school in Krompachy and college studies in Presov. After that, they attended the renowned Jesuit Teachers' College, Klastor pod Znievom, and earned their diplomas. Slovensky had some experience as tutor with a wealthy family in the county of Gerner but he soon convinced himself that was not the life for him. He preferred big game hunting in Africa and he planned to make this romantic impulse a reality. Julius Wolf, who had also tutored in a private family, was readily won to his cousin's idea and he gladly decided to accompany him. They were kindred spirits. They left home in the summer of 1879 against the advice of their parents. Their fathers reluctantly allowed them to go only becal:lse, parentwise, they hoped that a few practical lessons in the school of life would teach these sons the folly of such a fantastic undertaking. The adventurers left with no equipment, no guns, nothing but the fullness of anticipation and a thirst for excitement. Strangely, they did not go by a direct route to Africa. They may have planned their intinerary in a roundabout way because they considered England the gateway to the wide world and the English language the key to a realm of mystery. They traveled through Germany into England and Scotland where the unforseen happened. Either they boyishly lost courage or they sanely judged their resources to be inadequate in the light of reality or they made a mistake and boarded the wrong boat from Edinburgh. At any rate, their next stop after a long sea voyage was on the shores of the United States. Starting Life in U.S.A. with $35 At Ellis Island they pooled their funds and discovered that they had thirty-five dollars with which to establish �122 SLOVAKIA themselves in America. This realization ended their romantic dreams abruptly. The clamoring of hunger made them realize that they would have to accept the inescapable reality of work. And it would have to be the back breaking work of a common laborer since professional or clerical employment was beyond them until they would attain proficiency in English. They studied the situation soberly and agreed to spend their money for tickets to the industrial area around Pittsburgh. There they hired themselves out as day laborers and agonized at their new experience in the National Tube Works of McKeesport, Pennsylvania. The aching of their limbs only whetted their efforts to improve their position. They did their utmost to progress from primer English and to become Americanized, and they did not grow discouraged. Gradually they became hardened for strenous work in various capacities: as day laborers, carpenters, masons, and miners. Before long they even came to pride themselves on the fact that they were able to earn their livelihood by such taxing work and in such an alien world. Happily, their feeling of strangeness began to wear off soon, and native ability helped them to triumph over the language barrier. Then, to their joy, five other Slovak immigrants unexpectedly came into McKeesport in the spring of 1880. Life was definitely brighter from then on. Gradually, more and more Slovaks joined the little group in this mining and manufacturing region of Pennsylvania. There was a marked influx of immigration from Austria-Hungary and its tide was swelled by large numbers of Slovaks. They came especially from the more oppressed districts of eastern Slovakia where the contemporary political regime had denied them, among other rights, opportunities for schooling and self-improvement . The more enlightened classes from central and western Slovakia had sent out very few emigrants as yet. Natural Leaders of Slovak Immigrants Slovensky and Wolf had improved themselves considerably by this time and they became the natural leaders among the good-hearted newcomers in western Pennsylvania. Wolf had progressed from laborer to factory timekeeper, then to clerk, and before long he opened a business �SLOVAKIA 123 of his own. Slovensky, too, advanced himself and came to hold a position in the office of Max Scharnberg, former Austro-Hungarian consul in Pittsburgh. Through correspondence and personal contact, directly and indirectly he became increasingly aware of the many problems that were complicating the lives of Slovaks in America. Day by day the mail brought many questions to his employer's office. Some of them were very rational; others bordered on the fantastic, being the outgrowth of wild rumors and attempts to exploit strangers in a new world. But every problem which was brought to his attention was undeniably real. Are you wondering what some of these odd questions might have been? Here are a few: "Is it true that every man who does not return at once to his regiment in Hungary will be shot when he does come back?" "Is it true that the Turks have conquered Hungary and are going to behead everyone who does not become a Moslem?" (You must remember that Slovakia was at this time unwillingly incorporated within the territories of Austria-Hungary; hence, these men were worried about the families and relatives whom they had left behind.) "Please, tell me if it is true that after the Fourth of July no Slovak will get a job here, and if he doesn't leave America within a month, he will lose his life." "They tell me that everyone from Hungary must pay a ten-dollar tax every month if he wants to work in America. Is this really true?" There were also many letters asking for help in tracing families and relatives in America. A bewildered laborer had perhaps lost an address which he needed in order to find his relatives here and was helpless in the face of the situation. And would you believe it? Some poor things came with blind trust only. They had no idea of the size of their adopted land and, provincial-minded as they were at that time, they simply felt that once they had reached America, they would meet their friends and relatives as if they had come into their own familiar village. They had no address whatever and no idea where to begin their search for their kin in this vast new land. �124 SLOVAKIA Bulletin Published to Answer Questions On seeing how much his fellowmen needed help, Slovensky was anxious to relieve them as quickly and as satisfactorily as possible. When a flood of letters would come into Mr. Schamberg's office, repeating the same question or presenting similar problems, it occurred to Slovensky that the easiest way out to reach so many with the same necessary information, with the same helpful advice or instruction would be through a newspaper or a news sheet. But they had none. Would they like to have one, Slovensky wondered. Then he took the logical step. He sent out circular letters with that inquiry and after he had filed thirty prospectives agreeing to pay ten cents per copy of a weekly "Bulletin" which he proposed, he launched his new though modest venture and brought out the first Slovak "newspaper" in America at two o'clock one memorable morning in 1885. It consisted of a single sheet handwritten with duplicating ink and hectographed on foolscap since that was the size of the gelatin pad which Slovensky then had available for his "publication." The first page featured "news of the world" and the second featured "news items from home." This paper was not merely a local news sheet to be distributed in the immediate neighborhood of McKeesport; it reached out as far as Bonne Terre, Missouri, and Port Arthur, Canada. Issues were enclosed in envelopes for mailing and postage consumed two cents out of every ten-cent subscription fee or copy. We can hardly understand how daring was this enterprise. It took uncommon courage to propose a newspaper for people who had been denied the very fundamentals of literacy, a people who had been so exploited that they hardly knew how to appreciate the printed page as part of their ordinary lives, who had been so crushed as to be made to feel that "newspapers are for the elite only." For these reasons there commonly prevailed among them a tendency to feel that it was snobbishness or pretention tc aspire to such culture; it had so long been beyond their attaining. But Slovensky's faith in his people was not misplaced and he had the initiative to blaze the trail to better things for them in this new and promising world. The first twenty numbers of the "Bulletin" followed �SLOVAKIA 125 the format and the pattern of the original. The issue was generally read aloud in a public gathering place, often a tavern or an eating place, and then individual features and news items became more or less common property and was prominently posted on the main window of the establishment or placed behind glass in a picture frame and hung' where all might read-if they could-or refer to it. A large crowd always gathered in these places whenever the "Bulletin" was due. Everybody was eager for the news it brought; everybody wanted to be present for the reading of the "newspaper" which Slovensky edited in the saris dialect. He had chosen this dialect because it was his own and because it was most representative of the readers for whom the sheet was intended at the time. Such a favorable reception of the "Bulletin" was highly gratifying to Slovensky because he saw that it both helped and pleased his people, and he was assured that they were willing to support it, since the number of subscribers was mounting from week to week. In fact, the demand soon exceeded the capabilities of a hectograph job. Consequently, in the twentieth issue Slovensky announced that as soon as adjustments could be made, he would begin to publish a standard newspaper of eight pages and he asked his subscribers to bear with him until the change could be effected. Meanwhile he discontinued the hectographed sheet. While the broadening circle of his reading public waited with eager anticipation, Slovensky, wholly raw in this field but stimulated by enthusiasm and the desire to propagate a general good, applied himself to learn from German and American printeries all that a printer should know. He diligently scouted for type that would be suitable for Slovak reading and when by lucky chance he found something desirable in Chicago, he unhesitatingly gave for it all that he had saved from his five years' earnings in America. Julius Wolf was no less sacrificing in this cause. He sold out his flourishing business in favor of a partnership with Slovensky. First Slovak Newspaper in America The investment made, they both ardently set themselves to work and on October 2, 1886 they proudly released from the press in Pittsburgh the first edition of the new paper. It bore the title banner "Amerikanszko-Szlovenske �126 SLOVAKIA Noviny" (American-Slovak News). If you know a little Slovak, that spelling in the Slovak phrase will seem peculiar to you. Remember that these original journalistic efforts were in the saris or eastern dialect and with phonetic spelling closely resembling the Magyar language which both these men had learned in the only schools they had been allowed to attend in their boyhood. The luxury of a Slovak newspaper was now available to all these Slovak immigrants who had never dared to dream of such a privilege in their peasant serfdom. Circulation Rises Within two years the circulation of Slovensky's paper had risen increasingly: there were about six thousand paid subscribers. The efforts originally launched through that humble hectographed sheet evolved into a formidable teacher and protector of Slovak interests in this land of freedom. Both Slovensky and Wolf were conscious of their shortcomings as newspaper men, for neither had studied journalism, and neither had had any previous experience in printing or publishing. Realizing that they needed specialized help, they advertized for a professional copy writer or editor abroad. They waited patiently and hopefully but their appeal brought no response. Manfully, therefore, they carried on to the best of their ability. They were remarkably successful in reporting current news, fresh opportunities and prevailing conditions in America. They took pains to acquaint Slovak immigrants with their obligations as well as with the priviledges provided them under the laws of their new country. As occasion demanded it, they wrote editorials weighted with sound admonitions and with recommendations in order to protect their readers from snares and dangers of various types, and helped them to become Americanized more rapidly. Simplicity and intimacy characterized the paper to such an extent that one can easily see in it a kind of open correspondence with a reading public rather than a formal journalistic project in the full sense of the word. New Impetus in 1888 In 1888 new impetus and quality came to the paper because of the highly improved caliber of contributions �SLOVAK.IA 127 which Rovinov had begun to submit to it. Rovinov was the pen name of Peter Victor Rovnianek, an aspiring Slovak intellectual who migrated to America in order to enjoy academic and political freedom here. He was an ardent patriot, more eager to advance the national cause than to do anything else.For that reason he had originally undertaken studies for the priesthood, realizing that a good priest is both the leader and the teacher of many. When Rovnianek's aspirations were warped by the political atmosphere at home, and when brighter prospects were offered in America, he came to St. Mary's College in Cleveland, Ohio, as a young seminarian quite close to ordination. It was from this seminary that he sent out his freelance contributions to various publications both here and abroad. Because his heart was in his work, he had the capacity to impart his ardor to others. His brilliance was quickly recognized and appreciated. The Slovensky-Wolf partnership profited by Rovnianek's talents and stood in admiration of his gifts. They saw in him more than the personification of their ideal editor and felt that it was no longer necessary to seek help from abroad; Rovnianek was the one eminently qualified for the editorship of their paper. Unfortunately for them, he was at this time seriously contemplating a return to Europe. On May 13, 1889 fire destroyed practically the entire shop and assets of the American-Slovak Press and made Slovensky and Wolf feel that they were doomed to terminate their publication. In this dark hour, the mails brought to Pittsburgh Rovnianek's farewell letter. He had made his decision; he was leaving for home. Wolf received the message and at once telegraphed Slovensky who was in New York on business. He, in turn, immediately set out for Cleveland to dissuade Rovinov from leaving. After considerable discussion and persuasion, Slovensky concluded his interview with this stipulation: the American-Slovak News would continue to appear only if Slovensky, Wolf and Rovinov would form a partnership to be known as John Slovensky and Company. Otherwise he would not carry on. It was up to Rovnianek to seal either the doom or the promise of the paper. Because this was a momentous challenge for him, Rovnianek requested two weeks for consideration, and the matter rested. Rovnianek was now bitterly tom between the natural �128 SLOVAKIA desire to return home and the apparent need to stay in America. Monthly reports from Ellis Island indicated that immigration from Hungary was very much on the increase. It brought a steady stream of Slovaks into a better land and they needing help in orientating themselves. Rovnianek foresaw that the influx of Slovak immigrants at the current rate could easily mean a guarantee for the re-birth of his crushed nation in some better day. He realized how great was the need for these uprooted people in America to have wise leaders and true teachers. He saw how readily they could be exposed to error and false allegiance especially since there were already forces at work to undermine all that he had endeavored to elevate. These and other considerations, too, seemed to bear upon Rovnianek the conviction that if he really wished to be where he could do the greatest good as a patriot, he should assume the offered editorship of the still crude but highly potential American-Slovak News. He consulted with some of his intellectual friends: Vaclav Panuska, Dr. Francisci, Miller and others. They, too, advised against his return to Europe. Rovnianek Assumes Leadership Accordingly, Rovnianek resolved to become a partner and to accept the responsibilities of editorship. He sacrificed his seminary career and left Cleveland on June 28, 1889. As a 22 year old editor he began in earnest to establish his reputation in American-Slovak national life. He introduced many changes to improve the paper, the most spectacular and significant of which was to discard the use of the dialect form of expression and Hungarian spellings. Quietly but firmly he instated the true literary form of Slovak and American patriotism and tolerated no pretense of regard for foreign overlords. He prepared for his readers comprehensive reports on news from America and from the world at large, especially from Slovakia, so close to the hearts of the immigrants. Working-men always consulted Rovnianek's paper because it was his policy to include items bearing on labor conditions in various localities. He called attention to the fact that one mill or another was ready to hire additional help; that a shop in this town closed and consequently it would be frustrating to try to find employment there; that �SLOVAKIA 129 a strike was called at such and such a mine and it was unwise to scab and invite violence. Activities from various Slovak colonies in America were featured and were read with great interest. Serious editorials, instructive articles, essays and stories were provided in abundance. Rovinov ran an interesting serial on American history and he offered many translations of American Indian stories. Besides all this, his paper had many valuable contributions solicited from leading Slovak writers abroad: Vajansky, Sasinek, Dr. Wagner and others. Rovinov's own style was energetic, warm, colorful and fascinating, and his underprivileged public as well as literary readers found it appealing. The project did not fail do draw criticism and opposition from certain unfriendly factions but Rovnianek's im, mediate working atmosphere was favorable and amicable. He found in Wolf his greatest support and understanding. Julius Wolf was his bosom friend and Rovnianek pays him glowing tribute both in his memoirs and in a biographical sketch prepared for the Slovak National Almanac of 1894, referring to him as "a meek, well-tempered man, affable and urbane in society, accomodating and good-hearted at all times. He was wholly devoted to the Slovak cause and his zeal often mounted to fire." In all their 22 years of close collaboration they had but one misunderstanding and that one was very minor and puerile, ensuing upon a card game and opera engagement. Three Partners Work Hard All three partners worked indefatiguably seven days a week, eighteen to twenty hours per day, for the royal salary of nine dollars a week. The work of copy writing, editing, composing and printing did not in itself requisition all this labor. The fact is that there were innumerable business details calling for attention and demanding incessant work and more and more and more of everybody's time. The most time-consuming of them was soliciting new subscribers by house to house canvasses. Their entire plant consisted of one room measuring about 16 by 30. It was divided by a wooden partition. The fore section served as business office, book shop, editorial office, and administration department. Here Slovensky's desk was near the window. Through the center of the room �130 SLOVAKIA there stretched a long table covered with green felt. At its head sat the expeditor who folded copies and prepared them for mailing. One side of the table was reserved for Wolf who had been doing editorial writing until Rovnianek came. In the new partnership, the other side was allotted to Rovnianek as his working area. The rear section of the plant housed the composing and printing department where Joseph Gallik and Morris Greenstein operated a hand powered machine. Only Slovensky had the benefit of daylight. For the others, electric lights burned night and day . Soliciting Subscriptions When Rovnianek came to Pittsburgh, the paper's special list of subscribers ran to 1700 but there was no business manager to collect payments or to check for active subscribers, change of address, etc. Generally it was necessary to send an agent to collect and to solicit subscriptions. On week-ends, Rovnianek and Wolf often undertook such missions personally because the new editor felt that such contacts were essential in order to "sell" the newspaper idea to newer immigrants and to those who still felt too impoverished culturally and materially to invest in a subscription. Rovnianek also dedicated himself to the cause of fraternalizing. He visited town after town. When national consciousness was already awakened, he advanced the idea of a nationwide organization of all Slovaks in America. Often he came upon a home housing 20 to 30 or even 50 to 60 boarders none of whom cared to be bothered about subscribing to a paper which none of them would be able to read. Rovnianek did not appraise such a situation as hopeless. ·He would take out a primer he usually carried on such occasions and tactfully but effectively he would demonstrate how one begins to learn to read. Patiently he taught sounds and syllables, and usually he sold at least one primer in that house before he left, happy with the satisfaction that the spark of literacy was lighted in another mind. Eventually, after a few subsequent visits and instructions, he was able to sign up one or more new subscribers from amortg those who had started out so humbly but -earnestly. �SLOVAK.IA 131 In this way Rovnianek familiarized himself with the realities of life among his people in America and to form this knowledge and contact he drew factual material and background for articles, news items, editorials, and stories. He flayed weaknesses and failings that were avoidable; he censured lapses and deficiencies that were culpable; he commended diligence, virtue, achievement and honor. He could not condone sub-standard or unhygienic living conditions or loose and crude manners of life especially where children might be exposed to such undesirable influences. Exploiters inveighed against him and his paper but he was undaunted and carried on his vigorous campaign. Meanwhile Janko Slovensky began to experience a recurrence of the romantic urge. The wanderlust was upon him. His association with Rovnianek began to grow temperamental and finally in 1892 the partnership was dissolved. The P. V. Rovnianek & Co. carried on the publishing business and related interests. Slovensky married Mrs. Stewart, the widow of a sea captain and their long-time landlady. Then he settled in New Albany, Indiana, where he manufactured cigars until there was a relapse of restlessness. This time gold fever combined with wanderlust, and he began to prospect in Colorado and in Mexico. He hopefully formed the Elk Gold Mining Company and sold shares to Slovak acquaintances and to many who aspired to ready wealth. He learned from sad reverses, however, that his lack of experience in such a field served him very poorly. He had done much better prospecting amid the treasures of the mind in the world of journalism. From his gold mine in Mexico he finally returned to Los Angeles where family troubles were added to his business worries, and he died a tragic death in 1891. Wolf died in 1930. Their brain child, the promising pioneer Slovak American newspaper, carried on until 1924 when a large progeny of publications like Jednota, Ndrodne Noviny, Katolicky Sokol, Obrana, and Slovak v Amerike were capably serving Slovaks in America. SOURCES K. Culen, Slovcici v Amerike, Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1938. K. Culen, J . Slovensky, Winnipeg, 1955. P . V. Rovnianek, Zcipisky za iiva pochovaneho, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1924. Early issues of Ncirodny kalendcir. � SLOVAKIA 121 FIRST SLOVAK NEWSPAPERMEN IN AMERICA Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS .C.M. In 1879 two interesting romantics set out from their native city of Krompachy in Spis County, Slovakia. They were Janko Slovensky, then twenty-two years old, and his cousin, Julius J. Wolf, only nineteen. They had finished elementary school in Krompachy and college studies in Presov. After that, they attended the renowned Jesuit Teachers' College, Klastor pod Znievom, and earned their diplomas. Slovensky had some experience as tutor with a wealthy family in the county of Gerner but he soon convinced himself that was not the life for him. He preferred big game hunting in Africa and he planned to make this romantic impulse a reality. Julius Wolf, who had also tutored in a private family, was readily won to his cousin's idea and he gladly decided to accompany him. They were kindred spirits. They left home in the summer of 1879 against the advice of their parents. Their fathers reluctantly allowed them to go only becal:lse, parentwise, they hoped that a few practical lessons in the school of life would teach these sons the folly of such a fantastic undertaking. The adventurers left with no equipment, no guns, nothing but the fullness of anticipation and a thirst for excitement. Strangely, they did not go by a direct route to Africa. They may have planned their intinerary in a roundabout way because they considered England the gateway to the wide world and the English language the key to a realm of mystery. They traveled through Germany into England and Scotland where the unforseen happened. Either they boyishly lost courage or they sanely judged their resources to be inadequate in the light of reality or they made a mistake and boarded the wrong boat from Edinburgh. At any rate, their next stop after a long sea voyage was on the shores of the United States. Starting Life in U.S.A. with $35 At Ellis Island they pooled their funds and discovered that they had thirty-five dollars with which to establish �122 SLOVAKIA themselves in America. This realization ended their romantic dreams abruptly. The clamoring of hunger made them realize that they would have to accept the inescapable reality of work. And it would have to be the back breaking work of a common laborer since professional or clerical employment was beyond them until they would attain proficiency in English. They studied the situation soberly and agreed to spend their money for tickets to the industrial area around Pittsburgh. There they hired themselves out as day laborers and agonized at their new experience in the National Tube Works of McKeesport, Pennsylvania. The aching of their limbs only whetted their efforts to improve their position. They did their utmost to progress from primer English and to become Americanized, and they did not grow discouraged. Gradually they became hardened for strenous work in various capacities: as day laborers, carpenters, masons, and miners. Before long they even came to pride themselves on the fact that they were able to earn their livelihood by such taxing work and in such an alien world. Happily, their feeling of strangeness began to wear off soon, and native ability helped them to triumph over the language barrier. Then, to their joy, five other Slovak immigrants unexpectedly came into McKeesport in the spring of 1880. Life was definitely brighter from then on. Gradually, more and more Slovaks joined the little group in this mining and manufacturing region of Pennsylvania. There was a marked influx of immigration from Austria-Hungary and its tide was swelled by large numbers of Slovaks. They came especially from the more oppressed districts of eastern Slovakia where the contemporary political regime had denied them, among other rights, opportunities for schooling and self-improvement . The more enlightened classes from central and western Slovakia had sent out very few emigrants as yet. Natural Leaders of Slovak Immigrants Slovensky and Wolf had improved themselves considerably by this time and they became the natural leaders among the good-hearted newcomers in western Pennsylvania. Wolf had progressed from laborer to factory timekeeper, then to clerk, and before long he opened a business �SLOVAKIA 123 of his own. Slovensky, too, advanced himself and came to hold a position in the office of Max Scharnberg, former Austro-Hungarian consul in Pittsburgh. Through correspondence and personal contact, directly and indirectly he became increasingly aware of the many problems that were complicating the lives of Slovaks in America. Day by day the mail brought many questions to his employer's office. Some of them were very rational; others bordered on the fantastic, being the outgrowth of wild rumors and attempts to exploit strangers in a new world. But every problem which was brought to his attention was undeniably real. Are you wondering what some of these odd questions might have been? Here are a few: "Is it true that every man who does not return at once to his regiment in Hungary will be shot when he does come back?" "Is it true that the Turks have conquered Hungary and are going to behead everyone who does not become a Moslem?" (You must remember that Slovakia was at this time unwillingly incorporated within the territories of Austria-Hungary; hence, these men were worried about the families and relatives whom they had left behind.) "Please, tell me if it is true that after the Fourth of July no Slovak will get a job here, and if he doesn't leave America within a month, he will lose his life." "They tell me that everyone from Hungary must pay a ten-dollar tax every month if he wants to work in America. Is this really true?" There were also many letters asking for help in tracing families and relatives in America. A bewildered laborer had perhaps lost an address which he needed in order to find his relatives here and was helpless in the face of the situation. And would you believe it? Some poor things came with blind trust only. They had no idea of the size of their adopted land and, provincial-minded as they were at that time, they simply felt that once they had reached America, they would meet their friends and relatives as if they had come into their own familiar village. They had no address whatever and no idea where to begin their search for their kin in this vast new land. �124 SLOVAKIA Bulletin Published to Answer Questions On seeing how much his fellowmen needed help, Slovensky was anxious to relieve them as quickly and as satisfactorily as possible. When a flood of letters would come into Mr. Schamberg's office, repeating the same question or presenting similar problems, it occurred to Slovensky that the easiest way out to reach so many with the same necessary information, with the same helpful advice or instruction would be through a newspaper or a news sheet. But they had none. Would they like to have one, Slovensky wondered. Then he took the logical step. He sent out circular letters with that inquiry and after he had filed thirty prospectives agreeing to pay ten cents per copy of a weekly "Bulletin" which he proposed, he launched his new though modest venture and brought out the first Slovak "newspaper" in America at two o'clock one memorable morning in 1885. It consisted of a single sheet handwritten with duplicating ink and hectographed on foolscap since that was the size of the gelatin pad which Slovensky then had available for his "publication." The first page featured "news of the world" and the second featured "news items from home." This paper was not merely a local news sheet to be distributed in the immediate neighborhood of McKeesport; it reached out as far as Bonne Terre, Missouri, and Port Arthur, Canada. Issues were enclosed in envelopes for mailing and postage consumed two cents out of every ten-cent subscription fee or copy. We can hardly understand how daring was this enterprise. It took uncommon courage to propose a newspaper for people who had been denied the very fundamentals of literacy, a people who had been so exploited that they hardly knew how to appreciate the printed page as part of their ordinary lives, who had been so crushed as to be made to feel that "newspapers are for the elite only." For these reasons there commonly prevailed among them a tendency to feel that it was snobbishness or pretention tc aspire to such culture; it had so long been beyond their attaining. But Slovensky's faith in his people was not misplaced and he had the initiative to blaze the trail to better things for them in this new and promising world. The first twenty numbers of the "Bulletin" followed �SLOVAKIA 125 the format and the pattern of the original. The issue was generally read aloud in a public gathering place, often a tavern or an eating place, and then individual features and news items became more or less common property and was prominently posted on the main window of the establishment or placed behind glass in a picture frame and hung' where all might read-if they could-or refer to it. A large crowd always gathered in these places whenever the "Bulletin" was due. Everybody was eager for the news it brought; everybody wanted to be present for the reading of the "newspaper" which Slovensky edited in the saris dialect. He had chosen this dialect because it was his own and because it was most representative of the readers for whom the sheet was intended at the time. Such a favorable reception of the "Bulletin" was highly gratifying to Slovensky because he saw that it both helped and pleased his people, and he was assured that they were willing to support it, since the number of subscribers was mounting from week to week. In fact, the demand soon exceeded the capabilities of a hectograph job. Consequently, in the twentieth issue Slovensky announced that as soon as adjustments could be made, he would begin to publish a standard newspaper of eight pages and he asked his subscribers to bear with him until the change could be effected. Meanwhile he discontinued the hectographed sheet. While the broadening circle of his reading public waited with eager anticipation, Slovensky, wholly raw in this field but stimulated by enthusiasm and the desire to propagate a general good, applied himself to learn from German and American printeries all that a printer should know. He diligently scouted for type that would be suitable for Slovak reading and when by lucky chance he found something desirable in Chicago, he unhesitatingly gave for it all that he had saved from his five years' earnings in America. Julius Wolf was no less sacrificing in this cause. He sold out his flourishing business in favor of a partnership with Slovensky. First Slovak Newspaper in America The investment made, they both ardently set themselves to work and on October 2, 1886 they proudly released from the press in Pittsburgh the first edition of the new paper. It bore the title banner "Amerikanszko-Szlovenske �126 SLOVAKIA Noviny" (American-Slovak News). If you know a little Slovak, that spelling in the Slovak phrase will seem peculiar to you. Remember that these original journalistic efforts were in the saris or eastern dialect and with phonetic spelling closely resembling the Magyar language which both these men had learned in the only schools they had been allowed to attend in their boyhood. The luxury of a Slovak newspaper was now available to all these Slovak immigrants who had never dared to dream of such a privilege in their peasant serfdom. Circulation Rises Within two years the circulation of Slovensky's paper had risen increasingly: there were about six thousand paid subscribers. The efforts originally launched through that humble hectographed sheet evolved into a formidable teacher and protector of Slovak interests in this land of freedom. Both Slovensky and Wolf were conscious of their shortcomings as newspaper men, for neither had studied journalism, and neither had had any previous experience in printing or publishing. Realizing that they needed specialized help, they advertized for a professional copy writer or editor abroad. They waited patiently and hopefully but their appeal brought no response. Manfully, therefore, they carried on to the best of their ability. They were remarkably successful in reporting current news, fresh opportunities and prevailing conditions in America. They took pains to acquaint Slovak immigrants with their obligations as well as with the priviledges provided them under the laws of their new country. As occasion demanded it, they wrote editorials weighted with sound admonitions and with recommendations in order to protect their readers from snares and dangers of various types, and helped them to become Americanized more rapidly. Simplicity and intimacy characterized the paper to such an extent that one can easily see in it a kind of open correspondence with a reading public rather than a formal journalistic project in the full sense of the word. New Impetus in 1888 In 1888 new impetus and quality came to the paper because of the highly improved caliber of contributions �SLOVAK.IA 127 which Rovinov had begun to submit to it. Rovinov was the pen name of Peter Victor Rovnianek, an aspiring Slovak intellectual who migrated to America in order to enjoy academic and political freedom here. He was an ardent patriot, more eager to advance the national cause than to do anything else.For that reason he had originally undertaken studies for the priesthood, realizing that a good priest is both the leader and the teacher of many. When Rovnianek's aspirations were warped by the political atmosphere at home, and when brighter prospects were offered in America, he came to St. Mary's College in Cleveland, Ohio, as a young seminarian quite close to ordination. It was from this seminary that he sent out his freelance contributions to various publications both here and abroad. Because his heart was in his work, he had the capacity to impart his ardor to others. His brilliance was quickly recognized and appreciated. The Slovensky-Wolf partnership profited by Rovnianek's talents and stood in admiration of his gifts. They saw in him more than the personification of their ideal editor and felt that it was no longer necessary to seek help from abroad; Rovnianek was the one eminently qualified for the editorship of their paper. Unfortunately for them, he was at this time seriously contemplating a return to Europe. On May 13, 1889 fire destroyed practically the entire shop and assets of the American-Slovak Press and made Slovensky and Wolf feel that they were doomed to terminate their publication. In this dark hour, the mails brought to Pittsburgh Rovnianek's farewell letter. He had made his decision; he was leaving for home. Wolf received the message and at once telegraphed Slovensky who was in New York on business. He, in turn, immediately set out for Cleveland to dissuade Rovinov from leaving. After considerable discussion and persuasion, Slovensky concluded his interview with this stipulation: the American-Slovak News would continue to appear only if Slovensky, Wolf and Rovinov would form a partnership to be known as John Slovensky and Company. Otherwise he would not carry on. It was up to Rovnianek to seal either the doom or the promise of the paper. Because this was a momentous challenge for him, Rovnianek requested two weeks for consideration, and the matter rested. Rovnianek was now bitterly tom between the natural �128 SLOVAKIA desire to return home and the apparent need to stay in America. Monthly reports from Ellis Island indicated that immigration from Hungary was very much on the increase. It brought a steady stream of Slovaks into a better land and they needing help in orientating themselves. Rovnianek foresaw that the influx of Slovak immigrants at the current rate could easily mean a guarantee for the re-birth of his crushed nation in some better day. He realized how great was the need for these uprooted people in America to have wise leaders and true teachers. He saw how readily they could be exposed to error and false allegiance especially since there were already forces at work to undermine all that he had endeavored to elevate. These and other considerations, too, seemed to bear upon Rovnianek the conviction that if he really wished to be where he could do the greatest good as a patriot, he should assume the offered editorship of the still crude but highly potential American-Slovak News. He consulted with some of his intellectual friends: Vaclav Panuska, Dr. Francisci, Miller and others. They, too, advised against his return to Europe. Rovnianek Assumes Leadership Accordingly, Rovnianek resolved to become a partner and to accept the responsibilities of editorship. He sacrificed his seminary career and left Cleveland on June 28, 1889. As a 22 year old editor he began in earnest to establish his reputation in American-Slovak national life. He introduced many changes to improve the paper, the most spectacular and significant of which was to discard the use of the dialect form of expression and Hungarian spellings. Quietly but firmly he instated the true literary form of Slovak and American patriotism and tolerated no pretense of regard for foreign overlords. He prepared for his readers comprehensive reports on news from America and from the world at large, especially from Slovakia, so close to the hearts of the immigrants. Working-men always consulted Rovnianek's paper because it was his policy to include items bearing on labor conditions in various localities. He called attention to the fact that one mill or another was ready to hire additional help; that a shop in this town closed and consequently it would be frustrating to try to find employment there; that �SLOVAKIA 129 a strike was called at such and such a mine and it was unwise to scab and invite violence. Activities from various Slovak colonies in America were featured and were read with great interest. Serious editorials, instructive articles, essays and stories were provided in abundance. Rovinov ran an interesting serial on American history and he offered many translations of American Indian stories. Besides all this, his paper had many valuable contributions solicited from leading Slovak writers abroad: Vajansky, Sasinek, Dr. Wagner and others. Rovinov's own style was energetic, warm, colorful and fascinating, and his underprivileged public as well as literary readers found it appealing. The project did not fail do draw criticism and opposition from certain unfriendly factions but Rovnianek's im, mediate working atmosphere was favorable and amicable. He found in Wolf his greatest support and understanding. Julius Wolf was his bosom friend and Rovnianek pays him glowing tribute both in his memoirs and in a biographical sketch prepared for the Slovak National Almanac of 1894, referring to him as "a meek, well-tempered man, affable and urbane in society, accomodating and good-hearted at all times. He was wholly devoted to the Slovak cause and his zeal often mounted to fire." In all their 22 years of close collaboration they had but one misunderstanding and that one was very minor and puerile, ensuing upon a card game and opera engagement. Three Partners Work Hard All three partners worked indefatiguably seven days a week, eighteen to twenty hours per day, for the royal salary of nine dollars a week. The work of copy writing, editing, composing and printing did not in itself requisition all this labor. The fact is that there were innumerable business details calling for attention and demanding incessant work and more and more and more of everybody's time. The most time-consuming of them was soliciting new subscribers by house to house canvasses. Their entire plant consisted of one room measuring about 16 by 30. It was divided by a wooden partition. The fore section served as business office, book shop, editorial office, and administration department. Here Slovensky's desk was near the window. Through the center of the room �130 SLOVAKIA there stretched a long table covered with green felt. At its head sat the expeditor who folded copies and prepared them for mailing. One side of the table was reserved for Wolf who had been doing editorial writing until Rovnianek came. In the new partnership, the other side was allotted to Rovnianek as his working area. The rear section of the plant housed the composing and printing department where Joseph Gallik and Morris Greenstein operated a hand powered machine. Only Slovensky had the benefit of daylight. For the others, electric lights burned night and day . Soliciting Subscriptions When Rovnianek came to Pittsburgh, the paper's special list of subscribers ran to 1700 but there was no business manager to collect payments or to check for active subscribers, change of address, etc. Generally it was necessary to send an agent to collect and to solicit subscriptions. On week-ends, Rovnianek and Wolf often undertook such missions personally because the new editor felt that such contacts were essential in order to "sell" the newspaper idea to newer immigrants and to those who still felt too impoverished culturally and materially to invest in a subscription. Rovnianek also dedicated himself to the cause of fraternalizing. He visited town after town. When national consciousness was already awakened, he advanced the idea of a nationwide organization of all Slovaks in America. Often he came upon a home housing 20 to 30 or even 50 to 60 boarders none of whom cared to be bothered about subscribing to a paper which none of them would be able to read. Rovnianek did not appraise such a situation as hopeless. ·He would take out a primer he usually carried on such occasions and tactfully but effectively he would demonstrate how one begins to learn to read. Patiently he taught sounds and syllables, and usually he sold at least one primer in that house before he left, happy with the satisfaction that the spark of literacy was lighted in another mind. Eventually, after a few subsequent visits and instructions, he was able to sign up one or more new subscribers from amortg those who had started out so humbly but -earnestly. �SLOVAK.IA 131 In this way Rovnianek familiarized himself with the realities of life among his people in America and to form this knowledge and contact he drew factual material and background for articles, news items, editorials, and stories. He flayed weaknesses and failings that were avoidable; he censured lapses and deficiencies that were culpable; he commended diligence, virtue, achievement and honor. He could not condone sub-standard or unhygienic living conditions or loose and crude manners of life especially where children might be exposed to such undesirable influences. Exploiters inveighed against him and his paper but he was undaunted and carried on his vigorous campaign. Meanwhile Janko Slovensky began to experience a recurrence of the romantic urge. The wanderlust was upon him. His association with Rovnianek began to grow temperamental and finally in 1892 the partnership was dissolved. The P. V. Rovnianek & Co. carried on the publishing business and related interests. Slovensky married Mrs. Stewart, the widow of a sea captain and their long-time landlady. Then he settled in New Albany, Indiana, where he manufactured cigars until there was a relapse of restlessness. This time gold fever combined with wanderlust, and he began to prospect in Colorado and in Mexico. He hopefully formed the Elk Gold Mining Company and sold shares to Slovak acquaintances and to many who aspired to ready wealth. He learned from sad reverses, however, that his lack of experience in such a field served him very poorly. He had done much better prospecting amid the treasures of the mind in the world of journalism. From his gold mine in Mexico he finally returned to Los Angeles where family troubles were added to his business worries, and he died a tragic death in 1891. Wolf died in 1930. Their brain child, the promising pioneer Slovak American newspaper, carried on until 1924 when a large progeny of publications like Jednota, Ndrodne Noviny, Katolicky Sokol, Obrana, and Slovak v Amerike were capably serving Slovaks in America. SOURCES K. Culen, Slovcici v Amerike, Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1938. K. Culen, J . Slovensky, Winnipeg, 1955. P . V. Rovnianek, Zcipisky za iiva pochovaneho, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1924. Early issues of Ncirodny kalendcir. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1968, Vol. 18 Description An account of the resource Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 121 FIRST SLOVAK NEWSPAPERMEN IN AMERICA Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS .C.M. In 1879 two interesting romantics set out from their native city of Krompachy in Spis County, Slovakia. They were Janko Slovensky, then twenty-two years old, and his cousin, Julius J. Wolf, only nineteen. They had finished elementary school in Krompachy and college studies in Presov. After that, they attended the renowned Jesuit Teachers' College, Klastor pod Znievom, and earned their diplomas. Slovensky had some experience as tutor with a wealthy family in the county of Gerner but he soon convinced himself that was not the life for him. He preferred big game hunting in Africa and he planned to make this romantic impulse a reality. Julius Wolf, who had also tutored in a private family, was readily won to his cousin's idea and he gladly decided to accompany him. They were kindred spirits. They left home in the summer of 1879 against the advice of their parents. Their fathers reluctantly allowed them to go only becal:lse, parentwise, they hoped that a few practical lessons in the school of life would teach these sons the folly of such a fantastic undertaking. The adventurers left with no equipment, no guns, nothing but the fullness of anticipation and a thirst for excitement. Strangely, they did not go by a direct route to Africa. They may have planned their intinerary in a roundabout way because they considered England the gateway to the wide world and the English language the key to a realm of mystery. They traveled through Germany into England and Scotland where the unforseen happened. Either they boyishly lost courage or they sanely judged their resources to be inadequate in the light of reality or they made a mistake and boarded the wrong boat from Edinburgh. At any rate, their next stop after a long sea voyage was on the shores of the United States. Starting Life in U.S.A. with $35 At Ellis Island they pooled their funds and discovered that they had thirty-five dollars with which to establish 122 SLOVAKIA themselves in America. This realization ended their romantic dreams abruptly. The clamoring of hunger made them realize that they would have to accept the inescapable reality of work. And it would have to be the back breaking work of a common laborer since professional or clerical employment was beyond them until they would attain proficiency in English. They studied the situation soberly and agreed to spend their money for tickets to the industrial area around Pittsburgh. There they hired themselves out as day laborers and agonized at their new experience in the National Tube Works of McKeesport, Pennsylvania. The aching of their limbs only whetted their efforts to improve their position. They did their utmost to progress from primer English and to become Americanized, and they did not grow discouraged. Gradually they became hardened for strenous work in various capacities: as day laborers, carpenters, masons, and miners. Before long they even came to pride themselves on the fact that they were able to earn their livelihood by such taxing work and in such an alien world. Happily, their feeling of strangeness began to wear off soon, and native ability helped them to triumph over the language barrier. Then, to their joy, five other Slovak immigrants unexpectedly came into McKeesport in the spring of 1880. Life was definitely brighter from then on. Gradually, more and more Slovaks joined the little group in this mining and manufacturing region of Pennsylvania. There was a marked influx of immigration from Austria-Hungary and its tide was swelled by large numbers of Slovaks. They came especially from the more oppressed districts of eastern Slovakia where the contemporary political regime had denied them, among other rights, opportunities for schooling and self-improvement . The more enlightened classes from central and western Slovakia had sent out very few emigrants as yet. Natural Leaders of Slovak Immigrants Slovensky and Wolf had improved themselves considerably by this time and they became the natural leaders among the good-hearted newcomers in western Pennsylvania. Wolf had progressed from laborer to factory timekeeper, then to clerk, and before long he opened a business SLOVAKIA 123 of his own. Slovensky, too, advanced himself and came to hold a position in the office of Max Scharnberg, former Austro-Hungarian consul in Pittsburgh. Through correspondence and personal contact, directly and indirectly he became increasingly aware of the many problems that were complicating the lives of Slovaks in America. Day by day the mail brought many questions to his employer's office. Some of them were very rational; others bordered on the fantastic, being the outgrowth of wild rumors and attempts to exploit strangers in a new world. But every problem which was brought to his attention was undeniably real. Are you wondering what some of these odd questions might have been? Here are a few: "Is it true that every man who does not return at once to his regiment in Hungary will be shot when he does come back?" "Is it true that the Turks have conquered Hungary and are going to behead everyone who does not become a Moslem?" (You must remember that Slovakia was at this time unwillingly incorporated within the territories of Austria-Hungary; hence, these men were worried about the families and relatives whom they had left behind.) "Please, tell me if it is true that after the Fourth of July no Slovak will get a job here, and if he doesn't leave America within a month, he will lose his life." "They tell me that everyone from Hungary must pay a ten-dollar tax every month if he wants to work in America. Is this really true?" There were also many letters asking for help in tracing families and relatives in America. A bewildered laborer had perhaps lost an address which he needed in order to find his relatives here and was helpless in the face of the situation. And would you believe it? Some poor things came with blind trust only. They had no idea of the size of their adopted land and, provincial-minded as they were at that time, they simply felt that once they had reached America, they would meet their friends and relatives as if they had come into their own familiar village. They had no address whatever and no idea where to begin their search for their kin in this vast new land. 124 SLOVAKIA Bulletin Published to Answer Questions On seeing how much his fellowmen needed help, Slovensky was anxious to relieve them as quickly and as satisfactorily as possible. When a flood of letters would come into Mr. Schamberg's office, repeating the same question or presenting similar problems, it occurred to Slovensky that the easiest way out to reach so many with the same necessary information, with the same helpful advice or instruction would be through a newspaper or a news sheet. But they had none. Would they like to have one, Slovensky wondered. Then he took the logical step. He sent out circular letters with that inquiry and after he had filed thirty prospectives agreeing to pay ten cents per copy of a weekly "Bulletin" which he proposed, he launched his new though modest venture and brought out the first Slovak "newspaper" in America at two o'clock one memorable morning in 1885. It consisted of a single sheet handwritten with duplicating ink and hectographed on foolscap since that was the size of the gelatin pad which Slovensky then had available for his "publication." The first page featured "news of the world" and the second featured "news items from home." This paper was not merely a local news sheet to be distributed in the immediate neighborhood of McKeesport; it reached out as far as Bonne Terre, Missouri, and Port Arthur, Canada. Issues were enclosed in envelopes for mailing and postage consumed two cents out of every ten-cent subscription fee or copy. We can hardly understand how daring was this enterprise. It took uncommon courage to propose a newspaper for people who had been denied the very fundamentals of literacy, a people who had been so exploited that they hardly knew how to appreciate the printed page as part of their ordinary lives, who had been so crushed as to be made to feel that "newspapers are for the elite only." For these reasons there commonly prevailed among them a tendency to feel that it was snobbishness or pretention tc aspire to such culture; it had so long been beyond their attaining. But Slovensky's faith in his people was not misplaced and he had the initiative to blaze the trail to better things for them in this new and promising world. The first twenty numbers of the "Bulletin" followed SLOVAKIA 125 the format and the pattern of the original. The issue was generally read aloud in a public gathering place, often a tavern or an eating place, and then individual features and news items became more or less common property and was prominently posted on the main window of the establishment or placed behind glass in a picture frame and hung' where all might read-if they could-or refer to it. A large crowd always gathered in these places whenever the "Bulletin" was due. Everybody was eager for the news it brought; everybody wanted to be present for the reading of the "newspaper" which Slovensky edited in the saris dialect. He had chosen this dialect because it was his own and because it was most representative of the readers for whom the sheet was intended at the time. Such a favorable reception of the "Bulletin" was highly gratifying to Slovensky because he saw that it both helped and pleased his people, and he was assured that they were willing to support it, since the number of subscribers was mounting from week to week. In fact, the demand soon exceeded the capabilities of a hectograph job. Consequently, in the twentieth issue Slovensky announced that as soon as adjustments could be made, he would begin to publish a standard newspaper of eight pages and he asked his subscribers to bear with him until the change could be effected. Meanwhile he discontinued the hectographed sheet. While the broadening circle of his reading public waited with eager anticipation, Slovensky, wholly raw in this field but stimulated by enthusiasm and the desire to propagate a general good, applied himself to learn from German and American printeries all that a printer should know. He diligently scouted for type that would be suitable for Slovak reading and when by lucky chance he found something desirable in Chicago, he unhesitatingly gave for it all that he had saved from his five years' earnings in America. Julius Wolf was no less sacrificing in this cause. He sold out his flourishing business in favor of a partnership with Slovensky. First Slovak Newspaper in America The investment made, they both ardently set themselves to work and on October 2, 1886 they proudly released from the press in Pittsburgh the first edition of the new paper. It bore the title banner "Amerikanszko-Szlovenske 126 SLOVAKIA Noviny" (American-Slovak News). If you know a little Slovak, that spelling in the Slovak phrase will seem peculiar to you. Remember that these original journalistic efforts were in the saris or eastern dialect and with phonetic spelling closely resembling the Magyar language which both these men had learned in the only schools they had been allowed to attend in their boyhood. The luxury of a Slovak newspaper was now available to all these Slovak immigrants who had never dared to dream of such a privilege in their peasant serfdom. Circulation Rises Within two years the circulation of Slovensky's paper had risen increasingly: there were about six thousand paid subscribers. The efforts originally launched through that humble hectographed sheet evolved into a formidable teacher and protector of Slovak interests in this land of freedom. Both Slovensky and Wolf were conscious of their shortcomings as newspaper men, for neither had studied journalism, and neither had had any previous experience in printing or publishing. Realizing that they needed specialized help, they advertized for a professional copy writer or editor abroad. They waited patiently and hopefully but their appeal brought no response. Manfully, therefore, they carried on to the best of their ability. They were remarkably successful in reporting current news, fresh opportunities and prevailing conditions in America. They took pains to acquaint Slovak immigrants with their obligations as well as with the priviledges provided them under the laws of their new country. As occasion demanded it, they wrote editorials weighted with sound admonitions and with recommendations in order to protect their readers from snares and dangers of various types, and helped them to become Americanized more rapidly. Simplicity and intimacy characterized the paper to such an extent that one can easily see in it a kind of open correspondence with a reading public rather than a formal journalistic project in the full sense of the word. New Impetus in 1888 In 1888 new impetus and quality came to the paper because of the highly improved caliber of contributions SLOVAK.IA 127 which Rovinov had begun to submit to it. Rovinov was the pen name of Peter Victor Rovnianek, an aspiring Slovak intellectual who migrated to America in order to enjoy academic and political freedom here. He was an ardent patriot, more eager to advance the national cause than to do anything else.For that reason he had originally undertaken studies for the priesthood, realizing that a good priest is both the leader and the teacher of many. When Rovnianek's aspirations were warped by the political atmosphere at home, and when brighter prospects were offered in America, he came to St. Mary's College in Cleveland, Ohio, as a young seminarian quite close to ordination. It was from this seminary that he sent out his freelance contributions to various publications both here and abroad. Because his heart was in his work, he had the capacity to impart his ardor to others. His brilliance was quickly recognized and appreciated. The Slovensky-Wolf partnership profited by Rovnianek's talents and stood in admiration of his gifts. They saw in him more than the personification of their ideal editor and felt that it was no longer necessary to seek help from abroad; Rovnianek was the one eminently qualified for the editorship of their paper. Unfortunately for them, he was at this time seriously contemplating a return to Europe. On May 13, 1889 fire destroyed practically the entire shop and assets of the American-Slovak Press and made Slovensky and Wolf feel that they were doomed to terminate their publication. In this dark hour, the mails brought to Pittsburgh Rovnianek's farewell letter. He had made his decision; he was leaving for home. Wolf received the message and at once telegraphed Slovensky who was in New York on business. He, in turn, immediately set out for Cleveland to dissuade Rovinov from leaving. After considerable discussion and persuasion, Slovensky concluded his interview with this stipulation: the American-Slovak News would continue to appear only if Slovensky, Wolf and Rovinov would form a partnership to be known as John Slovensky and Company. Otherwise he would not carry on. It was up to Rovnianek to seal either the doom or the promise of the paper. Because this was a momentous challenge for him, Rovnianek requested two weeks for consideration, and the matter rested. Rovnianek was now bitterly tom between the natural 128 SLOVAKIA desire to return home and the apparent need to stay in America. Monthly reports from Ellis Island indicated that immigration from Hungary was very much on the increase. It brought a steady stream of Slovaks into a better land and they needing help in orientating themselves. Rovnianek foresaw that the influx of Slovak immigrants at the current rate could easily mean a guarantee for the re-birth of his crushed nation in some better day. He realized how great was the need for these uprooted people in America to have wise leaders and true teachers. He saw how readily they could be exposed to error and false allegiance especially since there were already forces at work to undermine all that he had endeavored to elevate. These and other considerations, too, seemed to bear upon Rovnianek the conviction that if he really wished to be where he could do the greatest good as a patriot, he should assume the offered editorship of the still crude but highly potential American-Slovak News. He consulted with some of his intellectual friends: Vaclav Panuska, Dr. Francisci, Miller and others. They, too, advised against his return to Europe. Rovnianek Assumes Leadership Accordingly, Rovnianek resolved to become a partner and to accept the responsibilities of editorship. He sacrificed his seminary career and left Cleveland on June 28, 1889. As a 22 year old editor he began in earnest to establish his reputation in American-Slovak national life. He introduced many changes to improve the paper, the most spectacular and significant of which was to discard the use of the dialect form of expression and Hungarian spellings. Quietly but firmly he instated the true literary form of Slovak and American patriotism and tolerated no pretense of regard for foreign overlords. He prepared for his readers comprehensive reports on news from America and from the world at large, especially from Slovakia, so close to the hearts of the immigrants. Working-men always consulted Rovnianek's paper because it was his policy to include items bearing on labor conditions in various localities. He called attention to the fact that one mill or another was ready to hire additional help; that a shop in this town closed and consequently it would be frustrating to try to find employment there; that SLOVAKIA 129 a strike was called at such and such a mine and it was unwise to scab and invite violence. Activities from various Slovak colonies in America were featured and were read with great interest. Serious editorials, instructive articles, essays and stories were provided in abundance. Rovinov ran an interesting serial on American history and he offered many translations of American Indian stories. Besides all this, his paper had many valuable contributions solicited from leading Slovak writers abroad: Vajansky, Sasinek, Dr. Wagner and others. Rovinov's own style was energetic, warm, colorful and fascinating, and his underprivileged public as well as literary readers found it appealing. The project did not fail do draw criticism and opposition from certain unfriendly factions but Rovnianek's im, mediate working atmosphere was favorable and amicable. He found in Wolf his greatest support and understanding. Julius Wolf was his bosom friend and Rovnianek pays him glowing tribute both in his memoirs and in a biographical sketch prepared for the Slovak National Almanac of 1894, referring to him as "a meek, well-tempered man, affable and urbane in society, accomodating and good-hearted at all times. He was wholly devoted to the Slovak cause and his zeal often mounted to fire." In all their 22 years of close collaboration they had but one misunderstanding and that one was very minor and puerile, ensuing upon a card game and opera engagement. Three Partners Work Hard All three partners worked indefatiguably seven days a week, eighteen to twenty hours per day, for the royal salary of nine dollars a week. The work of copy writing, editing, composing and printing did not in itself requisition all this labor. The fact is that there were innumerable business details calling for attention and demanding incessant work and more and more and more of everybody's time. The most time-consuming of them was soliciting new subscribers by house to house canvasses. Their entire plant consisted of one room measuring about 16 by 30. It was divided by a wooden partition. The fore section served as business office, book shop, editorial office, and administration department. Here Slovensky's desk was near the window. Through the center of the room 130 SLOVAKIA there stretched a long table covered with green felt. At its head sat the expeditor who folded copies and prepared them for mailing. One side of the table was reserved for Wolf who had been doing editorial writing until Rovnianek came. In the new partnership, the other side was allotted to Rovnianek as his working area. The rear section of the plant housed the composing and printing department where Joseph Gallik and Morris Greenstein operated a hand powered machine. Only Slovensky had the benefit of daylight. For the others, electric lights burned night and day . Soliciting Subscriptions When Rovnianek came to Pittsburgh, the paper's special list of subscribers ran to 1700 but there was no business manager to collect payments or to check for active subscribers, change of address, etc. Generally it was necessary to send an agent to collect and to solicit subscriptions. On week-ends, Rovnianek and Wolf often undertook such missions personally because the new editor felt that such contacts were essential in order to "sell" the newspaper idea to newer immigrants and to those who still felt too impoverished culturally and materially to invest in a subscription. Rovnianek also dedicated himself to the cause of fraternalizing. He visited town after town. When national consciousness was already awakened, he advanced the idea of a nationwide organization of all Slovaks in America. Often he came upon a home housing 20 to 30 or even 50 to 60 boarders none of whom cared to be bothered about subscribing to a paper which none of them would be able to read. Rovnianek did not appraise such a situation as hopeless. ·He would take out a primer he usually carried on such occasions and tactfully but effectively he would demonstrate how one begins to learn to read. Patiently he taught sounds and syllables, and usually he sold at least one primer in that house before he left, happy with the satisfaction that the spark of literacy was lighted in another mind. Eventually, after a few subsequent visits and instructions, he was able to sign up one or more new subscribers from amortg those who had started out so humbly but -earnestly. SLOVAK.IA 131 In this way Rovnianek familiarized himself with the realities of life among his people in America and to form this knowledge and contact he drew factual material and background for articles, news items, editorials, and stories. He flayed weaknesses and failings that were avoidable; he censured lapses and deficiencies that were culpable; he commended diligence, virtue, achievement and honor. He could not condone sub-standard or unhygienic living conditions or loose and crude manners of life especially where children might be exposed to such undesirable influences. Exploiters inveighed against him and his paper but he was undaunted and carried on his vigorous campaign. Meanwhile Janko Slovensky began to experience a recurrence of the romantic urge. The wanderlust was upon him. His association with Rovnianek began to grow temperamental and finally in 1892 the partnership was dissolved. The P. V. Rovnianek & Co. carried on the publishing business and related interests. Slovensky married Mrs. Stewart, the widow of a sea captain and their long-time landlady. Then he settled in New Albany, Indiana, where he manufactured cigars until there was a relapse of restlessness. This time gold fever combined with wanderlust, and he began to prospect in Colorado and in Mexico. He hopefully formed the Elk Gold Mining Company and sold shares to Slovak acquaintances and to many who aspired to ready wealth. He learned from sad reverses, however, that his lack of experience in such a field served him very poorly. He had done much better prospecting amid the treasures of the mind in the world of journalism. From his gold mine in Mexico he finally returned to Los Angeles where family troubles were added to his business worries, and he died a tragic death in 1891. Wolf died in 1930. Their brain child, the promising pioneer Slovak American newspaper, carried on until 1924 when a large progeny of publications like Jednota, Ndrodne Noviny, Katolicky Sokol, Obrana, and Slovak v Amerike were capably serving Slovaks in America. SOURCES K. Culen, Slovcici v Amerike, Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1938. K. Culen, J . Slovensky, Winnipeg, 1955. P . V. Rovnianek, Zcipisky za iiva pochovaneho, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1924. Early issues of Ncirodny kalendcir.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource First Slovak Newspapermen in America Description An account of the resource Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. Slovakia, Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968 pp. 121-131 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Tybor, Sister M. Martina, SS.C.M. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/16faceb2c693c090d284a24613828946.pdf 4aff0bc875a90f9d7e3d03d99ed64eaf PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 109 ECONOMIC DISCRIMINATIO N AGAINST SLOVAKIA by Frank Bandar This is a story of how economic inequality - or according to a strong expression, economic discrimination can bring social unrest and, ultimately, antagonism against a ruling ethnic majority. (There are many who claim that it was the antagonism of Slovaks against Czechs that brought the destruction of Czecho-Slovakia. The author of this essay, however, believes that the first Republic could not have survived in the international situation even without internal ethnic divisions.) To familiarize the reader with the available evidence in this field : the official Czecho-Slovak interwar statistics distinguished the regions of Czecho-Slovakia according to the ethnic and historical origin, except for production data for Slovakia. Thus we find data explicitly for Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia (sometimes Moravia includes Silesia), Slovakia, and Ruthenia. The first three regions were also officially termed the "historical regions" though the Slovaks also have a history, despite 1,000 years of Magyar occupation. Since World War II, when Ruthenia was annexed by the U.S.S.R., the official statistics refer to the Czech regions and Slovakia. Recent economic data give equal coverage to the Czech regions and Slovakia, in contrast to those published between the two wars, when young Slovak economists had to search for production data on Slovak territory.1 The Background of Slovakia's Industrialization Slovakia was part of "Greater Hungary" from 906 to October 30, 1918, and, indeed, during the 150 years after the battle of Mohacs, in 1526, that Hungary proper was under Turkish domination, Slovakia was the area where independent political and economic life was carried on. When the Turks were driven out at the end of the 17th century, a base for manufacturing in terms of handicraft and artisanship had been firmly laid down in Slovakia. After the AustroHungarian settlement in 1867, when the Monarchy was divided into two administrative and economic units, the Magyar politicians were eager to catch up to the more developed Austria. They started to build industry where con- �110 SLOVAKIA ditions were the most favorable. A cheaper labor market and the availability of raw material - coal, iron, etc., favored the Slovak territory. And, because industries built in Slovakia were of later date, than those in the "historical" regions, they were equipped with more advanced technology. So, immediately after World War I, Slovakia contained 17 .3 % of all former Hungarian industries ( which employed 20 or more workers) employing 20.7 % of all the workers in such industries in former Greater Hungary were employed.2 According to other sources, about 20 % of industry, of 20 or more employees, were in the Slovak territories. The actual total number of industrial workers was much higher, because there were many small workshops of under 20 employees, for which there are no data in the pre-World War I Magyar statistics. In per capita terms, Slovakia seems to have been the most industrialized region in Greater Hungary, for, of the 20.9 million population in Greater Hungary in 1910, 2.9 million lived in the Slovak territory. 3 The Decline of Slovak Industry and Industrial Employment After 1918 The contention of this paper is that, after the First Republic came into existence, the industrial strength of Slovakia declined, for a number of reasons. One of these was the changing structure of industry in Slovakia; the other reason was the policies followed by the economically stronger Czech regions. One writer puts it this way: "The situation in Czecho-Slovakia became critical when all capitalist countries experienced a post-war depression in the winter months of 1922 and 1923. The Czech capitalists tried to overcome the crisis by concentrating industry into the Czech regions ... Industrial production in Slovakia was not so profitable for them, therefore, they stopped production in Slovakia, and industrial equipment was transported to the Czech regions or sold abroad. " 4 Industrial employment indeed declined in the first half of the 1920's and later recovered only very slowly. 1910 85,000 1913 1926 93,000 86,454 �SLOVAKIA (Dec. 31) 1930 1937 111 103,222 104,915 Source: P. Turcan, Socialistickti industrializacia Slovenska, Bratislava: Osveta, 1960, p. 73. Simply the number of workers, however, is misleading. It understates the decline of Slovak industrial strength, for the workers of 1913 were mostly employed in capitalintensive industries, whereas by 1926 and later, they were mostly in labor-intensive industries. Slovak industry underwent a structural change. Capital-intensive heavy industries were moved to the Czech regions and were replaced, partly, with labor-intensive light industries. At the time of the 1930 census, most of Slovak industry consisted of establishments with less than 20 workers, for instance, in stone-clay, graphical, wood and food industries. 5 Of the 3,327 industrial establishments in Slovakia in 1930, 1,624, or about 50%, were in the food industries where many women were employed at lower wages. "The demolition of industry between the years 1921 and 1929 affected about 300 industrial enterprises in Slovakia, mostly iron, textile and wood industries. By this policy, the unequal economic development in the Czech regions and Slovakia deepened. 6 "Demolition and stoppage of metallurgy and iron industries continued. For example, a great part of the production of Podbrezovd (the largest iron industry in Slovakia) was transferred to Vitkovice (Silesia). Plants in Stratend, Pohoreld (towns in Slovakia) and some plants in Gemer (county in Slovakia) were stopped. The blast furnaces in Tisovec (town in Slovakia) stopped production in 1931."7 The question is whether this structural change in industry between the Czech and Slovak regions was in the interest of comparative advantage, i.e., was it in the interest of all Czecho-Slovakia to concentrate heavy industry exclusively in the western regions? This was not so, in my opinion. Before 1918, the Slovak regions had relatively modern and efficient heavy industries and there was a healthy competition with those in the other regions within the confines of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Furthermore, Slovakia is endowed with both iron and coal, albeit the coal fields in Silesia ( Czech region) are larger and richer. There was also much surplus agricultural labor- �SLOVAKIA 112 a common problem of East European countries, but in Czecho-Slovakia this surplus was particularly concentrated in Slovakia and Ruthenia. 8 A well-known English economist, P. W. Rosenstein-Rodan, makes the latter statement even more strongly. His estimates show a 13 percent surplus of labor in Czecho-Slovak agriculture in 1937 concentrated exclusively in Slovakia and Carpathian Ruthenia. 9 A cross-section comparison gives the picture of industry in 1930 shown in Table 24 . Number of Enterprises and Industrial Employment by Regions in 1930 No. of industrial enterprises Bohemia Moravia & Silesia Slovakia Ruthenia Total No. of workers employed 17,099 6,843 3,327 411 815,016 376,995 103,210 10,699 27,680 1,305,920 Source: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, statisticka rocenka repub• liky ceskoslovenske, 1936, p. 53. This table indicates that in 1930 Slovakia had only 7.9 % of the total industrial employment in the country while she had 24 % of the population.10 Unfortunately, no strictly comparable data are available for the earlier years. In 1937, 10.8 workers out of each 100 population were employed in industry in the Czech regions as against only 3 % in Slovakia. 11 "Slovakian industry undoubtedly did not receive from the Czechoslovak Government the help which it urgently needed to carry it over this difficult period. On the contrary, it was placed in many respects under quite unnecessary disadvantages. Until taxation was unified throughout the Republic (which was not until 1929), it was much more heavily taxed in many respects than the 'Historic lands' ... The rates paid by professional and businessmen were, on the average, three times as high in Slovakia as in Bohemia."12 Hence the economic policy was one reason that led the Slovaks to feel antagonism again.st Czechs. To consider the problems of industry in Slovakia from �SLOVAKIA 113 the purely economic point of view, there were a number of disadvantages : (a ) more expensive transport costs by railway because a substantial part (40 % , see below ) of the railways in Slovakia was in private hands ;13 (b ) lack of capital and high interest rates, about 10 % 14 (c) a small ratio of state orders from the industry in Slovakia; (d ) lack of coke and some raw materials ; (e ) discriminatory taxation policy. The result was a lessening and in some cases stoppage of industrial production in Slovakia.15 Recent authors also add to the list of instances of economic discrimination against the Slovaks during the first Republic with the following considerations: 1. By subsidizing the state railway, which provided most railway transport in the "historical" regions, they favored the Czech industry. The subsidies, meanwhile, were paid for also by the Slovak taxpayers. 2. A high interest rate in Slovakia was not justifiable. 3. The state should have ordered from the industries in Slovakia according to a more equitable ratio. 4. Coke and other raw materials could have been supplied also to industries in Slovakia. 5. Even the recent communist writers acknowledge that the Czech industrialists feared the competition of Slovak industry, whose equipment was modern at that time compared to that in the Czech regions. 16 The discriminatory policy against the industry in Slovakia continued even after the post-war depression was over and world prosperity was near its peak. Thus, the production of pig iron fell in Slovakia accounting for 10-12 % of the total production in Czecho-Slovakia in 1921, to only 2.7 % in 1926. 17 As a consequence of that, between 13 and 17 percent of the industrial production in the Czech region was "exported" to Slovakia during the boom years of 19261929.18 The outcome of the discrimination against Slovak industry was that Slovakia and Ruthenia remained agricultural areas whose employment, or, rather, disguised unemployment in agriculture decreased only slightly. Agricultural occupations accounted for the largest �114 SLOVAKIA single share of employment in post-World War I CzechoSlovakia: an average of 39.6%, including forestry and fishery, for the country as a whole. Geographically, however, the situation was different, as may be seen from this table: Proportion of Employment in Agriculture According to Regions in 1921 and 1930 Bohemia Moravia Silesia Slovakia Ruthenia 1921 1930 29.7% 38.6% 21.9% 60.6% 67.7% 24.1 % 28.6 % 28.6 % 56.8 % 66.3% Source: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, Annuaire Statistique de ia Repubiique Tchecoslovaque, Prague, 1938, p. 15. Thus, while in the Czech regions agriculture represented only about 25 % of employment, in Slovakia and Ruthenia it was about 60 %. Thus far, I have been using the data given by recent authors and the official statistics which, however, lack details concerning industry in Slovakia. Even independent economists, such as I. Karvas, while studying the industries in Slovakia,19 had only one source of employment data: the Workers' Compensation Board of Slovakia. His data, as he himself acknowledges, is one of 79 % coverage concerning the extinguished industrial enterprises and 89 % of the newly established ones. According to I. Karvas, Slovak industry was heavily dependent on railway transportation, because highway conditions were poor in Slovakia. And, because about 48 % of the railway belonged to private companies, transport was more expensive in Slovakia. 20 Railway density was thinnest in Slovakia and Ruthenia throughout the life of the first Republic. In 1933 the situation was this: Railway Density per one square km. Bohemia Moravia Silesia Slovakia, Ruthenia 0.130 0.098 0.136 0.062 km km km km �SLOVAKIA 115 Source : I. Karvas, Sjednoceni vyrobnich podminek v zemi ceskych a na Slovensku, Prague: ORBIS, 1933, p . 11. The other handicap, was that railways were oriented southward toward Budapest, and this handicap was much worse in Slovakia than in the Czech regions. Many localities in Slovakia had railway connections only via Hungary. The only trans-Slovakia line was in the north (KosiceBohumin). The other line that now exists, through the center regions, was completed only during World War II . According to I. Karvas, the decrease of industry in Slovakia had two types of causes, those common to industry in the Czech regions as well, and special causes affecting Slovakia only. 21 Leaving aside the reasons common to all the country's industry, those particular to Slovakia lay in the structure of industry itself, and in the post-war Czecho-Slovak economic policy. When the heavy-capital-intensive industries were demolished, new labor-intensive industries were built, but with less employees, so that loss of employment by demolishing the heavy industries could not have been outweighed by building new industries. In 1929, such was the situation concerning industrial employment. As we can see from next table, about 50 % of Slovak workers lost their jobs from the forced structural change of industry in Slovakia. On balance, many remained unemployed because new entrants into the labor force took jobs in the expanding industries. Loss and Increase of Employment in Slovak Industri es, 1920-1929 Demolished Decrease of Newly built Increase of enterprises employment enterprises employment 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 Total 5 3 15 22 19 21 27 25 17 13 181 74 1,130 870 3,673 2,056 1,534 1,270 1,232 1,066 21 29 23 21 21 16 342 586 482 311 1,825 1,186 603 560 721 381 167 13,386 184 7,003 9 18 16 10 �SLOVAKIA 116 Source: I. Karvas, Sjednoceni viirobnich podminek v zemi ceskiic h a na Slov ensku, Prague, ORBIS, 1933, p. 54. Expansion of Existing Industry in Slovakia in 1920-1929 Workers after expansion Number of enterprises Workers before expansion 6 8 4 15 12 24 22 23 30 42 583 799 342 2,368 1,730 2,826 1,932 1,747 5,359 5,193 990 1,142 1,296 3,615 2,582 3,459 2,857 2,768 6,947 6,316 168 22,859 31,972 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 Total Source : I. Karvas, Sj ednoceni v yrobnich podminek v zemi ceskiic h a na Slov ensku, Prague, ORBIS, 1933, p. 57. According to the two previous tables 6,383 workers lost their jobs; according to Table 28, 9,113 found work. For lack of data one cannot compare the incomes in both cases. However, since heavy industries requiring skilled male labor were demolished and light industries, such as food, etc., were built, wages were most probably below their former levels . Next table indicates a decline in general Slovak wageearnings compared to those in the Czech regions. Ratio of Wages in Slovakia in Terms of those in the Czech Regions Year Daily wages Yearly wages 1921 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 92.8 87 .7 89.3 87 .4 87 .6 86.1 86.1 80.0 71.4 72.7 74.6 75.6 75.0 74.8 Source: V. Prucha in Vysoka skola ekonomicka, Pfehled hospodafske ho viiv oje ceskoslov enska v l etech 1918-1945, Prague: NLP, 1963, p . 275. Therefore, it seems a reasonable inference that the income that workers earned in Slovak industry did not increase even during the boom years in interwar Czecho-Slovakia. �SLOVAKIA 117 Employment in the State Sector in Slovakia The concept of employment in the state sector covers not only civil service, but also state owned enterprises, which included tobacco, railways (except the 48 % privately owned), Post Savings institutions, state mining and smelting enterprises, the Czecho-Slovak Printing Office, an aircraft factory, state forests and land, state spas and recreation centers, etc. 22 The state sector was thus a substantial entity. Receipts and E xpenditures of State-Owned Enterpri ses, 1927-1938 (In Mill. Kcs ) Receipts Outlays 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 9,222 9,592 10,011 10,396 10,614 10,460 7,670 8,064 8,460 8,834 9,064 8,930 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 Receipts Outlays -- -- 9,074 8,013 8,003 7,973 8,330 9,222 7,867 7,164 7,176 7,230 7,452 7,869 Sources: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, Statisticka rocenka republiky Ceskoslovenske, 1936, p. 273. Annuaire statistique de la Republique Tchecoslovaque , 1938, p. 299. While there are no estimates of national income in interwar Czecho-Slovakia, it is the writer's guess that about 25 % of national income originated with state-owned enterprises. In any event, it is evident that employment in the state represented income to a substantial group of wage earners, and it was precisely in this field that some of the more striking evidence of discrimination against Slovaks was to be found. At au levels, from school porters to principals, and in all branches of civil service, as well as the majority of state enterprises, employees were primarily from the Czech regions. Thus, on April 23, 1925, member of Parliament, Mr. Hancko, protesting Czech discrimination against Slovak employees, noted that the employment breakdown in the Railway Management in Bratislava (capital of Slovakia) and in Kosice (the second largest city in Slovakia) was as follows in 1925: 23 of 5,134 clerks of higher ranks - 90 % were Czechs �118 SLOVAKIA of 12,355 clerks of lower ranks - 60 % were Czechs of 16,025 clerks of railway workers 30% were Czechs In addition, the railway departments were proposing to lay off 38 % of the Slovak workers. When there were still unemployed workers, excluding the disguised unemployed in Slovakia, 30 % of the workers came from the Czech regions, not to mention clerks of the highest ranks. Another example is perhaps more striking: Of all civil servants in the central government in Prague (10,825) only 123 or 1.3% were Slovaks, whereas the Slovak population represented 22 .6 % of the national total. 24 Generally, there were no Slovak civil servants in the Czech regions, but a large proportion of the civil servants in the Slovak regions were Czech. No detailed statistics are available because, although data was collected in 1933 by Prime Minister Malypetr, he was persuaded that the Slovak antagonism against the Czechs had a political background, not an economic one. He wanted to publish a table showing how many Slovaks were employed as civil servants, and after having seen the results, he refrained from publishing the figures, although he had promised to the Slovak opposition leaders that he would. The figures cited above are from this originally unpublished report which was eventually released after March 14, 1939, when the Slovaks proclaimed their independence and were entitled to copy all government documents concerning Slovakia. Lack of employment opportunity forced the people in Slovakia to look for jobs outside their mother country. According to recent writers, employment in industry in Slovakia rose by 2,500 persons, or 2.9 % from 1930 to 1937, while it rose in the Czech regions by 10.9 %. Thus lack of opportunity to find income at home caused an emigration from Slovakia that was seven times greater than that from the Czech regions .25 (See next table). Emigration with Valid Passports from Czecho-Slovakia in the Years 1924-1936 Total emigration from Czecho-Slovakia 1924 1925 54,373 19,350 Emigration from Slovakia Ruthenia 35,110 8,700 2,491 475 �SLOVAKIA 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934 1935 1936 Total 119 26,129 23,596 24,540 30,715 25,712 9,567 5,165 4,735 5,065 5,685 7,201 14,388 12,053 13,544 19,401 16,682 4,527 2,222 3,009 3,016 3,707 4,831 1,561 2,411 2,286 3,822 2,706 358 123 241 343 445 471 271 ,533 141,190 17,733 Source: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, Statisticka rocenka republi- ky ceskos lovenske, Prague, 1936, p. 29. Thus according to the official data, over 50 % of the emigrants during 1924-1937 came from Slovakia whose population was only 22.6 % (Ruthenia's 4.9 % ) of all the CzechoSlovak population. At that time 50,111 workers in the state sector-including civil servants-came form the "historical lands" to Slovakia. The situation was no bet ter concerning the career army officers . Of 139 army generals only one was a Slovak (no Slovak colonels ) . Of 5,439 higher ranking officers , 67 were Slovaks ; of 6,871 lower ranking officers, 356 were Slova ks .26 This unhappy s ituat ion burst int o social u n rest. When the internation al situation w as crit ical to Czecho-Slovakia, the Slovaks, who had only wanted autonom y within the frame of Czecho-Slovakia, acting under th e pressure of Nazi Germany, procla imed themselves independent on March 14, 1939.27 FOOTNOTES 1. Conversa tion with Dr. Josef Stasko, New York P ublic Library. 2. I. A. Karvas, Sjednoceni vyrobnic h podminek v zemi ceskych a na Slovensku, Prague: ORBIS, 1933, pp. 77-78. 3. Magyar statisztikai zsebkonyv, p. 32. 4. K. Golan and Assoc. in ceskoslovenske dejiny, Bratislava: Osveta, 1961, p. 255. 5. Statisticka rocenka, 1936, p. 53. �120 SLOVAKIA 6. K. Golan, op. cit., p. 256. 7. Ibid. , pp. 262-263. 8. G. Lazarcik, The Performance of Socialist Agriculture, New York: L.W. International Financial Research, Inc., 1963, p. 4. 9. P. W. Rosenstein-Rodan, Agricultural Surplus Population in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, (mimeo), London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, as cited by Lazarcik, The Performance ... op. cit., p . 4. 10. Computed on the basis of 1930 census data. 11. P . Turcan, op. cit., p. 73. 12. C. A. Macartney, Hungary and her Successors, London: Oxford University Press, 1937, p. 131. 13. In the Czech regions where 96% of railways were publicly owned, the cost per ton-mile was 0.5354 Kcs; in the Slovak regions, with only 52%in public hands, the ton-mile cost 1.1218 Kcs. (I. A. Karvas, op. cit., pp. 83-84), although the publicly owned railways received a subsidy. 14. In the Czech regions the prime rate-charged on preferred industrial loans-fluctuated between five and eight percent. 15. A. Dobry in Pf-ehled hospodarskeho vyvoje, pp. 194-195. See also Deset let rozvoje , p. 13. 16. A. Dobry in Prehled hospodarskeho vyvoje, p. 195. 17. Ostredie slovenskeho priemyslu, Slovensky priemysel v.n. 1929, Yearly Report of the Central Slovak Industry, Bratislava-Turciansky Sv. Martin: K.U.S., 1930, pp. 28-29. 18. A. Dobry in Pf-ehled hospodaf-skeho vyvoje, p. 195. 19. I. A. Karvas, op. cit., p. 54. 20. Ibid., pp. 11-12. 21. Ibid. , p. 36. 22. Statisticka rocenka, 1936, p. 275. 23. K. Culen, Slovaci a cesi v statnych sluibach, Bratislava: Vedecky ustav, 1944, p. 70. 24. Ibid., pp. 97-99. 25. Deset let rozvoje, pp. 12-13. 26. K. Culen, Preco Slovaci nechcu ist' s cechmi, pp. 15-16 (mimeo), New York (no publishing date) . 27. J. Kirschbaum, Nas boj o samostatnost' Slovenska, Cleveland, Ohio: Slovensky ustav, 1958, pp. 62-70. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is interested primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the United States of America. � SLOVAKIA 109 ECONOMIC DISCRIMINATIO N AGAINST SLOVAKIA by Frank Bandar This is a story of how economic inequality - or according to a strong expression, economic discrimination can bring social unrest and, ultimately, antagonism against a ruling ethnic majority. (There are many who claim that it was the antagonism of Slovaks against Czechs that brought the destruction of Czecho-Slovakia. The author of this essay, however, believes that the first Republic could not have survived in the international situation even without internal ethnic divisions.) To familiarize the reader with the available evidence in this field : the official Czecho-Slovak interwar statistics distinguished the regions of Czecho-Slovakia according to the ethnic and historical origin, except for production data for Slovakia. Thus we find data explicitly for Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia (sometimes Moravia includes Silesia), Slovakia, and Ruthenia. The first three regions were also officially termed the "historical regions" though the Slovaks also have a history, despite 1,000 years of Magyar occupation. Since World War II, when Ruthenia was annexed by the U.S.S.R., the official statistics refer to the Czech regions and Slovakia. Recent economic data give equal coverage to the Czech regions and Slovakia, in contrast to those published between the two wars, when young Slovak economists had to search for production data on Slovak territory.1 The Background of Slovakia's Industrialization Slovakia was part of "Greater Hungary" from 906 to October 30, 1918, and, indeed, during the 150 years after the battle of Mohacs, in 1526, that Hungary proper was under Turkish domination, Slovakia was the area where independent political and economic life was carried on. When the Turks were driven out at the end of the 17th century, a base for manufacturing in terms of handicraft and artisanship had been firmly laid down in Slovakia. After the AustroHungarian settlement in 1867, when the Monarchy was divided into two administrative and economic units, the Magyar politicians were eager to catch up to the more developed Austria. They started to build industry where con- �110 SLOVAKIA ditions were the most favorable. A cheaper labor market and the availability of raw material - coal, iron, etc., favored the Slovak territory. And, because industries built in Slovakia were of later date, than those in the "historical" regions, they were equipped with more advanced technology. So, immediately after World War I, Slovakia contained 17 .3 % of all former Hungarian industries ( which employed 20 or more workers) employing 20.7 % of all the workers in such industries in former Greater Hungary were employed.2 According to other sources, about 20 % of industry, of 20 or more employees, were in the Slovak territories. The actual total number of industrial workers was much higher, because there were many small workshops of under 20 employees, for which there are no data in the pre-World War I Magyar statistics. In per capita terms, Slovakia seems to have been the most industrialized region in Greater Hungary, for, of the 20.9 million population in Greater Hungary in 1910, 2.9 million lived in the Slovak territory. 3 The Decline of Slovak Industry and Industrial Employment After 1918 The contention of this paper is that, after the First Republic came into existence, the industrial strength of Slovakia declined, for a number of reasons. One of these was the changing structure of industry in Slovakia; the other reason was the policies followed by the economically stronger Czech regions. One writer puts it this way: "The situation in Czecho-Slovakia became critical when all capitalist countries experienced a post-war depression in the winter months of 1922 and 1923. The Czech capitalists tried to overcome the crisis by concentrating industry into the Czech regions ... Industrial production in Slovakia was not so profitable for them, therefore, they stopped production in Slovakia, and industrial equipment was transported to the Czech regions or sold abroad. " 4 Industrial employment indeed declined in the first half of the 1920's and later recovered only very slowly. 1910 85,000 1913 1926 93,000 86,454 �SLOVAKIA (Dec. 31) 1930 1937 111 103,222 104,915 Source: P. Turcan, Socialistickti industrializacia Slovenska, Bratislava: Osveta, 1960, p. 73. Simply the number of workers, however, is misleading. It understates the decline of Slovak industrial strength, for the workers of 1913 were mostly employed in capitalintensive industries, whereas by 1926 and later, they were mostly in labor-intensive industries. Slovak industry underwent a structural change. Capital-intensive heavy industries were moved to the Czech regions and were replaced, partly, with labor-intensive light industries. At the time of the 1930 census, most of Slovak industry consisted of establishments with less than 20 workers, for instance, in stone-clay, graphical, wood and food industries. 5 Of the 3,327 industrial establishments in Slovakia in 1930, 1,624, or about 50%, were in the food industries where many women were employed at lower wages. "The demolition of industry between the years 1921 and 1929 affected about 300 industrial enterprises in Slovakia, mostly iron, textile and wood industries. By this policy, the unequal economic development in the Czech regions and Slovakia deepened. 6 "Demolition and stoppage of metallurgy and iron industries continued. For example, a great part of the production of Podbrezovd (the largest iron industry in Slovakia) was transferred to Vitkovice (Silesia). Plants in Stratend, Pohoreld (towns in Slovakia) and some plants in Gemer (county in Slovakia) were stopped. The blast furnaces in Tisovec (town in Slovakia) stopped production in 1931."7 The question is whether this structural change in industry between the Czech and Slovak regions was in the interest of comparative advantage, i.e., was it in the interest of all Czecho-Slovakia to concentrate heavy industry exclusively in the western regions? This was not so, in my opinion. Before 1918, the Slovak regions had relatively modern and efficient heavy industries and there was a healthy competition with those in the other regions within the confines of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Furthermore, Slovakia is endowed with both iron and coal, albeit the coal fields in Silesia ( Czech region) are larger and richer. There was also much surplus agricultural labor- �SLOVAKIA 112 a common problem of East European countries, but in Czecho-Slovakia this surplus was particularly concentrated in Slovakia and Ruthenia. 8 A well-known English economist, P. W. Rosenstein-Rodan, makes the latter statement even more strongly. His estimates show a 13 percent surplus of labor in Czecho-Slovak agriculture in 1937 concentrated exclusively in Slovakia and Carpathian Ruthenia. 9 A cross-section comparison gives the picture of industry in 1930 shown in Table 24 . Number of Enterprises and Industrial Employment by Regions in 1930 No. of industrial enterprises Bohemia Moravia & Silesia Slovakia Ruthenia Total No. of workers employed 17,099 6,843 3,327 411 815,016 376,995 103,210 10,699 27,680 1,305,920 Source: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, statisticka rocenka repub• liky ceskoslovenske, 1936, p. 53. This table indicates that in 1930 Slovakia had only 7.9 % of the total industrial employment in the country while she had 24 % of the population.10 Unfortunately, no strictly comparable data are available for the earlier years. In 1937, 10.8 workers out of each 100 population were employed in industry in the Czech regions as against only 3 % in Slovakia. 11 "Slovakian industry undoubtedly did not receive from the Czechoslovak Government the help which it urgently needed to carry it over this difficult period. On the contrary, it was placed in many respects under quite unnecessary disadvantages. Until taxation was unified throughout the Republic (which was not until 1929), it was much more heavily taxed in many respects than the 'Historic lands' ... The rates paid by professional and businessmen were, on the average, three times as high in Slovakia as in Bohemia."12 Hence the economic policy was one reason that led the Slovaks to feel antagonism again.st Czechs. To consider the problems of industry in Slovakia from �SLOVAKIA 113 the purely economic point of view, there were a number of disadvantages : (a ) more expensive transport costs by railway because a substantial part (40 % , see below ) of the railways in Slovakia was in private hands ;13 (b ) lack of capital and high interest rates, about 10 % 14 (c) a small ratio of state orders from the industry in Slovakia; (d ) lack of coke and some raw materials ; (e ) discriminatory taxation policy. The result was a lessening and in some cases stoppage of industrial production in Slovakia.15 Recent authors also add to the list of instances of economic discrimination against the Slovaks during the first Republic with the following considerations: 1. By subsidizing the state railway, which provided most railway transport in the "historical" regions, they favored the Czech industry. The subsidies, meanwhile, were paid for also by the Slovak taxpayers. 2. A high interest rate in Slovakia was not justifiable. 3. The state should have ordered from the industries in Slovakia according to a more equitable ratio. 4. Coke and other raw materials could have been supplied also to industries in Slovakia. 5. Even the recent communist writers acknowledge that the Czech industrialists feared the competition of Slovak industry, whose equipment was modern at that time compared to that in the Czech regions. 16 The discriminatory policy against the industry in Slovakia continued even after the post-war depression was over and world prosperity was near its peak. Thus, the production of pig iron fell in Slovakia accounting for 10-12 % of the total production in Czecho-Slovakia in 1921, to only 2.7 % in 1926. 17 As a consequence of that, between 13 and 17 percent of the industrial production in the Czech region was "exported" to Slovakia during the boom years of 19261929.18 The outcome of the discrimination against Slovak industry was that Slovakia and Ruthenia remained agricultural areas whose employment, or, rather, disguised unemployment in agriculture decreased only slightly. Agricultural occupations accounted for the largest �114 SLOVAKIA single share of employment in post-World War I CzechoSlovakia: an average of 39.6%, including forestry and fishery, for the country as a whole. Geographically, however, the situation was different, as may be seen from this table: Proportion of Employment in Agriculture According to Regions in 1921 and 1930 Bohemia Moravia Silesia Slovakia Ruthenia 1921 1930 29.7% 38.6% 21.9% 60.6% 67.7% 24.1 % 28.6 % 28.6 % 56.8 % 66.3% Source: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, Annuaire Statistique de ia Repubiique Tchecoslovaque, Prague, 1938, p. 15. Thus, while in the Czech regions agriculture represented only about 25 % of employment, in Slovakia and Ruthenia it was about 60 %. Thus far, I have been using the data given by recent authors and the official statistics which, however, lack details concerning industry in Slovakia. Even independent economists, such as I. Karvas, while studying the industries in Slovakia,19 had only one source of employment data: the Workers' Compensation Board of Slovakia. His data, as he himself acknowledges, is one of 79 % coverage concerning the extinguished industrial enterprises and 89 % of the newly established ones. According to I. Karvas, Slovak industry was heavily dependent on railway transportation, because highway conditions were poor in Slovakia. And, because about 48 % of the railway belonged to private companies, transport was more expensive in Slovakia. 20 Railway density was thinnest in Slovakia and Ruthenia throughout the life of the first Republic. In 1933 the situation was this: Railway Density per one square km. Bohemia Moravia Silesia Slovakia, Ruthenia 0.130 0.098 0.136 0.062 km km km km �SLOVAKIA 115 Source : I. Karvas, Sjednoceni vyrobnich podminek v zemi ceskych a na Slovensku, Prague: ORBIS, 1933, p . 11. The other handicap, was that railways were oriented southward toward Budapest, and this handicap was much worse in Slovakia than in the Czech regions. Many localities in Slovakia had railway connections only via Hungary. The only trans-Slovakia line was in the north (KosiceBohumin). The other line that now exists, through the center regions, was completed only during World War II . According to I. Karvas, the decrease of industry in Slovakia had two types of causes, those common to industry in the Czech regions as well, and special causes affecting Slovakia only. 21 Leaving aside the reasons common to all the country's industry, those particular to Slovakia lay in the structure of industry itself, and in the post-war Czecho-Slovak economic policy. When the heavy-capital-intensive industries were demolished, new labor-intensive industries were built, but with less employees, so that loss of employment by demolishing the heavy industries could not have been outweighed by building new industries. In 1929, such was the situation concerning industrial employment. As we can see from next table, about 50 % of Slovak workers lost their jobs from the forced structural change of industry in Slovakia. On balance, many remained unemployed because new entrants into the labor force took jobs in the expanding industries. Loss and Increase of Employment in Slovak Industri es, 1920-1929 Demolished Decrease of Newly built Increase of enterprises employment enterprises employment 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 Total 5 3 15 22 19 21 27 25 17 13 181 74 1,130 870 3,673 2,056 1,534 1,270 1,232 1,066 21 29 23 21 21 16 342 586 482 311 1,825 1,186 603 560 721 381 167 13,386 184 7,003 9 18 16 10 �SLOVAKIA 116 Source: I. Karvas, Sjednoceni viirobnich podminek v zemi ceskiic h a na Slov ensku, Prague, ORBIS, 1933, p. 54. Expansion of Existing Industry in Slovakia in 1920-1929 Workers after expansion Number of enterprises Workers before expansion 6 8 4 15 12 24 22 23 30 42 583 799 342 2,368 1,730 2,826 1,932 1,747 5,359 5,193 990 1,142 1,296 3,615 2,582 3,459 2,857 2,768 6,947 6,316 168 22,859 31,972 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 Total Source : I. Karvas, Sj ednoceni v yrobnich podminek v zemi ceskiic h a na Slov ensku, Prague, ORBIS, 1933, p. 57. According to the two previous tables 6,383 workers lost their jobs; according to Table 28, 9,113 found work. For lack of data one cannot compare the incomes in both cases. However, since heavy industries requiring skilled male labor were demolished and light industries, such as food, etc., were built, wages were most probably below their former levels . Next table indicates a decline in general Slovak wageearnings compared to those in the Czech regions. Ratio of Wages in Slovakia in Terms of those in the Czech Regions Year Daily wages Yearly wages 1921 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 92.8 87 .7 89.3 87 .4 87 .6 86.1 86.1 80.0 71.4 72.7 74.6 75.6 75.0 74.8 Source: V. Prucha in Vysoka skola ekonomicka, Pfehled hospodafske ho viiv oje ceskoslov enska v l etech 1918-1945, Prague: NLP, 1963, p . 275. Therefore, it seems a reasonable inference that the income that workers earned in Slovak industry did not increase even during the boom years in interwar Czecho-Slovakia. �SLOVAKIA 117 Employment in the State Sector in Slovakia The concept of employment in the state sector covers not only civil service, but also state owned enterprises, which included tobacco, railways (except the 48 % privately owned), Post Savings institutions, state mining and smelting enterprises, the Czecho-Slovak Printing Office, an aircraft factory, state forests and land, state spas and recreation centers, etc. 22 The state sector was thus a substantial entity. Receipts and E xpenditures of State-Owned Enterpri ses, 1927-1938 (In Mill. Kcs ) Receipts Outlays 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 9,222 9,592 10,011 10,396 10,614 10,460 7,670 8,064 8,460 8,834 9,064 8,930 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 Receipts Outlays -- -- 9,074 8,013 8,003 7,973 8,330 9,222 7,867 7,164 7,176 7,230 7,452 7,869 Sources: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, Statisticka rocenka republiky Ceskoslovenske, 1936, p. 273. Annuaire statistique de la Republique Tchecoslovaque , 1938, p. 299. While there are no estimates of national income in interwar Czecho-Slovakia, it is the writer's guess that about 25 % of national income originated with state-owned enterprises. In any event, it is evident that employment in the state represented income to a substantial group of wage earners, and it was precisely in this field that some of the more striking evidence of discrimination against Slovaks was to be found. At au levels, from school porters to principals, and in all branches of civil service, as well as the majority of state enterprises, employees were primarily from the Czech regions. Thus, on April 23, 1925, member of Parliament, Mr. Hancko, protesting Czech discrimination against Slovak employees, noted that the employment breakdown in the Railway Management in Bratislava (capital of Slovakia) and in Kosice (the second largest city in Slovakia) was as follows in 1925: 23 of 5,134 clerks of higher ranks - 90 % were Czechs �118 SLOVAKIA of 12,355 clerks of lower ranks - 60 % were Czechs of 16,025 clerks of railway workers 30% were Czechs In addition, the railway departments were proposing to lay off 38 % of the Slovak workers. When there were still unemployed workers, excluding the disguised unemployed in Slovakia, 30 % of the workers came from the Czech regions, not to mention clerks of the highest ranks. Another example is perhaps more striking: Of all civil servants in the central government in Prague (10,825) only 123 or 1.3% were Slovaks, whereas the Slovak population represented 22 .6 % of the national total. 24 Generally, there were no Slovak civil servants in the Czech regions, but a large proportion of the civil servants in the Slovak regions were Czech. No detailed statistics are available because, although data was collected in 1933 by Prime Minister Malypetr, he was persuaded that the Slovak antagonism against the Czechs had a political background, not an economic one. He wanted to publish a table showing how many Slovaks were employed as civil servants, and after having seen the results, he refrained from publishing the figures, although he had promised to the Slovak opposition leaders that he would. The figures cited above are from this originally unpublished report which was eventually released after March 14, 1939, when the Slovaks proclaimed their independence and were entitled to copy all government documents concerning Slovakia. Lack of employment opportunity forced the people in Slovakia to look for jobs outside their mother country. According to recent writers, employment in industry in Slovakia rose by 2,500 persons, or 2.9 % from 1930 to 1937, while it rose in the Czech regions by 10.9 %. Thus lack of opportunity to find income at home caused an emigration from Slovakia that was seven times greater than that from the Czech regions .25 (See next table). Emigration with Valid Passports from Czecho-Slovakia in the Years 1924-1936 Total emigration from Czecho-Slovakia 1924 1925 54,373 19,350 Emigration from Slovakia Ruthenia 35,110 8,700 2,491 475 �SLOVAKIA 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934 1935 1936 Total 119 26,129 23,596 24,540 30,715 25,712 9,567 5,165 4,735 5,065 5,685 7,201 14,388 12,053 13,544 19,401 16,682 4,527 2,222 3,009 3,016 3,707 4,831 1,561 2,411 2,286 3,822 2,706 358 123 241 343 445 471 271 ,533 141,190 17,733 Source: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, Statisticka rocenka republi- ky ceskos lovenske, Prague, 1936, p. 29. Thus according to the official data, over 50 % of the emigrants during 1924-1937 came from Slovakia whose population was only 22.6 % (Ruthenia's 4.9 % ) of all the CzechoSlovak population. At that time 50,111 workers in the state sector-including civil servants-came form the "historical lands" to Slovakia. The situation was no bet ter concerning the career army officers . Of 139 army generals only one was a Slovak (no Slovak colonels ) . Of 5,439 higher ranking officers , 67 were Slovaks ; of 6,871 lower ranking officers, 356 were Slova ks .26 This unhappy s ituat ion burst int o social u n rest. When the internation al situation w as crit ical to Czecho-Slovakia, the Slovaks, who had only wanted autonom y within the frame of Czecho-Slovakia, acting under th e pressure of Nazi Germany, procla imed themselves independent on March 14, 1939.27 FOOTNOTES 1. Conversa tion with Dr. Josef Stasko, New York P ublic Library. 2. I. A. Karvas, Sjednoceni vyrobnic h podminek v zemi ceskych a na Slovensku, Prague: ORBIS, 1933, pp. 77-78. 3. Magyar statisztikai zsebkonyv, p. 32. 4. K. Golan and Assoc. in ceskoslovenske dejiny, Bratislava: Osveta, 1961, p. 255. 5. Statisticka rocenka, 1936, p. 53. �120 SLOVAKIA 6. K. Golan, op. cit., p. 256. 7. Ibid. , pp. 262-263. 8. G. Lazarcik, The Performance of Socialist Agriculture, New York: L.W. International Financial Research, Inc., 1963, p. 4. 9. P. W. Rosenstein-Rodan, Agricultural Surplus Population in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, (mimeo), London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, as cited by Lazarcik, The Performance ... op. cit., p . 4. 10. Computed on the basis of 1930 census data. 11. P . Turcan, op. cit., p. 73. 12. C. A. Macartney, Hungary and her Successors, London: Oxford University Press, 1937, p. 131. 13. In the Czech regions where 96% of railways were publicly owned, the cost per ton-mile was 0.5354 Kcs; in the Slovak regions, with only 52%in public hands, the ton-mile cost 1.1218 Kcs. (I. A. Karvas, op. cit., pp. 83-84), although the publicly owned railways received a subsidy. 14. In the Czech regions the prime rate-charged on preferred industrial loans-fluctuated between five and eight percent. 15. A. Dobry in Pf-ehled hospodarskeho vyvoje, pp. 194-195. See also Deset let rozvoje , p. 13. 16. A. Dobry in Prehled hospodarskeho vyvoje, p. 195. 17. Ostredie slovenskeho priemyslu, Slovensky priemysel v.n. 1929, Yearly Report of the Central Slovak Industry, Bratislava-Turciansky Sv. Martin: K.U.S., 1930, pp. 28-29. 18. A. Dobry in Pf-ehled hospodaf-skeho vyvoje, p. 195. 19. I. A. Karvas, op. cit., p. 54. 20. Ibid., pp. 11-12. 21. Ibid. , p. 36. 22. Statisticka rocenka, 1936, p. 275. 23. K. Culen, Slovaci a cesi v statnych sluibach, Bratislava: Vedecky ustav, 1944, p. 70. 24. Ibid., pp. 97-99. 25. Deset let rozvoje, pp. 12-13. 26. K. Culen, Preco Slovaci nechcu ist' s cechmi, pp. 15-16 (mimeo), New York (no publishing date) . 27. J. Kirschbaum, Nas boj o samostatnost' Slovenska, Cleveland, Ohio: Slovensky ustav, 1958, pp. 62-70. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is interested primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the United States of America. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1968, Vol. 18 Description An account of the resource Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 109 ECONOMIC DISCRIMINATIO N AGAINST SLOVAKIA by Frank Bandar This is a story of how economic inequality - or according to a strong expression, economic discrimination can bring social unrest and, ultimately, antagonism against a ruling ethnic majority. (There are many who claim that it was the antagonism of Slovaks against Czechs that brought the destruction of Czecho-Slovakia. The author of this essay, however, believes that the first Republic could not have survived in the international situation even without internal ethnic divisions.) To familiarize the reader with the available evidence in this field : the official Czecho-Slovak interwar statistics distinguished the regions of Czecho-Slovakia according to the ethnic and historical origin, except for production data for Slovakia. Thus we find data explicitly for Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia (sometimes Moravia includes Silesia), Slovakia, and Ruthenia. The first three regions were also officially termed the "historical regions" though the Slovaks also have a history, despite 1,000 years of Magyar occupation. Since World War II, when Ruthenia was annexed by the U.S.S.R., the official statistics refer to the Czech regions and Slovakia. Recent economic data give equal coverage to the Czech regions and Slovakia, in contrast to those published between the two wars, when young Slovak economists had to search for production data on Slovak territory.1 The Background of Slovakia's Industrialization Slovakia was part of "Greater Hungary" from 906 to October 30, 1918, and, indeed, during the 150 years after the battle of Mohacs, in 1526, that Hungary proper was under Turkish domination, Slovakia was the area where independent political and economic life was carried on. When the Turks were driven out at the end of the 17th century, a base for manufacturing in terms of handicraft and artisanship had been firmly laid down in Slovakia. After the AustroHungarian settlement in 1867, when the Monarchy was divided into two administrative and economic units, the Magyar politicians were eager to catch up to the more developed Austria. They started to build industry where con- 110 SLOVAKIA ditions were the most favorable. A cheaper labor market and the availability of raw material - coal, iron, etc., favored the Slovak territory. And, because industries built in Slovakia were of later date, than those in the "historical" regions, they were equipped with more advanced technology. So, immediately after World War I, Slovakia contained 17 .3 % of all former Hungarian industries ( which employed 20 or more workers) employing 20.7 % of all the workers in such industries in former Greater Hungary were employed.2 According to other sources, about 20 % of industry, of 20 or more employees, were in the Slovak territories. The actual total number of industrial workers was much higher, because there were many small workshops of under 20 employees, for which there are no data in the pre-World War I Magyar statistics. In per capita terms, Slovakia seems to have been the most industrialized region in Greater Hungary, for, of the 20.9 million population in Greater Hungary in 1910, 2.9 million lived in the Slovak territory. 3 The Decline of Slovak Industry and Industrial Employment After 1918 The contention of this paper is that, after the First Republic came into existence, the industrial strength of Slovakia declined, for a number of reasons. One of these was the changing structure of industry in Slovakia; the other reason was the policies followed by the economically stronger Czech regions. One writer puts it this way: "The situation in Czecho-Slovakia became critical when all capitalist countries experienced a post-war depression in the winter months of 1922 and 1923. The Czech capitalists tried to overcome the crisis by concentrating industry into the Czech regions ... Industrial production in Slovakia was not so profitable for them, therefore, they stopped production in Slovakia, and industrial equipment was transported to the Czech regions or sold abroad. " 4 Industrial employment indeed declined in the first half of the 1920's and later recovered only very slowly. 1910 85,000 1913 1926 93,000 86,454 SLOVAKIA (Dec. 31) 1930 1937 111 103,222 104,915 Source: P. Turcan, Socialistickti industrializacia Slovenska, Bratislava: Osveta, 1960, p. 73. Simply the number of workers, however, is misleading. It understates the decline of Slovak industrial strength, for the workers of 1913 were mostly employed in capitalintensive industries, whereas by 1926 and later, they were mostly in labor-intensive industries. Slovak industry underwent a structural change. Capital-intensive heavy industries were moved to the Czech regions and were replaced, partly, with labor-intensive light industries. At the time of the 1930 census, most of Slovak industry consisted of establishments with less than 20 workers, for instance, in stone-clay, graphical, wood and food industries. 5 Of the 3,327 industrial establishments in Slovakia in 1930, 1,624, or about 50%, were in the food industries where many women were employed at lower wages. "The demolition of industry between the years 1921 and 1929 affected about 300 industrial enterprises in Slovakia, mostly iron, textile and wood industries. By this policy, the unequal economic development in the Czech regions and Slovakia deepened. 6 "Demolition and stoppage of metallurgy and iron industries continued. For example, a great part of the production of Podbrezovd (the largest iron industry in Slovakia) was transferred to Vitkovice (Silesia). Plants in Stratend, Pohoreld (towns in Slovakia) and some plants in Gemer (county in Slovakia) were stopped. The blast furnaces in Tisovec (town in Slovakia) stopped production in 1931."7 The question is whether this structural change in industry between the Czech and Slovak regions was in the interest of comparative advantage, i.e., was it in the interest of all Czecho-Slovakia to concentrate heavy industry exclusively in the western regions? This was not so, in my opinion. Before 1918, the Slovak regions had relatively modern and efficient heavy industries and there was a healthy competition with those in the other regions within the confines of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Furthermore, Slovakia is endowed with both iron and coal, albeit the coal fields in Silesia ( Czech region) are larger and richer. There was also much surplus agricultural labor- SLOVAKIA 112 a common problem of East European countries, but in Czecho-Slovakia this surplus was particularly concentrated in Slovakia and Ruthenia. 8 A well-known English economist, P. W. Rosenstein-Rodan, makes the latter statement even more strongly. His estimates show a 13 percent surplus of labor in Czecho-Slovak agriculture in 1937 concentrated exclusively in Slovakia and Carpathian Ruthenia. 9 A cross-section comparison gives the picture of industry in 1930 shown in Table 24 . Number of Enterprises and Industrial Employment by Regions in 1930 No. of industrial enterprises Bohemia Moravia & Silesia Slovakia Ruthenia Total No. of workers employed 17,099 6,843 3,327 411 815,016 376,995 103,210 10,699 27,680 1,305,920 Source: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, statisticka rocenka repub• liky ceskoslovenske, 1936, p. 53. This table indicates that in 1930 Slovakia had only 7.9 % of the total industrial employment in the country while she had 24 % of the population.10 Unfortunately, no strictly comparable data are available for the earlier years. In 1937, 10.8 workers out of each 100 population were employed in industry in the Czech regions as against only 3 % in Slovakia. 11 "Slovakian industry undoubtedly did not receive from the Czechoslovak Government the help which it urgently needed to carry it over this difficult period. On the contrary, it was placed in many respects under quite unnecessary disadvantages. Until taxation was unified throughout the Republic (which was not until 1929), it was much more heavily taxed in many respects than the 'Historic lands' ... The rates paid by professional and businessmen were, on the average, three times as high in Slovakia as in Bohemia."12 Hence the economic policy was one reason that led the Slovaks to feel antagonism again.st Czechs. To consider the problems of industry in Slovakia from SLOVAKIA 113 the purely economic point of view, there were a number of disadvantages : (a ) more expensive transport costs by railway because a substantial part (40 % , see below ) of the railways in Slovakia was in private hands ;13 (b ) lack of capital and high interest rates, about 10 % 14 (c) a small ratio of state orders from the industry in Slovakia; (d ) lack of coke and some raw materials ; (e ) discriminatory taxation policy. The result was a lessening and in some cases stoppage of industrial production in Slovakia.15 Recent authors also add to the list of instances of economic discrimination against the Slovaks during the first Republic with the following considerations: 1. By subsidizing the state railway, which provided most railway transport in the "historical" regions, they favored the Czech industry. The subsidies, meanwhile, were paid for also by the Slovak taxpayers. 2. A high interest rate in Slovakia was not justifiable. 3. The state should have ordered from the industries in Slovakia according to a more equitable ratio. 4. Coke and other raw materials could have been supplied also to industries in Slovakia. 5. Even the recent communist writers acknowledge that the Czech industrialists feared the competition of Slovak industry, whose equipment was modern at that time compared to that in the Czech regions. 16 The discriminatory policy against the industry in Slovakia continued even after the post-war depression was over and world prosperity was near its peak. Thus, the production of pig iron fell in Slovakia accounting for 10-12 % of the total production in Czecho-Slovakia in 1921, to only 2.7 % in 1926. 17 As a consequence of that, between 13 and 17 percent of the industrial production in the Czech region was "exported" to Slovakia during the boom years of 19261929.18 The outcome of the discrimination against Slovak industry was that Slovakia and Ruthenia remained agricultural areas whose employment, or, rather, disguised unemployment in agriculture decreased only slightly. Agricultural occupations accounted for the largest 114 SLOVAKIA single share of employment in post-World War I CzechoSlovakia: an average of 39.6%, including forestry and fishery, for the country as a whole. Geographically, however, the situation was different, as may be seen from this table: Proportion of Employment in Agriculture According to Regions in 1921 and 1930 Bohemia Moravia Silesia Slovakia Ruthenia 1921 1930 29.7% 38.6% 21.9% 60.6% 67.7% 24.1 % 28.6 % 28.6 % 56.8 % 66.3% Source: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, Annuaire Statistique de ia Repubiique Tchecoslovaque, Prague, 1938, p. 15. Thus, while in the Czech regions agriculture represented only about 25 % of employment, in Slovakia and Ruthenia it was about 60 %. Thus far, I have been using the data given by recent authors and the official statistics which, however, lack details concerning industry in Slovakia. Even independent economists, such as I. Karvas, while studying the industries in Slovakia,19 had only one source of employment data: the Workers' Compensation Board of Slovakia. His data, as he himself acknowledges, is one of 79 % coverage concerning the extinguished industrial enterprises and 89 % of the newly established ones. According to I. Karvas, Slovak industry was heavily dependent on railway transportation, because highway conditions were poor in Slovakia. And, because about 48 % of the railway belonged to private companies, transport was more expensive in Slovakia. 20 Railway density was thinnest in Slovakia and Ruthenia throughout the life of the first Republic. In 1933 the situation was this: Railway Density per one square km. Bohemia Moravia Silesia Slovakia, Ruthenia 0.130 0.098 0.136 0.062 km km km km SLOVAKIA 115 Source : I. Karvas, Sjednoceni vyrobnich podminek v zemi ceskych a na Slovensku, Prague: ORBIS, 1933, p . 11. The other handicap, was that railways were oriented southward toward Budapest, and this handicap was much worse in Slovakia than in the Czech regions. Many localities in Slovakia had railway connections only via Hungary. The only trans-Slovakia line was in the north (KosiceBohumin). The other line that now exists, through the center regions, was completed only during World War II . According to I. Karvas, the decrease of industry in Slovakia had two types of causes, those common to industry in the Czech regions as well, and special causes affecting Slovakia only. 21 Leaving aside the reasons common to all the country's industry, those particular to Slovakia lay in the structure of industry itself, and in the post-war Czecho-Slovak economic policy. When the heavy-capital-intensive industries were demolished, new labor-intensive industries were built, but with less employees, so that loss of employment by demolishing the heavy industries could not have been outweighed by building new industries. In 1929, such was the situation concerning industrial employment. As we can see from next table, about 50 % of Slovak workers lost their jobs from the forced structural change of industry in Slovakia. On balance, many remained unemployed because new entrants into the labor force took jobs in the expanding industries. Loss and Increase of Employment in Slovak Industri es, 1920-1929 Demolished Decrease of Newly built Increase of enterprises employment enterprises employment 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 Total 5 3 15 22 19 21 27 25 17 13 181 74 1,130 870 3,673 2,056 1,534 1,270 1,232 1,066 21 29 23 21 21 16 342 586 482 311 1,825 1,186 603 560 721 381 167 13,386 184 7,003 9 18 16 10 SLOVAKIA 116 Source: I. Karvas, Sjednoceni viirobnich podminek v zemi ceskiic h a na Slov ensku, Prague, ORBIS, 1933, p. 54. Expansion of Existing Industry in Slovakia in 1920-1929 Workers after expansion Number of enterprises Workers before expansion 6 8 4 15 12 24 22 23 30 42 583 799 342 2,368 1,730 2,826 1,932 1,747 5,359 5,193 990 1,142 1,296 3,615 2,582 3,459 2,857 2,768 6,947 6,316 168 22,859 31,972 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 Total Source : I. Karvas, Sj ednoceni v yrobnich podminek v zemi ceskiic h a na Slov ensku, Prague, ORBIS, 1933, p. 57. According to the two previous tables 6,383 workers lost their jobs; according to Table 28, 9,113 found work. For lack of data one cannot compare the incomes in both cases. However, since heavy industries requiring skilled male labor were demolished and light industries, such as food, etc., were built, wages were most probably below their former levels . Next table indicates a decline in general Slovak wageearnings compared to those in the Czech regions. Ratio of Wages in Slovakia in Terms of those in the Czech Regions Year Daily wages Yearly wages 1921 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 92.8 87 .7 89.3 87 .4 87 .6 86.1 86.1 80.0 71.4 72.7 74.6 75.6 75.0 74.8 Source: V. Prucha in Vysoka skola ekonomicka, Pfehled hospodafske ho viiv oje ceskoslov enska v l etech 1918-1945, Prague: NLP, 1963, p . 275. Therefore, it seems a reasonable inference that the income that workers earned in Slovak industry did not increase even during the boom years in interwar Czecho-Slovakia. SLOVAKIA 117 Employment in the State Sector in Slovakia The concept of employment in the state sector covers not only civil service, but also state owned enterprises, which included tobacco, railways (except the 48 % privately owned), Post Savings institutions, state mining and smelting enterprises, the Czecho-Slovak Printing Office, an aircraft factory, state forests and land, state spas and recreation centers, etc. 22 The state sector was thus a substantial entity. Receipts and E xpenditures of State-Owned Enterpri ses, 1927-1938 (In Mill. Kcs ) Receipts Outlays 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 9,222 9,592 10,011 10,396 10,614 10,460 7,670 8,064 8,460 8,834 9,064 8,930 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 Receipts Outlays -- -- 9,074 8,013 8,003 7,973 8,330 9,222 7,867 7,164 7,176 7,230 7,452 7,869 Sources: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, Statisticka rocenka republiky Ceskoslovenske, 1936, p. 273. Annuaire statistique de la Republique Tchecoslovaque , 1938, p. 299. While there are no estimates of national income in interwar Czecho-Slovakia, it is the writer's guess that about 25 % of national income originated with state-owned enterprises. In any event, it is evident that employment in the state represented income to a substantial group of wage earners, and it was precisely in this field that some of the more striking evidence of discrimination against Slovaks was to be found. At au levels, from school porters to principals, and in all branches of civil service, as well as the majority of state enterprises, employees were primarily from the Czech regions. Thus, on April 23, 1925, member of Parliament, Mr. Hancko, protesting Czech discrimination against Slovak employees, noted that the employment breakdown in the Railway Management in Bratislava (capital of Slovakia) and in Kosice (the second largest city in Slovakia) was as follows in 1925: 23 of 5,134 clerks of higher ranks - 90 % were Czechs 118 SLOVAKIA of 12,355 clerks of lower ranks - 60 % were Czechs of 16,025 clerks of railway workers 30% were Czechs In addition, the railway departments were proposing to lay off 38 % of the Slovak workers. When there were still unemployed workers, excluding the disguised unemployed in Slovakia, 30 % of the workers came from the Czech regions, not to mention clerks of the highest ranks. Another example is perhaps more striking: Of all civil servants in the central government in Prague (10,825) only 123 or 1.3% were Slovaks, whereas the Slovak population represented 22 .6 % of the national total. 24 Generally, there were no Slovak civil servants in the Czech regions, but a large proportion of the civil servants in the Slovak regions were Czech. No detailed statistics are available because, although data was collected in 1933 by Prime Minister Malypetr, he was persuaded that the Slovak antagonism against the Czechs had a political background, not an economic one. He wanted to publish a table showing how many Slovaks were employed as civil servants, and after having seen the results, he refrained from publishing the figures, although he had promised to the Slovak opposition leaders that he would. The figures cited above are from this originally unpublished report which was eventually released after March 14, 1939, when the Slovaks proclaimed their independence and were entitled to copy all government documents concerning Slovakia. Lack of employment opportunity forced the people in Slovakia to look for jobs outside their mother country. According to recent writers, employment in industry in Slovakia rose by 2,500 persons, or 2.9 % from 1930 to 1937, while it rose in the Czech regions by 10.9 %. Thus lack of opportunity to find income at home caused an emigration from Slovakia that was seven times greater than that from the Czech regions .25 (See next table). Emigration with Valid Passports from Czecho-Slovakia in the Years 1924-1936 Total emigration from Czecho-Slovakia 1924 1925 54,373 19,350 Emigration from Slovakia Ruthenia 35,110 8,700 2,491 475 SLOVAKIA 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934 1935 1936 Total 119 26,129 23,596 24,540 30,715 25,712 9,567 5,165 4,735 5,065 5,685 7,201 14,388 12,053 13,544 19,401 16,682 4,527 2,222 3,009 3,016 3,707 4,831 1,561 2,411 2,286 3,822 2,706 358 123 241 343 445 471 271 ,533 141,190 17,733 Source: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, Statisticka rocenka republi- ky ceskos lovenske, Prague, 1936, p. 29. Thus according to the official data, over 50 % of the emigrants during 1924-1937 came from Slovakia whose population was only 22.6 % (Ruthenia's 4.9 % ) of all the CzechoSlovak population. At that time 50,111 workers in the state sector-including civil servants-came form the "historical lands" to Slovakia. The situation was no bet ter concerning the career army officers . Of 139 army generals only one was a Slovak (no Slovak colonels ) . Of 5,439 higher ranking officers , 67 were Slovaks ; of 6,871 lower ranking officers, 356 were Slova ks .26 This unhappy s ituat ion burst int o social u n rest. When the internation al situation w as crit ical to Czecho-Slovakia, the Slovaks, who had only wanted autonom y within the frame of Czecho-Slovakia, acting under th e pressure of Nazi Germany, procla imed themselves independent on March 14, 1939.27 FOOTNOTES 1. Conversa tion with Dr. Josef Stasko, New York P ublic Library. 2. I. A. Karvas, Sjednoceni vyrobnic h podminek v zemi ceskych a na Slovensku, Prague: ORBIS, 1933, pp. 77-78. 3. Magyar statisztikai zsebkonyv, p. 32. 4. K. Golan and Assoc. in ceskoslovenske dejiny, Bratislava: Osveta, 1961, p. 255. 5. Statisticka rocenka, 1936, p. 53. 120 SLOVAKIA 6. K. Golan, op. cit., p. 256. 7. Ibid. , pp. 262-263. 8. G. Lazarcik, The Performance of Socialist Agriculture, New York: L.W. International Financial Research, Inc., 1963, p. 4. 9. P. W. Rosenstein-Rodan, Agricultural Surplus Population in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, (mimeo), London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, as cited by Lazarcik, The Performance ... op. cit., p . 4. 10. Computed on the basis of 1930 census data. 11. P . Turcan, op. cit., p. 73. 12. C. A. Macartney, Hungary and her Successors, London: Oxford University Press, 1937, p. 131. 13. In the Czech regions where 96% of railways were publicly owned, the cost per ton-mile was 0.5354 Kcs; in the Slovak regions, with only 52%in public hands, the ton-mile cost 1.1218 Kcs. (I. A. Karvas, op. cit., pp. 83-84), although the publicly owned railways received a subsidy. 14. In the Czech regions the prime rate-charged on preferred industrial loans-fluctuated between five and eight percent. 15. A. Dobry in Pf-ehled hospodarskeho vyvoje, pp. 194-195. See also Deset let rozvoje , p. 13. 16. A. Dobry in Prehled hospodarskeho vyvoje, p. 195. 17. Ostredie slovenskeho priemyslu, Slovensky priemysel v.n. 1929, Yearly Report of the Central Slovak Industry, Bratislava-Turciansky Sv. Martin: K.U.S., 1930, pp. 28-29. 18. A. Dobry in Pf-ehled hospodaf-skeho vyvoje, p. 195. 19. I. A. Karvas, op. cit., p. 54. 20. Ibid., pp. 11-12. 21. Ibid. , p. 36. 22. Statisticka rocenka, 1936, p. 275. 23. K. Culen, Slovaci a cesi v statnych sluibach, Bratislava: Vedecky ustav, 1944, p. 70. 24. Ibid., pp. 97-99. 25. Deset let rozvoje, pp. 12-13. 26. K. Culen, Preco Slovaci nechcu ist' s cechmi, pp. 15-16 (mimeo), New York (no publishing date) . 27. J. Kirschbaum, Nas boj o samostatnost' Slovenska, Cleveland, Ohio: Slovensky ustav, 1958, pp. 62-70. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is interested primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the United States of America.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Economic Discrimination Against Slovakia Description An account of the resource Frank Bandor Slovakia, Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968 pp. 109-120 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bandor, Frank Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/9ab8bdc821106ca98e9d57d4e79d69c2.pdf c1230fbe992a969dfabe930b35feb5d5 PDF Text Text 78 SLOVAKIA THE SLOVAK PRESS IN CANADA J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. For a long time the Slovak press in Canada was unknown even to such prominent experts on the life of the ethnic groups in Canada as Prof. Watson Kirkconnell. Writing in 1939 about the European-Canadians and their attitudes towards European problems during the 1938-1939 period, he made the following observation: The last census showed 30,401 Czechs and Slovaks, but did not subdivide these two distinct groups further. Until last spring there was a Czech weekly paper, ceske Noviny ("The Czech News"), published in Montreal, but it gave up the ghost about the time that Germany seized Bohemia, apparently expiring as a result of the withdrawal of financial support through the Czech Consulate-General, The Slovaks had no separate press, but there were many Canadian members of the Slovak League of America, which claims a membership of 300,000 and is bitterly anti-Czech and anti-Benesh.1 In fact, before 1939 there had existed, for shorter or longer periods of time, at least fourteen Slovak newspapers2 and periodicals. The first almanac of Canadian Slovaks, which included a short history of Slovak organizations in Canada had been published five years before the appearance of Prof. Kirkconnell's book; it seems, however, that Slovak newspapers and publications apparently had not come to the attention of Canadians. Speaking later to the annual meeting of the Canadian Historical Association, in his survey of the foreign language press, Prof. Kirkconnell drew quite a favorable picture of the Slovak press in Canada.3 It had existed, according to his report, before the Czechs or the Baltic peoples had their press in Canada and in "per capita" circulation before the Second World War, it ranked sixth among the foreign language newspapers. With 1.04 papers per home of four persons, it was ahead of Ukrainian, Polish, Russian, German, Italian press, and high above the national average. Prof. Kirkconnell explained this by remarking that "the height of the Finnish, Hungarian and Slovak figures is due to the fact that the bulk of these communities consist of post-war emigres, who brought with them political grievances that tend, at this short removal in time, to preserve their sense of identity." 4 He also pointed out that �SLOVAKIA 79 "in some cases the foreign language press reflected in Canada the political divisions within the European countries, and that that many of these papers were edited here by political exiles who are men of considerable education."5 Although Slovak newspapers and periodicals from the United States were available for the small and scattered Slovak ethnic group, it did not prevent Slovak immigrants from publishing their own newspapers, periodicals and almanacs. In fact the first Slovak newspaper appeared in Canada in 19106 when the number of Slovaks in Canada was still very small and practically no Canadian Slovak fraternal organization existed yet on Canadian soil. With the influx of immigrants after the First World War not only the number of newspapers increased, but also the quality of the Slovak language press constantly improved. There were not less than 13 newspapers and periodicals published for shorter or longer periods, before the Second World War. Altogether 30 newspapers and periodicals in the Slovak language appeared in Canada between 1910 and 1967.7 This certainly contradicts the myth that the Slovaks who came to Canada before the Second World War were mostly illiterate8 and uninterested in public affairs. While some of the newspapers were of little importance or service to the Slovak community in Canada, others performed very useful tasks. In many respects the Slovak language press is the only source of information for history of Slovaks in Canada. It relates the struggles, hardships, successes and political divisions of the Slovak ethnic group i.n this country. Many problems of the first groups of Slovak immigrants in Canada were recorded perhaps in a crude but sincere manner in these newspapers or monthlies. They were founded to serve the needs of the immigrants who did not read the English or French press, and reflected the problems of a community, struggling with difficulties created by the language barrier and unfamiliar surroundings. The papers were also the principal source of information on the activities of the associations, parishes as well as on the political views on Slovak and Canadian affairs. Slovak immigrants to Canada came divided along political, as well as religious lines, and continued to fight their old battles on Canadian soil in their press and in their associations. Unfortunately, it is impossible to find �80 SLOVAKIA a copy of some of the thirty periodicals and newspapers published in various parts of Canada during the past 57 years. It is only through indirect sources that the existence and political orientation of some periodicals has been known, for neither the Slovak organizations nor the Canadian libraries were interested in collecting them. In fact , Canadian libraries and press directories showed a lack of interest in the foreign language press and confined their attention to newspapers alone, neglecting minor publications. The need for a Slovak press in Canada, where vast distances separated the small, scattered communities of Slovak farmers and miners, is understandable. Their desire to communicate with their countrymen and the fear of loneliness and isolation explain why so many newspapers, publications, printed or mimeographed have appeared during the last 57 years . This also explains why the first Slovak newspaper, and even some later ones, started in Alberta's mining towns. Only from the 1930's on, when the second wave of Slovak immigrants moved from farms and mining towns to the industrial centres, Toronto and Montreal became the centres of the Slovak language press. The largest Slovak newspaper, Kanadsky Slovak began its publication in Montreal in 1942, then in 1952 it was moved for a few years to Winnipeg and finally settled in 1958, in Toronto. Of the thirty Slovak newspapers, periodicals and publications, fourteen were founded in Toronto and the three existing newspapers, the present almanacs and the monthly Maria, as well as books, have been published for the past eight years in Toronto. Seven Slovak publications were founded and published for some time in Montreal. The three existing newspapers are sponsored by the Slovak Canadian fraternal organizations; the Canadian Slovak League publishes Kanadsky Slovak; the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society publishes Slovensky Hlas, and the leftist Slovak Benefit Society of Canada publishes Eudove Zvesti. All three newspapers promote the aims of their association, however, they also perform certain other tasks, and each of them has a distinct political line in Slovak and Canadian affairs. We can apply to the Slovak . language press what has been said of the ethnic press in Canada in general: �SLOVAKIA 81 While the ethnic periodicals, by keeping up the reader's interest of his native country, emphasize his national consciousness and separate national identity, they help him at the same time to familiarize himself with the new country of his residence.9 From their modest beginning· when Slovak newspapers aimed at informing the scattered groups of miners or farmers of their problems and whereabouts, the Slovak language press progressed with years to more important and more diversified tasks. If the prime concern of the early Slovak newspapers was to make the life of immigrants, unfamiliar with their new country, its people, language and institutions, less lonely, by giving them information about their countrymen and opportunities for work in other parts of the country, the later newspapers helped to establish associations, parishes and became an important instrument of integration. At the same time the newspapers kept Slovak immigrants informed about their country of origin, by printing information which they could not find in Canadian press, and kept them also informed on Canada, because many did not read either English or French. In fact for a long time Slovak newspapers remained the principal source of information for Slovak immigrants about Canadian matters. Following the example of Slovak newspapers in the United States, the Slovak press in Canada began very soon to dedicate a substantial part of each newspaper to two issues: 1) the desire to keep alive or awaken national consciousness of Slovak immigrants, and 2) the necessity to fight the battles in which the Slovak people were involved in Czecho-Slovakia. The absence of censorship, which in Czecho-Slovakia silenced Slovak newspapers or permitted their publication with half-pages white 10 allowed Slovak newspapers in Canada to voice freely the grievances of the Slovak people and to fight vehemently for the political or social equality of Slovaks in their homeland. The feeling that they were allowed to express their views without hindrance, is reflected in all Slovak newspapers in Canada and one has to admire the warm patriotism and interest in cultural and political problems shown by the editors and contributors, whose education rarely went beyond high-school level. As was the case of the Slovak newspapers in the United States, the Slovak language press in Canada became an instrument which helped the immigrants to find more �82 SLOVAKIA comfortable places of living in their new country. On the other hand some Canadian Slovak newspapers also became advocates of autonomy and self-determination for Slovakia, while others followed the official policy of Prague governments or voiced their leanings to communism. In view of the role which Slovak associations and newspapers played in promoting the liberation of Slovakia from foreign domination, the publication and support of newspapers abroad was regarded by the Slovak people as a mark of patriotism, and to take a stand or to write in favor of freedom or equality of political rights for Slovakia was considered the moral duty of every Slovak abroad. This can partly explain the sacrifices which the Slovaks in Canada or in other parts of the world were willing to make to publish and maintain their press, and it also explains their continuous interest in the affairs of their country of origin. Long considered the free spokesmen of the Slovak nation, Slovaks abroad, including those in Canada, could not remain silent, especially after the Second World War when a communist system was imposed on the Slovak people. As a result, the Slovak press in Canada has reacted vehemently against the enslavement of their country of origin in the belief that by fighting communism it defended at the same time, freedom and democracy in Canada. Political involvement of Slovak language press in Canada after the Second World War became stronger than ever before, for another reason. Among the Slovak immigrants who came to Canada in the post-war period, many were not only interested in politics, but also left Slovakia for political reasons. Many of these new immigrants began to contribute political articles to the existing newspapers, and in both non-communist newspapers the new immigrants became editors (K. culen, J. Zvonar, J. Kutka and S. Reistetter in Kanadsky Slovak, M. Ferik, L. Gorekand, 0. M. Debnarkin in Slovensky Hlas). Slovak language press in Canada acquired more and more political character, and with the intensification of the Cold War and with the rising furror of the communist terror in Slovakia it became, once again, a spokesman for Slovakia. The influx of educated immigrants gave the Slovak newspapers at the same time, a higher level in cultural �SLOVAKIA 83 matters, since some of the known Slovak writers, poets and scholars used the newspapers for publishing their poetry, short novels and essays. Although not all immigrants of the previous waves liked the new face of their papers, the leaders and delegates of the Canadian Slovak League always approved the new line. During the past few years the Slovak newspapers and the almanacs or kalendars, published by the associations which sponsor the newspapers as well, have dedicated, however, more and more space to Canadian or organizational issues, and in order to interest the Canadian-born generations, the Kanadsky Slovak has regularly published an English corner. At times there have been articles in English even on the front page, if the issue treated was supposed to interest or to be brought to the attention of the Government or of other ethnic groups. This tendency to pay more attention to the problems of the community is a general trend among the ethnic press in Canada. 11 While conserving the right to speak for the countries enslaved by communism and to criticise the communist regimes, many ethnic newspapers acknowledged the fact that the ethnic groups are becoming closer to Canada than to their countries of origin. Some of them try to help their homelands by stressing their loyalty to Canada and by making appeals to the Canadian Government to voice their aspirations. 12 The Slovak language press assumed certain other duties-such as helping its readers to overcome educational shortcomings resulting from the political situation in Slovakia during the period of foreign rule, and also trying to preserve cultural values threatened by hostile pressures. The Slovak-Canadian periodicals performed these duties conscientiously, in addition to the standard functions of newspapers serving a certain area. This duality of function is perhaps the most striking feature of the Slovak-Canadian press. Practically all the newspapers and almanacs contained not only information, but also articles on cultural and historical matters as well as poetry, short novels, epigrams and other writings. For several Slovak writers, poets and politicians the Slovak language press has been the tribune for their ideas and has helped them to overcome the feelings of futility and discouragement, which many immig- �84 SLOVAKIA rant intellectuals have experienced after their arrival in Canada. And since the Slovak people in Slovakia expected that their countrymen everywhere, especially on the American continent, would not only maintain their national heritage but also help Slovakia to obtain political freedom, and after the Second World War to regain national independence, the newspapers and almanacs have been giving· much space to the general problems of communism and democracy and to specific Slovak problems. From the very beginning the Slovak press was kept alive mostly by the sacrifices and selfless dedication of editors and contributors, and by the generous support of its readers. Only later, it was maintained or subsidized by the Slovak associations. At that point, however, Slovak newspapers and periodicals became less independent and more differentiated in their political leanings, so that according to its political colouring and character, the Slovak language press can be divided into the following categories: (a ) The early informatory, non-political Slovak pubcations; (b ) Newspapers collaborating with the Czech group and favouring close ties with Prague, but autonomy for Slovakia; ( c ) Slovak press rejecting co-operation with the Czechs and advocating Slovak independence; (d) Pro-communist publications; (e) Economic, cultural and other short-lived publications; ( f) Religious publications. No doubt a lesser number of newspapers and fewer political divisions would have been preferable, but Slovaks came to Canada divided along political and religious lines. Furthermore, the political developments in Slovakia, the economic and social difficulties of the years of the economic depression and the communist take-over after World War II, perpetuated their disunity. Needless to say, the adversaries of the Slovaks' aspirations for autonomy and later for independence, supported by the consular and diplomatic representatives of Czechoslovakia, used all available means to keep them divided and fighting among themselves, and used the Slovak language press to this end. �SLOVAKIA 85 Newspapers and Periodicals The history of the Slovak language press in Canada begins with a newspaper called Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word ), published in Blairmore, Alta., by Andrew Lukca and Juraj Klesken13 in 1910. There is no evidence that the early Slovak immigrants in Canada published their own newspaper before this date. Slovak newspapers from the United States apparently satisfied the need of the scattered Slovak communities to read in their own language about Canada or Slovakia. Later, however, there was publishing activity which may surprise anyone who is acquainted with the difficulties of the Slovak immigrants in Canada, and with their small numbers. We can divide the survey of the Slovak newspapers into three periods, each corresponding with the individual waves of immigration. The first period was limited to the Canadian West and the Slovak Word is the only newspaper which was published and edited by Canadian Slovaks in that period. Modest in appearance and published at irregular intervals in a small tabloid form, the first issue of the Slovenske Slovo appeared in May 1910. Both the publisher and the editor came to Blairmore from Chicago, Ill., to join hundreds of Slovak miners who at that time worked in coal mines of the Crow's Nest Pass area. It was impossible to find out how long this first Slovak newspaper was published or how many issues appeared. As for the contents, the publication was written in a strong patriotic spirit, similar to that of Slovak newspapers in the United States before the First World War. The second period was not limited g·e ographically. Montreal and Toronto became the centres of Slovak publishing activity as well as of the successive disappearance of newspapers which had started with more enthusiasm than financial backing. Some of these newspapers, such as Kanadske Noviny for instance, ceased publication, but the newspapers which replaced them, did not start as new ones, but as a continuation of previous publications. As a result we find that Slovak v Kanade started as Volume VI, or Slovenske Bratstvo as Volume XII. The second period extends from 1928 to the end of the Second World War and was also marked by the birth of numerous religious periodicals, almanacs and tabloids. Juraj Klesken himself �86 SLOVAKIA made two more attempts at reviving a newspaper in the Canadian West, but failed, as did all individual undertakings in this field in Montreal or Toronto. The newspapers achieved more stability only when they became official organs of the fraternal organizations. At that time Slovak newspapers and periodicals also became divided along the political lines, and the divisions survive to this day. The second, as later the third period, was turbulent at times, full of polemics, bitter invective and in some instances even law suits resulting from partisan polemics and attacks. The atmosphere in the Slovak press was particularly poisoned by hate, denunciations and invectives in 1939 and during the war years, and again from 1948, when the Slovak and Czech political refugees arrived in Canada. In spite of denunciations by the Czech, communist and Czechoslovak press, no Canadian Slovak newspaper was prohibited by the Canadian Government except the communist one. The prohibition of the circulation of Slovak American newspapers, which was imposed upon the weekly Jednota and the bi-weekly Slovenskd Obrana as a result of false accusations, by the Czech and Czechoslovak newspapers, that they spread or advocated Nazism, was suspended14 shortly after it was put into effect. It created, however, an atmosphere of bitterness, and mutual accusations which divided the Slovak community for the entire period of the war. However, a positive result was forthcoming as far as Slovaks in Canada were concerned, as the Government authorities were skeptical from then on about subsequent denunciations of Slovaks by the Czech or communist newspapers. The First World War and the limited immigration to Canada from Slovakia until 1926 interrupted the publishing activity among Slovaks. Only the influx of Slovak immigrants around 1928, among whom many were involved in the post-war political and social clashes in Slovakia, led to the founding of new Slovak newspapers. The strongest centres for publishing activity in the period were Montreal, where from 1928 to 1939 five newspapers and one periodical were founded, and Toronto, where the small group of Slovak communists made three successive attempts at pub- �SLOVAKIA 87 lishing newspapers. All these newspapers represented political and ideological differentiation of Slovak immigrants and can be divided into three categories: ( 1) Newspapers with Slovak patriotic leanings, defending the right of the Slovak people to political autonomy and their own cultural development; (2) Newspapers supporting the official ideology of Prague governments and advocating Czechoslovak national, linguistic and cultural unity; (3) Newspapers with socialist and communist tendencies. Some newspapers changed their original political orientation, while others stood firmly on their ideological ground. Kanadske Noviny (Canadian News) was the first newspaper of this period. Published in Montreal from 1928 to 1933, the newspaper changed publishers, editors and political lines several times. The founder, J . Pribil, was the owner of a travel and colonization agency, and when faced with a deficit, he sold the newspaper to his employees. They in turn sold it to the publishers of New Yorksky Dennik and the last owner was Gabriel Kurdel, whom we mentioned in connection with the first Slovak organization in Canada. Originally the newspaper advocated a close political union between Slovaks and Czechs along the lines of the official policy of Prague's government and its subtitle was: "Czechoslovak Weekly". G. Kurdel, after taking over the ownership, changed not only the political orientation of the newspaper, but also its name, to Slovak v Kanade. The editors, Stanislav Zuber and Martin Dudak, were also replaced. Slovak v Kanade (The Slovak in Canada) was published in Montreal from 1933 to 1939 and in some way it may be considered as a forerunner of Kanadsky Slovak. 1~ Kurdel, the publisher as well as the editor, Frantisek Kvetan, endeavoured to give the Slovak immigrants in Canada a newspaper which would reflect their political orientation and clear the confusion created by the official Czechoslovak propaganda in the ranks of Slovak Canadians. Unfortunately the financial burden was too heavy on the publisher, and the newspaper ceased publication on the threshold of the Second World War. Slovensky Priekopnik (The Slovak Pioneer) was, according to some sources,16 the successor of Slovak v Kana- �88 SLOVAKIA de and its editor, Stanislav Zuber, tried to keep its con- tents in line with the feelings and thinking of the majority of Slovak immigrants, who were not willing to support blindly the Czecho-Slovak National Association, which served the aims of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile. A legal suit against the newspaper by the President of the Association added to its financial difficulties and the newspaper discontinued publication in October 1943.17 A tabloid called Obeznik Slovenskeho Priekopnika (The circular of the Slovak Pioneer) also ceased to exist after a few issues. Slovenske Bratstvo (Slovak Brotherhood) was also published in Montreal as "The Democratic organ of the Slovaks in Canada" and it claimed in its subtitle to be the successor to the weekly Slovak in Canada. For a short time the Canadian Slovak League used Slovenske Bratstvo as its official newspaper. The newspaper and its editor, Stefan Hreha, however, were unscrupulously attacked by the newspaper Nova Vlast' and denounced in Ottawa. The apparent aim of the newspaper Nova Vlast' as well as of the former Consul General of Czechoslovakia in Canada, was to obtain the prohibition of Slovenske Bratstvo as well as the suspension of the circulation of all Slovak newspapers from the United States which did not support the political program of Dr. Benes. 18 Nova Vlast' (New Homeland) was founded in 1934 with the apparent aim of fostering the official Czechoslovak ideology among Slovak and Czech immigrants in Canada. From 1928 there was among Slovak immigrants a clear political differentiation, and not only the large group of those who adhered to the Slovak autonomist movement, but also the communist group, were sometimes critical of Prague's official policy. Backed by the consular and diplomatic representatives of Czechoslovakia Nova Vlast' sought to keep Slovak immigrants "faithful" to the concept of the ethnic and linguistic unity of the Czechs and Slovaks and resulting assimilation of the Slovak people. For some time Nova Vlast' avoided an open clash and published the official news of the First Slovak Mutual Benefit Society of Kirkland Lake .19 From 1939 however, the newspaper became aggressive toward everyone who did not agree with the political program of the Czech and Slovak exiled groups in England. The members of the Canadian Slovak League �SLOVAKIA 89 and the editors of the newspapers which defended the right of Slovaks to self-determination were particularly attacked and unscrupulously denounced by Nova Vlast'. Until 1936 the newspaper had been edited by Stanislav Zuber, who for some time had been the editor of The Slovak Pioneer, But from 1936, an employee of the Bank of Commerce, Martin Dudak, was the responsible editor, and was helped by the former Consul General of Czechoslovakia, Dr. F. Pavlasek. In 1932 Juraj Kleskefl made another attempt at publishing a newspaper in the west. It was called Hlas Naroda (The Voice of the Nation) and was published in Blairmore, Alberta, from 1932 to 1934. Hlas Naroda was a small-sized publication on 4 pages, which included a supplement called Nasa Mladez (Our Youth). Financial difficulties caused the disappearance of both in 1934. However, Klesken was not a man to be easily discouraged. Since from 1934 not only the Czechoslovak newspaper Nova Vlast', but also the communist newspaper had attacked the patriotic group of Slovak immigrants, Kleskefl started publication in 1940, of Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word). The leading articles were written in English by well-known Slovaks from the United States and Canada: Dr. P. P. Hletko, S. Palickar and F . Zeman. The articles shed new light not only on the Slovak leaders of the pre-war period but also on the Slovak Republic and its President, Dr. J. Tiso, which the adversaries of Slovakia used as a pretext to accuse the publisher of spreading and advocating nazism. Kleskefl was cleared by Canadian authorities, but he discontinued publication of his newspaper. This was the third and last attempt at publishing a Slovak newspaper in the Canadian West. The small group of Slovak communists started publication of their first newspaper in 1931. The name of the mimeographed publication was Nase Slovo (Our Word) and it was published in Toronto. According to one of the editors of the Communist press in Canada, J . f>uriancik, this "labour-progressive" newspaper looked miserable, as miserable as those who contributed their last nickels for its first issue. It was mimeographed on simple sheets and not in newspaper size." 20 A year later its name was changed to Robotnicke Slovo (Workers' Word) and was printed as a regular newspaper. The publisher and editor of the Work- �90 SLOVAKIA ers' Word was J. Huska. These two first leftist newspapers were socialist rather than communist in their contents and orientation. When the Slovak communists organized their Slovenske Kulturne Sdruzenie (Slovak Cultural Association), the newspaper Robotnicke Slovo changed its name to Hlas Eudu (The People's Voice). It was published twice a week and both the Slovak Cultural Association and the newspapers adhered to communist ideology. The communist movement has never had many supporters among Slovak immigrants in Canada. To attract members they formed front organizations like Slovenske Kulturne Sdruzenie or various clubs 21 and used slogans of social justice, progress, peace and democracy. Around 1939 the newspaper Hlas Eudu edited by Cyprian Slimak, became, however, an agressive tool of communist propaganda among Slovak immigrants in Canada22 and as a result, the Canadian authorities ordered its suspension in 1940. The Canadian Government, using its war-time emergency powers, prohibited all communist newspapers and dissolved communist organizations. When the Soviet Union joined the camp of the Western Allies in 1941, Slovak leftist groups started publication of Nase Slovo (Our Word) as a continuation of Hlas Eudu. At the end of the war the newspaper changed its name to Eudove Zvesti ( People's News ) and has survived until the present time, edited by J. f>uriancik for the past two decades. The newspaper remained faithful to its program and to the Prague government even in the period of the socalled cult of personality, when the most prominent Slovak communists were either hanged or sent to jail for life by the Czechoslovakian leaders of the Communist Party. Unlike the other Slovak newspapers, the Slovak communist press in Canada did not gain any of the post-war educated immigrants as contributors or editors. Slovak communist newspapers were published and edited by devoted organizers of the communist movement whose partisan zeal overshadowed their education. How much financial help or how many articles for printing the communist press received from Czechoslovakia, is hard to say. Yet many articles seem to indicate that they were written by educated people. Eudove Zvesti never failed to publish �SLOVAKIA 91 attacks and smear propaganda, originated in Prague, against Slovaks in Canada who disagreed either with the communist or the Czech rule in Slovakia, which would indicate that the newspaper is more concerned with how to please the Prague government than to serve the interest of the Slovak immigrants in Canada. We may say about the Slovak language communist press what Turek recorded on the Polish language press in Canada, that: The Polish-language communist press in Canada, as well as the whole party organization, were always characterized by strict discipline, efficient organization and fanatical dedication on the part of the leaders. Needless to add, the general policy was always dictated from outside, and the local leadership was charged only with its execution. Thanks to this rigid organization and discipline, the communist group managed to maintain for thirty years its own press, even though it never had a wide circulation and could not rely on any substantial advertising revenue.23 The founding of Kanadsky Slovak in 1942 was the result of political struggles within the Slovak cummunity in Canada. After the communist group established its press and the Czechoslovak group received strong support from the Czech representatives of the exiled Czech politicians in London, the large part of Canadian Slovaks who were neither pro-communist nor pro-Czech felt an urgent need for their own newspaper. The leaders and members of the Canadian Slovak League were particularly anxious to have an instrument of defense against the combined attacks of the pro-communist and pro-Czech press. Not only did some of them suffer as a result of denunciations by the proCzech and pro-communist newspapers, but also they could not look on, inactive, at the political confusion created among Canadian Slovaks by portraying inaccurately the situation in Slovakia. The decision to publish their own newspaper was taken at the Fifth Congress of the Canadian Slovak League, held on September 8-10, 1941.24 The first issue was published on March 5, 1942 in Montreal and, as evidenced by its contents, there was no doubt that it was published in order to defend the members of the League against accusations by the leftist and Czechoslovak newspapers. It was decided that the newspaper should be published in Slovak "national and �92 SLOVAKIA Christian spirit",25 which the publication has endeavoured to do for the past 26 years. The first editor of Kanadsky Slovak was a young, courageous newspaperman, Stefan Hreha, who had previously edited Slovenske Bratstvo. During his military service he was replaced by Frantisek Kvetan until 1946, when Hreha again took up his duties. 26 In 1949 the Eight Congress of the League elected Konstantin Culen, a well-known journalist and author of numerous works on cultural and political history, 27 as assistant editor. In 1952 the newspaper was transferred to Winnipeg, where the League purchased a printing shop, and Culen became the editor-inchief of the newspaper, as well as of the Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy, which began publication in 1953. From Winnipeg and from 1958 in Toronto, Kanadsky Slovak was edited exclusively by the political refugees. Among those in Winnipeg were the poet Jozef Zvonar-Tien, Jozef Kutka and for a decade now, Stefan Reistetter, whose original profession was teaching, but who had been attracted by politics and journalism in Slovakia. Also among the contributors for the past 20 years were mostly the postwar immigrants, even though the "old guard" - Andrew Kucera, Andrew Potocky, Pavol Blaho and others - regularly sent contributions on special occasions. The founding of Kanadsky Slovak closed the second period of the Slovak language press in Canada. A new period opened in 1949 when the second largest Slovak organization, the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society began publishing its official organ, Slovensky Hlas in Windsor. 2 " In the third period several periodicals started publication and some survived. The number of newspapers was stabilized, as were their political and ideological leanings and programs. The standards of the newspapers improved, except for the communist weekly, owing to a large number of contributors from among the political refugees . At the outset, Slovensky Hlas was published on four pages and was concerned primarily with organizational matters. In 1951 it was transferred to Toronto and enlarged to eight pages with varied contents, and has been published monthly. Without fighting party politics it informs its readers in an objective way on Canadian and Slovak problems. Rooted in tradition of Slovak newspapers �SLOVAKIA 93 as they originally appeared in Canada or in the United States, it dedicates a substantial part to Slovak cultural and national issues, in order to keep Slovak national consciousness alive, then to the matters of the association which is its sponsor and publisher. Slovensky Hlas was edited in Windsor by J.M. Gerez, Jr. , and :r.udovft Garek. After its transfer to Toronto, Mikulas Ferik and the poet Ondrej M. Debnarkin29 took over the editorial duties. Debnarkin also edited the almanacs published by the Canadian Slovak Benefit Soci ety while Garek became Secretary General of the Societ y . Both are postwar immigrants to Canada. Apart from Slovensky Hlas several short-lived mimeographed monthlies were published in the post-war period. In 1948 Stanislav Zuber began publishing a monthly under the name E konomia. According to cul en the original plan of Zuber was to put into the hands of Slovak immigrants a periodical dedicated to economic problems, but there was not enough interest for such an undertaking and the experiment did not prove successful. E konomia ceased to appear in its second year. 30 The second monthly was published in Toronto by Dr. Paul Fundarek, another member of the group of young educated Slovaks who preferred exile to the submission to communism. The name of the publication was Nds zivot ( Our Life) and it was considered an official organ of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Canada. Born of enthusiasm, but without funds, it was short-lived, ceasing publication with its tenth issue. In 1952 the group of members of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Toronto began to publish a mimeographed periodical Domovina ( Homeland ) . Its editor was a young lawyer, Julius Ksinan, who made a name for himsef in Slovakia in the post-war years by courageously defending one of the members of the Slovak government, Alexander Mach. His attempts at making a career in journalism were not, however, very successful. The publication reflected the turbulent period among Slovak exiles but without contributing positively to political or cultural activities of Slovaks in Canada, it suffered the fate of its predecessor Nds zivot and ceased to exist in 1954. In 1953 the Union of Slovak Combattants made an at- �94 SLOVAKIA tempt at founding a new periodical in a mimeographed form. The publication was called Domobrana (Home Defense) and was edited by the poet Jan Doransky in Montreal. Later it was transferred to Toronto and published at irregular intervals, in a printed form. After its transfer to Toronto Domobrana was even more intolerant and defamatory than Domovina in its attacks on the leaders of the Slovak exiles who disagreed with the methods and views of the Union of Slovak Combattants. It was later transferred to the United States. As A. R. Boyd wrote on ethnic press in Canada, the Slovak language press "has had a chequered career. The rates of birth and mortality have been high. [But] it was inevitable that [it] should have made its appearance." 31 It was kept alive mostly by idealism and unpaid work as well as monetary contributions by its readers, leaders of the associations and underpaid editors. Fund raising on every possible occasion, such as weddings, banquets, picnics, was for a long time one of the main sources of revenue for covering the publishing expenses. With a few exceptions all the editors had to have another job in order to earn enough money to live. Almanacs and Religious and Cultural Periodicals Among Slovak language publications in Canada, almanac or "kalendar", published by Slovak organizations, and religious monthlies or souvenir books published by parishes played an important part socially and in education. Both monthlies and almanacs were favoured reading of the Slovak rural population in Europe, and the habit of having something to read for the long winter evenings, was brought to Canada and preserved. It was, perhaps, even more important in Canada because the almanacs and souvenir books as well as the religious monthlies published information not only on the Slovak communities in Canada, but also articles and pictures about the life of Canadian Slovaks, in addition to the educational articles, short novels and patriotics, moralistic or religious poetry. If this kind of publication appeared in Canada in the Slovak language comparatively late (the first in 1934) or if it was not numerous, the reason can be found in the distribution of well-established publications of a similar type �SLOVAKIA 95 from the United States. Some Slovak immigrants also received almanacs and religious monthlies from Slovakia. As a result their publication in Canada began only after the Slovak associations and parishes were established. In their appearance and content, they followed the pattern of their Slovak American counterparts as well as that of almanacs published in Slovakia. The first almanac was published in 1934 under the title Prvy Kalenddr Kanadskych Slovdkov na rok 1934. It approached its readers with the slogan "May brotherhood and concord prevail among us" and was edited by a group of well-known organizers of Slovak community life: G. Kurdel, F. Zeman, J. Pavlovic, F. Kvetan and Rev. Urban Koval. According to the introductory note, the almanac was not sponsored by any fraternal organization, as was the case later, but by a "Slovak Publishing Company". This first almanac contains valuable information on the life and organizational activities of Slovak immigrants in Canada before 1934. There are articles from practically all provinces on the founding and activities of fraternal societies and parishes, with pictures of their leaders and members. The almanac also published a survey of the history of Canada with photographs of the Parliament Buildings in Ottawa, Regina and Victoria and several general views of the cities of Montreal, Toronto, Winnipeg, Edmonton and Vancouver, in addition to short novels and verses written either by poets in Slovakia or by Slovak immigrants in Canada. The contributions, even though written by people with limited education, except for F. Zeman, were written in a spirit of idealism and patriotism towards Slovakia but with a strong sense of attachment to Canada. Unfortunately, the Kalenddr was published only twice and several years passed before new almanacs appeared. The next almanac was published in 1939 by the leftist group under the name Eudovy Kalenddr pre Kanadu, ( People's Almanac for Canada) but died out with the first issue. It was concerned mainly with communism and Russia but also dealt with Slovaks and Canada, and contained some useful information on the small group of Slovaks who drifted away from the bulk of Slovak immigrants in Canada, as well as on the first leftist organizations. Slovak almanacs began to appear �96 SLOVAKIA as regular annual publications only after the Second World War. The largest Slovak fraternal organization in Canada, the Canadian Slovak League, began to publish its Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy in 1952. The place of publishing this time was in the west, in Winnipeg. The number of contributors from among the "older" immigrants was comparatively limited in the first issues of the Kalendar since there were already many Slovak writers of the post-war immigration who wrote for newspapers and almanacs published in Canada, the United States and elsewhere.32 The editor, Konstantin Culen, wrote a good deal of the material himself. The contents of the Kalendar were of an informative and educational nature and referred to the organizational life of Slovaks in Canada, as well as to cultural and political problems of Slovakia and Canada. The almanac was later transferred to Toronto and besides the leaders of the Canadian Slovak League many known Slovak writers and publicists regularly contributed articles on cultural or political matters as well as verses and short novels, making the Kalendar an interesting and valuable symposium. At the same time the Kalendar published articles on the hi.story of Slovaks in Canada in Slovak as well as in English and the first survey of the Slovak language press. 33 The Kalendar at all times manifested loyalty to Canada and interest in the fate of the Slovak people whose freedom and independence it strongly advocated. After Culen left for the United States, the Kalendar was edited by ~tefan Reistetter and an anonymous editorial board, composed of the main contributors. The administrative duties and problems with publication and distribution of the Kalendar were in Toronto, mostly in the hands of the Publishing Committee of the Canadian Slovak League. In 1957 the second largest Slovak fraternal organization, the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society, began to publish its yearly almanac. The first issue was published under the name Pamatnica Kanadskeho Slovenskeho Podporneho Spolku a Kalendar Slovenskeho Hlasu (Souvenir Book of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society and Almanac of the Slovak Voice for the year 1957 ). It seems to have been edited by 0 . M. Debnarkin, although a notice on the front page states that it was prepared by the editorial board of �SLOVAKIA 97 the newspaper Slovensky Hlas. The contents of the Pamiitnica deal mostly with the achievements and problems of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society which in 1952 celebrated its 25th anniversary. It contains articles and pictures of the founders and main leaders of the Society and its branches, and several verses by the editor. The following issues dedicated more space to literary and cultural contributions, though articles on the goals and achievements of the sponsoring society, and contributions by the leaders and members, were always more numerous than in the almanac of the Canadian Slovak League, whose contributors were predominantly the post-war immigrants. Conservative and educational rather than political and literary, the almanac of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society has fulfilled among its readers, the function of an organizational publication. The leftist Slovak Benefit Society did not issue any regular publication of the type of almanac except for one issue of Eudovy Kalenddr pre Kanadu in 1939 as previously mentioned. Slovak almanacs or "kalendars" in Canada had to compete with similar publications distributed by the Slovak fraternal organizations in the United States. The Canadian members of the First Catholic Slovak Union, have been receiving yearly a well-edited Kalenddr Jednota which, in its 200-300 pages brings articles and pictures from the life of Slovaks in both countries and many educational, literary and political articles referring to Slovakia and to the new homelands of Slovak immigrants. The gymnastical fraternal organization Slovak Catholic Sokol also provides its Canadian members with a yearly almanac of comparatively high literary value, as does the National Slo1Yak Society, which sends to its Canadian members not only a newspaper, but also an almanac, called Ndrodny Kalenddr, which was founded in 1893 and is considered one of the best Slovak almanacs. Slovak religious publications in Canada were not numerous and in view of the religious consciousness of the Slovak people, need some explanation. Basically it was for the same reason mentioned in connection with the religious organization of Canadian Slovaks: immigrants from Slovakia to Canada were either unmarried young men or those �98 SLOVAKIA who were married left their families at home. They moved from one mining camp to another or from the West to the East looking for jobs, and established their permanent home and place of residence very slowly. Another reason was the lack of Slovak priests who would have organized parishes and taken care of the religious needs of Slovak immigrants.34 As a result of this situation, the first Slovak Canadian religious monthly appeared only in 1938. It was published in Montreal, under the name Ave Maria, by J. Skoda, and was in elaborate form and large size, containing many pictures. J. skoda was assisted by an anonymous board of editors. Also called the Slovak Catholic Rosary News in English, it contained religious articles and news on Slovak Catholics in Canada. A new monthly was not published until 1955 when the Slovak priests of the Byzantine Rite came to Canada and began to organize Slovak Greek Catholic parishes. The founders of the monthly, published under the name Maria, were Rev. M. Rusnak, and Rev. Francis Fuga, pastor of the Slovak Greek Catholic parish in Hamilton.35 The publication found a generous supporter in Stephen B. Roman and survived all difficulties over the past eleven years. The circulation amounts to 1,500 copies and it has subscribers also in the United States and other parts of the free world. As all religious foreign language publications in Canada, these two monthlies served not only the religious needs of the Slovak immigrants, but also fulfilled cultural and social functions. They have recorded important events among Slovaks in Canada and in the world, but their main goal remains religious. Nearly all Slovak parishes published on the occasion of their inauguration, or for anniversaries, souvenir books, some of which, as the Souv enir Book of the Fifth Anniversary of the Church of the Visitation in Winnipeg, (Winnipeg, 1955) contained valuable information, not only on the church and its community, but also a short history of Slovak immigrants in Manitoba. Souvenir book of the dedication of the Slovak Greek Catholic Church of Ascension i n Montreal (Montreal, 1962), with many photographs, re- corded the history of the parish as well as of the building of the church. Pamiitnik Tridsat'rocneho Jubilea Zalozenia �SLOVAKIA 99 Slovenskej Evanjelickej Lutherdnskej Cirkvi vo Windsore, Ontario, ( Souvenir Book of the Thirtieth Anniversary of the Nativity Slovak Evangelical Lutheran Church in Windsor, Ontario) published in 1958 also brings a short his- torical outline of the life, organization and activities of the Slovak Lutheran community. The "Memorial Book" of the Slovak Lutheran Church of Ascension in Montreal was published in 1954 and contains a short history of the congregation in Slovak and English, as well as pictures from the life of the congregation. The inauguration of the Slovak Junior Seminary in Sarnia was also recorded by the publication of a Souvenir Book as were the inauguration of parishes or churches in Hamilton, Welland and others. The 25th Anniversary of Sts. Cyril and Methodius Roman Catholic parish in Toronto recorded in 1959 in a special souvenir book, also records the history of the parish with many pictures, and is considered to be one of the best publications of its kind. The Slovak Jesuit missionary centre in Galt has produced, since 1958, an annual publication called Slovenski Jezuiti v Kanade, ( Slovak Jesuits in Canada). The publication contains mainly reports on the activities of Slovak Jesuits in Canada and the United States. There have also been, however, articles on general religious problems and in the issue for 1966, Rev. J. Moravsky published a valuable survey of the religious life and organizations of Slovak Catholics in Canada. The value of the publication for the history of Slovaks in Canada, may one day be considerable. In conclusion we may say about the Slovak religious press in Canada what is generally said of the ethnic religious press: The Slovak Canadian and Slovak religious press aimed at serving the religious needs of Slovak communities of various denominations and the papers are very similar to their French, English and other ethnic counterparts. Although some of these religious papers are small, unpretentious and at times published irregularly, their importance is far in excess of their physical characteristics. Like the foreign language press in general, the religious papers provide a link with the past life of the immigrants and thus serve as a stabilizing force in their new environment, particularly with regard to moral standards. 36 As for cultural publications, there was only one attempt at establishing a Slovak non-political, cultural and literary periodical in Canada. The young educated post-war �100 SLOVAKIA immigrants, whose university studies were interrupted by the communist occupation of Slovakia, began to publish in Montreal, in 1949, a monthly called Rozvoj (Progress ) of long standing among university students. 37 It was published in a large-size on 90 pages, and among its contributors were some of the most outstanding intellectuals, poets and writers. After a year the publication ceased to exist. The main reason for its disappearance was the hard beginning of the educated Slovak newcomers to Canada and to other countries. On the other hand, the newspapers and almanacs available in Canada were willing to publish any literary or cultural contribution and there was, therefore, no particular need for a new publication. 38 Along with Rozvoj publication was also discontinued of a series of literary works by young Slovak writers in exile, called Edicia Rozvoja, which started with a drama Krvavy Kriz (Bloody Cross), written by a Slovak poet, Karol Strmefl, under the nom de plume Milan Novak. Slovak-Czech Relations in the Slovak Press in Canada Analyzing the reasons for the founding of the foreign language newspapers in Canada, Allan R. Boyd writes, that primary factor in the establishment of an ethnic press was the growing national consciousness of certain groups whose European territories were under the rule of what they regarded as foreign powers. The pervading nationalism which germinated and grew throughout Europe during the nineteenth century had its reflection in the press established abroad. Ethnic groups abroad always have been concerned with events affecting their homeland, even when that homeland is not engaged in a struggle for liberation or independence. Thus one of the 'raison d'etre' of the press which came into being was the preoccupation with, and propagation of, ideals of national independence." 39 The Slovak language press has been no exception in this regard. Since 1928, when the first Slovak newspaper of the inter-war period appeared in Canada, the Slovak-language press was divided in its attitude towards the policy of Prague government with regard to Slovakia as well as toward the Czech emigrants in Canada. There were many attempts at keeping alive the false pretension that Czechs and Slovaks were one ethnic group and a few newspapers, �SLOVAKIA 101 published in the Slovak language, called themselves "Czecho-Slovak weeklies". Those papers, were, however, not many and there was usually behind them either Czech financial support or they served at the same time the needs of the Czech community in Canada. 40 These "Czechoslovak" newspapers defended the Czech policy in Slovakia and systematically wrote against Canadian Slovaks who were on the side of the Slovak political movement which aimed at autonomy and self-rule in Slovakia and stressed that Slovaks were a distinct ethnic and cultural entity. The debates on these subjects were often conducted in strong terms and with little respect for the facts and feelings. Shortly before and during the Second World War some "Czechoslovak" newspapers used demagogy and denunciations41 against those Slovaks who differed in their opinions from the Czech views on the policy of Prague or from the political aims of the Czech exiles in London. The controversy was fought not only in Slovak papers in Canada, but also in the United States, particularly when the Slovaks, who did not agree with the "Czechoslovak" political line, were accused of disloyalty towards Canada.42 As the War progressed the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs in Canada were more tense, and the polemics more heated in the Slovak language press. The continuous attacks by the Czech oriented and pro-Communist Slovak newspapers on the leaders and members of the Canadian Slovak League led finally to the founding of the Kanadsky Slovak, which reflects, from 1942, the other side of the tense Slovak - Czech relations. The fact that Slovakia after the War, instead of receiving independence, not only was returned under the Czech rule but also the Communist system was imposed upon the Slovak people, contributed to an increase of the proportion of space devoted by the Slovak language press in Canada to the problems of the "old country" or in other words to the Slovak-Czech relations. Moreover, the new enslavement of the Slovak people led to the foundation of some periodicals, devoted to the political objectives of Slovak exiles and refugees who arrived in Canada around 1950. They were, however, all short-lived and some of them appeared at irregular intervals, mostly when their anonymous contributors and editors felt the need to attack and slander other Slovak emigres or Slovak organizations. �102 SLOVAKIA Particularly, the contributions of the new immigrants to the older Slovak newspapers concentrated mainly on national problems and on the defence of the Slovak people's right to independence explaining the situation in Slovakia during the war, which has constantly been misrepresented abroad. They were the "forced migrants" about whom R. A. Boyd writes that "naturally their own fate and that of their homeland deeply concerns them." 43 The Slovak language press in Canada has strongly reflected this new situation. As always before, it helped the integration of Slovaks with the mainstream of Canadian life, as well as with other ethnic groups. Some post-war immigrants endeavored even to strengthen the positive attitude of the Slovak press in Canada toward other ethnic groups, which except for the Czechs, had always been friendly and most co-operative in their relations with Canadian Slovaks. This is especially true with regard to other Slavic groups with whom the Slovaks in Canada felt kinship, and basically understood their language. Polish, Ukrainian, Slovenian, Croatian, and other Slavic events in Canada have been registered in the Slovak Canadian press and Slovak representatives occupied the highest offices in the Canadian Ethnic Press Association or Canada Ethnic Press Federation. 44 The negative attitude toward the Czech group, which appeared in the 1930's and became stronger during and after the Second World War, as mentioned before, was mostly caused by the tendency of some Canadian Czechs, and later of their newspapers, to speak on behalf and in the name of Canadian Slovaks, which the Slovaks resented; secondly, it was caused by the difference of opinions on the policy of Prague governments and Slovak aspirations for self-government; thirdly, by vicious attacks on Slovaks who disagreed with Czechs. 45 Even before the Second World War, when the Slovak newspapers regarded Czechoslovakia as their motherland, they were opposed to the policy of the Prague government which aimed at assimilation of Slovaks and domination of Slovakia by Czechs. Since the Czech and Czechoslovak Communist papers in Canada stood behind the Prague government and opposed the aspirations of the Slovak people for autonomy within Czechoslovakia, denying the existence of a culturally and ethnically distinct Slovak entity, conflicts flared up and were discussed with vehemence in the Slovak press. �SLOVAKIA 103 The animosity and attacks were intensified especially during and after the Second World War. The proclamation of Slovakia's independence was considered by the Czech and Czechoslovak-oriented press as a treason, while for many Slovaks in Canada it was an achievement of national ideals. And because, soon after the proclamation of independence, Great Britain (and twenty-eight other states ) recognized the Slovak Republic and not only appointed a Consul of Her Majesty in Slovakia but also received a Slovak Consul-General in London, 46 many Canadian Slovaks and their press did not see anything wrong in looking favourably at the establishment of the Slovak Republic or did not see any reason to be against it. When the war started, the new Slovak government did not have, in their views, any choice and was therefore unwillingly on the side of Germany. Czech and Czechoslovak newspapers and organizations used however, this against the Slovaks in Canada and caused to many of them personal difficulties with Canadian authorities and a lot of injustice. 47 In fact, denunciations of Slovaks by some Czech newspapers and leftist Czechoslovak newspapers went too far not to be rejected or counter-acted. As a result, a part of the Slovak Canadian press was forced into the defensive and into a fight with the Czech and so-called Czechoslovak newspapers .48 If one wants to judge the relations between the Slovaks and the Czechs from these polemics or from the attacks by some Czech papers on Slovaks and, particularly on the Slovak aspirations for self-government, he will easily come to the conclusion that there is hardly any possibility for co-operation between these two groups in Canada, and that Slovaks and Czechs at home and abroad have little reason to support the further existence of Czechoslovakia. On this brief outline of the Slovak press in Canada in relation to the political, social and cultural needs of the Slovak ethnic group which it serves, we can apply what Victor Turek said about the Polish press, that "it cannot be accurately interpreted without constantly bearing in mind that it has been a press of an oppressed nation struggling for its full freedom. It may be that other ethnic groups, originating from more fortunate countries, enjoying more stability and security, have created in Canada a different type of press - with different aims and duties. �104 SLOVAKIA It may be that for such other groups the importance of maintaining their native language and national traditions was not as paramount."49 FOOTNOTES 1. Kirkconnell, Canada, Europe and Hitier, (Toronto, 1939), p. 187. 2. The Canadian Almanac (1931) listed for the first time Slovak press in Canada with a circulation of 9,000. See Slavs in Canada, (Edmonton, 1966), p. 149. 3. See his contribution "The European-Canadians in their Press" in the Report of the annual meeting of the Canadian Historical Association, (Toronto, 1940), p. 86-87. 4. Ibid., p. 88. 5. Ibid., p. 91. 6. The first newspaper was published in Blairmore, Alta., under the name Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word). See K. culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade", Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy ( 1953), p. 98. 7. See the list of Slovak newspapers. 8. J. T. M. Anderson, The Education of the New Canadian, p. 84. 9. V. Turek, Polish-Language Press in Canada (Toronto, 1952), p. 22. 10. See E. Urban, "Censorship policies in Czecho-Slovakia," Slovakia, Vol. XV, p. 93-133. 11. See V. Turek, Polish-Language Press, Op. cit., p. 22. 12. Among the Slovak newspapers in Canada, Kanadsky Slovak was one of the main ones to adopt this line. 13. On Klesken, whose publishing activity spread also into the 1930's and 1940's, see K. culen, "Zomrel Juraj Klesken", Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy, ( 1960), p. 168-70. 14. See Slovenske Bratstvo, December 22, 1939. 15. See K. culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," (A brief survey of the history of Slovak journalism in Canada), Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy (1953), p. 104. 16. See "Zaznam o krajanskej tlaci v Kanade," Narodniarsky Kalendar (1966), p. 78. It seems that Slovenske Bratstvo was the real successor. 17. According to Narodniarsky Kalendar, loc. cit., it ceased to exist in 1941. K. Culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," Zoe. cit., gives the date October 1943. culen also comments on the legal action in which a Czech Consul Gardavsky was used as an expert in Slovak language even though he did not speak Slovak. �SLOVAKIA 105 18. See Slovenske Bratstvo "Este zije duch slovensky" (The Slovak spirit still lives) , December 29, 1939. 19. Ncirodniarsky Kalendcir, loc. cit., p. 79. The National Slovak Benefit Society also published a mimeographed publication Ncirodne Noviny (National News) on 4-6 pages, and edited by G. Surovsky. 20. J . f>uriancik, "Nase l'udove hnutie a jeho vznik", 13udovy Kalendcir pre Kanadu (1939), p . 22. 21. See 13udovy Kalendcir pre Kanadu (1939), p. 66-75. 22. Admiration for the Soviet Union, Spanish communists and hatred of capitalist countries, mixed with Slovak patriotism is apparent also in the calendar published by Hlas 13udu and called .Cudovy Kalendcir pre Kanadu . 23. V. Turek, Polish-Language Press, op. cit., p. 118. On the pro-communist ethnic press in Canada, A. R. Boyd, "The Foreign Language Press in Canada" in John Kosa (ed.) Immigrants in Canada (Montreal, 1955), p. 45. 24. See Pavol Blaho, "Ako doslo k zalozeniu Kanadskeho Slovaka" (How the Canadian Slovak was founded) Kalendcir Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy (1953), p. 111-4. 25. Ibid. , p. 112. 26. Ibid. 27. Both Hreha and Kvetan wrote plays and verseSI and Hreha was the author of the account on Slovaks in Canada published by the Encyclopedia Canadiana. 28. See Ncirodniarsky Kalendcir, (1966), p. 78. 29. On Debnarkin see the account on Slovak literature in Canada by Prof. Yaroslav Slawutych in the symposium Slavs in Canada; op. cit., p. 96. 30. K. culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," Zoe. cit., p. 108. 31. R. A. Boyd, in Kosa, Immigrants, op. cit., p. 44-45. 32. See list of Slovak publications outside Canada. 33. See K. Culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," Zoe. cit., p. 98-110. 34. See chapter on religious organization of Canadian Slovaks in SZovenski jezuiti v Kanade (1967). 35. See the chapter on Slovak religious organization in Canada; On Rev. Fuga see also Litercirny AZmanach SZovcika v Amerike (1967). �106 SLOVAKIA 36. See "The Foreign Language Press in Canada," Citizen, Vol. IV, No. 4. 37. The editor of Rozvoj was Kornel Piacek. 38. "All foreign language newspapers in Canada," according to the Citizen, "while they serve to introduce newcomers to life in Canada, also have an interest in keeping alive the native cultures of their readers. With this end in view, the papers encourage, publicize and promote cultural activities among the members of their respective ethnic groups and provide a medium of expression for literary and other cultural efforts. The editors believe that in this way their papers are making a contribution towards the enrichment of Canadian life." Citizen, Vol. IV, 4, p. 12. 39. A. R. Boyd, Zoe. cit. , p. 45. 40. Such was for instance the case of Nova Vlast' (Montreal, 1934-1948) replaced by the Czech weekly Novy Domov. 41. The favorite accusation was that of fascism and nazism. Unscrupulous attacks on the publisher of the Slovenske Slovo, led to investigations by Canadian authorities in 1940. The publisher, Juraj Kleskeii, was cleared, but refrained from further publishing of the newspaper. See K. culen, Zoe. cit., p. 101. 42. See Slovenska Obrana (Scranton, Pa.) , Nov. 3, 1939, Nov. 10, 1939, and Nov. 14, 1939, articles by Andrew Potocky, Secretary general of the Canadian Slovak League, M. Cano and Stefan J esenak as well as editorials. The newpapers which did not shy away from denunciations were according to Slovenska Obrana, Nova Vlast' and the leftist Hlas nudu. 43. Boyd, Zoe. cit., p. 46. 44. The author was for two terms President of the Canadian Ethnic Press Association and First Vice-President of the Canada Ethnic Press Federation, J. Novak, and others served on the board. 45. There were two cases of legal action as a result of these struggles. See K. culen "Slovaci v Kanade," Kalendar KSL for 1953, p. 102, Slovenske Bratstvo, Dec. 29, 1939 and Kanadsky Slovak, March 17, 1962 and fall . 46. See Kirschbaum, Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, p. 130-144 and p. 268-270. 47. See K. culen, Zoe. cit. , p. 101. 48. At the beginning of the War it was mainly the Slovak weekly Slovenske Bratstvo and from 1942 the Kanadsky Slovak which defended the Slovak point of view. The Czech and Czechoslovak point of view was advocated before and during the War by the weeklies Nova Vlast' and later by Nase Hlasy. 49. Cf. V. Turek, Op. cit., p. 27. �SLOVAKIA 107 SLOVAK LANGUAGE PRESS IN CANADA Newspapers (1910). Published by Andrew Lukca and Juraj Klesken in Blairmore, Alberta. Kanadske Noviny (Canadian News) (1928-1933). Published in Montreal. The newspaper changed publishers, editors and political lines several times. It was founded by J. Pribil. Nase Slovo (Our Word) (1931-1932). Published in Toronto, it was the first newspaper of Slovak communists. Robotnicke Slovo (Workers' Word) (1931-1932). Successor to Nase Slavo, it was published and edited by J. Huska. Hlas Dudu (The People's Voice) (1932-1940). Successor to Robotnicke Slovo, it was suspended in 1940 by Canadian authorities. Hlas Naroda (The Voice of the Nation) (1932-1934). I,t was published by Juraj Klesken in Blairmore. Nasa Mladez (Our Youth) (1932-1934). A supplement to Hlas Naroda and also published in Blairmore. Slovak v Kanade (The Slovak in Canada) (1933-1939). Published in Montreal by G. Kurdel and edited by F. Kvetan, it aimed at reflecting the political orientation of Slovak immigrants in Canada and opposed "Czechoslovak" theses. Nova Vlasf (New Homeland) (1934-1948). Founded in Montreal, its aims was to foster the official Czechoslovak ideology among Slovak and Czech immigrants in Canada. Slovensky Priekopnik (The Slovak Pioneer) (1939-1943). Edited by S. Zuber, it was considered by some to be the successor to Slovak Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word) v Kanade. Obeznik Slovenskeho Priekopnika (The Circular of the Slovak Pioneer) (1939). A tabloid which ceased to exist after a few issues. Slovenske Bratstvo (Slovak Brotherhood). Edited by Stefan Hreha, in its subtitle, it claimed to be the successor to Slovak v Kanade and for a short time was the official newspaper of the Canadian Slovak League. Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word) (1940-19 ). Published anew by Klesken in Blairmore, its purpose was to refute the attacks against the Slovak Republic made by Nova Vlast' and some communist newspapers. Nase Slovo (Our Word) (1941-1945). It succeeded Hlas Dudu when the Soviet Union joined the camp of the Allies. Dudove Zvesti (The People's News) (1945). Its present editor is J. f>uriancik and it is the mouthpiece of Slovak communists. Kanadsky Slovak (The Slovak Canadian) (1942). Founded during the war, it became the official organ of the Canadian Slovak League. It was founded in Montreal. In 1952 it was transferred to Winnipeg and in 1958 to Toronto. �108 SLOVAKIA Slovensky Hlas (The Slovak Voice) (1949). Founded in Windsor, Ontario, as the organ of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society. In 1951 it was transferred to Toronto. It is politically independent. Almanacs and Periodicals Prvy Kalendar Kanadskych Slovcikov (First Almanac of Slovak Canadians) (1934-1939) . It had only two issues. Cudovy Kalendar pre Kanadu (People's Almanac for Canada) (1939) . Died with the first issue. Neis Zivot (Our Life) (1950). Organ of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Canada, it was published by Dr. Paul Fundarek. Ekonomi ka ( Economics ) (1948-1949). Published by Stanislav Zuber in Toronto, this monthly's aim was to inform Slovaks in Canada on economic problems. Rozvoj (Progress) (1950-1951). A mimeographed monthly under the direction of K. Piacek for cultural and literary works. Domovina (Homeland) (1952-1954). Mimeographed periodical of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Toronto, it was edited by Julius Ksinan. Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy ( Almanac of the Canadian Slovak League) (1952). Published in Winnipeg, its first editor was Konstantin culen. Domobrana (Home Defense) (1953) . Organ of the Union of Slovak Combattants, it was first edited by Jan Doransky in Montreal, later transferred to Toronto and then to the United States. Pamiitnica Kanadskeho Slovenskeho Podporneho Spolku a Kalendar Slovenskeho Hlasu ( Souvenir Book of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society and Almanac of the Slovak Voice) (1957) . Edited by 0 . M. Debnarkin. Nase Snahy (Our Goals) (1965). Bi-monthly published in Toronto and sponsored by The Permanent Conference of Slovak Democratic Exiles. Religious Publications Ave Maria (1938-1939) . Published in Montreal by J . Skoda and an anonymous board of editors. Maria (1955- ) . Founded by Rev. M. Rusnak and Rev. F. Fuga, it serves the religious needs of Greek Catholic Slovaks in Canada and the U.S.A. Slovenski Jezuiti v Kanade (Slovak Jesuits in Canada) (1958). Published annually by the Slovak Jesuit Missionary Centre in Galt, Ontario. � 78 SLOVAKIA THE SLOVAK PRESS IN CANADA J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. For a long time the Slovak press in Canada was unknown even to such prominent experts on the life of the ethnic groups in Canada as Prof. Watson Kirkconnell. Writing in 1939 about the European-Canadians and their attitudes towards European problems during the 1938-1939 period, he made the following observation: The last census showed 30,401 Czechs and Slovaks, but did not subdivide these two distinct groups further. Until last spring there was a Czech weekly paper, ceske Noviny ("The Czech News"), published in Montreal, but it gave up the ghost about the time that Germany seized Bohemia, apparently expiring as a result of the withdrawal of financial support through the Czech Consulate-General, The Slovaks had no separate press, but there were many Canadian members of the Slovak League of America, which claims a membership of 300,000 and is bitterly anti-Czech and anti-Benesh.1 In fact, before 1939 there had existed, for shorter or longer periods of time, at least fourteen Slovak newspapers2 and periodicals. The first almanac of Canadian Slovaks, which included a short history of Slovak organizations in Canada had been published five years before the appearance of Prof. Kirkconnell's book; it seems, however, that Slovak newspapers and publications apparently had not come to the attention of Canadians. Speaking later to the annual meeting of the Canadian Historical Association, in his survey of the foreign language press, Prof. Kirkconnell drew quite a favorable picture of the Slovak press in Canada.3 It had existed, according to his report, before the Czechs or the Baltic peoples had their press in Canada and in "per capita" circulation before the Second World War, it ranked sixth among the foreign language newspapers. With 1.04 papers per home of four persons, it was ahead of Ukrainian, Polish, Russian, German, Italian press, and high above the national average. Prof. Kirkconnell explained this by remarking that "the height of the Finnish, Hungarian and Slovak figures is due to the fact that the bulk of these communities consist of post-war emigres, who brought with them political grievances that tend, at this short removal in time, to preserve their sense of identity." 4 He also pointed out that �SLOVAKIA 79 "in some cases the foreign language press reflected in Canada the political divisions within the European countries, and that that many of these papers were edited here by political exiles who are men of considerable education."5 Although Slovak newspapers and periodicals from the United States were available for the small and scattered Slovak ethnic group, it did not prevent Slovak immigrants from publishing their own newspapers, periodicals and almanacs. In fact the first Slovak newspaper appeared in Canada in 19106 when the number of Slovaks in Canada was still very small and practically no Canadian Slovak fraternal organization existed yet on Canadian soil. With the influx of immigrants after the First World War not only the number of newspapers increased, but also the quality of the Slovak language press constantly improved. There were not less than 13 newspapers and periodicals published for shorter or longer periods, before the Second World War. Altogether 30 newspapers and periodicals in the Slovak language appeared in Canada between 1910 and 1967.7 This certainly contradicts the myth that the Slovaks who came to Canada before the Second World War were mostly illiterate8 and uninterested in public affairs. While some of the newspapers were of little importance or service to the Slovak community in Canada, others performed very useful tasks. In many respects the Slovak language press is the only source of information for history of Slovaks in Canada. It relates the struggles, hardships, successes and political divisions of the Slovak ethnic group i.n this country. Many problems of the first groups of Slovak immigrants in Canada were recorded perhaps in a crude but sincere manner in these newspapers or monthlies. They were founded to serve the needs of the immigrants who did not read the English or French press, and reflected the problems of a community, struggling with difficulties created by the language barrier and unfamiliar surroundings. The papers were also the principal source of information on the activities of the associations, parishes as well as on the political views on Slovak and Canadian affairs. Slovak immigrants to Canada came divided along political, as well as religious lines, and continued to fight their old battles on Canadian soil in their press and in their associations. Unfortunately, it is impossible to find �80 SLOVAKIA a copy of some of the thirty periodicals and newspapers published in various parts of Canada during the past 57 years. It is only through indirect sources that the existence and political orientation of some periodicals has been known, for neither the Slovak organizations nor the Canadian libraries were interested in collecting them. In fact , Canadian libraries and press directories showed a lack of interest in the foreign language press and confined their attention to newspapers alone, neglecting minor publications. The need for a Slovak press in Canada, where vast distances separated the small, scattered communities of Slovak farmers and miners, is understandable. Their desire to communicate with their countrymen and the fear of loneliness and isolation explain why so many newspapers, publications, printed or mimeographed have appeared during the last 57 years . This also explains why the first Slovak newspaper, and even some later ones, started in Alberta's mining towns. Only from the 1930's on, when the second wave of Slovak immigrants moved from farms and mining towns to the industrial centres, Toronto and Montreal became the centres of the Slovak language press. The largest Slovak newspaper, Kanadsky Slovak began its publication in Montreal in 1942, then in 1952 it was moved for a few years to Winnipeg and finally settled in 1958, in Toronto. Of the thirty Slovak newspapers, periodicals and publications, fourteen were founded in Toronto and the three existing newspapers, the present almanacs and the monthly Maria, as well as books, have been published for the past eight years in Toronto. Seven Slovak publications were founded and published for some time in Montreal. The three existing newspapers are sponsored by the Slovak Canadian fraternal organizations; the Canadian Slovak League publishes Kanadsky Slovak; the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society publishes Slovensky Hlas, and the leftist Slovak Benefit Society of Canada publishes Eudove Zvesti. All three newspapers promote the aims of their association, however, they also perform certain other tasks, and each of them has a distinct political line in Slovak and Canadian affairs. We can apply to the Slovak . language press what has been said of the ethnic press in Canada in general: �SLOVAKIA 81 While the ethnic periodicals, by keeping up the reader's interest of his native country, emphasize his national consciousness and separate national identity, they help him at the same time to familiarize himself with the new country of his residence.9 From their modest beginning· when Slovak newspapers aimed at informing the scattered groups of miners or farmers of their problems and whereabouts, the Slovak language press progressed with years to more important and more diversified tasks. If the prime concern of the early Slovak newspapers was to make the life of immigrants, unfamiliar with their new country, its people, language and institutions, less lonely, by giving them information about their countrymen and opportunities for work in other parts of the country, the later newspapers helped to establish associations, parishes and became an important instrument of integration. At the same time the newspapers kept Slovak immigrants informed about their country of origin, by printing information which they could not find in Canadian press, and kept them also informed on Canada, because many did not read either English or French. In fact for a long time Slovak newspapers remained the principal source of information for Slovak immigrants about Canadian matters. Following the example of Slovak newspapers in the United States, the Slovak press in Canada began very soon to dedicate a substantial part of each newspaper to two issues: 1) the desire to keep alive or awaken national consciousness of Slovak immigrants, and 2) the necessity to fight the battles in which the Slovak people were involved in Czecho-Slovakia. The absence of censorship, which in Czecho-Slovakia silenced Slovak newspapers or permitted their publication with half-pages white 10 allowed Slovak newspapers in Canada to voice freely the grievances of the Slovak people and to fight vehemently for the political or social equality of Slovaks in their homeland. The feeling that they were allowed to express their views without hindrance, is reflected in all Slovak newspapers in Canada and one has to admire the warm patriotism and interest in cultural and political problems shown by the editors and contributors, whose education rarely went beyond high-school level. As was the case of the Slovak newspapers in the United States, the Slovak language press in Canada became an instrument which helped the immigrants to find more �82 SLOVAKIA comfortable places of living in their new country. On the other hand some Canadian Slovak newspapers also became advocates of autonomy and self-determination for Slovakia, while others followed the official policy of Prague governments or voiced their leanings to communism. In view of the role which Slovak associations and newspapers played in promoting the liberation of Slovakia from foreign domination, the publication and support of newspapers abroad was regarded by the Slovak people as a mark of patriotism, and to take a stand or to write in favor of freedom or equality of political rights for Slovakia was considered the moral duty of every Slovak abroad. This can partly explain the sacrifices which the Slovaks in Canada or in other parts of the world were willing to make to publish and maintain their press, and it also explains their continuous interest in the affairs of their country of origin. Long considered the free spokesmen of the Slovak nation, Slovaks abroad, including those in Canada, could not remain silent, especially after the Second World War when a communist system was imposed on the Slovak people. As a result, the Slovak press in Canada has reacted vehemently against the enslavement of their country of origin in the belief that by fighting communism it defended at the same time, freedom and democracy in Canada. Political involvement of Slovak language press in Canada after the Second World War became stronger than ever before, for another reason. Among the Slovak immigrants who came to Canada in the post-war period, many were not only interested in politics, but also left Slovakia for political reasons. Many of these new immigrants began to contribute political articles to the existing newspapers, and in both non-communist newspapers the new immigrants became editors (K. culen, J. Zvonar, J. Kutka and S. Reistetter in Kanadsky Slovak, M. Ferik, L. Gorekand, 0. M. Debnarkin in Slovensky Hlas). Slovak language press in Canada acquired more and more political character, and with the intensification of the Cold War and with the rising furror of the communist terror in Slovakia it became, once again, a spokesman for Slovakia. The influx of educated immigrants gave the Slovak newspapers at the same time, a higher level in cultural �SLOVAKIA 83 matters, since some of the known Slovak writers, poets and scholars used the newspapers for publishing their poetry, short novels and essays. Although not all immigrants of the previous waves liked the new face of their papers, the leaders and delegates of the Canadian Slovak League always approved the new line. During the past few years the Slovak newspapers and the almanacs or kalendars, published by the associations which sponsor the newspapers as well, have dedicated, however, more and more space to Canadian or organizational issues, and in order to interest the Canadian-born generations, the Kanadsky Slovak has regularly published an English corner. At times there have been articles in English even on the front page, if the issue treated was supposed to interest or to be brought to the attention of the Government or of other ethnic groups. This tendency to pay more attention to the problems of the community is a general trend among the ethnic press in Canada. 11 While conserving the right to speak for the countries enslaved by communism and to criticise the communist regimes, many ethnic newspapers acknowledged the fact that the ethnic groups are becoming closer to Canada than to their countries of origin. Some of them try to help their homelands by stressing their loyalty to Canada and by making appeals to the Canadian Government to voice their aspirations. 12 The Slovak language press assumed certain other duties-such as helping its readers to overcome educational shortcomings resulting from the political situation in Slovakia during the period of foreign rule, and also trying to preserve cultural values threatened by hostile pressures. The Slovak-Canadian periodicals performed these duties conscientiously, in addition to the standard functions of newspapers serving a certain area. This duality of function is perhaps the most striking feature of the Slovak-Canadian press. Practically all the newspapers and almanacs contained not only information, but also articles on cultural and historical matters as well as poetry, short novels, epigrams and other writings. For several Slovak writers, poets and politicians the Slovak language press has been the tribune for their ideas and has helped them to overcome the feelings of futility and discouragement, which many immig- �84 SLOVAKIA rant intellectuals have experienced after their arrival in Canada. And since the Slovak people in Slovakia expected that their countrymen everywhere, especially on the American continent, would not only maintain their national heritage but also help Slovakia to obtain political freedom, and after the Second World War to regain national independence, the newspapers and almanacs have been giving· much space to the general problems of communism and democracy and to specific Slovak problems. From the very beginning the Slovak press was kept alive mostly by the sacrifices and selfless dedication of editors and contributors, and by the generous support of its readers. Only later, it was maintained or subsidized by the Slovak associations. At that point, however, Slovak newspapers and periodicals became less independent and more differentiated in their political leanings, so that according to its political colouring and character, the Slovak language press can be divided into the following categories: (a ) The early informatory, non-political Slovak pubcations; (b ) Newspapers collaborating with the Czech group and favouring close ties with Prague, but autonomy for Slovakia; ( c ) Slovak press rejecting co-operation with the Czechs and advocating Slovak independence; (d) Pro-communist publications; (e) Economic, cultural and other short-lived publications; ( f) Religious publications. No doubt a lesser number of newspapers and fewer political divisions would have been preferable, but Slovaks came to Canada divided along political and religious lines. Furthermore, the political developments in Slovakia, the economic and social difficulties of the years of the economic depression and the communist take-over after World War II, perpetuated their disunity. Needless to say, the adversaries of the Slovaks' aspirations for autonomy and later for independence, supported by the consular and diplomatic representatives of Czechoslovakia, used all available means to keep them divided and fighting among themselves, and used the Slovak language press to this end. �SLOVAKIA 85 Newspapers and Periodicals The history of the Slovak language press in Canada begins with a newspaper called Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word ), published in Blairmore, Alta., by Andrew Lukca and Juraj Klesken13 in 1910. There is no evidence that the early Slovak immigrants in Canada published their own newspaper before this date. Slovak newspapers from the United States apparently satisfied the need of the scattered Slovak communities to read in their own language about Canada or Slovakia. Later, however, there was publishing activity which may surprise anyone who is acquainted with the difficulties of the Slovak immigrants in Canada, and with their small numbers. We can divide the survey of the Slovak newspapers into three periods, each corresponding with the individual waves of immigration. The first period was limited to the Canadian West and the Slovak Word is the only newspaper which was published and edited by Canadian Slovaks in that period. Modest in appearance and published at irregular intervals in a small tabloid form, the first issue of the Slovenske Slovo appeared in May 1910. Both the publisher and the editor came to Blairmore from Chicago, Ill., to join hundreds of Slovak miners who at that time worked in coal mines of the Crow's Nest Pass area. It was impossible to find out how long this first Slovak newspaper was published or how many issues appeared. As for the contents, the publication was written in a strong patriotic spirit, similar to that of Slovak newspapers in the United States before the First World War. The second period was not limited g·e ographically. Montreal and Toronto became the centres of Slovak publishing activity as well as of the successive disappearance of newspapers which had started with more enthusiasm than financial backing. Some of these newspapers, such as Kanadske Noviny for instance, ceased publication, but the newspapers which replaced them, did not start as new ones, but as a continuation of previous publications. As a result we find that Slovak v Kanade started as Volume VI, or Slovenske Bratstvo as Volume XII. The second period extends from 1928 to the end of the Second World War and was also marked by the birth of numerous religious periodicals, almanacs and tabloids. Juraj Klesken himself �86 SLOVAKIA made two more attempts at reviving a newspaper in the Canadian West, but failed, as did all individual undertakings in this field in Montreal or Toronto. The newspapers achieved more stability only when they became official organs of the fraternal organizations. At that time Slovak newspapers and periodicals also became divided along the political lines, and the divisions survive to this day. The second, as later the third period, was turbulent at times, full of polemics, bitter invective and in some instances even law suits resulting from partisan polemics and attacks. The atmosphere in the Slovak press was particularly poisoned by hate, denunciations and invectives in 1939 and during the war years, and again from 1948, when the Slovak and Czech political refugees arrived in Canada. In spite of denunciations by the Czech, communist and Czechoslovak press, no Canadian Slovak newspaper was prohibited by the Canadian Government except the communist one. The prohibition of the circulation of Slovak American newspapers, which was imposed upon the weekly Jednota and the bi-weekly Slovenskd Obrana as a result of false accusations, by the Czech and Czechoslovak newspapers, that they spread or advocated Nazism, was suspended14 shortly after it was put into effect. It created, however, an atmosphere of bitterness, and mutual accusations which divided the Slovak community for the entire period of the war. However, a positive result was forthcoming as far as Slovaks in Canada were concerned, as the Government authorities were skeptical from then on about subsequent denunciations of Slovaks by the Czech or communist newspapers. The First World War and the limited immigration to Canada from Slovakia until 1926 interrupted the publishing activity among Slovaks. Only the influx of Slovak immigrants around 1928, among whom many were involved in the post-war political and social clashes in Slovakia, led to the founding of new Slovak newspapers. The strongest centres for publishing activity in the period were Montreal, where from 1928 to 1939 five newspapers and one periodical were founded, and Toronto, where the small group of Slovak communists made three successive attempts at pub- �SLOVAKIA 87 lishing newspapers. All these newspapers represented political and ideological differentiation of Slovak immigrants and can be divided into three categories: ( 1) Newspapers with Slovak patriotic leanings, defending the right of the Slovak people to political autonomy and their own cultural development; (2) Newspapers supporting the official ideology of Prague governments and advocating Czechoslovak national, linguistic and cultural unity; (3) Newspapers with socialist and communist tendencies. Some newspapers changed their original political orientation, while others stood firmly on their ideological ground. Kanadske Noviny (Canadian News) was the first newspaper of this period. Published in Montreal from 1928 to 1933, the newspaper changed publishers, editors and political lines several times. The founder, J . Pribil, was the owner of a travel and colonization agency, and when faced with a deficit, he sold the newspaper to his employees. They in turn sold it to the publishers of New Yorksky Dennik and the last owner was Gabriel Kurdel, whom we mentioned in connection with the first Slovak organization in Canada. Originally the newspaper advocated a close political union between Slovaks and Czechs along the lines of the official policy of Prague's government and its subtitle was: "Czechoslovak Weekly". G. Kurdel, after taking over the ownership, changed not only the political orientation of the newspaper, but also its name, to Slovak v Kanade. The editors, Stanislav Zuber and Martin Dudak, were also replaced. Slovak v Kanade (The Slovak in Canada) was published in Montreal from 1933 to 1939 and in some way it may be considered as a forerunner of Kanadsky Slovak. 1~ Kurdel, the publisher as well as the editor, Frantisek Kvetan, endeavoured to give the Slovak immigrants in Canada a newspaper which would reflect their political orientation and clear the confusion created by the official Czechoslovak propaganda in the ranks of Slovak Canadians. Unfortunately the financial burden was too heavy on the publisher, and the newspaper ceased publication on the threshold of the Second World War. Slovensky Priekopnik (The Slovak Pioneer) was, according to some sources,16 the successor of Slovak v Kana- �88 SLOVAKIA de and its editor, Stanislav Zuber, tried to keep its con- tents in line with the feelings and thinking of the majority of Slovak immigrants, who were not willing to support blindly the Czecho-Slovak National Association, which served the aims of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile. A legal suit against the newspaper by the President of the Association added to its financial difficulties and the newspaper discontinued publication in October 1943.17 A tabloid called Obeznik Slovenskeho Priekopnika (The circular of the Slovak Pioneer) also ceased to exist after a few issues. Slovenske Bratstvo (Slovak Brotherhood) was also published in Montreal as "The Democratic organ of the Slovaks in Canada" and it claimed in its subtitle to be the successor to the weekly Slovak in Canada. For a short time the Canadian Slovak League used Slovenske Bratstvo as its official newspaper. The newspaper and its editor, Stefan Hreha, however, were unscrupulously attacked by the newspaper Nova Vlast' and denounced in Ottawa. The apparent aim of the newspaper Nova Vlast' as well as of the former Consul General of Czechoslovakia in Canada, was to obtain the prohibition of Slovenske Bratstvo as well as the suspension of the circulation of all Slovak newspapers from the United States which did not support the political program of Dr. Benes. 18 Nova Vlast' (New Homeland) was founded in 1934 with the apparent aim of fostering the official Czechoslovak ideology among Slovak and Czech immigrants in Canada. From 1928 there was among Slovak immigrants a clear political differentiation, and not only the large group of those who adhered to the Slovak autonomist movement, but also the communist group, were sometimes critical of Prague's official policy. Backed by the consular and diplomatic representatives of Czechoslovakia Nova Vlast' sought to keep Slovak immigrants "faithful" to the concept of the ethnic and linguistic unity of the Czechs and Slovaks and resulting assimilation of the Slovak people. For some time Nova Vlast' avoided an open clash and published the official news of the First Slovak Mutual Benefit Society of Kirkland Lake .19 From 1939 however, the newspaper became aggressive toward everyone who did not agree with the political program of the Czech and Slovak exiled groups in England. The members of the Canadian Slovak League �SLOVAKIA 89 and the editors of the newspapers which defended the right of Slovaks to self-determination were particularly attacked and unscrupulously denounced by Nova Vlast'. Until 1936 the newspaper had been edited by Stanislav Zuber, who for some time had been the editor of The Slovak Pioneer, But from 1936, an employee of the Bank of Commerce, Martin Dudak, was the responsible editor, and was helped by the former Consul General of Czechoslovakia, Dr. F. Pavlasek. In 1932 Juraj Kleskefl made another attempt at publishing a newspaper in the west. It was called Hlas Naroda (The Voice of the Nation) and was published in Blairmore, Alberta, from 1932 to 1934. Hlas Naroda was a small-sized publication on 4 pages, which included a supplement called Nasa Mladez (Our Youth). Financial difficulties caused the disappearance of both in 1934. However, Klesken was not a man to be easily discouraged. Since from 1934 not only the Czechoslovak newspaper Nova Vlast', but also the communist newspaper had attacked the patriotic group of Slovak immigrants, Kleskefl started publication in 1940, of Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word). The leading articles were written in English by well-known Slovaks from the United States and Canada: Dr. P. P. Hletko, S. Palickar and F . Zeman. The articles shed new light not only on the Slovak leaders of the pre-war period but also on the Slovak Republic and its President, Dr. J. Tiso, which the adversaries of Slovakia used as a pretext to accuse the publisher of spreading and advocating nazism. Kleskefl was cleared by Canadian authorities, but he discontinued publication of his newspaper. This was the third and last attempt at publishing a Slovak newspaper in the Canadian West. The small group of Slovak communists started publication of their first newspaper in 1931. The name of the mimeographed publication was Nase Slovo (Our Word) and it was published in Toronto. According to one of the editors of the Communist press in Canada, J . f>uriancik, this "labour-progressive" newspaper looked miserable, as miserable as those who contributed their last nickels for its first issue. It was mimeographed on simple sheets and not in newspaper size." 20 A year later its name was changed to Robotnicke Slovo (Workers' Word) and was printed as a regular newspaper. The publisher and editor of the Work- �90 SLOVAKIA ers' Word was J. Huska. These two first leftist newspapers were socialist rather than communist in their contents and orientation. When the Slovak communists organized their Slovenske Kulturne Sdruzenie (Slovak Cultural Association), the newspaper Robotnicke Slovo changed its name to Hlas Eudu (The People's Voice). It was published twice a week and both the Slovak Cultural Association and the newspapers adhered to communist ideology. The communist movement has never had many supporters among Slovak immigrants in Canada. To attract members they formed front organizations like Slovenske Kulturne Sdruzenie or various clubs 21 and used slogans of social justice, progress, peace and democracy. Around 1939 the newspaper Hlas Eudu edited by Cyprian Slimak, became, however, an agressive tool of communist propaganda among Slovak immigrants in Canada22 and as a result, the Canadian authorities ordered its suspension in 1940. The Canadian Government, using its war-time emergency powers, prohibited all communist newspapers and dissolved communist organizations. When the Soviet Union joined the camp of the Western Allies in 1941, Slovak leftist groups started publication of Nase Slovo (Our Word) as a continuation of Hlas Eudu. At the end of the war the newspaper changed its name to Eudove Zvesti ( People's News ) and has survived until the present time, edited by J. f>uriancik for the past two decades. The newspaper remained faithful to its program and to the Prague government even in the period of the socalled cult of personality, when the most prominent Slovak communists were either hanged or sent to jail for life by the Czechoslovakian leaders of the Communist Party. Unlike the other Slovak newspapers, the Slovak communist press in Canada did not gain any of the post-war educated immigrants as contributors or editors. Slovak communist newspapers were published and edited by devoted organizers of the communist movement whose partisan zeal overshadowed their education. How much financial help or how many articles for printing the communist press received from Czechoslovakia, is hard to say. Yet many articles seem to indicate that they were written by educated people. Eudove Zvesti never failed to publish �SLOVAKIA 91 attacks and smear propaganda, originated in Prague, against Slovaks in Canada who disagreed either with the communist or the Czech rule in Slovakia, which would indicate that the newspaper is more concerned with how to please the Prague government than to serve the interest of the Slovak immigrants in Canada. We may say about the Slovak language communist press what Turek recorded on the Polish language press in Canada, that: The Polish-language communist press in Canada, as well as the whole party organization, were always characterized by strict discipline, efficient organization and fanatical dedication on the part of the leaders. Needless to add, the general policy was always dictated from outside, and the local leadership was charged only with its execution. Thanks to this rigid organization and discipline, the communist group managed to maintain for thirty years its own press, even though it never had a wide circulation and could not rely on any substantial advertising revenue.23 The founding of Kanadsky Slovak in 1942 was the result of political struggles within the Slovak cummunity in Canada. After the communist group established its press and the Czechoslovak group received strong support from the Czech representatives of the exiled Czech politicians in London, the large part of Canadian Slovaks who were neither pro-communist nor pro-Czech felt an urgent need for their own newspaper. The leaders and members of the Canadian Slovak League were particularly anxious to have an instrument of defense against the combined attacks of the pro-communist and pro-Czech press. Not only did some of them suffer as a result of denunciations by the proCzech and pro-communist newspapers, but also they could not look on, inactive, at the political confusion created among Canadian Slovaks by portraying inaccurately the situation in Slovakia. The decision to publish their own newspaper was taken at the Fifth Congress of the Canadian Slovak League, held on September 8-10, 1941.24 The first issue was published on March 5, 1942 in Montreal and, as evidenced by its contents, there was no doubt that it was published in order to defend the members of the League against accusations by the leftist and Czechoslovak newspapers. It was decided that the newspaper should be published in Slovak "national and �92 SLOVAKIA Christian spirit",25 which the publication has endeavoured to do for the past 26 years. The first editor of Kanadsky Slovak was a young, courageous newspaperman, Stefan Hreha, who had previously edited Slovenske Bratstvo. During his military service he was replaced by Frantisek Kvetan until 1946, when Hreha again took up his duties. 26 In 1949 the Eight Congress of the League elected Konstantin Culen, a well-known journalist and author of numerous works on cultural and political history, 27 as assistant editor. In 1952 the newspaper was transferred to Winnipeg, where the League purchased a printing shop, and Culen became the editor-inchief of the newspaper, as well as of the Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy, which began publication in 1953. From Winnipeg and from 1958 in Toronto, Kanadsky Slovak was edited exclusively by the political refugees. Among those in Winnipeg were the poet Jozef Zvonar-Tien, Jozef Kutka and for a decade now, Stefan Reistetter, whose original profession was teaching, but who had been attracted by politics and journalism in Slovakia. Also among the contributors for the past 20 years were mostly the postwar immigrants, even though the "old guard" - Andrew Kucera, Andrew Potocky, Pavol Blaho and others - regularly sent contributions on special occasions. The founding of Kanadsky Slovak closed the second period of the Slovak language press in Canada. A new period opened in 1949 when the second largest Slovak organization, the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society began publishing its official organ, Slovensky Hlas in Windsor. 2 " In the third period several periodicals started publication and some survived. The number of newspapers was stabilized, as were their political and ideological leanings and programs. The standards of the newspapers improved, except for the communist weekly, owing to a large number of contributors from among the political refugees . At the outset, Slovensky Hlas was published on four pages and was concerned primarily with organizational matters. In 1951 it was transferred to Toronto and enlarged to eight pages with varied contents, and has been published monthly. Without fighting party politics it informs its readers in an objective way on Canadian and Slovak problems. Rooted in tradition of Slovak newspapers �SLOVAKIA 93 as they originally appeared in Canada or in the United States, it dedicates a substantial part to Slovak cultural and national issues, in order to keep Slovak national consciousness alive, then to the matters of the association which is its sponsor and publisher. Slovensky Hlas was edited in Windsor by J.M. Gerez, Jr. , and :r.udovft Garek. After its transfer to Toronto, Mikulas Ferik and the poet Ondrej M. Debnarkin29 took over the editorial duties. Debnarkin also edited the almanacs published by the Canadian Slovak Benefit Soci ety while Garek became Secretary General of the Societ y . Both are postwar immigrants to Canada. Apart from Slovensky Hlas several short-lived mimeographed monthlies were published in the post-war period. In 1948 Stanislav Zuber began publishing a monthly under the name E konomia. According to cul en the original plan of Zuber was to put into the hands of Slovak immigrants a periodical dedicated to economic problems, but there was not enough interest for such an undertaking and the experiment did not prove successful. E konomia ceased to appear in its second year. 30 The second monthly was published in Toronto by Dr. Paul Fundarek, another member of the group of young educated Slovaks who preferred exile to the submission to communism. The name of the publication was Nds zivot ( Our Life) and it was considered an official organ of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Canada. Born of enthusiasm, but without funds, it was short-lived, ceasing publication with its tenth issue. In 1952 the group of members of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Toronto began to publish a mimeographed periodical Domovina ( Homeland ) . Its editor was a young lawyer, Julius Ksinan, who made a name for himsef in Slovakia in the post-war years by courageously defending one of the members of the Slovak government, Alexander Mach. His attempts at making a career in journalism were not, however, very successful. The publication reflected the turbulent period among Slovak exiles but without contributing positively to political or cultural activities of Slovaks in Canada, it suffered the fate of its predecessor Nds zivot and ceased to exist in 1954. In 1953 the Union of Slovak Combattants made an at- �94 SLOVAKIA tempt at founding a new periodical in a mimeographed form. The publication was called Domobrana (Home Defense) and was edited by the poet Jan Doransky in Montreal. Later it was transferred to Toronto and published at irregular intervals, in a printed form. After its transfer to Toronto Domobrana was even more intolerant and defamatory than Domovina in its attacks on the leaders of the Slovak exiles who disagreed with the methods and views of the Union of Slovak Combattants. It was later transferred to the United States. As A. R. Boyd wrote on ethnic press in Canada, the Slovak language press "has had a chequered career. The rates of birth and mortality have been high. [But] it was inevitable that [it] should have made its appearance." 31 It was kept alive mostly by idealism and unpaid work as well as monetary contributions by its readers, leaders of the associations and underpaid editors. Fund raising on every possible occasion, such as weddings, banquets, picnics, was for a long time one of the main sources of revenue for covering the publishing expenses. With a few exceptions all the editors had to have another job in order to earn enough money to live. Almanacs and Religious and Cultural Periodicals Among Slovak language publications in Canada, almanac or "kalendar", published by Slovak organizations, and religious monthlies or souvenir books published by parishes played an important part socially and in education. Both monthlies and almanacs were favoured reading of the Slovak rural population in Europe, and the habit of having something to read for the long winter evenings, was brought to Canada and preserved. It was, perhaps, even more important in Canada because the almanacs and souvenir books as well as the religious monthlies published information not only on the Slovak communities in Canada, but also articles and pictures about the life of Canadian Slovaks, in addition to the educational articles, short novels and patriotics, moralistic or religious poetry. If this kind of publication appeared in Canada in the Slovak language comparatively late (the first in 1934) or if it was not numerous, the reason can be found in the distribution of well-established publications of a similar type �SLOVAKIA 95 from the United States. Some Slovak immigrants also received almanacs and religious monthlies from Slovakia. As a result their publication in Canada began only after the Slovak associations and parishes were established. In their appearance and content, they followed the pattern of their Slovak American counterparts as well as that of almanacs published in Slovakia. The first almanac was published in 1934 under the title Prvy Kalenddr Kanadskych Slovdkov na rok 1934. It approached its readers with the slogan "May brotherhood and concord prevail among us" and was edited by a group of well-known organizers of Slovak community life: G. Kurdel, F. Zeman, J. Pavlovic, F. Kvetan and Rev. Urban Koval. According to the introductory note, the almanac was not sponsored by any fraternal organization, as was the case later, but by a "Slovak Publishing Company". This first almanac contains valuable information on the life and organizational activities of Slovak immigrants in Canada before 1934. There are articles from practically all provinces on the founding and activities of fraternal societies and parishes, with pictures of their leaders and members. The almanac also published a survey of the history of Canada with photographs of the Parliament Buildings in Ottawa, Regina and Victoria and several general views of the cities of Montreal, Toronto, Winnipeg, Edmonton and Vancouver, in addition to short novels and verses written either by poets in Slovakia or by Slovak immigrants in Canada. The contributions, even though written by people with limited education, except for F. Zeman, were written in a spirit of idealism and patriotism towards Slovakia but with a strong sense of attachment to Canada. Unfortunately, the Kalenddr was published only twice and several years passed before new almanacs appeared. The next almanac was published in 1939 by the leftist group under the name Eudovy Kalenddr pre Kanadu, ( People's Almanac for Canada) but died out with the first issue. It was concerned mainly with communism and Russia but also dealt with Slovaks and Canada, and contained some useful information on the small group of Slovaks who drifted away from the bulk of Slovak immigrants in Canada, as well as on the first leftist organizations. Slovak almanacs began to appear �96 SLOVAKIA as regular annual publications only after the Second World War. The largest Slovak fraternal organization in Canada, the Canadian Slovak League, began to publish its Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy in 1952. The place of publishing this time was in the west, in Winnipeg. The number of contributors from among the "older" immigrants was comparatively limited in the first issues of the Kalendar since there were already many Slovak writers of the post-war immigration who wrote for newspapers and almanacs published in Canada, the United States and elsewhere.32 The editor, Konstantin Culen, wrote a good deal of the material himself. The contents of the Kalendar were of an informative and educational nature and referred to the organizational life of Slovaks in Canada, as well as to cultural and political problems of Slovakia and Canada. The almanac was later transferred to Toronto and besides the leaders of the Canadian Slovak League many known Slovak writers and publicists regularly contributed articles on cultural or political matters as well as verses and short novels, making the Kalendar an interesting and valuable symposium. At the same time the Kalendar published articles on the hi.story of Slovaks in Canada in Slovak as well as in English and the first survey of the Slovak language press. 33 The Kalendar at all times manifested loyalty to Canada and interest in the fate of the Slovak people whose freedom and independence it strongly advocated. After Culen left for the United States, the Kalendar was edited by ~tefan Reistetter and an anonymous editorial board, composed of the main contributors. The administrative duties and problems with publication and distribution of the Kalendar were in Toronto, mostly in the hands of the Publishing Committee of the Canadian Slovak League. In 1957 the second largest Slovak fraternal organization, the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society, began to publish its yearly almanac. The first issue was published under the name Pamatnica Kanadskeho Slovenskeho Podporneho Spolku a Kalendar Slovenskeho Hlasu (Souvenir Book of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society and Almanac of the Slovak Voice for the year 1957 ). It seems to have been edited by 0 . M. Debnarkin, although a notice on the front page states that it was prepared by the editorial board of �SLOVAKIA 97 the newspaper Slovensky Hlas. The contents of the Pamiitnica deal mostly with the achievements and problems of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society which in 1952 celebrated its 25th anniversary. It contains articles and pictures of the founders and main leaders of the Society and its branches, and several verses by the editor. The following issues dedicated more space to literary and cultural contributions, though articles on the goals and achievements of the sponsoring society, and contributions by the leaders and members, were always more numerous than in the almanac of the Canadian Slovak League, whose contributors were predominantly the post-war immigrants. Conservative and educational rather than political and literary, the almanac of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society has fulfilled among its readers, the function of an organizational publication. The leftist Slovak Benefit Society did not issue any regular publication of the type of almanac except for one issue of Eudovy Kalenddr pre Kanadu in 1939 as previously mentioned. Slovak almanacs or "kalendars" in Canada had to compete with similar publications distributed by the Slovak fraternal organizations in the United States. The Canadian members of the First Catholic Slovak Union, have been receiving yearly a well-edited Kalenddr Jednota which, in its 200-300 pages brings articles and pictures from the life of Slovaks in both countries and many educational, literary and political articles referring to Slovakia and to the new homelands of Slovak immigrants. The gymnastical fraternal organization Slovak Catholic Sokol also provides its Canadian members with a yearly almanac of comparatively high literary value, as does the National Slo1Yak Society, which sends to its Canadian members not only a newspaper, but also an almanac, called Ndrodny Kalenddr, which was founded in 1893 and is considered one of the best Slovak almanacs. Slovak religious publications in Canada were not numerous and in view of the religious consciousness of the Slovak people, need some explanation. Basically it was for the same reason mentioned in connection with the religious organization of Canadian Slovaks: immigrants from Slovakia to Canada were either unmarried young men or those �98 SLOVAKIA who were married left their families at home. They moved from one mining camp to another or from the West to the East looking for jobs, and established their permanent home and place of residence very slowly. Another reason was the lack of Slovak priests who would have organized parishes and taken care of the religious needs of Slovak immigrants.34 As a result of this situation, the first Slovak Canadian religious monthly appeared only in 1938. It was published in Montreal, under the name Ave Maria, by J. Skoda, and was in elaborate form and large size, containing many pictures. J. skoda was assisted by an anonymous board of editors. Also called the Slovak Catholic Rosary News in English, it contained religious articles and news on Slovak Catholics in Canada. A new monthly was not published until 1955 when the Slovak priests of the Byzantine Rite came to Canada and began to organize Slovak Greek Catholic parishes. The founders of the monthly, published under the name Maria, were Rev. M. Rusnak, and Rev. Francis Fuga, pastor of the Slovak Greek Catholic parish in Hamilton.35 The publication found a generous supporter in Stephen B. Roman and survived all difficulties over the past eleven years. The circulation amounts to 1,500 copies and it has subscribers also in the United States and other parts of the free world. As all religious foreign language publications in Canada, these two monthlies served not only the religious needs of the Slovak immigrants, but also fulfilled cultural and social functions. They have recorded important events among Slovaks in Canada and in the world, but their main goal remains religious. Nearly all Slovak parishes published on the occasion of their inauguration, or for anniversaries, souvenir books, some of which, as the Souv enir Book of the Fifth Anniversary of the Church of the Visitation in Winnipeg, (Winnipeg, 1955) contained valuable information, not only on the church and its community, but also a short history of Slovak immigrants in Manitoba. Souvenir book of the dedication of the Slovak Greek Catholic Church of Ascension i n Montreal (Montreal, 1962), with many photographs, re- corded the history of the parish as well as of the building of the church. Pamiitnik Tridsat'rocneho Jubilea Zalozenia �SLOVAKIA 99 Slovenskej Evanjelickej Lutherdnskej Cirkvi vo Windsore, Ontario, ( Souvenir Book of the Thirtieth Anniversary of the Nativity Slovak Evangelical Lutheran Church in Windsor, Ontario) published in 1958 also brings a short his- torical outline of the life, organization and activities of the Slovak Lutheran community. The "Memorial Book" of the Slovak Lutheran Church of Ascension in Montreal was published in 1954 and contains a short history of the congregation in Slovak and English, as well as pictures from the life of the congregation. The inauguration of the Slovak Junior Seminary in Sarnia was also recorded by the publication of a Souvenir Book as were the inauguration of parishes or churches in Hamilton, Welland and others. The 25th Anniversary of Sts. Cyril and Methodius Roman Catholic parish in Toronto recorded in 1959 in a special souvenir book, also records the history of the parish with many pictures, and is considered to be one of the best publications of its kind. The Slovak Jesuit missionary centre in Galt has produced, since 1958, an annual publication called Slovenski Jezuiti v Kanade, ( Slovak Jesuits in Canada). The publication contains mainly reports on the activities of Slovak Jesuits in Canada and the United States. There have also been, however, articles on general religious problems and in the issue for 1966, Rev. J. Moravsky published a valuable survey of the religious life and organizations of Slovak Catholics in Canada. The value of the publication for the history of Slovaks in Canada, may one day be considerable. In conclusion we may say about the Slovak religious press in Canada what is generally said of the ethnic religious press: The Slovak Canadian and Slovak religious press aimed at serving the religious needs of Slovak communities of various denominations and the papers are very similar to their French, English and other ethnic counterparts. Although some of these religious papers are small, unpretentious and at times published irregularly, their importance is far in excess of their physical characteristics. Like the foreign language press in general, the religious papers provide a link with the past life of the immigrants and thus serve as a stabilizing force in their new environment, particularly with regard to moral standards. 36 As for cultural publications, there was only one attempt at establishing a Slovak non-political, cultural and literary periodical in Canada. The young educated post-war �100 SLOVAKIA immigrants, whose university studies were interrupted by the communist occupation of Slovakia, began to publish in Montreal, in 1949, a monthly called Rozvoj (Progress ) of long standing among university students. 37 It was published in a large-size on 90 pages, and among its contributors were some of the most outstanding intellectuals, poets and writers. After a year the publication ceased to exist. The main reason for its disappearance was the hard beginning of the educated Slovak newcomers to Canada and to other countries. On the other hand, the newspapers and almanacs available in Canada were willing to publish any literary or cultural contribution and there was, therefore, no particular need for a new publication. 38 Along with Rozvoj publication was also discontinued of a series of literary works by young Slovak writers in exile, called Edicia Rozvoja, which started with a drama Krvavy Kriz (Bloody Cross), written by a Slovak poet, Karol Strmefl, under the nom de plume Milan Novak. Slovak-Czech Relations in the Slovak Press in Canada Analyzing the reasons for the founding of the foreign language newspapers in Canada, Allan R. Boyd writes, that primary factor in the establishment of an ethnic press was the growing national consciousness of certain groups whose European territories were under the rule of what they regarded as foreign powers. The pervading nationalism which germinated and grew throughout Europe during the nineteenth century had its reflection in the press established abroad. Ethnic groups abroad always have been concerned with events affecting their homeland, even when that homeland is not engaged in a struggle for liberation or independence. Thus one of the 'raison d'etre' of the press which came into being was the preoccupation with, and propagation of, ideals of national independence." 39 The Slovak language press has been no exception in this regard. Since 1928, when the first Slovak newspaper of the inter-war period appeared in Canada, the Slovak-language press was divided in its attitude towards the policy of Prague government with regard to Slovakia as well as toward the Czech emigrants in Canada. There were many attempts at keeping alive the false pretension that Czechs and Slovaks were one ethnic group and a few newspapers, �SLOVAKIA 101 published in the Slovak language, called themselves "Czecho-Slovak weeklies". Those papers, were, however, not many and there was usually behind them either Czech financial support or they served at the same time the needs of the Czech community in Canada. 40 These "Czechoslovak" newspapers defended the Czech policy in Slovakia and systematically wrote against Canadian Slovaks who were on the side of the Slovak political movement which aimed at autonomy and self-rule in Slovakia and stressed that Slovaks were a distinct ethnic and cultural entity. The debates on these subjects were often conducted in strong terms and with little respect for the facts and feelings. Shortly before and during the Second World War some "Czechoslovak" newspapers used demagogy and denunciations41 against those Slovaks who differed in their opinions from the Czech views on the policy of Prague or from the political aims of the Czech exiles in London. The controversy was fought not only in Slovak papers in Canada, but also in the United States, particularly when the Slovaks, who did not agree with the "Czechoslovak" political line, were accused of disloyalty towards Canada.42 As the War progressed the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs in Canada were more tense, and the polemics more heated in the Slovak language press. The continuous attacks by the Czech oriented and pro-Communist Slovak newspapers on the leaders and members of the Canadian Slovak League led finally to the founding of the Kanadsky Slovak, which reflects, from 1942, the other side of the tense Slovak - Czech relations. The fact that Slovakia after the War, instead of receiving independence, not only was returned under the Czech rule but also the Communist system was imposed upon the Slovak people, contributed to an increase of the proportion of space devoted by the Slovak language press in Canada to the problems of the "old country" or in other words to the Slovak-Czech relations. Moreover, the new enslavement of the Slovak people led to the foundation of some periodicals, devoted to the political objectives of Slovak exiles and refugees who arrived in Canada around 1950. They were, however, all short-lived and some of them appeared at irregular intervals, mostly when their anonymous contributors and editors felt the need to attack and slander other Slovak emigres or Slovak organizations. �102 SLOVAKIA Particularly, the contributions of the new immigrants to the older Slovak newspapers concentrated mainly on national problems and on the defence of the Slovak people's right to independence explaining the situation in Slovakia during the war, which has constantly been misrepresented abroad. They were the "forced migrants" about whom R. A. Boyd writes that "naturally their own fate and that of their homeland deeply concerns them." 43 The Slovak language press in Canada has strongly reflected this new situation. As always before, it helped the integration of Slovaks with the mainstream of Canadian life, as well as with other ethnic groups. Some post-war immigrants endeavored even to strengthen the positive attitude of the Slovak press in Canada toward other ethnic groups, which except for the Czechs, had always been friendly and most co-operative in their relations with Canadian Slovaks. This is especially true with regard to other Slavic groups with whom the Slovaks in Canada felt kinship, and basically understood their language. Polish, Ukrainian, Slovenian, Croatian, and other Slavic events in Canada have been registered in the Slovak Canadian press and Slovak representatives occupied the highest offices in the Canadian Ethnic Press Association or Canada Ethnic Press Federation. 44 The negative attitude toward the Czech group, which appeared in the 1930's and became stronger during and after the Second World War, as mentioned before, was mostly caused by the tendency of some Canadian Czechs, and later of their newspapers, to speak on behalf and in the name of Canadian Slovaks, which the Slovaks resented; secondly, it was caused by the difference of opinions on the policy of Prague governments and Slovak aspirations for self-government; thirdly, by vicious attacks on Slovaks who disagreed with Czechs. 45 Even before the Second World War, when the Slovak newspapers regarded Czechoslovakia as their motherland, they were opposed to the policy of the Prague government which aimed at assimilation of Slovaks and domination of Slovakia by Czechs. Since the Czech and Czechoslovak Communist papers in Canada stood behind the Prague government and opposed the aspirations of the Slovak people for autonomy within Czechoslovakia, denying the existence of a culturally and ethnically distinct Slovak entity, conflicts flared up and were discussed with vehemence in the Slovak press. �SLOVAKIA 103 The animosity and attacks were intensified especially during and after the Second World War. The proclamation of Slovakia's independence was considered by the Czech and Czechoslovak-oriented press as a treason, while for many Slovaks in Canada it was an achievement of national ideals. And because, soon after the proclamation of independence, Great Britain (and twenty-eight other states ) recognized the Slovak Republic and not only appointed a Consul of Her Majesty in Slovakia but also received a Slovak Consul-General in London, 46 many Canadian Slovaks and their press did not see anything wrong in looking favourably at the establishment of the Slovak Republic or did not see any reason to be against it. When the war started, the new Slovak government did not have, in their views, any choice and was therefore unwillingly on the side of Germany. Czech and Czechoslovak newspapers and organizations used however, this against the Slovaks in Canada and caused to many of them personal difficulties with Canadian authorities and a lot of injustice. 47 In fact, denunciations of Slovaks by some Czech newspapers and leftist Czechoslovak newspapers went too far not to be rejected or counter-acted. As a result, a part of the Slovak Canadian press was forced into the defensive and into a fight with the Czech and so-called Czechoslovak newspapers .48 If one wants to judge the relations between the Slovaks and the Czechs from these polemics or from the attacks by some Czech papers on Slovaks and, particularly on the Slovak aspirations for self-government, he will easily come to the conclusion that there is hardly any possibility for co-operation between these two groups in Canada, and that Slovaks and Czechs at home and abroad have little reason to support the further existence of Czechoslovakia. On this brief outline of the Slovak press in Canada in relation to the political, social and cultural needs of the Slovak ethnic group which it serves, we can apply what Victor Turek said about the Polish press, that "it cannot be accurately interpreted without constantly bearing in mind that it has been a press of an oppressed nation struggling for its full freedom. It may be that other ethnic groups, originating from more fortunate countries, enjoying more stability and security, have created in Canada a different type of press - with different aims and duties. �104 SLOVAKIA It may be that for such other groups the importance of maintaining their native language and national traditions was not as paramount."49 FOOTNOTES 1. Kirkconnell, Canada, Europe and Hitier, (Toronto, 1939), p. 187. 2. The Canadian Almanac (1931) listed for the first time Slovak press in Canada with a circulation of 9,000. See Slavs in Canada, (Edmonton, 1966), p. 149. 3. See his contribution "The European-Canadians in their Press" in the Report of the annual meeting of the Canadian Historical Association, (Toronto, 1940), p. 86-87. 4. Ibid., p. 88. 5. Ibid., p. 91. 6. The first newspaper was published in Blairmore, Alta., under the name Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word). See K. culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade", Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy ( 1953), p. 98. 7. See the list of Slovak newspapers. 8. J. T. M. Anderson, The Education of the New Canadian, p. 84. 9. V. Turek, Polish-Language Press in Canada (Toronto, 1952), p. 22. 10. See E. Urban, "Censorship policies in Czecho-Slovakia," Slovakia, Vol. XV, p. 93-133. 11. See V. Turek, Polish-Language Press, Op. cit., p. 22. 12. Among the Slovak newspapers in Canada, Kanadsky Slovak was one of the main ones to adopt this line. 13. On Klesken, whose publishing activity spread also into the 1930's and 1940's, see K. culen, "Zomrel Juraj Klesken", Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy, ( 1960), p. 168-70. 14. See Slovenske Bratstvo, December 22, 1939. 15. See K. culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," (A brief survey of the history of Slovak journalism in Canada), Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy (1953), p. 104. 16. See "Zaznam o krajanskej tlaci v Kanade," Narodniarsky Kalendar (1966), p. 78. It seems that Slovenske Bratstvo was the real successor. 17. According to Narodniarsky Kalendar, loc. cit., it ceased to exist in 1941. K. Culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," Zoe. cit., gives the date October 1943. culen also comments on the legal action in which a Czech Consul Gardavsky was used as an expert in Slovak language even though he did not speak Slovak. �SLOVAKIA 105 18. See Slovenske Bratstvo "Este zije duch slovensky" (The Slovak spirit still lives) , December 29, 1939. 19. Ncirodniarsky Kalendcir, loc. cit., p. 79. The National Slovak Benefit Society also published a mimeographed publication Ncirodne Noviny (National News) on 4-6 pages, and edited by G. Surovsky. 20. J . f>uriancik, "Nase l'udove hnutie a jeho vznik", 13udovy Kalendcir pre Kanadu (1939), p . 22. 21. See 13udovy Kalendcir pre Kanadu (1939), p. 66-75. 22. Admiration for the Soviet Union, Spanish communists and hatred of capitalist countries, mixed with Slovak patriotism is apparent also in the calendar published by Hlas 13udu and called .Cudovy Kalendcir pre Kanadu . 23. V. Turek, Polish-Language Press, op. cit., p. 118. On the pro-communist ethnic press in Canada, A. R. Boyd, "The Foreign Language Press in Canada" in John Kosa (ed.) Immigrants in Canada (Montreal, 1955), p. 45. 24. See Pavol Blaho, "Ako doslo k zalozeniu Kanadskeho Slovaka" (How the Canadian Slovak was founded) Kalendcir Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy (1953), p. 111-4. 25. Ibid. , p. 112. 26. Ibid. 27. Both Hreha and Kvetan wrote plays and verseSI and Hreha was the author of the account on Slovaks in Canada published by the Encyclopedia Canadiana. 28. See Ncirodniarsky Kalendcir, (1966), p. 78. 29. On Debnarkin see the account on Slovak literature in Canada by Prof. Yaroslav Slawutych in the symposium Slavs in Canada; op. cit., p. 96. 30. K. culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," Zoe. cit., p. 108. 31. R. A. Boyd, in Kosa, Immigrants, op. cit., p. 44-45. 32. See list of Slovak publications outside Canada. 33. See K. Culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," Zoe. cit., p. 98-110. 34. See chapter on religious organization of Canadian Slovaks in SZovenski jezuiti v Kanade (1967). 35. See the chapter on Slovak religious organization in Canada; On Rev. Fuga see also Litercirny AZmanach SZovcika v Amerike (1967). �106 SLOVAKIA 36. See "The Foreign Language Press in Canada," Citizen, Vol. IV, No. 4. 37. The editor of Rozvoj was Kornel Piacek. 38. "All foreign language newspapers in Canada," according to the Citizen, "while they serve to introduce newcomers to life in Canada, also have an interest in keeping alive the native cultures of their readers. With this end in view, the papers encourage, publicize and promote cultural activities among the members of their respective ethnic groups and provide a medium of expression for literary and other cultural efforts. The editors believe that in this way their papers are making a contribution towards the enrichment of Canadian life." Citizen, Vol. IV, 4, p. 12. 39. A. R. Boyd, Zoe. cit. , p. 45. 40. Such was for instance the case of Nova Vlast' (Montreal, 1934-1948) replaced by the Czech weekly Novy Domov. 41. The favorite accusation was that of fascism and nazism. Unscrupulous attacks on the publisher of the Slovenske Slovo, led to investigations by Canadian authorities in 1940. The publisher, Juraj Kleskeii, was cleared, but refrained from further publishing of the newspaper. See K. culen, Zoe. cit., p. 101. 42. See Slovenska Obrana (Scranton, Pa.) , Nov. 3, 1939, Nov. 10, 1939, and Nov. 14, 1939, articles by Andrew Potocky, Secretary general of the Canadian Slovak League, M. Cano and Stefan J esenak as well as editorials. The newpapers which did not shy away from denunciations were according to Slovenska Obrana, Nova Vlast' and the leftist Hlas nudu. 43. Boyd, Zoe. cit., p. 46. 44. The author was for two terms President of the Canadian Ethnic Press Association and First Vice-President of the Canada Ethnic Press Federation, J. Novak, and others served on the board. 45. There were two cases of legal action as a result of these struggles. See K. culen "Slovaci v Kanade," Kalendar KSL for 1953, p. 102, Slovenske Bratstvo, Dec. 29, 1939 and Kanadsky Slovak, March 17, 1962 and fall . 46. See Kirschbaum, Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, p. 130-144 and p. 268-270. 47. See K. culen, Zoe. cit. , p. 101. 48. At the beginning of the War it was mainly the Slovak weekly Slovenske Bratstvo and from 1942 the Kanadsky Slovak which defended the Slovak point of view. The Czech and Czechoslovak point of view was advocated before and during the War by the weeklies Nova Vlast' and later by Nase Hlasy. 49. Cf. V. Turek, Op. cit., p. 27. �SLOVAKIA 107 SLOVAK LANGUAGE PRESS IN CANADA Newspapers (1910). Published by Andrew Lukca and Juraj Klesken in Blairmore, Alberta. Kanadske Noviny (Canadian News) (1928-1933). Published in Montreal. The newspaper changed publishers, editors and political lines several times. It was founded by J. Pribil. Nase Slovo (Our Word) (1931-1932). Published in Toronto, it was the first newspaper of Slovak communists. Robotnicke Slovo (Workers' Word) (1931-1932). Successor to Nase Slavo, it was published and edited by J. Huska. Hlas Dudu (The People's Voice) (1932-1940). Successor to Robotnicke Slovo, it was suspended in 1940 by Canadian authorities. Hlas Naroda (The Voice of the Nation) (1932-1934). I,t was published by Juraj Klesken in Blairmore. Nasa Mladez (Our Youth) (1932-1934). A supplement to Hlas Naroda and also published in Blairmore. Slovak v Kanade (The Slovak in Canada) (1933-1939). Published in Montreal by G. Kurdel and edited by F. Kvetan, it aimed at reflecting the political orientation of Slovak immigrants in Canada and opposed "Czechoslovak" theses. Nova Vlasf (New Homeland) (1934-1948). Founded in Montreal, its aims was to foster the official Czechoslovak ideology among Slovak and Czech immigrants in Canada. Slovensky Priekopnik (The Slovak Pioneer) (1939-1943). Edited by S. Zuber, it was considered by some to be the successor to Slovak Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word) v Kanade. Obeznik Slovenskeho Priekopnika (The Circular of the Slovak Pioneer) (1939). A tabloid which ceased to exist after a few issues. Slovenske Bratstvo (Slovak Brotherhood). Edited by Stefan Hreha, in its subtitle, it claimed to be the successor to Slovak v Kanade and for a short time was the official newspaper of the Canadian Slovak League. Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word) (1940-19 ). Published anew by Klesken in Blairmore, its purpose was to refute the attacks against the Slovak Republic made by Nova Vlast' and some communist newspapers. Nase Slovo (Our Word) (1941-1945). It succeeded Hlas Dudu when the Soviet Union joined the camp of the Allies. Dudove Zvesti (The People's News) (1945). Its present editor is J. f>uriancik and it is the mouthpiece of Slovak communists. Kanadsky Slovak (The Slovak Canadian) (1942). Founded during the war, it became the official organ of the Canadian Slovak League. It was founded in Montreal. In 1952 it was transferred to Winnipeg and in 1958 to Toronto. �108 SLOVAKIA Slovensky Hlas (The Slovak Voice) (1949). Founded in Windsor, Ontario, as the organ of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society. In 1951 it was transferred to Toronto. It is politically independent. Almanacs and Periodicals Prvy Kalendar Kanadskych Slovcikov (First Almanac of Slovak Canadians) (1934-1939) . It had only two issues. Cudovy Kalendar pre Kanadu (People's Almanac for Canada) (1939) . Died with the first issue. Neis Zivot (Our Life) (1950). Organ of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Canada, it was published by Dr. Paul Fundarek. Ekonomi ka ( Economics ) (1948-1949). Published by Stanislav Zuber in Toronto, this monthly's aim was to inform Slovaks in Canada on economic problems. Rozvoj (Progress) (1950-1951). A mimeographed monthly under the direction of K. Piacek for cultural and literary works. Domovina (Homeland) (1952-1954). Mimeographed periodical of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Toronto, it was edited by Julius Ksinan. Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy ( Almanac of the Canadian Slovak League) (1952). Published in Winnipeg, its first editor was Konstantin culen. Domobrana (Home Defense) (1953) . Organ of the Union of Slovak Combattants, it was first edited by Jan Doransky in Montreal, later transferred to Toronto and then to the United States. Pamiitnica Kanadskeho Slovenskeho Podporneho Spolku a Kalendar Slovenskeho Hlasu ( Souvenir Book of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society and Almanac of the Slovak Voice) (1957) . Edited by 0 . M. Debnarkin. Nase Snahy (Our Goals) (1965). Bi-monthly published in Toronto and sponsored by The Permanent Conference of Slovak Democratic Exiles. Religious Publications Ave Maria (1938-1939) . Published in Montreal by J . Skoda and an anonymous board of editors. Maria (1955- ) . Founded by Rev. M. Rusnak and Rev. F. Fuga, it serves the religious needs of Greek Catholic Slovaks in Canada and the U.S.A. Slovenski Jezuiti v Kanade (Slovak Jesuits in Canada) (1958). Published annually by the Slovak Jesuit Missionary Centre in Galt, Ontario. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1968, Vol. 18 Description An account of the resource Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 78 SLOVAKIA THE SLOVAK PRESS IN CANADA J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. For a long time the Slovak press in Canada was unknown even to such prominent experts on the life of the ethnic groups in Canada as Prof. Watson Kirkconnell. Writing in 1939 about the European-Canadians and their attitudes towards European problems during the 1938-1939 period, he made the following observation: The last census showed 30,401 Czechs and Slovaks, but did not subdivide these two distinct groups further. Until last spring there was a Czech weekly paper, ceske Noviny ("The Czech News"), published in Montreal, but it gave up the ghost about the time that Germany seized Bohemia, apparently expiring as a result of the withdrawal of financial support through the Czech Consulate-General, The Slovaks had no separate press, but there were many Canadian members of the Slovak League of America, which claims a membership of 300,000 and is bitterly anti-Czech and anti-Benesh.1 In fact, before 1939 there had existed, for shorter or longer periods of time, at least fourteen Slovak newspapers2 and periodicals. The first almanac of Canadian Slovaks, which included a short history of Slovak organizations in Canada had been published five years before the appearance of Prof. Kirkconnell's book; it seems, however, that Slovak newspapers and publications apparently had not come to the attention of Canadians. Speaking later to the annual meeting of the Canadian Historical Association, in his survey of the foreign language press, Prof. Kirkconnell drew quite a favorable picture of the Slovak press in Canada.3 It had existed, according to his report, before the Czechs or the Baltic peoples had their press in Canada and in "per capita" circulation before the Second World War, it ranked sixth among the foreign language newspapers. With 1.04 papers per home of four persons, it was ahead of Ukrainian, Polish, Russian, German, Italian press, and high above the national average. Prof. Kirkconnell explained this by remarking that "the height of the Finnish, Hungarian and Slovak figures is due to the fact that the bulk of these communities consist of post-war emigres, who brought with them political grievances that tend, at this short removal in time, to preserve their sense of identity." 4 He also pointed out that SLOVAKIA 79 "in some cases the foreign language press reflected in Canada the political divisions within the European countries, and that that many of these papers were edited here by political exiles who are men of considerable education."5 Although Slovak newspapers and periodicals from the United States were available for the small and scattered Slovak ethnic group, it did not prevent Slovak immigrants from publishing their own newspapers, periodicals and almanacs. In fact the first Slovak newspaper appeared in Canada in 19106 when the number of Slovaks in Canada was still very small and practically no Canadian Slovak fraternal organization existed yet on Canadian soil. With the influx of immigrants after the First World War not only the number of newspapers increased, but also the quality of the Slovak language press constantly improved. There were not less than 13 newspapers and periodicals published for shorter or longer periods, before the Second World War. Altogether 30 newspapers and periodicals in the Slovak language appeared in Canada between 1910 and 1967.7 This certainly contradicts the myth that the Slovaks who came to Canada before the Second World War were mostly illiterate8 and uninterested in public affairs. While some of the newspapers were of little importance or service to the Slovak community in Canada, others performed very useful tasks. In many respects the Slovak language press is the only source of information for history of Slovaks in Canada. It relates the struggles, hardships, successes and political divisions of the Slovak ethnic group i.n this country. Many problems of the first groups of Slovak immigrants in Canada were recorded perhaps in a crude but sincere manner in these newspapers or monthlies. They were founded to serve the needs of the immigrants who did not read the English or French press, and reflected the problems of a community, struggling with difficulties created by the language barrier and unfamiliar surroundings. The papers were also the principal source of information on the activities of the associations, parishes as well as on the political views on Slovak and Canadian affairs. Slovak immigrants to Canada came divided along political, as well as religious lines, and continued to fight their old battles on Canadian soil in their press and in their associations. Unfortunately, it is impossible to find 80 SLOVAKIA a copy of some of the thirty periodicals and newspapers published in various parts of Canada during the past 57 years. It is only through indirect sources that the existence and political orientation of some periodicals has been known, for neither the Slovak organizations nor the Canadian libraries were interested in collecting them. In fact , Canadian libraries and press directories showed a lack of interest in the foreign language press and confined their attention to newspapers alone, neglecting minor publications. The need for a Slovak press in Canada, where vast distances separated the small, scattered communities of Slovak farmers and miners, is understandable. Their desire to communicate with their countrymen and the fear of loneliness and isolation explain why so many newspapers, publications, printed or mimeographed have appeared during the last 57 years . This also explains why the first Slovak newspaper, and even some later ones, started in Alberta's mining towns. Only from the 1930's on, when the second wave of Slovak immigrants moved from farms and mining towns to the industrial centres, Toronto and Montreal became the centres of the Slovak language press. The largest Slovak newspaper, Kanadsky Slovak began its publication in Montreal in 1942, then in 1952 it was moved for a few years to Winnipeg and finally settled in 1958, in Toronto. Of the thirty Slovak newspapers, periodicals and publications, fourteen were founded in Toronto and the three existing newspapers, the present almanacs and the monthly Maria, as well as books, have been published for the past eight years in Toronto. Seven Slovak publications were founded and published for some time in Montreal. The three existing newspapers are sponsored by the Slovak Canadian fraternal organizations; the Canadian Slovak League publishes Kanadsky Slovak; the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society publishes Slovensky Hlas, and the leftist Slovak Benefit Society of Canada publishes Eudove Zvesti. All three newspapers promote the aims of their association, however, they also perform certain other tasks, and each of them has a distinct political line in Slovak and Canadian affairs. We can apply to the Slovak . language press what has been said of the ethnic press in Canada in general: SLOVAKIA 81 While the ethnic periodicals, by keeping up the reader's interest of his native country, emphasize his national consciousness and separate national identity, they help him at the same time to familiarize himself with the new country of his residence.9 From their modest beginning· when Slovak newspapers aimed at informing the scattered groups of miners or farmers of their problems and whereabouts, the Slovak language press progressed with years to more important and more diversified tasks. If the prime concern of the early Slovak newspapers was to make the life of immigrants, unfamiliar with their new country, its people, language and institutions, less lonely, by giving them information about their countrymen and opportunities for work in other parts of the country, the later newspapers helped to establish associations, parishes and became an important instrument of integration. At the same time the newspapers kept Slovak immigrants informed about their country of origin, by printing information which they could not find in Canadian press, and kept them also informed on Canada, because many did not read either English or French. In fact for a long time Slovak newspapers remained the principal source of information for Slovak immigrants about Canadian matters. Following the example of Slovak newspapers in the United States, the Slovak press in Canada began very soon to dedicate a substantial part of each newspaper to two issues: 1) the desire to keep alive or awaken national consciousness of Slovak immigrants, and 2) the necessity to fight the battles in which the Slovak people were involved in Czecho-Slovakia. The absence of censorship, which in Czecho-Slovakia silenced Slovak newspapers or permitted their publication with half-pages white 10 allowed Slovak newspapers in Canada to voice freely the grievances of the Slovak people and to fight vehemently for the political or social equality of Slovaks in their homeland. The feeling that they were allowed to express their views without hindrance, is reflected in all Slovak newspapers in Canada and one has to admire the warm patriotism and interest in cultural and political problems shown by the editors and contributors, whose education rarely went beyond high-school level. As was the case of the Slovak newspapers in the United States, the Slovak language press in Canada became an instrument which helped the immigrants to find more 82 SLOVAKIA comfortable places of living in their new country. On the other hand some Canadian Slovak newspapers also became advocates of autonomy and self-determination for Slovakia, while others followed the official policy of Prague governments or voiced their leanings to communism. In view of the role which Slovak associations and newspapers played in promoting the liberation of Slovakia from foreign domination, the publication and support of newspapers abroad was regarded by the Slovak people as a mark of patriotism, and to take a stand or to write in favor of freedom or equality of political rights for Slovakia was considered the moral duty of every Slovak abroad. This can partly explain the sacrifices which the Slovaks in Canada or in other parts of the world were willing to make to publish and maintain their press, and it also explains their continuous interest in the affairs of their country of origin. Long considered the free spokesmen of the Slovak nation, Slovaks abroad, including those in Canada, could not remain silent, especially after the Second World War when a communist system was imposed on the Slovak people. As a result, the Slovak press in Canada has reacted vehemently against the enslavement of their country of origin in the belief that by fighting communism it defended at the same time, freedom and democracy in Canada. Political involvement of Slovak language press in Canada after the Second World War became stronger than ever before, for another reason. Among the Slovak immigrants who came to Canada in the post-war period, many were not only interested in politics, but also left Slovakia for political reasons. Many of these new immigrants began to contribute political articles to the existing newspapers, and in both non-communist newspapers the new immigrants became editors (K. culen, J. Zvonar, J. Kutka and S. Reistetter in Kanadsky Slovak, M. Ferik, L. Gorekand, 0. M. Debnarkin in Slovensky Hlas). Slovak language press in Canada acquired more and more political character, and with the intensification of the Cold War and with the rising furror of the communist terror in Slovakia it became, once again, a spokesman for Slovakia. The influx of educated immigrants gave the Slovak newspapers at the same time, a higher level in cultural SLOVAKIA 83 matters, since some of the known Slovak writers, poets and scholars used the newspapers for publishing their poetry, short novels and essays. Although not all immigrants of the previous waves liked the new face of their papers, the leaders and delegates of the Canadian Slovak League always approved the new line. During the past few years the Slovak newspapers and the almanacs or kalendars, published by the associations which sponsor the newspapers as well, have dedicated, however, more and more space to Canadian or organizational issues, and in order to interest the Canadian-born generations, the Kanadsky Slovak has regularly published an English corner. At times there have been articles in English even on the front page, if the issue treated was supposed to interest or to be brought to the attention of the Government or of other ethnic groups. This tendency to pay more attention to the problems of the community is a general trend among the ethnic press in Canada. 11 While conserving the right to speak for the countries enslaved by communism and to criticise the communist regimes, many ethnic newspapers acknowledged the fact that the ethnic groups are becoming closer to Canada than to their countries of origin. Some of them try to help their homelands by stressing their loyalty to Canada and by making appeals to the Canadian Government to voice their aspirations. 12 The Slovak language press assumed certain other duties-such as helping its readers to overcome educational shortcomings resulting from the political situation in Slovakia during the period of foreign rule, and also trying to preserve cultural values threatened by hostile pressures. The Slovak-Canadian periodicals performed these duties conscientiously, in addition to the standard functions of newspapers serving a certain area. This duality of function is perhaps the most striking feature of the Slovak-Canadian press. Practically all the newspapers and almanacs contained not only information, but also articles on cultural and historical matters as well as poetry, short novels, epigrams and other writings. For several Slovak writers, poets and politicians the Slovak language press has been the tribune for their ideas and has helped them to overcome the feelings of futility and discouragement, which many immig- 84 SLOVAKIA rant intellectuals have experienced after their arrival in Canada. And since the Slovak people in Slovakia expected that their countrymen everywhere, especially on the American continent, would not only maintain their national heritage but also help Slovakia to obtain political freedom, and after the Second World War to regain national independence, the newspapers and almanacs have been giving· much space to the general problems of communism and democracy and to specific Slovak problems. From the very beginning the Slovak press was kept alive mostly by the sacrifices and selfless dedication of editors and contributors, and by the generous support of its readers. Only later, it was maintained or subsidized by the Slovak associations. At that point, however, Slovak newspapers and periodicals became less independent and more differentiated in their political leanings, so that according to its political colouring and character, the Slovak language press can be divided into the following categories: (a ) The early informatory, non-political Slovak pubcations; (b ) Newspapers collaborating with the Czech group and favouring close ties with Prague, but autonomy for Slovakia; ( c ) Slovak press rejecting co-operation with the Czechs and advocating Slovak independence; (d) Pro-communist publications; (e) Economic, cultural and other short-lived publications; ( f) Religious publications. No doubt a lesser number of newspapers and fewer political divisions would have been preferable, but Slovaks came to Canada divided along political and religious lines. Furthermore, the political developments in Slovakia, the economic and social difficulties of the years of the economic depression and the communist take-over after World War II, perpetuated their disunity. Needless to say, the adversaries of the Slovaks' aspirations for autonomy and later for independence, supported by the consular and diplomatic representatives of Czechoslovakia, used all available means to keep them divided and fighting among themselves, and used the Slovak language press to this end. SLOVAKIA 85 Newspapers and Periodicals The history of the Slovak language press in Canada begins with a newspaper called Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word ), published in Blairmore, Alta., by Andrew Lukca and Juraj Klesken13 in 1910. There is no evidence that the early Slovak immigrants in Canada published their own newspaper before this date. Slovak newspapers from the United States apparently satisfied the need of the scattered Slovak communities to read in their own language about Canada or Slovakia. Later, however, there was publishing activity which may surprise anyone who is acquainted with the difficulties of the Slovak immigrants in Canada, and with their small numbers. We can divide the survey of the Slovak newspapers into three periods, each corresponding with the individual waves of immigration. The first period was limited to the Canadian West and the Slovak Word is the only newspaper which was published and edited by Canadian Slovaks in that period. Modest in appearance and published at irregular intervals in a small tabloid form, the first issue of the Slovenske Slovo appeared in May 1910. Both the publisher and the editor came to Blairmore from Chicago, Ill., to join hundreds of Slovak miners who at that time worked in coal mines of the Crow's Nest Pass area. It was impossible to find out how long this first Slovak newspaper was published or how many issues appeared. As for the contents, the publication was written in a strong patriotic spirit, similar to that of Slovak newspapers in the United States before the First World War. The second period was not limited g·e ographically. Montreal and Toronto became the centres of Slovak publishing activity as well as of the successive disappearance of newspapers which had started with more enthusiasm than financial backing. Some of these newspapers, such as Kanadske Noviny for instance, ceased publication, but the newspapers which replaced them, did not start as new ones, but as a continuation of previous publications. As a result we find that Slovak v Kanade started as Volume VI, or Slovenske Bratstvo as Volume XII. The second period extends from 1928 to the end of the Second World War and was also marked by the birth of numerous religious periodicals, almanacs and tabloids. Juraj Klesken himself 86 SLOVAKIA made two more attempts at reviving a newspaper in the Canadian West, but failed, as did all individual undertakings in this field in Montreal or Toronto. The newspapers achieved more stability only when they became official organs of the fraternal organizations. At that time Slovak newspapers and periodicals also became divided along the political lines, and the divisions survive to this day. The second, as later the third period, was turbulent at times, full of polemics, bitter invective and in some instances even law suits resulting from partisan polemics and attacks. The atmosphere in the Slovak press was particularly poisoned by hate, denunciations and invectives in 1939 and during the war years, and again from 1948, when the Slovak and Czech political refugees arrived in Canada. In spite of denunciations by the Czech, communist and Czechoslovak press, no Canadian Slovak newspaper was prohibited by the Canadian Government except the communist one. The prohibition of the circulation of Slovak American newspapers, which was imposed upon the weekly Jednota and the bi-weekly Slovenskd Obrana as a result of false accusations, by the Czech and Czechoslovak newspapers, that they spread or advocated Nazism, was suspended14 shortly after it was put into effect. It created, however, an atmosphere of bitterness, and mutual accusations which divided the Slovak community for the entire period of the war. However, a positive result was forthcoming as far as Slovaks in Canada were concerned, as the Government authorities were skeptical from then on about subsequent denunciations of Slovaks by the Czech or communist newspapers. The First World War and the limited immigration to Canada from Slovakia until 1926 interrupted the publishing activity among Slovaks. Only the influx of Slovak immigrants around 1928, among whom many were involved in the post-war political and social clashes in Slovakia, led to the founding of new Slovak newspapers. The strongest centres for publishing activity in the period were Montreal, where from 1928 to 1939 five newspapers and one periodical were founded, and Toronto, where the small group of Slovak communists made three successive attempts at pub- SLOVAKIA 87 lishing newspapers. All these newspapers represented political and ideological differentiation of Slovak immigrants and can be divided into three categories: ( 1) Newspapers with Slovak patriotic leanings, defending the right of the Slovak people to political autonomy and their own cultural development; (2) Newspapers supporting the official ideology of Prague governments and advocating Czechoslovak national, linguistic and cultural unity; (3) Newspapers with socialist and communist tendencies. Some newspapers changed their original political orientation, while others stood firmly on their ideological ground. Kanadske Noviny (Canadian News) was the first newspaper of this period. Published in Montreal from 1928 to 1933, the newspaper changed publishers, editors and political lines several times. The founder, J . Pribil, was the owner of a travel and colonization agency, and when faced with a deficit, he sold the newspaper to his employees. They in turn sold it to the publishers of New Yorksky Dennik and the last owner was Gabriel Kurdel, whom we mentioned in connection with the first Slovak organization in Canada. Originally the newspaper advocated a close political union between Slovaks and Czechs along the lines of the official policy of Prague's government and its subtitle was: "Czechoslovak Weekly". G. Kurdel, after taking over the ownership, changed not only the political orientation of the newspaper, but also its name, to Slovak v Kanade. The editors, Stanislav Zuber and Martin Dudak, were also replaced. Slovak v Kanade (The Slovak in Canada) was published in Montreal from 1933 to 1939 and in some way it may be considered as a forerunner of Kanadsky Slovak. 1~ Kurdel, the publisher as well as the editor, Frantisek Kvetan, endeavoured to give the Slovak immigrants in Canada a newspaper which would reflect their political orientation and clear the confusion created by the official Czechoslovak propaganda in the ranks of Slovak Canadians. Unfortunately the financial burden was too heavy on the publisher, and the newspaper ceased publication on the threshold of the Second World War. Slovensky Priekopnik (The Slovak Pioneer) was, according to some sources,16 the successor of Slovak v Kana- 88 SLOVAKIA de and its editor, Stanislav Zuber, tried to keep its con- tents in line with the feelings and thinking of the majority of Slovak immigrants, who were not willing to support blindly the Czecho-Slovak National Association, which served the aims of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile. A legal suit against the newspaper by the President of the Association added to its financial difficulties and the newspaper discontinued publication in October 1943.17 A tabloid called Obeznik Slovenskeho Priekopnika (The circular of the Slovak Pioneer) also ceased to exist after a few issues. Slovenske Bratstvo (Slovak Brotherhood) was also published in Montreal as "The Democratic organ of the Slovaks in Canada" and it claimed in its subtitle to be the successor to the weekly Slovak in Canada. For a short time the Canadian Slovak League used Slovenske Bratstvo as its official newspaper. The newspaper and its editor, Stefan Hreha, however, were unscrupulously attacked by the newspaper Nova Vlast' and denounced in Ottawa. The apparent aim of the newspaper Nova Vlast' as well as of the former Consul General of Czechoslovakia in Canada, was to obtain the prohibition of Slovenske Bratstvo as well as the suspension of the circulation of all Slovak newspapers from the United States which did not support the political program of Dr. Benes. 18 Nova Vlast' (New Homeland) was founded in 1934 with the apparent aim of fostering the official Czechoslovak ideology among Slovak and Czech immigrants in Canada. From 1928 there was among Slovak immigrants a clear political differentiation, and not only the large group of those who adhered to the Slovak autonomist movement, but also the communist group, were sometimes critical of Prague's official policy. Backed by the consular and diplomatic representatives of Czechoslovakia Nova Vlast' sought to keep Slovak immigrants "faithful" to the concept of the ethnic and linguistic unity of the Czechs and Slovaks and resulting assimilation of the Slovak people. For some time Nova Vlast' avoided an open clash and published the official news of the First Slovak Mutual Benefit Society of Kirkland Lake .19 From 1939 however, the newspaper became aggressive toward everyone who did not agree with the political program of the Czech and Slovak exiled groups in England. The members of the Canadian Slovak League SLOVAKIA 89 and the editors of the newspapers which defended the right of Slovaks to self-determination were particularly attacked and unscrupulously denounced by Nova Vlast'. Until 1936 the newspaper had been edited by Stanislav Zuber, who for some time had been the editor of The Slovak Pioneer, But from 1936, an employee of the Bank of Commerce, Martin Dudak, was the responsible editor, and was helped by the former Consul General of Czechoslovakia, Dr. F. Pavlasek. In 1932 Juraj Kleskefl made another attempt at publishing a newspaper in the west. It was called Hlas Naroda (The Voice of the Nation) and was published in Blairmore, Alberta, from 1932 to 1934. Hlas Naroda was a small-sized publication on 4 pages, which included a supplement called Nasa Mladez (Our Youth). Financial difficulties caused the disappearance of both in 1934. However, Klesken was not a man to be easily discouraged. Since from 1934 not only the Czechoslovak newspaper Nova Vlast', but also the communist newspaper had attacked the patriotic group of Slovak immigrants, Kleskefl started publication in 1940, of Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word). The leading articles were written in English by well-known Slovaks from the United States and Canada: Dr. P. P. Hletko, S. Palickar and F . Zeman. The articles shed new light not only on the Slovak leaders of the pre-war period but also on the Slovak Republic and its President, Dr. J. Tiso, which the adversaries of Slovakia used as a pretext to accuse the publisher of spreading and advocating nazism. Kleskefl was cleared by Canadian authorities, but he discontinued publication of his newspaper. This was the third and last attempt at publishing a Slovak newspaper in the Canadian West. The small group of Slovak communists started publication of their first newspaper in 1931. The name of the mimeographed publication was Nase Slovo (Our Word) and it was published in Toronto. According to one of the editors of the Communist press in Canada, J . f>uriancik, this "labour-progressive" newspaper looked miserable, as miserable as those who contributed their last nickels for its first issue. It was mimeographed on simple sheets and not in newspaper size." 20 A year later its name was changed to Robotnicke Slovo (Workers' Word) and was printed as a regular newspaper. The publisher and editor of the Work- 90 SLOVAKIA ers' Word was J. Huska. These two first leftist newspapers were socialist rather than communist in their contents and orientation. When the Slovak communists organized their Slovenske Kulturne Sdruzenie (Slovak Cultural Association), the newspaper Robotnicke Slovo changed its name to Hlas Eudu (The People's Voice). It was published twice a week and both the Slovak Cultural Association and the newspapers adhered to communist ideology. The communist movement has never had many supporters among Slovak immigrants in Canada. To attract members they formed front organizations like Slovenske Kulturne Sdruzenie or various clubs 21 and used slogans of social justice, progress, peace and democracy. Around 1939 the newspaper Hlas Eudu edited by Cyprian Slimak, became, however, an agressive tool of communist propaganda among Slovak immigrants in Canada22 and as a result, the Canadian authorities ordered its suspension in 1940. The Canadian Government, using its war-time emergency powers, prohibited all communist newspapers and dissolved communist organizations. When the Soviet Union joined the camp of the Western Allies in 1941, Slovak leftist groups started publication of Nase Slovo (Our Word) as a continuation of Hlas Eudu. At the end of the war the newspaper changed its name to Eudove Zvesti ( People's News ) and has survived until the present time, edited by J. f>uriancik for the past two decades. The newspaper remained faithful to its program and to the Prague government even in the period of the socalled cult of personality, when the most prominent Slovak communists were either hanged or sent to jail for life by the Czechoslovakian leaders of the Communist Party. Unlike the other Slovak newspapers, the Slovak communist press in Canada did not gain any of the post-war educated immigrants as contributors or editors. Slovak communist newspapers were published and edited by devoted organizers of the communist movement whose partisan zeal overshadowed their education. How much financial help or how many articles for printing the communist press received from Czechoslovakia, is hard to say. Yet many articles seem to indicate that they were written by educated people. Eudove Zvesti never failed to publish SLOVAKIA 91 attacks and smear propaganda, originated in Prague, against Slovaks in Canada who disagreed either with the communist or the Czech rule in Slovakia, which would indicate that the newspaper is more concerned with how to please the Prague government than to serve the interest of the Slovak immigrants in Canada. We may say about the Slovak language communist press what Turek recorded on the Polish language press in Canada, that: The Polish-language communist press in Canada, as well as the whole party organization, were always characterized by strict discipline, efficient organization and fanatical dedication on the part of the leaders. Needless to add, the general policy was always dictated from outside, and the local leadership was charged only with its execution. Thanks to this rigid organization and discipline, the communist group managed to maintain for thirty years its own press, even though it never had a wide circulation and could not rely on any substantial advertising revenue.23 The founding of Kanadsky Slovak in 1942 was the result of political struggles within the Slovak cummunity in Canada. After the communist group established its press and the Czechoslovak group received strong support from the Czech representatives of the exiled Czech politicians in London, the large part of Canadian Slovaks who were neither pro-communist nor pro-Czech felt an urgent need for their own newspaper. The leaders and members of the Canadian Slovak League were particularly anxious to have an instrument of defense against the combined attacks of the pro-communist and pro-Czech press. Not only did some of them suffer as a result of denunciations by the proCzech and pro-communist newspapers, but also they could not look on, inactive, at the political confusion created among Canadian Slovaks by portraying inaccurately the situation in Slovakia. The decision to publish their own newspaper was taken at the Fifth Congress of the Canadian Slovak League, held on September 8-10, 1941.24 The first issue was published on March 5, 1942 in Montreal and, as evidenced by its contents, there was no doubt that it was published in order to defend the members of the League against accusations by the leftist and Czechoslovak newspapers. It was decided that the newspaper should be published in Slovak "national and 92 SLOVAKIA Christian spirit",25 which the publication has endeavoured to do for the past 26 years. The first editor of Kanadsky Slovak was a young, courageous newspaperman, Stefan Hreha, who had previously edited Slovenske Bratstvo. During his military service he was replaced by Frantisek Kvetan until 1946, when Hreha again took up his duties. 26 In 1949 the Eight Congress of the League elected Konstantin Culen, a well-known journalist and author of numerous works on cultural and political history, 27 as assistant editor. In 1952 the newspaper was transferred to Winnipeg, where the League purchased a printing shop, and Culen became the editor-inchief of the newspaper, as well as of the Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy, which began publication in 1953. From Winnipeg and from 1958 in Toronto, Kanadsky Slovak was edited exclusively by the political refugees. Among those in Winnipeg were the poet Jozef Zvonar-Tien, Jozef Kutka and for a decade now, Stefan Reistetter, whose original profession was teaching, but who had been attracted by politics and journalism in Slovakia. Also among the contributors for the past 20 years were mostly the postwar immigrants, even though the "old guard" - Andrew Kucera, Andrew Potocky, Pavol Blaho and others - regularly sent contributions on special occasions. The founding of Kanadsky Slovak closed the second period of the Slovak language press in Canada. A new period opened in 1949 when the second largest Slovak organization, the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society began publishing its official organ, Slovensky Hlas in Windsor. 2 " In the third period several periodicals started publication and some survived. The number of newspapers was stabilized, as were their political and ideological leanings and programs. The standards of the newspapers improved, except for the communist weekly, owing to a large number of contributors from among the political refugees . At the outset, Slovensky Hlas was published on four pages and was concerned primarily with organizational matters. In 1951 it was transferred to Toronto and enlarged to eight pages with varied contents, and has been published monthly. Without fighting party politics it informs its readers in an objective way on Canadian and Slovak problems. Rooted in tradition of Slovak newspapers SLOVAKIA 93 as they originally appeared in Canada or in the United States, it dedicates a substantial part to Slovak cultural and national issues, in order to keep Slovak national consciousness alive, then to the matters of the association which is its sponsor and publisher. Slovensky Hlas was edited in Windsor by J.M. Gerez, Jr. , and :r.udovft Garek. After its transfer to Toronto, Mikulas Ferik and the poet Ondrej M. Debnarkin29 took over the editorial duties. Debnarkin also edited the almanacs published by the Canadian Slovak Benefit Soci ety while Garek became Secretary General of the Societ y . Both are postwar immigrants to Canada. Apart from Slovensky Hlas several short-lived mimeographed monthlies were published in the post-war period. In 1948 Stanislav Zuber began publishing a monthly under the name E konomia. According to cul en the original plan of Zuber was to put into the hands of Slovak immigrants a periodical dedicated to economic problems, but there was not enough interest for such an undertaking and the experiment did not prove successful. E konomia ceased to appear in its second year. 30 The second monthly was published in Toronto by Dr. Paul Fundarek, another member of the group of young educated Slovaks who preferred exile to the submission to communism. The name of the publication was Nds zivot ( Our Life) and it was considered an official organ of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Canada. Born of enthusiasm, but without funds, it was short-lived, ceasing publication with its tenth issue. In 1952 the group of members of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Toronto began to publish a mimeographed periodical Domovina ( Homeland ) . Its editor was a young lawyer, Julius Ksinan, who made a name for himsef in Slovakia in the post-war years by courageously defending one of the members of the Slovak government, Alexander Mach. His attempts at making a career in journalism were not, however, very successful. The publication reflected the turbulent period among Slovak exiles but without contributing positively to political or cultural activities of Slovaks in Canada, it suffered the fate of its predecessor Nds zivot and ceased to exist in 1954. In 1953 the Union of Slovak Combattants made an at- 94 SLOVAKIA tempt at founding a new periodical in a mimeographed form. The publication was called Domobrana (Home Defense) and was edited by the poet Jan Doransky in Montreal. Later it was transferred to Toronto and published at irregular intervals, in a printed form. After its transfer to Toronto Domobrana was even more intolerant and defamatory than Domovina in its attacks on the leaders of the Slovak exiles who disagreed with the methods and views of the Union of Slovak Combattants. It was later transferred to the United States. As A. R. Boyd wrote on ethnic press in Canada, the Slovak language press "has had a chequered career. The rates of birth and mortality have been high. [But] it was inevitable that [it] should have made its appearance." 31 It was kept alive mostly by idealism and unpaid work as well as monetary contributions by its readers, leaders of the associations and underpaid editors. Fund raising on every possible occasion, such as weddings, banquets, picnics, was for a long time one of the main sources of revenue for covering the publishing expenses. With a few exceptions all the editors had to have another job in order to earn enough money to live. Almanacs and Religious and Cultural Periodicals Among Slovak language publications in Canada, almanac or "kalendar", published by Slovak organizations, and religious monthlies or souvenir books published by parishes played an important part socially and in education. Both monthlies and almanacs were favoured reading of the Slovak rural population in Europe, and the habit of having something to read for the long winter evenings, was brought to Canada and preserved. It was, perhaps, even more important in Canada because the almanacs and souvenir books as well as the religious monthlies published information not only on the Slovak communities in Canada, but also articles and pictures about the life of Canadian Slovaks, in addition to the educational articles, short novels and patriotics, moralistic or religious poetry. If this kind of publication appeared in Canada in the Slovak language comparatively late (the first in 1934) or if it was not numerous, the reason can be found in the distribution of well-established publications of a similar type SLOVAKIA 95 from the United States. Some Slovak immigrants also received almanacs and religious monthlies from Slovakia. As a result their publication in Canada began only after the Slovak associations and parishes were established. In their appearance and content, they followed the pattern of their Slovak American counterparts as well as that of almanacs published in Slovakia. The first almanac was published in 1934 under the title Prvy Kalenddr Kanadskych Slovdkov na rok 1934. It approached its readers with the slogan "May brotherhood and concord prevail among us" and was edited by a group of well-known organizers of Slovak community life: G. Kurdel, F. Zeman, J. Pavlovic, F. Kvetan and Rev. Urban Koval. According to the introductory note, the almanac was not sponsored by any fraternal organization, as was the case later, but by a "Slovak Publishing Company". This first almanac contains valuable information on the life and organizational activities of Slovak immigrants in Canada before 1934. There are articles from practically all provinces on the founding and activities of fraternal societies and parishes, with pictures of their leaders and members. The almanac also published a survey of the history of Canada with photographs of the Parliament Buildings in Ottawa, Regina and Victoria and several general views of the cities of Montreal, Toronto, Winnipeg, Edmonton and Vancouver, in addition to short novels and verses written either by poets in Slovakia or by Slovak immigrants in Canada. The contributions, even though written by people with limited education, except for F. Zeman, were written in a spirit of idealism and patriotism towards Slovakia but with a strong sense of attachment to Canada. Unfortunately, the Kalenddr was published only twice and several years passed before new almanacs appeared. The next almanac was published in 1939 by the leftist group under the name Eudovy Kalenddr pre Kanadu, ( People's Almanac for Canada) but died out with the first issue. It was concerned mainly with communism and Russia but also dealt with Slovaks and Canada, and contained some useful information on the small group of Slovaks who drifted away from the bulk of Slovak immigrants in Canada, as well as on the first leftist organizations. Slovak almanacs began to appear 96 SLOVAKIA as regular annual publications only after the Second World War. The largest Slovak fraternal organization in Canada, the Canadian Slovak League, began to publish its Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy in 1952. The place of publishing this time was in the west, in Winnipeg. The number of contributors from among the "older" immigrants was comparatively limited in the first issues of the Kalendar since there were already many Slovak writers of the post-war immigration who wrote for newspapers and almanacs published in Canada, the United States and elsewhere.32 The editor, Konstantin Culen, wrote a good deal of the material himself. The contents of the Kalendar were of an informative and educational nature and referred to the organizational life of Slovaks in Canada, as well as to cultural and political problems of Slovakia and Canada. The almanac was later transferred to Toronto and besides the leaders of the Canadian Slovak League many known Slovak writers and publicists regularly contributed articles on cultural or political matters as well as verses and short novels, making the Kalendar an interesting and valuable symposium. At the same time the Kalendar published articles on the hi.story of Slovaks in Canada in Slovak as well as in English and the first survey of the Slovak language press. 33 The Kalendar at all times manifested loyalty to Canada and interest in the fate of the Slovak people whose freedom and independence it strongly advocated. After Culen left for the United States, the Kalendar was edited by ~tefan Reistetter and an anonymous editorial board, composed of the main contributors. The administrative duties and problems with publication and distribution of the Kalendar were in Toronto, mostly in the hands of the Publishing Committee of the Canadian Slovak League. In 1957 the second largest Slovak fraternal organization, the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society, began to publish its yearly almanac. The first issue was published under the name Pamatnica Kanadskeho Slovenskeho Podporneho Spolku a Kalendar Slovenskeho Hlasu (Souvenir Book of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society and Almanac of the Slovak Voice for the year 1957 ). It seems to have been edited by 0 . M. Debnarkin, although a notice on the front page states that it was prepared by the editorial board of SLOVAKIA 97 the newspaper Slovensky Hlas. The contents of the Pamiitnica deal mostly with the achievements and problems of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society which in 1952 celebrated its 25th anniversary. It contains articles and pictures of the founders and main leaders of the Society and its branches, and several verses by the editor. The following issues dedicated more space to literary and cultural contributions, though articles on the goals and achievements of the sponsoring society, and contributions by the leaders and members, were always more numerous than in the almanac of the Canadian Slovak League, whose contributors were predominantly the post-war immigrants. Conservative and educational rather than political and literary, the almanac of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society has fulfilled among its readers, the function of an organizational publication. The leftist Slovak Benefit Society did not issue any regular publication of the type of almanac except for one issue of Eudovy Kalenddr pre Kanadu in 1939 as previously mentioned. Slovak almanacs or "kalendars" in Canada had to compete with similar publications distributed by the Slovak fraternal organizations in the United States. The Canadian members of the First Catholic Slovak Union, have been receiving yearly a well-edited Kalenddr Jednota which, in its 200-300 pages brings articles and pictures from the life of Slovaks in both countries and many educational, literary and political articles referring to Slovakia and to the new homelands of Slovak immigrants. The gymnastical fraternal organization Slovak Catholic Sokol also provides its Canadian members with a yearly almanac of comparatively high literary value, as does the National Slo1Yak Society, which sends to its Canadian members not only a newspaper, but also an almanac, called Ndrodny Kalenddr, which was founded in 1893 and is considered one of the best Slovak almanacs. Slovak religious publications in Canada were not numerous and in view of the religious consciousness of the Slovak people, need some explanation. Basically it was for the same reason mentioned in connection with the religious organization of Canadian Slovaks: immigrants from Slovakia to Canada were either unmarried young men or those 98 SLOVAKIA who were married left their families at home. They moved from one mining camp to another or from the West to the East looking for jobs, and established their permanent home and place of residence very slowly. Another reason was the lack of Slovak priests who would have organized parishes and taken care of the religious needs of Slovak immigrants.34 As a result of this situation, the first Slovak Canadian religious monthly appeared only in 1938. It was published in Montreal, under the name Ave Maria, by J. Skoda, and was in elaborate form and large size, containing many pictures. J. skoda was assisted by an anonymous board of editors. Also called the Slovak Catholic Rosary News in English, it contained religious articles and news on Slovak Catholics in Canada. A new monthly was not published until 1955 when the Slovak priests of the Byzantine Rite came to Canada and began to organize Slovak Greek Catholic parishes. The founders of the monthly, published under the name Maria, were Rev. M. Rusnak, and Rev. Francis Fuga, pastor of the Slovak Greek Catholic parish in Hamilton.35 The publication found a generous supporter in Stephen B. Roman and survived all difficulties over the past eleven years. The circulation amounts to 1,500 copies and it has subscribers also in the United States and other parts of the free world. As all religious foreign language publications in Canada, these two monthlies served not only the religious needs of the Slovak immigrants, but also fulfilled cultural and social functions. They have recorded important events among Slovaks in Canada and in the world, but their main goal remains religious. Nearly all Slovak parishes published on the occasion of their inauguration, or for anniversaries, souvenir books, some of which, as the Souv enir Book of the Fifth Anniversary of the Church of the Visitation in Winnipeg, (Winnipeg, 1955) contained valuable information, not only on the church and its community, but also a short history of Slovak immigrants in Manitoba. Souvenir book of the dedication of the Slovak Greek Catholic Church of Ascension i n Montreal (Montreal, 1962), with many photographs, re- corded the history of the parish as well as of the building of the church. Pamiitnik Tridsat'rocneho Jubilea Zalozenia SLOVAKIA 99 Slovenskej Evanjelickej Lutherdnskej Cirkvi vo Windsore, Ontario, ( Souvenir Book of the Thirtieth Anniversary of the Nativity Slovak Evangelical Lutheran Church in Windsor, Ontario) published in 1958 also brings a short his- torical outline of the life, organization and activities of the Slovak Lutheran community. The "Memorial Book" of the Slovak Lutheran Church of Ascension in Montreal was published in 1954 and contains a short history of the congregation in Slovak and English, as well as pictures from the life of the congregation. The inauguration of the Slovak Junior Seminary in Sarnia was also recorded by the publication of a Souvenir Book as were the inauguration of parishes or churches in Hamilton, Welland and others. The 25th Anniversary of Sts. Cyril and Methodius Roman Catholic parish in Toronto recorded in 1959 in a special souvenir book, also records the history of the parish with many pictures, and is considered to be one of the best publications of its kind. The Slovak Jesuit missionary centre in Galt has produced, since 1958, an annual publication called Slovenski Jezuiti v Kanade, ( Slovak Jesuits in Canada). The publication contains mainly reports on the activities of Slovak Jesuits in Canada and the United States. There have also been, however, articles on general religious problems and in the issue for 1966, Rev. J. Moravsky published a valuable survey of the religious life and organizations of Slovak Catholics in Canada. The value of the publication for the history of Slovaks in Canada, may one day be considerable. In conclusion we may say about the Slovak religious press in Canada what is generally said of the ethnic religious press: The Slovak Canadian and Slovak religious press aimed at serving the religious needs of Slovak communities of various denominations and the papers are very similar to their French, English and other ethnic counterparts. Although some of these religious papers are small, unpretentious and at times published irregularly, their importance is far in excess of their physical characteristics. Like the foreign language press in general, the religious papers provide a link with the past life of the immigrants and thus serve as a stabilizing force in their new environment, particularly with regard to moral standards. 36 As for cultural publications, there was only one attempt at establishing a Slovak non-political, cultural and literary periodical in Canada. The young educated post-war 100 SLOVAKIA immigrants, whose university studies were interrupted by the communist occupation of Slovakia, began to publish in Montreal, in 1949, a monthly called Rozvoj (Progress ) of long standing among university students. 37 It was published in a large-size on 90 pages, and among its contributors were some of the most outstanding intellectuals, poets and writers. After a year the publication ceased to exist. The main reason for its disappearance was the hard beginning of the educated Slovak newcomers to Canada and to other countries. On the other hand, the newspapers and almanacs available in Canada were willing to publish any literary or cultural contribution and there was, therefore, no particular need for a new publication. 38 Along with Rozvoj publication was also discontinued of a series of literary works by young Slovak writers in exile, called Edicia Rozvoja, which started with a drama Krvavy Kriz (Bloody Cross), written by a Slovak poet, Karol Strmefl, under the nom de plume Milan Novak. Slovak-Czech Relations in the Slovak Press in Canada Analyzing the reasons for the founding of the foreign language newspapers in Canada, Allan R. Boyd writes, that primary factor in the establishment of an ethnic press was the growing national consciousness of certain groups whose European territories were under the rule of what they regarded as foreign powers. The pervading nationalism which germinated and grew throughout Europe during the nineteenth century had its reflection in the press established abroad. Ethnic groups abroad always have been concerned with events affecting their homeland, even when that homeland is not engaged in a struggle for liberation or independence. Thus one of the 'raison d'etre' of the press which came into being was the preoccupation with, and propagation of, ideals of national independence." 39 The Slovak language press has been no exception in this regard. Since 1928, when the first Slovak newspaper of the inter-war period appeared in Canada, the Slovak-language press was divided in its attitude towards the policy of Prague government with regard to Slovakia as well as toward the Czech emigrants in Canada. There were many attempts at keeping alive the false pretension that Czechs and Slovaks were one ethnic group and a few newspapers, SLOVAKIA 101 published in the Slovak language, called themselves "Czecho-Slovak weeklies". Those papers, were, however, not many and there was usually behind them either Czech financial support or they served at the same time the needs of the Czech community in Canada. 40 These "Czechoslovak" newspapers defended the Czech policy in Slovakia and systematically wrote against Canadian Slovaks who were on the side of the Slovak political movement which aimed at autonomy and self-rule in Slovakia and stressed that Slovaks were a distinct ethnic and cultural entity. The debates on these subjects were often conducted in strong terms and with little respect for the facts and feelings. Shortly before and during the Second World War some "Czechoslovak" newspapers used demagogy and denunciations41 against those Slovaks who differed in their opinions from the Czech views on the policy of Prague or from the political aims of the Czech exiles in London. The controversy was fought not only in Slovak papers in Canada, but also in the United States, particularly when the Slovaks, who did not agree with the "Czechoslovak" political line, were accused of disloyalty towards Canada.42 As the War progressed the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs in Canada were more tense, and the polemics more heated in the Slovak language press. The continuous attacks by the Czech oriented and pro-Communist Slovak newspapers on the leaders and members of the Canadian Slovak League led finally to the founding of the Kanadsky Slovak, which reflects, from 1942, the other side of the tense Slovak - Czech relations. The fact that Slovakia after the War, instead of receiving independence, not only was returned under the Czech rule but also the Communist system was imposed upon the Slovak people, contributed to an increase of the proportion of space devoted by the Slovak language press in Canada to the problems of the "old country" or in other words to the Slovak-Czech relations. Moreover, the new enslavement of the Slovak people led to the foundation of some periodicals, devoted to the political objectives of Slovak exiles and refugees who arrived in Canada around 1950. They were, however, all short-lived and some of them appeared at irregular intervals, mostly when their anonymous contributors and editors felt the need to attack and slander other Slovak emigres or Slovak organizations. 102 SLOVAKIA Particularly, the contributions of the new immigrants to the older Slovak newspapers concentrated mainly on national problems and on the defence of the Slovak people's right to independence explaining the situation in Slovakia during the war, which has constantly been misrepresented abroad. They were the "forced migrants" about whom R. A. Boyd writes that "naturally their own fate and that of their homeland deeply concerns them." 43 The Slovak language press in Canada has strongly reflected this new situation. As always before, it helped the integration of Slovaks with the mainstream of Canadian life, as well as with other ethnic groups. Some post-war immigrants endeavored even to strengthen the positive attitude of the Slovak press in Canada toward other ethnic groups, which except for the Czechs, had always been friendly and most co-operative in their relations with Canadian Slovaks. This is especially true with regard to other Slavic groups with whom the Slovaks in Canada felt kinship, and basically understood their language. Polish, Ukrainian, Slovenian, Croatian, and other Slavic events in Canada have been registered in the Slovak Canadian press and Slovak representatives occupied the highest offices in the Canadian Ethnic Press Association or Canada Ethnic Press Federation. 44 The negative attitude toward the Czech group, which appeared in the 1930's and became stronger during and after the Second World War, as mentioned before, was mostly caused by the tendency of some Canadian Czechs, and later of their newspapers, to speak on behalf and in the name of Canadian Slovaks, which the Slovaks resented; secondly, it was caused by the difference of opinions on the policy of Prague governments and Slovak aspirations for self-government; thirdly, by vicious attacks on Slovaks who disagreed with Czechs. 45 Even before the Second World War, when the Slovak newspapers regarded Czechoslovakia as their motherland, they were opposed to the policy of the Prague government which aimed at assimilation of Slovaks and domination of Slovakia by Czechs. Since the Czech and Czechoslovak Communist papers in Canada stood behind the Prague government and opposed the aspirations of the Slovak people for autonomy within Czechoslovakia, denying the existence of a culturally and ethnically distinct Slovak entity, conflicts flared up and were discussed with vehemence in the Slovak press. SLOVAKIA 103 The animosity and attacks were intensified especially during and after the Second World War. The proclamation of Slovakia's independence was considered by the Czech and Czechoslovak-oriented press as a treason, while for many Slovaks in Canada it was an achievement of national ideals. And because, soon after the proclamation of independence, Great Britain (and twenty-eight other states ) recognized the Slovak Republic and not only appointed a Consul of Her Majesty in Slovakia but also received a Slovak Consul-General in London, 46 many Canadian Slovaks and their press did not see anything wrong in looking favourably at the establishment of the Slovak Republic or did not see any reason to be against it. When the war started, the new Slovak government did not have, in their views, any choice and was therefore unwillingly on the side of Germany. Czech and Czechoslovak newspapers and organizations used however, this against the Slovaks in Canada and caused to many of them personal difficulties with Canadian authorities and a lot of injustice. 47 In fact, denunciations of Slovaks by some Czech newspapers and leftist Czechoslovak newspapers went too far not to be rejected or counter-acted. As a result, a part of the Slovak Canadian press was forced into the defensive and into a fight with the Czech and so-called Czechoslovak newspapers .48 If one wants to judge the relations between the Slovaks and the Czechs from these polemics or from the attacks by some Czech papers on Slovaks and, particularly on the Slovak aspirations for self-government, he will easily come to the conclusion that there is hardly any possibility for co-operation between these two groups in Canada, and that Slovaks and Czechs at home and abroad have little reason to support the further existence of Czechoslovakia. On this brief outline of the Slovak press in Canada in relation to the political, social and cultural needs of the Slovak ethnic group which it serves, we can apply what Victor Turek said about the Polish press, that "it cannot be accurately interpreted without constantly bearing in mind that it has been a press of an oppressed nation struggling for its full freedom. It may be that other ethnic groups, originating from more fortunate countries, enjoying more stability and security, have created in Canada a different type of press - with different aims and duties. 104 SLOVAKIA It may be that for such other groups the importance of maintaining their native language and national traditions was not as paramount."49 FOOTNOTES 1. Kirkconnell, Canada, Europe and Hitier, (Toronto, 1939), p. 187. 2. The Canadian Almanac (1931) listed for the first time Slovak press in Canada with a circulation of 9,000. See Slavs in Canada, (Edmonton, 1966), p. 149. 3. See his contribution "The European-Canadians in their Press" in the Report of the annual meeting of the Canadian Historical Association, (Toronto, 1940), p. 86-87. 4. Ibid., p. 88. 5. Ibid., p. 91. 6. The first newspaper was published in Blairmore, Alta., under the name Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word). See K. culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade", Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy ( 1953), p. 98. 7. See the list of Slovak newspapers. 8. J. T. M. Anderson, The Education of the New Canadian, p. 84. 9. V. Turek, Polish-Language Press in Canada (Toronto, 1952), p. 22. 10. See E. Urban, "Censorship policies in Czecho-Slovakia," Slovakia, Vol. XV, p. 93-133. 11. See V. Turek, Polish-Language Press, Op. cit., p. 22. 12. Among the Slovak newspapers in Canada, Kanadsky Slovak was one of the main ones to adopt this line. 13. On Klesken, whose publishing activity spread also into the 1930's and 1940's, see K. culen, "Zomrel Juraj Klesken", Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy, ( 1960), p. 168-70. 14. See Slovenske Bratstvo, December 22, 1939. 15. See K. culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," (A brief survey of the history of Slovak journalism in Canada), Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy (1953), p. 104. 16. See "Zaznam o krajanskej tlaci v Kanade," Narodniarsky Kalendar (1966), p. 78. It seems that Slovenske Bratstvo was the real successor. 17. According to Narodniarsky Kalendar, loc. cit., it ceased to exist in 1941. K. Culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," Zoe. cit., gives the date October 1943. culen also comments on the legal action in which a Czech Consul Gardavsky was used as an expert in Slovak language even though he did not speak Slovak. SLOVAKIA 105 18. See Slovenske Bratstvo "Este zije duch slovensky" (The Slovak spirit still lives) , December 29, 1939. 19. Ncirodniarsky Kalendcir, loc. cit., p. 79. The National Slovak Benefit Society also published a mimeographed publication Ncirodne Noviny (National News) on 4-6 pages, and edited by G. Surovsky. 20. J . f>uriancik, "Nase l'udove hnutie a jeho vznik", 13udovy Kalendcir pre Kanadu (1939), p . 22. 21. See 13udovy Kalendcir pre Kanadu (1939), p. 66-75. 22. Admiration for the Soviet Union, Spanish communists and hatred of capitalist countries, mixed with Slovak patriotism is apparent also in the calendar published by Hlas 13udu and called .Cudovy Kalendcir pre Kanadu . 23. V. Turek, Polish-Language Press, op. cit., p. 118. On the pro-communist ethnic press in Canada, A. R. Boyd, "The Foreign Language Press in Canada" in John Kosa (ed.) Immigrants in Canada (Montreal, 1955), p. 45. 24. See Pavol Blaho, "Ako doslo k zalozeniu Kanadskeho Slovaka" (How the Canadian Slovak was founded) Kalendcir Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy (1953), p. 111-4. 25. Ibid. , p. 112. 26. Ibid. 27. Both Hreha and Kvetan wrote plays and verseSI and Hreha was the author of the account on Slovaks in Canada published by the Encyclopedia Canadiana. 28. See Ncirodniarsky Kalendcir, (1966), p. 78. 29. On Debnarkin see the account on Slovak literature in Canada by Prof. Yaroslav Slawutych in the symposium Slavs in Canada; op. cit., p. 96. 30. K. culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," Zoe. cit., p. 108. 31. R. A. Boyd, in Kosa, Immigrants, op. cit., p. 44-45. 32. See list of Slovak publications outside Canada. 33. See K. Culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," Zoe. cit., p. 98-110. 34. See chapter on religious organization of Canadian Slovaks in SZovenski jezuiti v Kanade (1967). 35. See the chapter on Slovak religious organization in Canada; On Rev. Fuga see also Litercirny AZmanach SZovcika v Amerike (1967). 106 SLOVAKIA 36. See "The Foreign Language Press in Canada," Citizen, Vol. IV, No. 4. 37. The editor of Rozvoj was Kornel Piacek. 38. "All foreign language newspapers in Canada," according to the Citizen, "while they serve to introduce newcomers to life in Canada, also have an interest in keeping alive the native cultures of their readers. With this end in view, the papers encourage, publicize and promote cultural activities among the members of their respective ethnic groups and provide a medium of expression for literary and other cultural efforts. The editors believe that in this way their papers are making a contribution towards the enrichment of Canadian life." Citizen, Vol. IV, 4, p. 12. 39. A. R. Boyd, Zoe. cit. , p. 45. 40. Such was for instance the case of Nova Vlast' (Montreal, 1934-1948) replaced by the Czech weekly Novy Domov. 41. The favorite accusation was that of fascism and nazism. Unscrupulous attacks on the publisher of the Slovenske Slovo, led to investigations by Canadian authorities in 1940. The publisher, Juraj Kleskeii, was cleared, but refrained from further publishing of the newspaper. See K. culen, Zoe. cit., p. 101. 42. See Slovenska Obrana (Scranton, Pa.) , Nov. 3, 1939, Nov. 10, 1939, and Nov. 14, 1939, articles by Andrew Potocky, Secretary general of the Canadian Slovak League, M. Cano and Stefan J esenak as well as editorials. The newpapers which did not shy away from denunciations were according to Slovenska Obrana, Nova Vlast' and the leftist Hlas nudu. 43. Boyd, Zoe. cit., p. 46. 44. The author was for two terms President of the Canadian Ethnic Press Association and First Vice-President of the Canada Ethnic Press Federation, J. Novak, and others served on the board. 45. There were two cases of legal action as a result of these struggles. See K. culen "Slovaci v Kanade," Kalendar KSL for 1953, p. 102, Slovenske Bratstvo, Dec. 29, 1939 and Kanadsky Slovak, March 17, 1962 and fall . 46. See Kirschbaum, Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, p. 130-144 and p. 268-270. 47. See K. culen, Zoe. cit. , p. 101. 48. At the beginning of the War it was mainly the Slovak weekly Slovenske Bratstvo and from 1942 the Kanadsky Slovak which defended the Slovak point of view. The Czech and Czechoslovak point of view was advocated before and during the War by the weeklies Nova Vlast' and later by Nase Hlasy. 49. Cf. V. Turek, Op. cit., p. 27. SLOVAKIA 107 SLOVAK LANGUAGE PRESS IN CANADA Newspapers (1910). Published by Andrew Lukca and Juraj Klesken in Blairmore, Alberta. Kanadske Noviny (Canadian News) (1928-1933). Published in Montreal. The newspaper changed publishers, editors and political lines several times. It was founded by J. Pribil. Nase Slovo (Our Word) (1931-1932). Published in Toronto, it was the first newspaper of Slovak communists. Robotnicke Slovo (Workers' Word) (1931-1932). Successor to Nase Slavo, it was published and edited by J. Huska. Hlas Dudu (The People's Voice) (1932-1940). Successor to Robotnicke Slovo, it was suspended in 1940 by Canadian authorities. Hlas Naroda (The Voice of the Nation) (1932-1934). I,t was published by Juraj Klesken in Blairmore. Nasa Mladez (Our Youth) (1932-1934). A supplement to Hlas Naroda and also published in Blairmore. Slovak v Kanade (The Slovak in Canada) (1933-1939). Published in Montreal by G. Kurdel and edited by F. Kvetan, it aimed at reflecting the political orientation of Slovak immigrants in Canada and opposed "Czechoslovak" theses. Nova Vlasf (New Homeland) (1934-1948). Founded in Montreal, its aims was to foster the official Czechoslovak ideology among Slovak and Czech immigrants in Canada. Slovensky Priekopnik (The Slovak Pioneer) (1939-1943). Edited by S. Zuber, it was considered by some to be the successor to Slovak Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word) v Kanade. Obeznik Slovenskeho Priekopnika (The Circular of the Slovak Pioneer) (1939). A tabloid which ceased to exist after a few issues. Slovenske Bratstvo (Slovak Brotherhood). Edited by Stefan Hreha, in its subtitle, it claimed to be the successor to Slovak v Kanade and for a short time was the official newspaper of the Canadian Slovak League. Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word) (1940-19 ). Published anew by Klesken in Blairmore, its purpose was to refute the attacks against the Slovak Republic made by Nova Vlast' and some communist newspapers. Nase Slovo (Our Word) (1941-1945). It succeeded Hlas Dudu when the Soviet Union joined the camp of the Allies. Dudove Zvesti (The People's News) (1945). Its present editor is J. f>uriancik and it is the mouthpiece of Slovak communists. Kanadsky Slovak (The Slovak Canadian) (1942). Founded during the war, it became the official organ of the Canadian Slovak League. It was founded in Montreal. In 1952 it was transferred to Winnipeg and in 1958 to Toronto. 108 SLOVAKIA Slovensky Hlas (The Slovak Voice) (1949). Founded in Windsor, Ontario, as the organ of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society. In 1951 it was transferred to Toronto. It is politically independent. Almanacs and Periodicals Prvy Kalendar Kanadskych Slovcikov (First Almanac of Slovak Canadians) (1934-1939) . It had only two issues. Cudovy Kalendar pre Kanadu (People's Almanac for Canada) (1939) . Died with the first issue. Neis Zivot (Our Life) (1950). Organ of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Canada, it was published by Dr. Paul Fundarek. Ekonomi ka ( Economics ) (1948-1949). Published by Stanislav Zuber in Toronto, this monthly's aim was to inform Slovaks in Canada on economic problems. Rozvoj (Progress) (1950-1951). A mimeographed monthly under the direction of K. Piacek for cultural and literary works. Domovina (Homeland) (1952-1954). Mimeographed periodical of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Toronto, it was edited by Julius Ksinan. Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy ( Almanac of the Canadian Slovak League) (1952). Published in Winnipeg, its first editor was Konstantin culen. Domobrana (Home Defense) (1953) . Organ of the Union of Slovak Combattants, it was first edited by Jan Doransky in Montreal, later transferred to Toronto and then to the United States. Pamiitnica Kanadskeho Slovenskeho Podporneho Spolku a Kalendar Slovenskeho Hlasu ( Souvenir Book of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society and Almanac of the Slovak Voice) (1957) . Edited by 0 . M. Debnarkin. Nase Snahy (Our Goals) (1965). Bi-monthly published in Toronto and sponsored by The Permanent Conference of Slovak Democratic Exiles. Religious Publications Ave Maria (1938-1939) . Published in Montreal by J . Skoda and an anonymous board of editors. Maria (1955- ) . Founded by Rev. M. Rusnak and Rev. F. Fuga, it serves the religious needs of Greek Catholic Slovaks in Canada and the U.S.A. Slovenski Jezuiti v Kanade (Slovak Jesuits in Canada) (1958). Published annually by the Slovak Jesuit Missionary Centre in Galt, Ontario.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovak Press in Canada Description An account of the resource J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968 pp. 78-108 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/7b4cd390e774c25d5f3e3206149fdccc.pdf 4fb0dff7c24238b0e3038d9ced117dd3 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 55 JEDNOTA AND THE SISTERS OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS Mother M. Emerentia Petrdsek, SS. C.M. "How is it that you, Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, have your headquarters located in the diocese of Harrisburg, a diocese with so few Slovaks-with only three comparatively small Slovak parishes? And in Danville, of all places, where hardly a single Slovak family can be found? " This question, variously worded, has often been put to one or another of our Sisters. And since the diocese of Harrisburg is observing its 100th anniversary in this year of 1968, it seems fitting to consider this query. The explanation is quite interesting, but it cannot be given in just a paragraph or two. Drawing upon the history of the congregation will serve best. The Slovak Immigrant At the dawn of the present century a young Slovak priest, busily engaged in parochial work, nevertheless found time to study and observe the needs of his countrymen in widely scattered areas of their adopted land where they were rapidly making permanent homes. His observation and earnest study led him more and more to the conviction that one of the most urgent needs of his people was the education of their children. "We have a serious problem," he writes, "the problem of educating our children according to American methods and for American citizenship, without, however, destroying their national character and their cultural traditions." 1 In his day such sentiments were accepted as a matter of course; it was a later generation that introduced the questionable drive for rapid Americanization with its "melting pot" slogans. Now, after sixty years, those words of Father Jankola find the following endorsement in a modern textbook on American citizenship: "How foolish America would be . .. to destroy the wealth of culture brought to her by her immigrants. But America does not destroy! She is not a 'melting pot', boiling �56 SLOVAKIA down and absorbing immigrant cultures so that the finished product is a uniform nationality or culture. Rather, America builds! She takes the best in each culture brought to her shores and fits its color and design into a beautiful unity. The people of her farms, villages, towns and cities, with their many different cultures, nationalities, customs, and religious beliefs, make America a beautiful mosaic of many colored and differently shaped stones, all precious in themselves . Separated from one another, the effect of their beauty and luster is limited. Fitted together, they present something unique in the art of social living-a thing of beauty, a creation surpassing description." 2 Father Jankola, with unusual foresight, envisioned his people's contribution to America's mosaic as a distinct stone preserving all the color and luster of its old world heritage. Hence he writes in the 1900 issue of KALENDAR JEDNOTA: "Within 15 or 20 years in this new country and despite numerous handicaps, the Slovak immigrants have to their credit 40 churches of the Roman Catholic Rite and almost as many of the Eastern Rite. A not inconsiderable achievement! "But to insure progress in our churches and in our religious life, and to protect ourselves and our posterity against the rapidly growing dangers that threaten our faith and our mother tongue, we must have our own parish schools." Father Jankola proceeds to give a survey of the Slovak parish schools of the period, listing by name four in Pennsylvania, two in Illinois and one in New York. In most cases, he tells us, the school is conducted in European fashion by the parish organist. Only three of them are staffed by Sisters and of these only one can be considered a fully equipped "first class" school, which, he states, has four Sisters. "All in all," he concludes, "not a very bright picture. We must have schools, but they must be established and conducted according to American methods. If we intend to live in America, we must learn to live in the American way. And to insure this way of living, without detriment to our religious and national heritage, we must have our own schools, staffed by qualified teachers of our own."3 �SLOVAKIA 57 Father Jankola's Efforts to Procure Sisters At First Father Jankola applied for Sisters to established American Communities. "I tried many plans and methods," he wrote, in recalling his early efforts. "I ap· preached several Communities of Sisters in the hope that they might have Slovak or even Czech members to spare for our Slovak schools. After four Communities met my request with the regretful reply that they had far from sufficient Sisters for their own schools, I turned to Europe, appealing to the Sisters of the Holy Cross to send us three or four Sisters to settle here and train our Slovak young girls for the religious life. After a lengthy correspondence I met with the same disappointment. "Again I directed my attention to America. Armed now with a more definite plan, I decided to recruit candidates, who might one day form a separate Slovak branch of the Community which consents to train them." 4 To carry out his plan more effectively Father Jankola sought the cooperation of other Slovak priests, even beyond the Scranton diocese. Early in 1903 he held the first in a series of meetings with them, which resulted in the formation of a priests' society known as the St. Anthony's Treasury . The priests pledged themselves 1) Through parish sermons and articles in the Slovak press to inform the Slovak public of the project and win its support. 2) To contribute regularly with their parishioners to the St. Anthony Treasury's fund for the education and training of future Sisters and priests. 3) To watch for signs of a vocation in capable, intelligent girls and to encourage them to embrace the religious life.5 The Treasury flourished and faithfully fulfilled the aims proposed by Father Jankola. In May 1905 it was incorporated under the title of "Priests' Society of St. Anthony's Treasury," and the Charter, issued May 8, 1905, bears the following signatures: Fathers Joseph Murgas, Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, Matthew Jankola, John E. Stas, and Joseph Martincek.6 The response to the appeal of St. Anthony's Treasury was prompt and gratifying. Applicants presented themselves almost immediately. All were very young, but Father �58 SLOVAKIA Jank.ala considered this rather an advantage than a detriment, for, he remarked, it is best to begin from the foundation. His future Sisters must be educated from the rudiments up, and their education was paid for from St. Anthony's Treasury. The First Applicants Accepted at M arywood Placing the student-applicants for training was met with renewed regretful refusals from the religious communities to which Father Jankola had applied. Finally, Father Andrew Pavco, pastor of St. John Baptist Church, Pittston, suggested that Father Jankola call on the Reverend Mother General of the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, Scranton. "I understand her name is Mother Mary Cyril," he observed; "our common patron will surely favor us. Let us give it a trial in the name of God." 7 After a memorable visit with the founder in November 1903, Mother M. Cyril I.H.M. consented to receive and train the first three and an ever increasing number of candidates, who would in the providence of God form the nucleus of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. At first the young candidates, as aspirants, studied in the boarding academy with the regular students at Mount St. Mary's. As they advanced in their classes, they were admitted to the postulate and then to the reception of the habit, especially designed for them by the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart. Meanwhile, much thought was given to the status which the new Sisters would have. Would they be a part of the congregation of the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart? Would they join some other Community as a separate group? Or would they form an entirely new congregation? As these deliberations continued beyond the usual two years of novitiate and pastors of several Slovak parishes were growing impatient, Mother M. Cyril decided to have the three senior novices begin their teaching apostolate. With Father Joseph Murgas of Sacred Heart Church in Wilkes-Barre she arranged to place his school in their charge, under the guidance of an experienced Sister of the Immaculate Heart as superior. Opened on September 8, 1908 with 309 pupils, it was the first school staffed by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius.8 �SLOVAKIA 59 In 1909 a petition to the Holy See was drawn up by Father Jankola and the three priests most closely associated with him, namely, Fathers Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, and Joseph Murgas, and submitted to Bishop Michael J. Hoban, who obtained canonical approval for the new congregation from Pope St. Pius X .9 On September 11, 1909 the first three members-Sister Mary Mihalik, Sister M. Joseph Bartek and Sister M. Emmanuel Pauly-made their profession in the chapel of Mt. St. Mary's. The membership grew rapidly and within a few years additional schools were opened in the diocese of Scranton. It was generally taken for granted that the new congregation would establish its motherhouse in the Scranton diocese, but God's providence directed otherwise. Jednota Prepares the Way At this point it might be well to show how the Jednota was instrumental in the hands of Providence in shaping the destiny of the Community. In an article written by Mr. A. V. Kozak, an outstanding Slovak Catholic layman, the following facts are recorded: In 1906 the 12th biennial convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, held in McKeesport, Pa. proposed to buy 1and for the erection of buildings for its own use and for a motherhouse for the Slovak Sisters. A committee was appointed to select a suitable site, but since it did not succeed, the matter was deferred to the next, the 13th convention held in Youngstown, Ohio, in 1908, during which Mr. Kozak was elected Supreme president of the First Catholic Slovak Union. Under his direction the project was resumed. Counties in the vicinity of Harrisburg were visited and finally a suitable site was found in Dauphin County, near Middletown. In Mr. Kozak's own words: "The tract of land is a farm of 300 acres, the soil rich and fertile, the location beautiful and convenient of ac,. cess . . . The city of Harrisburg can be reached in 30 minutes and Middletown in less than five . The buildings on the grounds have telephone connections, gas and electric light, and very good drinking water. The section is historically known as Camp Meade from the time of the Spanish Amer- �60 SLOVAKIA ican War in 1898, when it was occupied by American soldiers. On the premises there are still three large artesian wells which the soldiers had used. Withouth doubt, it is an ideal spot." The purchase was transacted in the week of July 1, 1909, just before the feast of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and the cause was placed under the care of these two holy patrons. Mr. Kozak concludes: "Here will be located the institute of the First Catholic Slovak Union-a refuge for the orphans and a resting place for our aged. This institute will be under the care of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and here will be their center, their motherhouse. "It is our duty as well as to our interest to support this Slovak community of religious women, both materially and morally, in order that it may be firmly established as soon as possible, that it may wax strong, able to perform its mission efficiently. "This community is the spiritual concern not only of a few individuals, not only of the priests responsible for its foundation, but it is the spiritual possession of the entire Slovak nation." 10 Such were the words and sentiments of Mr. A. V. Kozak at a time when the young Slovak community was but three years old, numbering only 18 professed Sisters! He was a lifelong friend of the Slovak Sisters who looked upon their early days with the care and solicitude of a father, and who was ever ready to stand by with counsel and loyal support. And the Jednota and the Slovak people at large shared these sentiments. Bishop J. W . Shanahan Keenly Interested "Man proposes and God disposes" is a favorable proverb of the Slovaks. Many were the times when this was applicable in the history of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and that especially in the development of the plans regarding Middletown. The building of the orphanage was nearing completion and all attention was centered thereon. Yet, although it was generally understood among the Slovak people that the Sisters would take possession of the building, there was no specific assurance even about the first movement in that direction. �SLOVAKIA 61 The Most Reverend J. W. Shanahan, then bishop of Harrisburg, manifested a fatherly solicitude toward the young community from its very inception. He knew Mother Cyril well, having sought her aid some years previously in the foundation of another young community-the Lithuanian Sisters of St. Casimir. The fact that the Slovak Sisters had just taken charge of two new schools in his diocese (Mt. Carmel and Shamokin) intensified his interest. Many instances of his fatherly concern are recorded in the annals of the congregation. "I am anxious about Middletown," wrote the bishop in a letter to Mother Cyril, dated July 31, 1913, "not knowing how far the Slovak Jednota and the Slovak people will assist the new work. But my principal concern is about the religious side of the foundation. If that begins wrong it is utterly done for." 11 Mother Cyril reassured the bishop in a letter dated August 4, 1913, in which she gives him much of the information he was anxious to have: "We went to Middletown for the purpose of meeting the committee in charge of furnishing the new motherhouse. Plans were made for the accommodation of about seventy-five Sisters. We were careful to preserve economy and simplicity and found that necessary furnishing could be had at a cost of about $3600. The committee believed that a greater amount should be expended, but we adhered to the exclusion of superfluities. "With regard to your anxiety about the little community, I believe that there is no reason to fear . I think that the Jednota and the Slovak people will continue to be generous with the Sisters. There is one thing, however, that I should like the Sisters to accomplish, and that is, the acquiring of a portion of the Middletown property, so that in time to come the Sisters can have something of their own. As the years go on, they will feel the need of independence, to a degree at least, and now is the time to plan for the future. "So far as the religious side of the work is concerned, I feel confident all will be well. Ever since these children have been with us, they have conducted themeselves in such manner as to win the esteem and admiration of our community. I am voicing the opinion of all when I say that �62 SLOVAKIA they have never given us any trouble. The only thing I fear is their youth, but I hope that lack of years will be supplied by the grace that will attend their strict observance of their Holy Rule. The Rule has been carefully prepared for them, and is founded, as far as possible on Canon Law. It is somewhat different from ours, because we know from experience that some points should be made stronger for young religious who are beginning their career in this age. It is my earnest desire that the Young community will show their appreciation by strictly observing every point. If I may take the liberty, I wish to ask you kindly to guard this precious interest so that it will not be tampered with or changed in any way. It has been my experience that if one point of Rule is broken, it weakens the others: If these young Sisters keep their Rule strictly, their rule will so keep them that they will be a source of consolation to you rather than a cause of anxiety. " 12 But when the bishop wrote again he was still anxious about Middletown; he would like more certainty. It was this attitude of his that put a check on all the preparations in the temporary novitiate in Plymouth for the transfer to Middletown and later had a very significant bearing on the entire course of events. In a letter dated August 17, 1913, the bishop wrote: "A few weeks ago I called to inspect the Slovak operation at Middletown. I found that a good, strong building is going up. The contractor was getting ready to begin the plastering. I could get no information other than this at the new building or at the printery ... "My concern is not so much about the financial as the religious side of the enterprise; though the financial outlook is very misty indeed. Nobody seems to know anything of the future ." About the Holy Rule he added: "You need not fear that I will sharpen my axe for the Slovak Holy Rule. I have examined many Holy Rules, and I see many things to be reformed. But he would be rash indeed who would undertake the task of reformation. The proof of the pudding is in the eating; and if the religious orders of women in the United States have accomplished such wonderful things for Holy Church by reason of their strict adherence to the Holy Rule, it would be better for outsiders not to tamper with Holy Rules."13 �SLOVAKIA 63 The cause of this uncertainty about the future lay in the fact that the organization itself was not definitely sure about the main issue. The Jednota officers meant well. Mr. Kozak especially was sincerely devoted to the project. But there were the 50,000 members to consider. The plans, as adopted at the previous convention, provided for the building of an orphanage which the organization would sponsor and maintain. But to have a few Sisters at the orphanage to care for the orphans, and to have the entire community settled there were not the same thing. The officers were unwilling to decide this matter without the sanction of the members. That meant waiting for the next convention. When Bishop Shanahan discerned this hesitency, his course was decided. He would not allow the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius to occupy the building as their motherhouse. He gladly received the Sisters into the diocese to take charge of the orphanage, but as to making their community headquarters there, he set the condition that they must either acquire property of their own, or have part of the Jednota property deeded to them in their name. THE JEDNOTA HOME The orphanage was completed and furnished by the spring of 1914, ready for the arrival of the Sisters who were to take charge. On May 9, 1914, the first two orphans arrived. They were Philip and Mary Hrobak, brother and sister, from Cleveland, Ohio. Others followed them through the vacation months and by September, there were some thirty to begin the school term. The Home was very fortunate in its first inmates. They were unusually good, well-behaved children, giving evidence of careful and God-fearing home training. The Slovak people as a whole regarded them and the Sisters with affectionate interest, for the whole institution was to them the fulfillment of a long-cherished hope. In September of that year the First Catholic Slovak Union was to hold its 16th biennial convention in the city of Harrisburg. Bishop Shanahan's stand concerning the transfer of the community to Middletown had been received by the officers of the Jednota with full understanding. They lost no time in making arrangements to meet the conditions of the bishop. Plans and motions were pre- �64 SLOVAKIA pared, which, when placed before the delegates were unanimously adopted. The crowning feature of this convention was the dedication of the orphanage, whose full title is "Immaculate Conception Jednota Home." In the KALENDAR JEDNOTA of 1915 there is a record of this celebration from the pen of Mr. Andrew V. Kozak. A translation follows: Our Home at J ednota "The convention of the Slovak Catholic Union took place in Harrisburg in September, 1914. Much good was effected by this convention for our organization and for its members. The closing day, September 19, was marked by a significant celebration-the dedication of the Institution of the First Catholic Slovak Union. "It was truly a glorious day, enhanced by oeautiful weather. Early in the morning, the golden rays of the sun glowing from a blue, cloudless sky, warmed the earth. "As the delegates assembled in the convention hall this lovely morning, though weary from their week's hard work, there was joyful contentment on every countenance. The customary Christian greeting, 'Praised be Jesus Christ' was heard everywhere, followed by glad compliments on the beautiful weather. At eight o'clock the Supreme Officers and the delegates boarded the special train which conveyed them to our farm. In friendly conversation the time passed quickly and the cars stopped before the Jednota printery. The delegates marched up the lane to the Home which stands on a picturesque knoll several hundred yards from the printery. "On the neat lawn in front of the Home a large group of guests had already gathered. They were members of the local branches of the F.C.S.U. from nearby towns, and other individuals who had journeyed here to witness the most significant Slovak celebration in America. "The delegates filed into the chapel of the Home. The spiritual advisor of the F.C.S.U., the Rev. Stephen Furdek, celebrated the first Holy Mass in the chapel. After Mass, the delegates marched to the altar rail where each left an offering for the orphans. They then went out and took their places among the crowds of pilgrims in front of the building. In the meantime, the Most Reverend J. W. Shanahan, Bishop of Harrisburg, placed a large crucifix in the main �SLOVAKIA 65 loggia, and then, attended by the clergy, he went through the entire building, blessing it. "The Most Reverend Bishop then celebrated a pontifical High Mass in the open air at a temporary altar erected at the main entrance. The entire facade of the building was decorated with the American, Slovak and Papal colors. "On one side of the spacious veranda near the altar knelt our orphans and their devoted guardians, the revered Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. During the entire service these orphans knelt with their eyes fixed upon the altar. With childlike innocence and humility they prayed for their deceased parents and sent fervent thanks to the throne of the Most High for their benefactors, the members of the Catholic Jednota, who were providing them with this protecting roof and securing for them the services of the kindly Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. "It was truly a touching as well as inspiring picture which the kneeling orphans and their kind protectors present.ed as they prayed there so fervently. Many a spectator was moved to tears. "After the pontifical Mass, the Most Reverend Bishop read the cablegram from His Holiness, Pope Benedict XV, imparting the apostolic blessing upon all the members of the Catholic Jednota. "The Slovak sermon was delivered by the 'father of the Jednota,' the Rev. Stephen Furdek. He told how, in the early years when there were no Slovak Catholic churches in America, our first immigrants sought the churches of other nationalities where they could fall on their knees to worship God and thank Him for His blessings. Such was their faith and their devotion that American Catholics looked on with admiration. He pointed out that our people are generous and give willingly of their means for any worthy cause. A proof of this is the Institute just dedicated, which was built by the generosity of the good members of the Catholic Jednota that it might serve as a shelter for poor orphans, deprived of father and mother. He called attention to the noble mission of the devout Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, who have consecrated their virginity and their entire lives to Jesus Christ, their Spouse, who have become tender mothers without knowing motherhood, �66 SLOVAKIA and thus have become the greatest benefactors of poor Slo· vak orphans. "Every word of the venerable speaker reached deep into the hearts of the listeners, so that there was not one tearless eye. Father Furdek spoke with a heart overflowing with joy upon the realization of his long cherished desire. "The English address was given by the Most Reverend Bishop Shanahan. The Bishop extolled the good qualities of our Slovak people, declaring that the Slovaks are loyal, God-fearing and exemplary Catholics. He praised the generosity of the members of the Catholic Jednota, who, without murmuring, gave the funds which had made possible this fine building. "At the conclusion of his address, the Most Reverend Bishop called upon the Supreme President of the Jednota, the writer of these lines, to speak. Among other things, I said: 'It is now five years and three months since I first visited the vicinity of Harrisburg for the purpose of finding a suitable location for our Institution. I had then chosen this estate, where today stands our own building, the institute of the Catholic Jednota. During my term of office it was my fervent ambition to erect and furnish this institute, this school and orphanage. This desire, after long and strenuous work, has been fulfilled. This moment is the happiest of my life; the work is now accomplished. But the Jednota will not fold its hands. It will continue the noble work begun here for the good of our Slovak Catholic people of America. Confident of the united good will of all, I look forward to the time when we shall build here a Slovak high school, a college, an industrial school and perhaps even a Slovak seminary. I thank all the members whose generous contributions have made it possible for us to build this beautiful monument of Slovak piety and charity. I ask the members to continue their loyal cooperation with their supreme officers, for it is only with unity and mutual assistance that we can hope for success in our undertakings.' "Thus came to an end a celebration which brought great credit to the Slovaks and which will live long in the memories of those who participated in it." 14 At the time of this event the home was already in the care of the Sisters. They had taken it over, not as a mother- �SLOVAKIA 67 house, but simply as a local mission. A Sister of the Immaculate Heart of Mary from Marywood was the superior for that first year to guide the young Sisters in the task of organizing their duties in this new and responsible undertaking. The Community at Jednota Bishop Shanahan's stand concerning the transfer of the community to Middletown had been received by the Jednota officials with sympathetic understanding. They lost no time in making arrangements to meet the conditions set by the bishop. At a special session of the 16th Convention in 1914, a resolution was passed "to set aside and convey, by good and proper deed 10 acres of land . . . to the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and to build thereon a motherhouse." 15 The motherhouse was completed in 1915-a strong brick building, unpretentious, but adequately equipped for all the immediate necessities of a small community. Since it was assumed that part of the spacious orphanage would be used by "the Sisters, this "motherhouse" was a comparatively small dwelling, which of itself could not serve the growing community very long. But it proved to be a great blessing to the community at a time of its most urgent need, as will be seen later in this narrative. By the summer of 1915 the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius numbered 63 members-45 professed Sisters and 18 novices. Both the Sisters themselves and the congregation that had directed them so far felt that the time was ripe for the young community to elect its own Superior and governing Council, even though none of the members had as yet reached the age prescribed by the Constitutions for these offices. There were others also desirous of seeing the community under its own government, particularly the Jednota officers, who could not very well execute the provisions of the contract drawn up at the recent convention until the administration of the community was made definite. For this reason also Mr. Kozak had previously taken the precaution of legally incorporating the community. The articles of incorporation were filed in the Court of Dauphin County January, 1915 and the Charter was issued on Feb· ruary 8, 1915. In the summer of 1915 the congregation convoked its �68 SLOVAKIA first General Chapter during which Mother Mary Mihalik was elected Superior General. Her first care was to arrange for the Sisters' summer activities. She made an application to the Jednota officials to have the professed Sisters spend a few weeks at Middletown and to make their annual retreat there. Her request was graciously granted and every help was extended to make the Sisters' summer pleasant and profitable. Without delay the Sisters entered upon the course of studies which Mother Mary had arranged for them. Apart from their studies they helped in caring for the orphans, supervising their play, their meals, and other activities. Since it was vacation time they enjoyed extra hours in the open air amid beautiful surroundings. The change afforded the Sisters by this stay in Middletown, with its sensible arrangement of work and relaxation, was most beneficial. The care of the orphans added to their experience. The retreat, which was set for the week of August 22, was the first one to be arranged for and held independently by the little community. Mr. Kozak and his fellow officers were most helpful in planning for this event. They suggested that the Most Reverend Joseph M. Koudelka, Bishop of Superior, Wisconsin, be engaged - as retreat master. Bishop Koudelka, a Czech, spoke Slovak and English well and had been active in conducting missions in Slovak parishes. The supreme officers of the Jednota assisted not only with the arrangements to receive so distinguished a retreat master, but they also took care of all the expenses, including the retreat master's honorarium. Nowadays, when annual retreats are taken for granted, it is not easy to grasp what this first retreat "on their own'' meant to the Sisters. To be together under one roof, among their own, with their own Mother General, with a promising, even if as yet somewhat uncertain future ahead of them-all this filled those young hearts with ardent zeal, generous courage, and deep gratitude. It was with glad enthusiasm that they received their appointments for the year, the first to be issued by Mother Mary. And so the new Congregation of Slovak Sisters opened its first school year on its own resources, under its own local superiors and school principals, and governed by its own Superior General. There were 45 professed Sisters to �SLOVAKIA 69 staff twelve schools besides the special charge of Jednota Home. A heavy burden, indeed, for such young and undeveloped strength. The gallant little bands, departing from the Jednota Home for their assigned missions, little dreamed what losses the Community would suffer before the close of that school year of 1915-1916. Interesting though it would be for the reader to follow the details of these crises and how they influenced the course of the community, space does not permit their inclusion here. Suffice it to say that in the spring of 1916, within 3 months death took three of the persons most closely connected with the community's establishment. Bishop Shanahan died on February 19, Mother Mary on April 30, and Father Jankola on May 5. Transfer to Harrisburg Diocese Following the Constitutions, the Vicaress, Mother M. Emmanuel immediately assumed the duties of Superior General. She set about at once to make preparations for the extraordinary General Chapter to elect a new Superior General. This second election, like its predecessor, was held at Marywood, Scranton, on August 1, 1916, and Mother M. Emmanuel was elected Superior General. Because of the illness and untimely death of Mother Mary, plans for occupying the motherhouse on the Jednota premises had to be suspended. It must be remembered, too, that World War I was raging in Europe, and although our country was not yet involved, its effects were already being felt. Meanwhile the number of postulants was increasing. The need for Sisters was urgent and these applicants were most welcome. The convent at Plymouth had been passably roomy for part of the novitiate and only moderately crowded when the two divisions were united, but now it was actually overcrowded. The policy of "always finding room for one more" could not be followed indefinitely. Mother Emmanuel was now determined to secure a permanent motherhouse at any cost for it was pressingly urgent to find more suitable living quarters chiefly for the growing novitiate. Quite naturally, her thoughts turned to the house in Middletown. The building, however small and inadequate for a motherhouse, would serve very well for �70 SLOVAKIA the novitiate, at least for a year or two; and during this interval there would be time to plan for a permanent home. As this house with its ten acres of land on the Jednota property had been legally deeded to the community, there was only one more circumstance to delay immediate occupation, namely, permission for a transfer of the novitiate to another diocese. The Community needed not only the approbation of the Bishop of Scranton to leave the diocese, but also the agreement of the Bishop of Harrisburg to receive it; and the latter, just recently installed, was not yet acquainted with Mother Emmanuel and her community. The transfer was effected and the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius was officially established in the diocese of Harrisburg August 4, 1917. This change was beneficial in many ways. The house in Middletown, besides being larger than the Plymouth convent, was more suitably constructed and equipped with more conveniences. It was located away from the noise and distractions of town life and it admirably provided the quiet and seclusion so necessary for novices. Over and above these very desirable advantages was the providential circumstance that brought the community under the jurisdiction of Bishop Phillip R. McDevitt, a scholar and educator of national fame. From his first meeting with the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius Bishop McDevitt took a deep, fatherly interest in their welfare and was ever ready to guide and counsel, to instrnct and encourage, to protect and safeguard. This enduring interest brought to the community untold blessings. The novices entered at once upon the regular order of the novitiate, happy and gratefully appreciative of their new home. Furnishing the chapel had been the first care of the superiors. Here the novices performed the prescribed religious exercises. For daily Mass and for the other liturgical services they went to the orphanage chapel. Once a week the chaplain of the Home celebrated Mass in the little novitiate chapel. Mother Emmanuel was noted for her thrift and her interest in agriculture. The ten acres of land were soon put under cultivation as a truck farm and vegetable garden. The Jednota farmhands were always available to do the plowing and heavier labor, but the novices themselves did �SLOVAKIA 71 all the other work. Milk was supplied from the Jednota dairy at a nominal cost. Two of the senior novices were able to perform regular duties in the orphanage in place of professed Sisters and their salaries added to the meagre revenues of the little religious household. In this way the young pioneers progressed-praying, working, learning, and saving every penny that could be spared "for the new motherhouse." But the hardships and privations endured were often severe. The regular requirements of the novitiate provide discipline enough. In addition there was the hard manual labor to be done-weeding and hoeing under the hot sun, caring for poultry, helping in the orphanage laundry, and all the chores incidental to the upkeep of the house and the grounds. Withal they subsisted on the simplest fare . Their generosity and spirit of sacrifice were edifying. When one considers their youth-most postulants of those days entered at the age of 15-and their inexperience at the unaccustomed manual work they willingly undertook, when one beheld their courage and perseverance, and above all the joyous gaiety which was ever present among them, one could not help admiring the mysterious power of God's grace. In the summer of 1918 Mother Emmanuel decided to hold both the retreat and the ceremony of religious profession at Middletown. Nine postulants received the habit and nine novices pronounced their first vows. The Most Reverend Bishop McDevitt himself presided at the ceremonies. On the same day a class of 48 orphans received the sacrament of Confirmation. The day was truly a happy and festive one for the Sisters and for their many friends and benefactors. Especially welcome among these were two Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, who came all the way from Scranton to share the joy of the little community on this occasion of its first religious ceremony away from Marywood, its first home. The Flu Epidemic These happy events brought considerable relief from the anxieties under which the community had been struggling since its departure from Scranton in 1913. But the next year of 1918-1919 held some very dark hours indeed. �72 SLOVAKIA It was the last year of World War I, when the country was longing and praying for peace. Just then the alarming symptoms of influenza appeared, the epidemic which was to work such devastation before it could be brought under control. On October 5 the Health Department of Pennsylvania issued an order closing all churches and schools, all places of amusement and assembly. The bishops of the country called upon religious communities in their dioceses for volunteers to nurse the stricken people. The Sisters of all communities generously offered their services as volunteer nurses, and the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius from all their local convents joined in the work of mercy. The Sisters served everywhere on day and night duty, in emergency hospitals and in the homes of stricken families. Their services were many and varied. They nursed the patients, cleaned the sickrooms, washed and dressed the children and prepared meals. They assisted the dying and kept vigil with them through the long hours of the night. At first the Sisters went in twos to minister to the patients, but soon the demands increased so much that they were obliged to go singly, without a companion. Many a family was found with all its members lying helpless, left for days without care, as there was much fear of contagion. The appearance of the Sisters and their courage in caring for the patients acted like magic. Soon neighbors came to relieve the Sisters, inviting them to their homes for meals and a little rest. They considered it a great honor to have a Sister enter their house. All this called for much courage and self sacrifice. The Sisters were very young, without any experience in professional nursing. But God took wonderful care of them and blessed their humble efforts. A Sister was called to a home where the patient was the father of the family, a strong man of powerful frame. He was delirious and at times difficult to manage, defying those who tried to help him and refusing to stay in bed. When the Sister came, however, he obeyed like a child, repeating over and over again, "I'll do it for you, Sister." This was the usual experience; the patients had complete confidence in the Sisters. Mother Emmanuel spent many an anxious hour during those strenuous weeks. She feared for her community whose members were so limited, so youthful, and so frail, and �SLOVAKIA 73 whose services were so sorely needed for the work in their apostolate. Fervent were the prayers offered for the safety of the little religious family. And God heard those prayers. While many of the Sisters contracted the disease, there were no deaths. All recovered. Another blessing for which the Sisters were deeply grateful to God was the preservation of both the novitiate and the Home from the epidemic. There was not one case in either house. Amid all these anxieties however, there was the comforting assurance about the novitiate. It was no longer divided in temporary shelters, but assembled under one roof and flourishing under favorable conditions. Mother Emmanuel was now able to give her undivided attention to the pressing problem of procuring a permanent motherhouse. How she succeeded in acquiring the beautiful estate in Danville, then known as Castle Grove, makes an unusually interesting chapter in the annals of the Congregation. In the summer of 1919 the novitiate was transferred to Danville and the motherhouse was permanently established. The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius took formal possession on the feast of Corpus Christi, June 19, 1919 and renamed their new home Sacred Heart Villa. So it was through the Providence of God and through devious ways that the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius established their headquarters in the diocese of Harrisburg at Danville, Pennsylvania. In this establishment a significant role was played by the Jednota, which gave shelter at one point to a homeless community and ever thereafter has evinced toward it a genuinely Christian and friendly cordiality. The two have much in common, on the religious as well as the educational, on the national as well as the cultural level of goals and achievement. I dare say the one influences the other, inspires, complements, supports the other in mutual aspirations. Jednota's services to the Community through the years are recorded in detail in the annals of the Congregation. They will ever be cherished in the grateful prayers of the Sisters. God's Hand Visible in Community's History Such were the beginnings of the Congregation of the Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The histories of �74 SLOVAKIA most religious congregations of Sisters record that their foundresses were mature women, often wealthy widows, experienced in dealing with people and affairs. The first members of this Slovak Community were girls in their teens, fresh from homes where they had been sheltered according to typical old world standards. One can but marvel that in hardly a dozen years after having been placed in the care of Mother Cyril and her community, they deve· loped into an independent congregation, having its own Superior General, its own motherhouse, conducting several parish schools and an orphanage. With God's blessing and under the guidance of Bishop Michael J. Hoban of Scranton, and Harrisburg's bishops John W. Shanahan and Philip R. McDevitt, and for 32 years under the devoted care of the present Bishop of Harrisburg, His Excellency The Most Reverend George L. Leech, the congregation has prospered both spiritually and materially. At present the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius number 420 professed Sisters, 21 novices, and 6 postulants. They labor in the archdioceses of Chicago, Hartford, New York, and Philadelphia, and in the dioceses of Bridgeport, Charleston, Gary, Greensburg, Harrisburg, Scranton, Steubenville, Syracuse, and Trenton. They teach in 32 parish schools and 8 high schools, including a boarding academy for girls. They conduct catechetical classes in 40 parishes and operate two homes for the aged, an orphanage, a summer camp, a psycho-educational clinic and a house of studies. Two Sisters serve on the faculty of Marywood College, Scranton, and one is engaged on the faculty of a speech clinic in Philadelphia. Through the years the Sisters have adopted various forms of adjustment to modern life. They are educating their young members along the lines of the Sister Formation program, helping them first of all to drink deep of the spirit of Christ and thus to present Christ the Way, Christ the Truth, and Christ the Life to those whom they serve. The program calls for the total development of the Sister in all the spheres of her Christian, intellectual and community life. She pores over books in a full college program and opens her mind to the message of truth; she �SLOVAKIA 75 pursues goodness in her association with God and her companions; she keeps her goals and aspirations high and seeks to steep herself in beauty in order to convey "a fulfilled life" to others. The window opened by Pope John XXIII exposes her to view and brings to her life the newest in matters biblical, liturgical, psychological, catechetical, and religious. By the time she has taken her vows of poverty, chastity and obedience, she has become a light set on a mountain, a witness to Christ, an apostle sent, a servant of the servants to God. Postulants and novices pursue college courses, but weekends they give instructions in Christian doctrine to public school children and they visit and work with people in homes for the aged. While continuing their college education, the Sisters in the Juniorate have been tutoring retarded children on weekends. Similar work is done in many parishes during the summer months and after school hours. The Sisters participate professionally in diocesan, parish and civic activities in their respective communities. They attend conferences and workshops, serve on committees and give lectures at assemblies and institutes. Among the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius there is a readiness to "think along" with the Church, to follow its directives, to spread the good news of the Gospel, and to bring every soul to a knowledge and love of Christ, the Savior of mankind. They have been FREED for this mission by their vows. A specific trust left to the Community by its Founder is the preservation of our Slovak heritage. With the change of times, concessions and adaptations had to be devised, especially in the formal teaching of Slovak in the elementary schools. But the underlying loyalty to the Community's origin is ever alive. A separate chapter could well be devoted to all that is being accomplished by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in the field of Slovak. At present two cherished projects are underway: the organization and development of the Jankola Library, a sizable branch of the main academy library; and active co-operation with the �76 SLOVAKIA apostolate of the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Rome. Historically, the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius can be traced back sixty years to a priest of zeal, foresight, and determination, to an Immaculate Heart Sister of prudence and charity, and to a bevy of eagerly generous teen-age girls. The guidance of wise and Christ-like bishops, of devoted Slovak pastors, and the cooperation of generous Slovak people stood by to insure its progress. And the Slovak organizations, both religious and fraternal, with Jednota well in the lead, lent constant moral and material support. Inevitably, however, the spirit of the Sisters, as of their venerated founder and of all those who contributed to their welfare, has its wellspring in the courage and perseverance, the faith and love of two brotherapostles, SS. Cyril and Methodius, who sacrificed wealth and position to bring the faith to the Slovak Nation eleven hundred years ago. Danville, Pennsylvania FOOTNOTES 1. Cf. Kalendar J ednota. 1900. p. 136. 2. Quigley. The Christian Citizen. Chicago, Mentzer, 1953. p. 101. 3. Kalendcir J ednota. 1900. p . 135-136. 4. Kalendcir Jednota. 1911. p . 97 5. Ibid. p. 98. 6. Original Charter with Articles of Incorporation (1905) in Community Archives, Motherhouse of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville, Pa. Cf. Kalendar Jednota. 1908. p. 177-178. 7. Rev. Andrew Pavco. Personal interview. 1933. 8. Letter of Mother M. Cyril to Father Matthew Jankola. Community Archives. 9. Copy of Petition and Decree of Approval from Chancery, Diocese of Scranton, in Community Archives. 10. Kalendar Jednota. 1912. p. 19-24. �SLOVAKIA 77 11. Letter of Bishop J. W. Shanahan to Mother M. Cyril. Community Archives. 12. Letter of Mother M. Cyril to Bishop J . W . Shanahan. Community Archives. 13. Letter of Bishop J. W. Shanahan to Mother M. Cyril. Community Archives. 14. Kalendar Jednota. 1915. p. 161-165. 15. Ibid. p . 164. BIBLIOGRAPHY Consuela Gregorovich, Sister M., SS.C.M. Contribu ti ons of Reverend Matthew Jankola to Slovak Catholic Education in the United States. Washington, D.C. , The Catholic University of America, 1944. Emerentia Petrasek, Mother M., SS.C.M. History of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. Danville. Unpublished. Hrusovsky, Frantisek. Slovenske rehole v Amerike (Slovak religi ous communities in America). Cleveland, Slovak Institute, 1955. p. 164-232. Immaculata Gillespie, Sister M., C.I.M. Th e Sister s of the Immaculate Heart of Mary. 1921. p. 357-364. Pauco, Jozef. Matus Jankola, knaz a narodovec. (Matthew Jankola, Priest and Patriot). Middletown, Jednota, 1959. Pauco, Jozef. Slovenska rehol' a sestier sv . Cyrila a Metoda. Middletown, Jednota, 1957. Pauco, Jozef. 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 years of the First Catholic Slovak Union.) Middletown, Jednota, 1965. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks, here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns and other American charitable projects. � SLOVAKIA 55 JEDNOTA AND THE SISTERS OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS Mother M. Emerentia Petrdsek, SS. C.M. "How is it that you, Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, have your headquarters located in the diocese of Harrisburg, a diocese with so few Slovaks-with only three comparatively small Slovak parishes? And in Danville, of all places, where hardly a single Slovak family can be found? " This question, variously worded, has often been put to one or another of our Sisters. And since the diocese of Harrisburg is observing its 100th anniversary in this year of 1968, it seems fitting to consider this query. The explanation is quite interesting, but it cannot be given in just a paragraph or two. Drawing upon the history of the congregation will serve best. The Slovak Immigrant At the dawn of the present century a young Slovak priest, busily engaged in parochial work, nevertheless found time to study and observe the needs of his countrymen in widely scattered areas of their adopted land where they were rapidly making permanent homes. His observation and earnest study led him more and more to the conviction that one of the most urgent needs of his people was the education of their children. "We have a serious problem," he writes, "the problem of educating our children according to American methods and for American citizenship, without, however, destroying their national character and their cultural traditions." 1 In his day such sentiments were accepted as a matter of course; it was a later generation that introduced the questionable drive for rapid Americanization with its "melting pot" slogans. Now, after sixty years, those words of Father Jankola find the following endorsement in a modern textbook on American citizenship: "How foolish America would be . .. to destroy the wealth of culture brought to her by her immigrants. But America does not destroy! She is not a 'melting pot', boiling �56 SLOVAKIA down and absorbing immigrant cultures so that the finished product is a uniform nationality or culture. Rather, America builds! She takes the best in each culture brought to her shores and fits its color and design into a beautiful unity. The people of her farms, villages, towns and cities, with their many different cultures, nationalities, customs, and religious beliefs, make America a beautiful mosaic of many colored and differently shaped stones, all precious in themselves . Separated from one another, the effect of their beauty and luster is limited. Fitted together, they present something unique in the art of social living-a thing of beauty, a creation surpassing description." 2 Father Jankola, with unusual foresight, envisioned his people's contribution to America's mosaic as a distinct stone preserving all the color and luster of its old world heritage. Hence he writes in the 1900 issue of KALENDAR JEDNOTA: "Within 15 or 20 years in this new country and despite numerous handicaps, the Slovak immigrants have to their credit 40 churches of the Roman Catholic Rite and almost as many of the Eastern Rite. A not inconsiderable achievement! "But to insure progress in our churches and in our religious life, and to protect ourselves and our posterity against the rapidly growing dangers that threaten our faith and our mother tongue, we must have our own parish schools." Father Jankola proceeds to give a survey of the Slovak parish schools of the period, listing by name four in Pennsylvania, two in Illinois and one in New York. In most cases, he tells us, the school is conducted in European fashion by the parish organist. Only three of them are staffed by Sisters and of these only one can be considered a fully equipped "first class" school, which, he states, has four Sisters. "All in all," he concludes, "not a very bright picture. We must have schools, but they must be established and conducted according to American methods. If we intend to live in America, we must learn to live in the American way. And to insure this way of living, without detriment to our religious and national heritage, we must have our own schools, staffed by qualified teachers of our own."3 �SLOVAKIA 57 Father Jankola's Efforts to Procure Sisters At First Father Jankola applied for Sisters to established American Communities. "I tried many plans and methods," he wrote, in recalling his early efforts. "I ap· preached several Communities of Sisters in the hope that they might have Slovak or even Czech members to spare for our Slovak schools. After four Communities met my request with the regretful reply that they had far from sufficient Sisters for their own schools, I turned to Europe, appealing to the Sisters of the Holy Cross to send us three or four Sisters to settle here and train our Slovak young girls for the religious life. After a lengthy correspondence I met with the same disappointment. "Again I directed my attention to America. Armed now with a more definite plan, I decided to recruit candidates, who might one day form a separate Slovak branch of the Community which consents to train them." 4 To carry out his plan more effectively Father Jankola sought the cooperation of other Slovak priests, even beyond the Scranton diocese. Early in 1903 he held the first in a series of meetings with them, which resulted in the formation of a priests' society known as the St. Anthony's Treasury . The priests pledged themselves 1) Through parish sermons and articles in the Slovak press to inform the Slovak public of the project and win its support. 2) To contribute regularly with their parishioners to the St. Anthony Treasury's fund for the education and training of future Sisters and priests. 3) To watch for signs of a vocation in capable, intelligent girls and to encourage them to embrace the religious life.5 The Treasury flourished and faithfully fulfilled the aims proposed by Father Jankola. In May 1905 it was incorporated under the title of "Priests' Society of St. Anthony's Treasury," and the Charter, issued May 8, 1905, bears the following signatures: Fathers Joseph Murgas, Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, Matthew Jankola, John E. Stas, and Joseph Martincek.6 The response to the appeal of St. Anthony's Treasury was prompt and gratifying. Applicants presented themselves almost immediately. All were very young, but Father �58 SLOVAKIA Jank.ala considered this rather an advantage than a detriment, for, he remarked, it is best to begin from the foundation. His future Sisters must be educated from the rudiments up, and their education was paid for from St. Anthony's Treasury. The First Applicants Accepted at M arywood Placing the student-applicants for training was met with renewed regretful refusals from the religious communities to which Father Jankola had applied. Finally, Father Andrew Pavco, pastor of St. John Baptist Church, Pittston, suggested that Father Jankola call on the Reverend Mother General of the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, Scranton. "I understand her name is Mother Mary Cyril," he observed; "our common patron will surely favor us. Let us give it a trial in the name of God." 7 After a memorable visit with the founder in November 1903, Mother M. Cyril I.H.M. consented to receive and train the first three and an ever increasing number of candidates, who would in the providence of God form the nucleus of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. At first the young candidates, as aspirants, studied in the boarding academy with the regular students at Mount St. Mary's. As they advanced in their classes, they were admitted to the postulate and then to the reception of the habit, especially designed for them by the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart. Meanwhile, much thought was given to the status which the new Sisters would have. Would they be a part of the congregation of the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart? Would they join some other Community as a separate group? Or would they form an entirely new congregation? As these deliberations continued beyond the usual two years of novitiate and pastors of several Slovak parishes were growing impatient, Mother M. Cyril decided to have the three senior novices begin their teaching apostolate. With Father Joseph Murgas of Sacred Heart Church in Wilkes-Barre she arranged to place his school in their charge, under the guidance of an experienced Sister of the Immaculate Heart as superior. Opened on September 8, 1908 with 309 pupils, it was the first school staffed by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius.8 �SLOVAKIA 59 In 1909 a petition to the Holy See was drawn up by Father Jankola and the three priests most closely associated with him, namely, Fathers Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, and Joseph Murgas, and submitted to Bishop Michael J. Hoban, who obtained canonical approval for the new congregation from Pope St. Pius X .9 On September 11, 1909 the first three members-Sister Mary Mihalik, Sister M. Joseph Bartek and Sister M. Emmanuel Pauly-made their profession in the chapel of Mt. St. Mary's. The membership grew rapidly and within a few years additional schools were opened in the diocese of Scranton. It was generally taken for granted that the new congregation would establish its motherhouse in the Scranton diocese, but God's providence directed otherwise. Jednota Prepares the Way At this point it might be well to show how the Jednota was instrumental in the hands of Providence in shaping the destiny of the Community. In an article written by Mr. A. V. Kozak, an outstanding Slovak Catholic layman, the following facts are recorded: In 1906 the 12th biennial convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, held in McKeesport, Pa. proposed to buy 1and for the erection of buildings for its own use and for a motherhouse for the Slovak Sisters. A committee was appointed to select a suitable site, but since it did not succeed, the matter was deferred to the next, the 13th convention held in Youngstown, Ohio, in 1908, during which Mr. Kozak was elected Supreme president of the First Catholic Slovak Union. Under his direction the project was resumed. Counties in the vicinity of Harrisburg were visited and finally a suitable site was found in Dauphin County, near Middletown. In Mr. Kozak's own words: "The tract of land is a farm of 300 acres, the soil rich and fertile, the location beautiful and convenient of ac,. cess . . . The city of Harrisburg can be reached in 30 minutes and Middletown in less than five . The buildings on the grounds have telephone connections, gas and electric light, and very good drinking water. The section is historically known as Camp Meade from the time of the Spanish Amer- �60 SLOVAKIA ican War in 1898, when it was occupied by American soldiers. On the premises there are still three large artesian wells which the soldiers had used. Withouth doubt, it is an ideal spot." The purchase was transacted in the week of July 1, 1909, just before the feast of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and the cause was placed under the care of these two holy patrons. Mr. Kozak concludes: "Here will be located the institute of the First Catholic Slovak Union-a refuge for the orphans and a resting place for our aged. This institute will be under the care of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and here will be their center, their motherhouse. "It is our duty as well as to our interest to support this Slovak community of religious women, both materially and morally, in order that it may be firmly established as soon as possible, that it may wax strong, able to perform its mission efficiently. "This community is the spiritual concern not only of a few individuals, not only of the priests responsible for its foundation, but it is the spiritual possession of the entire Slovak nation." 10 Such were the words and sentiments of Mr. A. V. Kozak at a time when the young Slovak community was but three years old, numbering only 18 professed Sisters! He was a lifelong friend of the Slovak Sisters who looked upon their early days with the care and solicitude of a father, and who was ever ready to stand by with counsel and loyal support. And the Jednota and the Slovak people at large shared these sentiments. Bishop J. W . Shanahan Keenly Interested "Man proposes and God disposes" is a favorable proverb of the Slovaks. Many were the times when this was applicable in the history of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and that especially in the development of the plans regarding Middletown. The building of the orphanage was nearing completion and all attention was centered thereon. Yet, although it was generally understood among the Slovak people that the Sisters would take possession of the building, there was no specific assurance even about the first movement in that direction. �SLOVAKIA 61 The Most Reverend J. W. Shanahan, then bishop of Harrisburg, manifested a fatherly solicitude toward the young community from its very inception. He knew Mother Cyril well, having sought her aid some years previously in the foundation of another young community-the Lithuanian Sisters of St. Casimir. The fact that the Slovak Sisters had just taken charge of two new schools in his diocese (Mt. Carmel and Shamokin) intensified his interest. Many instances of his fatherly concern are recorded in the annals of the congregation. "I am anxious about Middletown," wrote the bishop in a letter to Mother Cyril, dated July 31, 1913, "not knowing how far the Slovak Jednota and the Slovak people will assist the new work. But my principal concern is about the religious side of the foundation. If that begins wrong it is utterly done for." 11 Mother Cyril reassured the bishop in a letter dated August 4, 1913, in which she gives him much of the information he was anxious to have: "We went to Middletown for the purpose of meeting the committee in charge of furnishing the new motherhouse. Plans were made for the accommodation of about seventy-five Sisters. We were careful to preserve economy and simplicity and found that necessary furnishing could be had at a cost of about $3600. The committee believed that a greater amount should be expended, but we adhered to the exclusion of superfluities. "With regard to your anxiety about the little community, I believe that there is no reason to fear . I think that the Jednota and the Slovak people will continue to be generous with the Sisters. There is one thing, however, that I should like the Sisters to accomplish, and that is, the acquiring of a portion of the Middletown property, so that in time to come the Sisters can have something of their own. As the years go on, they will feel the need of independence, to a degree at least, and now is the time to plan for the future. "So far as the religious side of the work is concerned, I feel confident all will be well. Ever since these children have been with us, they have conducted themeselves in such manner as to win the esteem and admiration of our community. I am voicing the opinion of all when I say that �62 SLOVAKIA they have never given us any trouble. The only thing I fear is their youth, but I hope that lack of years will be supplied by the grace that will attend their strict observance of their Holy Rule. The Rule has been carefully prepared for them, and is founded, as far as possible on Canon Law. It is somewhat different from ours, because we know from experience that some points should be made stronger for young religious who are beginning their career in this age. It is my earnest desire that the Young community will show their appreciation by strictly observing every point. If I may take the liberty, I wish to ask you kindly to guard this precious interest so that it will not be tampered with or changed in any way. It has been my experience that if one point of Rule is broken, it weakens the others: If these young Sisters keep their Rule strictly, their rule will so keep them that they will be a source of consolation to you rather than a cause of anxiety. " 12 But when the bishop wrote again he was still anxious about Middletown; he would like more certainty. It was this attitude of his that put a check on all the preparations in the temporary novitiate in Plymouth for the transfer to Middletown and later had a very significant bearing on the entire course of events. In a letter dated August 17, 1913, the bishop wrote: "A few weeks ago I called to inspect the Slovak operation at Middletown. I found that a good, strong building is going up. The contractor was getting ready to begin the plastering. I could get no information other than this at the new building or at the printery ... "My concern is not so much about the financial as the religious side of the enterprise; though the financial outlook is very misty indeed. Nobody seems to know anything of the future ." About the Holy Rule he added: "You need not fear that I will sharpen my axe for the Slovak Holy Rule. I have examined many Holy Rules, and I see many things to be reformed. But he would be rash indeed who would undertake the task of reformation. The proof of the pudding is in the eating; and if the religious orders of women in the United States have accomplished such wonderful things for Holy Church by reason of their strict adherence to the Holy Rule, it would be better for outsiders not to tamper with Holy Rules."13 �SLOVAKIA 63 The cause of this uncertainty about the future lay in the fact that the organization itself was not definitely sure about the main issue. The Jednota officers meant well. Mr. Kozak especially was sincerely devoted to the project. But there were the 50,000 members to consider. The plans, as adopted at the previous convention, provided for the building of an orphanage which the organization would sponsor and maintain. But to have a few Sisters at the orphanage to care for the orphans, and to have the entire community settled there were not the same thing. The officers were unwilling to decide this matter without the sanction of the members. That meant waiting for the next convention. When Bishop Shanahan discerned this hesitency, his course was decided. He would not allow the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius to occupy the building as their motherhouse. He gladly received the Sisters into the diocese to take charge of the orphanage, but as to making their community headquarters there, he set the condition that they must either acquire property of their own, or have part of the Jednota property deeded to them in their name. THE JEDNOTA HOME The orphanage was completed and furnished by the spring of 1914, ready for the arrival of the Sisters who were to take charge. On May 9, 1914, the first two orphans arrived. They were Philip and Mary Hrobak, brother and sister, from Cleveland, Ohio. Others followed them through the vacation months and by September, there were some thirty to begin the school term. The Home was very fortunate in its first inmates. They were unusually good, well-behaved children, giving evidence of careful and God-fearing home training. The Slovak people as a whole regarded them and the Sisters with affectionate interest, for the whole institution was to them the fulfillment of a long-cherished hope. In September of that year the First Catholic Slovak Union was to hold its 16th biennial convention in the city of Harrisburg. Bishop Shanahan's stand concerning the transfer of the community to Middletown had been received by the officers of the Jednota with full understanding. They lost no time in making arrangements to meet the conditions of the bishop. Plans and motions were pre- �64 SLOVAKIA pared, which, when placed before the delegates were unanimously adopted. The crowning feature of this convention was the dedication of the orphanage, whose full title is "Immaculate Conception Jednota Home." In the KALENDAR JEDNOTA of 1915 there is a record of this celebration from the pen of Mr. Andrew V. Kozak. A translation follows: Our Home at J ednota "The convention of the Slovak Catholic Union took place in Harrisburg in September, 1914. Much good was effected by this convention for our organization and for its members. The closing day, September 19, was marked by a significant celebration-the dedication of the Institution of the First Catholic Slovak Union. "It was truly a glorious day, enhanced by oeautiful weather. Early in the morning, the golden rays of the sun glowing from a blue, cloudless sky, warmed the earth. "As the delegates assembled in the convention hall this lovely morning, though weary from their week's hard work, there was joyful contentment on every countenance. The customary Christian greeting, 'Praised be Jesus Christ' was heard everywhere, followed by glad compliments on the beautiful weather. At eight o'clock the Supreme Officers and the delegates boarded the special train which conveyed them to our farm. In friendly conversation the time passed quickly and the cars stopped before the Jednota printery. The delegates marched up the lane to the Home which stands on a picturesque knoll several hundred yards from the printery. "On the neat lawn in front of the Home a large group of guests had already gathered. They were members of the local branches of the F.C.S.U. from nearby towns, and other individuals who had journeyed here to witness the most significant Slovak celebration in America. "The delegates filed into the chapel of the Home. The spiritual advisor of the F.C.S.U., the Rev. Stephen Furdek, celebrated the first Holy Mass in the chapel. After Mass, the delegates marched to the altar rail where each left an offering for the orphans. They then went out and took their places among the crowds of pilgrims in front of the building. In the meantime, the Most Reverend J. W. Shanahan, Bishop of Harrisburg, placed a large crucifix in the main �SLOVAKIA 65 loggia, and then, attended by the clergy, he went through the entire building, blessing it. "The Most Reverend Bishop then celebrated a pontifical High Mass in the open air at a temporary altar erected at the main entrance. The entire facade of the building was decorated with the American, Slovak and Papal colors. "On one side of the spacious veranda near the altar knelt our orphans and their devoted guardians, the revered Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. During the entire service these orphans knelt with their eyes fixed upon the altar. With childlike innocence and humility they prayed for their deceased parents and sent fervent thanks to the throne of the Most High for their benefactors, the members of the Catholic Jednota, who were providing them with this protecting roof and securing for them the services of the kindly Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. "It was truly a touching as well as inspiring picture which the kneeling orphans and their kind protectors present.ed as they prayed there so fervently. Many a spectator was moved to tears. "After the pontifical Mass, the Most Reverend Bishop read the cablegram from His Holiness, Pope Benedict XV, imparting the apostolic blessing upon all the members of the Catholic Jednota. "The Slovak sermon was delivered by the 'father of the Jednota,' the Rev. Stephen Furdek. He told how, in the early years when there were no Slovak Catholic churches in America, our first immigrants sought the churches of other nationalities where they could fall on their knees to worship God and thank Him for His blessings. Such was their faith and their devotion that American Catholics looked on with admiration. He pointed out that our people are generous and give willingly of their means for any worthy cause. A proof of this is the Institute just dedicated, which was built by the generosity of the good members of the Catholic Jednota that it might serve as a shelter for poor orphans, deprived of father and mother. He called attention to the noble mission of the devout Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, who have consecrated their virginity and their entire lives to Jesus Christ, their Spouse, who have become tender mothers without knowing motherhood, �66 SLOVAKIA and thus have become the greatest benefactors of poor Slo· vak orphans. "Every word of the venerable speaker reached deep into the hearts of the listeners, so that there was not one tearless eye. Father Furdek spoke with a heart overflowing with joy upon the realization of his long cherished desire. "The English address was given by the Most Reverend Bishop Shanahan. The Bishop extolled the good qualities of our Slovak people, declaring that the Slovaks are loyal, God-fearing and exemplary Catholics. He praised the generosity of the members of the Catholic Jednota, who, without murmuring, gave the funds which had made possible this fine building. "At the conclusion of his address, the Most Reverend Bishop called upon the Supreme President of the Jednota, the writer of these lines, to speak. Among other things, I said: 'It is now five years and three months since I first visited the vicinity of Harrisburg for the purpose of finding a suitable location for our Institution. I had then chosen this estate, where today stands our own building, the institute of the Catholic Jednota. During my term of office it was my fervent ambition to erect and furnish this institute, this school and orphanage. This desire, after long and strenuous work, has been fulfilled. This moment is the happiest of my life; the work is now accomplished. But the Jednota will not fold its hands. It will continue the noble work begun here for the good of our Slovak Catholic people of America. Confident of the united good will of all, I look forward to the time when we shall build here a Slovak high school, a college, an industrial school and perhaps even a Slovak seminary. I thank all the members whose generous contributions have made it possible for us to build this beautiful monument of Slovak piety and charity. I ask the members to continue their loyal cooperation with their supreme officers, for it is only with unity and mutual assistance that we can hope for success in our undertakings.' "Thus came to an end a celebration which brought great credit to the Slovaks and which will live long in the memories of those who participated in it." 14 At the time of this event the home was already in the care of the Sisters. They had taken it over, not as a mother- �SLOVAKIA 67 house, but simply as a local mission. A Sister of the Immaculate Heart of Mary from Marywood was the superior for that first year to guide the young Sisters in the task of organizing their duties in this new and responsible undertaking. The Community at Jednota Bishop Shanahan's stand concerning the transfer of the community to Middletown had been received by the Jednota officials with sympathetic understanding. They lost no time in making arrangements to meet the conditions set by the bishop. At a special session of the 16th Convention in 1914, a resolution was passed "to set aside and convey, by good and proper deed 10 acres of land . . . to the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and to build thereon a motherhouse." 15 The motherhouse was completed in 1915-a strong brick building, unpretentious, but adequately equipped for all the immediate necessities of a small community. Since it was assumed that part of the spacious orphanage would be used by "the Sisters, this "motherhouse" was a comparatively small dwelling, which of itself could not serve the growing community very long. But it proved to be a great blessing to the community at a time of its most urgent need, as will be seen later in this narrative. By the summer of 1915 the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius numbered 63 members-45 professed Sisters and 18 novices. Both the Sisters themselves and the congregation that had directed them so far felt that the time was ripe for the young community to elect its own Superior and governing Council, even though none of the members had as yet reached the age prescribed by the Constitutions for these offices. There were others also desirous of seeing the community under its own government, particularly the Jednota officers, who could not very well execute the provisions of the contract drawn up at the recent convention until the administration of the community was made definite. For this reason also Mr. Kozak had previously taken the precaution of legally incorporating the community. The articles of incorporation were filed in the Court of Dauphin County January, 1915 and the Charter was issued on Feb· ruary 8, 1915. In the summer of 1915 the congregation convoked its �68 SLOVAKIA first General Chapter during which Mother Mary Mihalik was elected Superior General. Her first care was to arrange for the Sisters' summer activities. She made an application to the Jednota officials to have the professed Sisters spend a few weeks at Middletown and to make their annual retreat there. Her request was graciously granted and every help was extended to make the Sisters' summer pleasant and profitable. Without delay the Sisters entered upon the course of studies which Mother Mary had arranged for them. Apart from their studies they helped in caring for the orphans, supervising their play, their meals, and other activities. Since it was vacation time they enjoyed extra hours in the open air amid beautiful surroundings. The change afforded the Sisters by this stay in Middletown, with its sensible arrangement of work and relaxation, was most beneficial. The care of the orphans added to their experience. The retreat, which was set for the week of August 22, was the first one to be arranged for and held independently by the little community. Mr. Kozak and his fellow officers were most helpful in planning for this event. They suggested that the Most Reverend Joseph M. Koudelka, Bishop of Superior, Wisconsin, be engaged - as retreat master. Bishop Koudelka, a Czech, spoke Slovak and English well and had been active in conducting missions in Slovak parishes. The supreme officers of the Jednota assisted not only with the arrangements to receive so distinguished a retreat master, but they also took care of all the expenses, including the retreat master's honorarium. Nowadays, when annual retreats are taken for granted, it is not easy to grasp what this first retreat "on their own'' meant to the Sisters. To be together under one roof, among their own, with their own Mother General, with a promising, even if as yet somewhat uncertain future ahead of them-all this filled those young hearts with ardent zeal, generous courage, and deep gratitude. It was with glad enthusiasm that they received their appointments for the year, the first to be issued by Mother Mary. And so the new Congregation of Slovak Sisters opened its first school year on its own resources, under its own local superiors and school principals, and governed by its own Superior General. There were 45 professed Sisters to �SLOVAKIA 69 staff twelve schools besides the special charge of Jednota Home. A heavy burden, indeed, for such young and undeveloped strength. The gallant little bands, departing from the Jednota Home for their assigned missions, little dreamed what losses the Community would suffer before the close of that school year of 1915-1916. Interesting though it would be for the reader to follow the details of these crises and how they influenced the course of the community, space does not permit their inclusion here. Suffice it to say that in the spring of 1916, within 3 months death took three of the persons most closely connected with the community's establishment. Bishop Shanahan died on February 19, Mother Mary on April 30, and Father Jankola on May 5. Transfer to Harrisburg Diocese Following the Constitutions, the Vicaress, Mother M. Emmanuel immediately assumed the duties of Superior General. She set about at once to make preparations for the extraordinary General Chapter to elect a new Superior General. This second election, like its predecessor, was held at Marywood, Scranton, on August 1, 1916, and Mother M. Emmanuel was elected Superior General. Because of the illness and untimely death of Mother Mary, plans for occupying the motherhouse on the Jednota premises had to be suspended. It must be remembered, too, that World War I was raging in Europe, and although our country was not yet involved, its effects were already being felt. Meanwhile the number of postulants was increasing. The need for Sisters was urgent and these applicants were most welcome. The convent at Plymouth had been passably roomy for part of the novitiate and only moderately crowded when the two divisions were united, but now it was actually overcrowded. The policy of "always finding room for one more" could not be followed indefinitely. Mother Emmanuel was now determined to secure a permanent motherhouse at any cost for it was pressingly urgent to find more suitable living quarters chiefly for the growing novitiate. Quite naturally, her thoughts turned to the house in Middletown. The building, however small and inadequate for a motherhouse, would serve very well for �70 SLOVAKIA the novitiate, at least for a year or two; and during this interval there would be time to plan for a permanent home. As this house with its ten acres of land on the Jednota property had been legally deeded to the community, there was only one more circumstance to delay immediate occupation, namely, permission for a transfer of the novitiate to another diocese. The Community needed not only the approbation of the Bishop of Scranton to leave the diocese, but also the agreement of the Bishop of Harrisburg to receive it; and the latter, just recently installed, was not yet acquainted with Mother Emmanuel and her community. The transfer was effected and the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius was officially established in the diocese of Harrisburg August 4, 1917. This change was beneficial in many ways. The house in Middletown, besides being larger than the Plymouth convent, was more suitably constructed and equipped with more conveniences. It was located away from the noise and distractions of town life and it admirably provided the quiet and seclusion so necessary for novices. Over and above these very desirable advantages was the providential circumstance that brought the community under the jurisdiction of Bishop Phillip R. McDevitt, a scholar and educator of national fame. From his first meeting with the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius Bishop McDevitt took a deep, fatherly interest in their welfare and was ever ready to guide and counsel, to instrnct and encourage, to protect and safeguard. This enduring interest brought to the community untold blessings. The novices entered at once upon the regular order of the novitiate, happy and gratefully appreciative of their new home. Furnishing the chapel had been the first care of the superiors. Here the novices performed the prescribed religious exercises. For daily Mass and for the other liturgical services they went to the orphanage chapel. Once a week the chaplain of the Home celebrated Mass in the little novitiate chapel. Mother Emmanuel was noted for her thrift and her interest in agriculture. The ten acres of land were soon put under cultivation as a truck farm and vegetable garden. The Jednota farmhands were always available to do the plowing and heavier labor, but the novices themselves did �SLOVAKIA 71 all the other work. Milk was supplied from the Jednota dairy at a nominal cost. Two of the senior novices were able to perform regular duties in the orphanage in place of professed Sisters and their salaries added to the meagre revenues of the little religious household. In this way the young pioneers progressed-praying, working, learning, and saving every penny that could be spared "for the new motherhouse." But the hardships and privations endured were often severe. The regular requirements of the novitiate provide discipline enough. In addition there was the hard manual labor to be done-weeding and hoeing under the hot sun, caring for poultry, helping in the orphanage laundry, and all the chores incidental to the upkeep of the house and the grounds. Withal they subsisted on the simplest fare . Their generosity and spirit of sacrifice were edifying. When one considers their youth-most postulants of those days entered at the age of 15-and their inexperience at the unaccustomed manual work they willingly undertook, when one beheld their courage and perseverance, and above all the joyous gaiety which was ever present among them, one could not help admiring the mysterious power of God's grace. In the summer of 1918 Mother Emmanuel decided to hold both the retreat and the ceremony of religious profession at Middletown. Nine postulants received the habit and nine novices pronounced their first vows. The Most Reverend Bishop McDevitt himself presided at the ceremonies. On the same day a class of 48 orphans received the sacrament of Confirmation. The day was truly a happy and festive one for the Sisters and for their many friends and benefactors. Especially welcome among these were two Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, who came all the way from Scranton to share the joy of the little community on this occasion of its first religious ceremony away from Marywood, its first home. The Flu Epidemic These happy events brought considerable relief from the anxieties under which the community had been struggling since its departure from Scranton in 1913. But the next year of 1918-1919 held some very dark hours indeed. �72 SLOVAKIA It was the last year of World War I, when the country was longing and praying for peace. Just then the alarming symptoms of influenza appeared, the epidemic which was to work such devastation before it could be brought under control. On October 5 the Health Department of Pennsylvania issued an order closing all churches and schools, all places of amusement and assembly. The bishops of the country called upon religious communities in their dioceses for volunteers to nurse the stricken people. The Sisters of all communities generously offered their services as volunteer nurses, and the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius from all their local convents joined in the work of mercy. The Sisters served everywhere on day and night duty, in emergency hospitals and in the homes of stricken families. Their services were many and varied. They nursed the patients, cleaned the sickrooms, washed and dressed the children and prepared meals. They assisted the dying and kept vigil with them through the long hours of the night. At first the Sisters went in twos to minister to the patients, but soon the demands increased so much that they were obliged to go singly, without a companion. Many a family was found with all its members lying helpless, left for days without care, as there was much fear of contagion. The appearance of the Sisters and their courage in caring for the patients acted like magic. Soon neighbors came to relieve the Sisters, inviting them to their homes for meals and a little rest. They considered it a great honor to have a Sister enter their house. All this called for much courage and self sacrifice. The Sisters were very young, without any experience in professional nursing. But God took wonderful care of them and blessed their humble efforts. A Sister was called to a home where the patient was the father of the family, a strong man of powerful frame. He was delirious and at times difficult to manage, defying those who tried to help him and refusing to stay in bed. When the Sister came, however, he obeyed like a child, repeating over and over again, "I'll do it for you, Sister." This was the usual experience; the patients had complete confidence in the Sisters. Mother Emmanuel spent many an anxious hour during those strenuous weeks. She feared for her community whose members were so limited, so youthful, and so frail, and �SLOVAKIA 73 whose services were so sorely needed for the work in their apostolate. Fervent were the prayers offered for the safety of the little religious family. And God heard those prayers. While many of the Sisters contracted the disease, there were no deaths. All recovered. Another blessing for which the Sisters were deeply grateful to God was the preservation of both the novitiate and the Home from the epidemic. There was not one case in either house. Amid all these anxieties however, there was the comforting assurance about the novitiate. It was no longer divided in temporary shelters, but assembled under one roof and flourishing under favorable conditions. Mother Emmanuel was now able to give her undivided attention to the pressing problem of procuring a permanent motherhouse. How she succeeded in acquiring the beautiful estate in Danville, then known as Castle Grove, makes an unusually interesting chapter in the annals of the Congregation. In the summer of 1919 the novitiate was transferred to Danville and the motherhouse was permanently established. The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius took formal possession on the feast of Corpus Christi, June 19, 1919 and renamed their new home Sacred Heart Villa. So it was through the Providence of God and through devious ways that the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius established their headquarters in the diocese of Harrisburg at Danville, Pennsylvania. In this establishment a significant role was played by the Jednota, which gave shelter at one point to a homeless community and ever thereafter has evinced toward it a genuinely Christian and friendly cordiality. The two have much in common, on the religious as well as the educational, on the national as well as the cultural level of goals and achievement. I dare say the one influences the other, inspires, complements, supports the other in mutual aspirations. Jednota's services to the Community through the years are recorded in detail in the annals of the Congregation. They will ever be cherished in the grateful prayers of the Sisters. God's Hand Visible in Community's History Such were the beginnings of the Congregation of the Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The histories of �74 SLOVAKIA most religious congregations of Sisters record that their foundresses were mature women, often wealthy widows, experienced in dealing with people and affairs. The first members of this Slovak Community were girls in their teens, fresh from homes where they had been sheltered according to typical old world standards. One can but marvel that in hardly a dozen years after having been placed in the care of Mother Cyril and her community, they deve· loped into an independent congregation, having its own Superior General, its own motherhouse, conducting several parish schools and an orphanage. With God's blessing and under the guidance of Bishop Michael J. Hoban of Scranton, and Harrisburg's bishops John W. Shanahan and Philip R. McDevitt, and for 32 years under the devoted care of the present Bishop of Harrisburg, His Excellency The Most Reverend George L. Leech, the congregation has prospered both spiritually and materially. At present the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius number 420 professed Sisters, 21 novices, and 6 postulants. They labor in the archdioceses of Chicago, Hartford, New York, and Philadelphia, and in the dioceses of Bridgeport, Charleston, Gary, Greensburg, Harrisburg, Scranton, Steubenville, Syracuse, and Trenton. They teach in 32 parish schools and 8 high schools, including a boarding academy for girls. They conduct catechetical classes in 40 parishes and operate two homes for the aged, an orphanage, a summer camp, a psycho-educational clinic and a house of studies. Two Sisters serve on the faculty of Marywood College, Scranton, and one is engaged on the faculty of a speech clinic in Philadelphia. Through the years the Sisters have adopted various forms of adjustment to modern life. They are educating their young members along the lines of the Sister Formation program, helping them first of all to drink deep of the spirit of Christ and thus to present Christ the Way, Christ the Truth, and Christ the Life to those whom they serve. The program calls for the total development of the Sister in all the spheres of her Christian, intellectual and community life. She pores over books in a full college program and opens her mind to the message of truth; she �SLOVAKIA 75 pursues goodness in her association with God and her companions; she keeps her goals and aspirations high and seeks to steep herself in beauty in order to convey "a fulfilled life" to others. The window opened by Pope John XXIII exposes her to view and brings to her life the newest in matters biblical, liturgical, psychological, catechetical, and religious. By the time she has taken her vows of poverty, chastity and obedience, she has become a light set on a mountain, a witness to Christ, an apostle sent, a servant of the servants to God. Postulants and novices pursue college courses, but weekends they give instructions in Christian doctrine to public school children and they visit and work with people in homes for the aged. While continuing their college education, the Sisters in the Juniorate have been tutoring retarded children on weekends. Similar work is done in many parishes during the summer months and after school hours. The Sisters participate professionally in diocesan, parish and civic activities in their respective communities. They attend conferences and workshops, serve on committees and give lectures at assemblies and institutes. Among the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius there is a readiness to "think along" with the Church, to follow its directives, to spread the good news of the Gospel, and to bring every soul to a knowledge and love of Christ, the Savior of mankind. They have been FREED for this mission by their vows. A specific trust left to the Community by its Founder is the preservation of our Slovak heritage. With the change of times, concessions and adaptations had to be devised, especially in the formal teaching of Slovak in the elementary schools. But the underlying loyalty to the Community's origin is ever alive. A separate chapter could well be devoted to all that is being accomplished by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in the field of Slovak. At present two cherished projects are underway: the organization and development of the Jankola Library, a sizable branch of the main academy library; and active co-operation with the �76 SLOVAKIA apostolate of the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Rome. Historically, the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius can be traced back sixty years to a priest of zeal, foresight, and determination, to an Immaculate Heart Sister of prudence and charity, and to a bevy of eagerly generous teen-age girls. The guidance of wise and Christ-like bishops, of devoted Slovak pastors, and the cooperation of generous Slovak people stood by to insure its progress. And the Slovak organizations, both religious and fraternal, with Jednota well in the lead, lent constant moral and material support. Inevitably, however, the spirit of the Sisters, as of their venerated founder and of all those who contributed to their welfare, has its wellspring in the courage and perseverance, the faith and love of two brotherapostles, SS. Cyril and Methodius, who sacrificed wealth and position to bring the faith to the Slovak Nation eleven hundred years ago. Danville, Pennsylvania FOOTNOTES 1. Cf. Kalendar J ednota. 1900. p. 136. 2. Quigley. The Christian Citizen. Chicago, Mentzer, 1953. p. 101. 3. Kalendcir J ednota. 1900. p . 135-136. 4. Kalendcir Jednota. 1911. p . 97 5. Ibid. p. 98. 6. Original Charter with Articles of Incorporation (1905) in Community Archives, Motherhouse of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville, Pa. Cf. Kalendar Jednota. 1908. p. 177-178. 7. Rev. Andrew Pavco. Personal interview. 1933. 8. Letter of Mother M. Cyril to Father Matthew Jankola. Community Archives. 9. Copy of Petition and Decree of Approval from Chancery, Diocese of Scranton, in Community Archives. 10. Kalendar Jednota. 1912. p. 19-24. �SLOVAKIA 77 11. Letter of Bishop J. W. Shanahan to Mother M. Cyril. Community Archives. 12. Letter of Mother M. Cyril to Bishop J . W . Shanahan. Community Archives. 13. Letter of Bishop J. W. Shanahan to Mother M. Cyril. Community Archives. 14. Kalendar Jednota. 1915. p. 161-165. 15. Ibid. p . 164. BIBLIOGRAPHY Consuela Gregorovich, Sister M., SS.C.M. Contribu ti ons of Reverend Matthew Jankola to Slovak Catholic Education in the United States. Washington, D.C. , The Catholic University of America, 1944. Emerentia Petrasek, Mother M., SS.C.M. History of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. Danville. Unpublished. Hrusovsky, Frantisek. Slovenske rehole v Amerike (Slovak religi ous communities in America). Cleveland, Slovak Institute, 1955. p. 164-232. Immaculata Gillespie, Sister M., C.I.M. Th e Sister s of the Immaculate Heart of Mary. 1921. p. 357-364. Pauco, Jozef. Matus Jankola, knaz a narodovec. (Matthew Jankola, Priest and Patriot). Middletown, Jednota, 1959. Pauco, Jozef. Slovenska rehol' a sestier sv . Cyrila a Metoda. Middletown, Jednota, 1957. Pauco, Jozef. 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 years of the First Catholic Slovak Union.) Middletown, Jednota, 1965. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks, here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns and other American charitable projects. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1968, Vol. 18 Description An account of the resource Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 55 JEDNOTA AND THE SISTERS OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS Mother M. Emerentia Petrdsek, SS. C.M. "How is it that you, Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, have your headquarters located in the diocese of Harrisburg, a diocese with so few Slovaks-with only three comparatively small Slovak parishes? And in Danville, of all places, where hardly a single Slovak family can be found? " This question, variously worded, has often been put to one or another of our Sisters. And since the diocese of Harrisburg is observing its 100th anniversary in this year of 1968, it seems fitting to consider this query. The explanation is quite interesting, but it cannot be given in just a paragraph or two. Drawing upon the history of the congregation will serve best. The Slovak Immigrant At the dawn of the present century a young Slovak priest, busily engaged in parochial work, nevertheless found time to study and observe the needs of his countrymen in widely scattered areas of their adopted land where they were rapidly making permanent homes. His observation and earnest study led him more and more to the conviction that one of the most urgent needs of his people was the education of their children. "We have a serious problem," he writes, "the problem of educating our children according to American methods and for American citizenship, without, however, destroying their national character and their cultural traditions." 1 In his day such sentiments were accepted as a matter of course; it was a later generation that introduced the questionable drive for rapid Americanization with its "melting pot" slogans. Now, after sixty years, those words of Father Jankola find the following endorsement in a modern textbook on American citizenship: "How foolish America would be . .. to destroy the wealth of culture brought to her by her immigrants. But America does not destroy! She is not a 'melting pot', boiling 56 SLOVAKIA down and absorbing immigrant cultures so that the finished product is a uniform nationality or culture. Rather, America builds! She takes the best in each culture brought to her shores and fits its color and design into a beautiful unity. The people of her farms, villages, towns and cities, with their many different cultures, nationalities, customs, and religious beliefs, make America a beautiful mosaic of many colored and differently shaped stones, all precious in themselves . Separated from one another, the effect of their beauty and luster is limited. Fitted together, they present something unique in the art of social living-a thing of beauty, a creation surpassing description." 2 Father Jankola, with unusual foresight, envisioned his people's contribution to America's mosaic as a distinct stone preserving all the color and luster of its old world heritage. Hence he writes in the 1900 issue of KALENDAR JEDNOTA: "Within 15 or 20 years in this new country and despite numerous handicaps, the Slovak immigrants have to their credit 40 churches of the Roman Catholic Rite and almost as many of the Eastern Rite. A not inconsiderable achievement! "But to insure progress in our churches and in our religious life, and to protect ourselves and our posterity against the rapidly growing dangers that threaten our faith and our mother tongue, we must have our own parish schools." Father Jankola proceeds to give a survey of the Slovak parish schools of the period, listing by name four in Pennsylvania, two in Illinois and one in New York. In most cases, he tells us, the school is conducted in European fashion by the parish organist. Only three of them are staffed by Sisters and of these only one can be considered a fully equipped "first class" school, which, he states, has four Sisters. "All in all," he concludes, "not a very bright picture. We must have schools, but they must be established and conducted according to American methods. If we intend to live in America, we must learn to live in the American way. And to insure this way of living, without detriment to our religious and national heritage, we must have our own schools, staffed by qualified teachers of our own."3 SLOVAKIA 57 Father Jankola's Efforts to Procure Sisters At First Father Jankola applied for Sisters to established American Communities. "I tried many plans and methods," he wrote, in recalling his early efforts. "I ap· preached several Communities of Sisters in the hope that they might have Slovak or even Czech members to spare for our Slovak schools. After four Communities met my request with the regretful reply that they had far from sufficient Sisters for their own schools, I turned to Europe, appealing to the Sisters of the Holy Cross to send us three or four Sisters to settle here and train our Slovak young girls for the religious life. After a lengthy correspondence I met with the same disappointment. "Again I directed my attention to America. Armed now with a more definite plan, I decided to recruit candidates, who might one day form a separate Slovak branch of the Community which consents to train them." 4 To carry out his plan more effectively Father Jankola sought the cooperation of other Slovak priests, even beyond the Scranton diocese. Early in 1903 he held the first in a series of meetings with them, which resulted in the formation of a priests' society known as the St. Anthony's Treasury . The priests pledged themselves 1) Through parish sermons and articles in the Slovak press to inform the Slovak public of the project and win its support. 2) To contribute regularly with their parishioners to the St. Anthony Treasury's fund for the education and training of future Sisters and priests. 3) To watch for signs of a vocation in capable, intelligent girls and to encourage them to embrace the religious life.5 The Treasury flourished and faithfully fulfilled the aims proposed by Father Jankola. In May 1905 it was incorporated under the title of "Priests' Society of St. Anthony's Treasury," and the Charter, issued May 8, 1905, bears the following signatures: Fathers Joseph Murgas, Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, Matthew Jankola, John E. Stas, and Joseph Martincek.6 The response to the appeal of St. Anthony's Treasury was prompt and gratifying. Applicants presented themselves almost immediately. All were very young, but Father 58 SLOVAKIA Jank.ala considered this rather an advantage than a detriment, for, he remarked, it is best to begin from the foundation. His future Sisters must be educated from the rudiments up, and their education was paid for from St. Anthony's Treasury. The First Applicants Accepted at M arywood Placing the student-applicants for training was met with renewed regretful refusals from the religious communities to which Father Jankola had applied. Finally, Father Andrew Pavco, pastor of St. John Baptist Church, Pittston, suggested that Father Jankola call on the Reverend Mother General of the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, Scranton. "I understand her name is Mother Mary Cyril," he observed; "our common patron will surely favor us. Let us give it a trial in the name of God." 7 After a memorable visit with the founder in November 1903, Mother M. Cyril I.H.M. consented to receive and train the first three and an ever increasing number of candidates, who would in the providence of God form the nucleus of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. At first the young candidates, as aspirants, studied in the boarding academy with the regular students at Mount St. Mary's. As they advanced in their classes, they were admitted to the postulate and then to the reception of the habit, especially designed for them by the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart. Meanwhile, much thought was given to the status which the new Sisters would have. Would they be a part of the congregation of the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart? Would they join some other Community as a separate group? Or would they form an entirely new congregation? As these deliberations continued beyond the usual two years of novitiate and pastors of several Slovak parishes were growing impatient, Mother M. Cyril decided to have the three senior novices begin their teaching apostolate. With Father Joseph Murgas of Sacred Heart Church in Wilkes-Barre she arranged to place his school in their charge, under the guidance of an experienced Sister of the Immaculate Heart as superior. Opened on September 8, 1908 with 309 pupils, it was the first school staffed by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius.8 SLOVAKIA 59 In 1909 a petition to the Holy See was drawn up by Father Jankola and the three priests most closely associated with him, namely, Fathers Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, and Joseph Murgas, and submitted to Bishop Michael J. Hoban, who obtained canonical approval for the new congregation from Pope St. Pius X .9 On September 11, 1909 the first three members-Sister Mary Mihalik, Sister M. Joseph Bartek and Sister M. Emmanuel Pauly-made their profession in the chapel of Mt. St. Mary's. The membership grew rapidly and within a few years additional schools were opened in the diocese of Scranton. It was generally taken for granted that the new congregation would establish its motherhouse in the Scranton diocese, but God's providence directed otherwise. Jednota Prepares the Way At this point it might be well to show how the Jednota was instrumental in the hands of Providence in shaping the destiny of the Community. In an article written by Mr. A. V. Kozak, an outstanding Slovak Catholic layman, the following facts are recorded: In 1906 the 12th biennial convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, held in McKeesport, Pa. proposed to buy 1and for the erection of buildings for its own use and for a motherhouse for the Slovak Sisters. A committee was appointed to select a suitable site, but since it did not succeed, the matter was deferred to the next, the 13th convention held in Youngstown, Ohio, in 1908, during which Mr. Kozak was elected Supreme president of the First Catholic Slovak Union. Under his direction the project was resumed. Counties in the vicinity of Harrisburg were visited and finally a suitable site was found in Dauphin County, near Middletown. In Mr. Kozak's own words: "The tract of land is a farm of 300 acres, the soil rich and fertile, the location beautiful and convenient of ac,. cess . . . The city of Harrisburg can be reached in 30 minutes and Middletown in less than five . The buildings on the grounds have telephone connections, gas and electric light, and very good drinking water. The section is historically known as Camp Meade from the time of the Spanish Amer- 60 SLOVAKIA ican War in 1898, when it was occupied by American soldiers. On the premises there are still three large artesian wells which the soldiers had used. Withouth doubt, it is an ideal spot." The purchase was transacted in the week of July 1, 1909, just before the feast of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and the cause was placed under the care of these two holy patrons. Mr. Kozak concludes: "Here will be located the institute of the First Catholic Slovak Union-a refuge for the orphans and a resting place for our aged. This institute will be under the care of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and here will be their center, their motherhouse. "It is our duty as well as to our interest to support this Slovak community of religious women, both materially and morally, in order that it may be firmly established as soon as possible, that it may wax strong, able to perform its mission efficiently. "This community is the spiritual concern not only of a few individuals, not only of the priests responsible for its foundation, but it is the spiritual possession of the entire Slovak nation." 10 Such were the words and sentiments of Mr. A. V. Kozak at a time when the young Slovak community was but three years old, numbering only 18 professed Sisters! He was a lifelong friend of the Slovak Sisters who looked upon their early days with the care and solicitude of a father, and who was ever ready to stand by with counsel and loyal support. And the Jednota and the Slovak people at large shared these sentiments. Bishop J. W . Shanahan Keenly Interested "Man proposes and God disposes" is a favorable proverb of the Slovaks. Many were the times when this was applicable in the history of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and that especially in the development of the plans regarding Middletown. The building of the orphanage was nearing completion and all attention was centered thereon. Yet, although it was generally understood among the Slovak people that the Sisters would take possession of the building, there was no specific assurance even about the first movement in that direction. SLOVAKIA 61 The Most Reverend J. W. Shanahan, then bishop of Harrisburg, manifested a fatherly solicitude toward the young community from its very inception. He knew Mother Cyril well, having sought her aid some years previously in the foundation of another young community-the Lithuanian Sisters of St. Casimir. The fact that the Slovak Sisters had just taken charge of two new schools in his diocese (Mt. Carmel and Shamokin) intensified his interest. Many instances of his fatherly concern are recorded in the annals of the congregation. "I am anxious about Middletown," wrote the bishop in a letter to Mother Cyril, dated July 31, 1913, "not knowing how far the Slovak Jednota and the Slovak people will assist the new work. But my principal concern is about the religious side of the foundation. If that begins wrong it is utterly done for." 11 Mother Cyril reassured the bishop in a letter dated August 4, 1913, in which she gives him much of the information he was anxious to have: "We went to Middletown for the purpose of meeting the committee in charge of furnishing the new motherhouse. Plans were made for the accommodation of about seventy-five Sisters. We were careful to preserve economy and simplicity and found that necessary furnishing could be had at a cost of about $3600. The committee believed that a greater amount should be expended, but we adhered to the exclusion of superfluities. "With regard to your anxiety about the little community, I believe that there is no reason to fear . I think that the Jednota and the Slovak people will continue to be generous with the Sisters. There is one thing, however, that I should like the Sisters to accomplish, and that is, the acquiring of a portion of the Middletown property, so that in time to come the Sisters can have something of their own. As the years go on, they will feel the need of independence, to a degree at least, and now is the time to plan for the future. "So far as the religious side of the work is concerned, I feel confident all will be well. Ever since these children have been with us, they have conducted themeselves in such manner as to win the esteem and admiration of our community. I am voicing the opinion of all when I say that 62 SLOVAKIA they have never given us any trouble. The only thing I fear is their youth, but I hope that lack of years will be supplied by the grace that will attend their strict observance of their Holy Rule. The Rule has been carefully prepared for them, and is founded, as far as possible on Canon Law. It is somewhat different from ours, because we know from experience that some points should be made stronger for young religious who are beginning their career in this age. It is my earnest desire that the Young community will show their appreciation by strictly observing every point. If I may take the liberty, I wish to ask you kindly to guard this precious interest so that it will not be tampered with or changed in any way. It has been my experience that if one point of Rule is broken, it weakens the others: If these young Sisters keep their Rule strictly, their rule will so keep them that they will be a source of consolation to you rather than a cause of anxiety. " 12 But when the bishop wrote again he was still anxious about Middletown; he would like more certainty. It was this attitude of his that put a check on all the preparations in the temporary novitiate in Plymouth for the transfer to Middletown and later had a very significant bearing on the entire course of events. In a letter dated August 17, 1913, the bishop wrote: "A few weeks ago I called to inspect the Slovak operation at Middletown. I found that a good, strong building is going up. The contractor was getting ready to begin the plastering. I could get no information other than this at the new building or at the printery ... "My concern is not so much about the financial as the religious side of the enterprise; though the financial outlook is very misty indeed. Nobody seems to know anything of the future ." About the Holy Rule he added: "You need not fear that I will sharpen my axe for the Slovak Holy Rule. I have examined many Holy Rules, and I see many things to be reformed. But he would be rash indeed who would undertake the task of reformation. The proof of the pudding is in the eating; and if the religious orders of women in the United States have accomplished such wonderful things for Holy Church by reason of their strict adherence to the Holy Rule, it would be better for outsiders not to tamper with Holy Rules."13 SLOVAKIA 63 The cause of this uncertainty about the future lay in the fact that the organization itself was not definitely sure about the main issue. The Jednota officers meant well. Mr. Kozak especially was sincerely devoted to the project. But there were the 50,000 members to consider. The plans, as adopted at the previous convention, provided for the building of an orphanage which the organization would sponsor and maintain. But to have a few Sisters at the orphanage to care for the orphans, and to have the entire community settled there were not the same thing. The officers were unwilling to decide this matter without the sanction of the members. That meant waiting for the next convention. When Bishop Shanahan discerned this hesitency, his course was decided. He would not allow the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius to occupy the building as their motherhouse. He gladly received the Sisters into the diocese to take charge of the orphanage, but as to making their community headquarters there, he set the condition that they must either acquire property of their own, or have part of the Jednota property deeded to them in their name. THE JEDNOTA HOME The orphanage was completed and furnished by the spring of 1914, ready for the arrival of the Sisters who were to take charge. On May 9, 1914, the first two orphans arrived. They were Philip and Mary Hrobak, brother and sister, from Cleveland, Ohio. Others followed them through the vacation months and by September, there were some thirty to begin the school term. The Home was very fortunate in its first inmates. They were unusually good, well-behaved children, giving evidence of careful and God-fearing home training. The Slovak people as a whole regarded them and the Sisters with affectionate interest, for the whole institution was to them the fulfillment of a long-cherished hope. In September of that year the First Catholic Slovak Union was to hold its 16th biennial convention in the city of Harrisburg. Bishop Shanahan's stand concerning the transfer of the community to Middletown had been received by the officers of the Jednota with full understanding. They lost no time in making arrangements to meet the conditions of the bishop. Plans and motions were pre- 64 SLOVAKIA pared, which, when placed before the delegates were unanimously adopted. The crowning feature of this convention was the dedication of the orphanage, whose full title is "Immaculate Conception Jednota Home." In the KALENDAR JEDNOTA of 1915 there is a record of this celebration from the pen of Mr. Andrew V. Kozak. A translation follows: Our Home at J ednota "The convention of the Slovak Catholic Union took place in Harrisburg in September, 1914. Much good was effected by this convention for our organization and for its members. The closing day, September 19, was marked by a significant celebration-the dedication of the Institution of the First Catholic Slovak Union. "It was truly a glorious day, enhanced by oeautiful weather. Early in the morning, the golden rays of the sun glowing from a blue, cloudless sky, warmed the earth. "As the delegates assembled in the convention hall this lovely morning, though weary from their week's hard work, there was joyful contentment on every countenance. The customary Christian greeting, 'Praised be Jesus Christ' was heard everywhere, followed by glad compliments on the beautiful weather. At eight o'clock the Supreme Officers and the delegates boarded the special train which conveyed them to our farm. In friendly conversation the time passed quickly and the cars stopped before the Jednota printery. The delegates marched up the lane to the Home which stands on a picturesque knoll several hundred yards from the printery. "On the neat lawn in front of the Home a large group of guests had already gathered. They were members of the local branches of the F.C.S.U. from nearby towns, and other individuals who had journeyed here to witness the most significant Slovak celebration in America. "The delegates filed into the chapel of the Home. The spiritual advisor of the F.C.S.U., the Rev. Stephen Furdek, celebrated the first Holy Mass in the chapel. After Mass, the delegates marched to the altar rail where each left an offering for the orphans. They then went out and took their places among the crowds of pilgrims in front of the building. In the meantime, the Most Reverend J. W. Shanahan, Bishop of Harrisburg, placed a large crucifix in the main SLOVAKIA 65 loggia, and then, attended by the clergy, he went through the entire building, blessing it. "The Most Reverend Bishop then celebrated a pontifical High Mass in the open air at a temporary altar erected at the main entrance. The entire facade of the building was decorated with the American, Slovak and Papal colors. "On one side of the spacious veranda near the altar knelt our orphans and their devoted guardians, the revered Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. During the entire service these orphans knelt with their eyes fixed upon the altar. With childlike innocence and humility they prayed for their deceased parents and sent fervent thanks to the throne of the Most High for their benefactors, the members of the Catholic Jednota, who were providing them with this protecting roof and securing for them the services of the kindly Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. "It was truly a touching as well as inspiring picture which the kneeling orphans and their kind protectors present.ed as they prayed there so fervently. Many a spectator was moved to tears. "After the pontifical Mass, the Most Reverend Bishop read the cablegram from His Holiness, Pope Benedict XV, imparting the apostolic blessing upon all the members of the Catholic Jednota. "The Slovak sermon was delivered by the 'father of the Jednota,' the Rev. Stephen Furdek. He told how, in the early years when there were no Slovak Catholic churches in America, our first immigrants sought the churches of other nationalities where they could fall on their knees to worship God and thank Him for His blessings. Such was their faith and their devotion that American Catholics looked on with admiration. He pointed out that our people are generous and give willingly of their means for any worthy cause. A proof of this is the Institute just dedicated, which was built by the generosity of the good members of the Catholic Jednota that it might serve as a shelter for poor orphans, deprived of father and mother. He called attention to the noble mission of the devout Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, who have consecrated their virginity and their entire lives to Jesus Christ, their Spouse, who have become tender mothers without knowing motherhood, 66 SLOVAKIA and thus have become the greatest benefactors of poor Slo· vak orphans. "Every word of the venerable speaker reached deep into the hearts of the listeners, so that there was not one tearless eye. Father Furdek spoke with a heart overflowing with joy upon the realization of his long cherished desire. "The English address was given by the Most Reverend Bishop Shanahan. The Bishop extolled the good qualities of our Slovak people, declaring that the Slovaks are loyal, God-fearing and exemplary Catholics. He praised the generosity of the members of the Catholic Jednota, who, without murmuring, gave the funds which had made possible this fine building. "At the conclusion of his address, the Most Reverend Bishop called upon the Supreme President of the Jednota, the writer of these lines, to speak. Among other things, I said: 'It is now five years and three months since I first visited the vicinity of Harrisburg for the purpose of finding a suitable location for our Institution. I had then chosen this estate, where today stands our own building, the institute of the Catholic Jednota. During my term of office it was my fervent ambition to erect and furnish this institute, this school and orphanage. This desire, after long and strenuous work, has been fulfilled. This moment is the happiest of my life; the work is now accomplished. But the Jednota will not fold its hands. It will continue the noble work begun here for the good of our Slovak Catholic people of America. Confident of the united good will of all, I look forward to the time when we shall build here a Slovak high school, a college, an industrial school and perhaps even a Slovak seminary. I thank all the members whose generous contributions have made it possible for us to build this beautiful monument of Slovak piety and charity. I ask the members to continue their loyal cooperation with their supreme officers, for it is only with unity and mutual assistance that we can hope for success in our undertakings.' "Thus came to an end a celebration which brought great credit to the Slovaks and which will live long in the memories of those who participated in it." 14 At the time of this event the home was already in the care of the Sisters. They had taken it over, not as a mother- SLOVAKIA 67 house, but simply as a local mission. A Sister of the Immaculate Heart of Mary from Marywood was the superior for that first year to guide the young Sisters in the task of organizing their duties in this new and responsible undertaking. The Community at Jednota Bishop Shanahan's stand concerning the transfer of the community to Middletown had been received by the Jednota officials with sympathetic understanding. They lost no time in making arrangements to meet the conditions set by the bishop. At a special session of the 16th Convention in 1914, a resolution was passed "to set aside and convey, by good and proper deed 10 acres of land . . . to the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and to build thereon a motherhouse." 15 The motherhouse was completed in 1915-a strong brick building, unpretentious, but adequately equipped for all the immediate necessities of a small community. Since it was assumed that part of the spacious orphanage would be used by "the Sisters, this "motherhouse" was a comparatively small dwelling, which of itself could not serve the growing community very long. But it proved to be a great blessing to the community at a time of its most urgent need, as will be seen later in this narrative. By the summer of 1915 the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius numbered 63 members-45 professed Sisters and 18 novices. Both the Sisters themselves and the congregation that had directed them so far felt that the time was ripe for the young community to elect its own Superior and governing Council, even though none of the members had as yet reached the age prescribed by the Constitutions for these offices. There were others also desirous of seeing the community under its own government, particularly the Jednota officers, who could not very well execute the provisions of the contract drawn up at the recent convention until the administration of the community was made definite. For this reason also Mr. Kozak had previously taken the precaution of legally incorporating the community. The articles of incorporation were filed in the Court of Dauphin County January, 1915 and the Charter was issued on Feb· ruary 8, 1915. In the summer of 1915 the congregation convoked its 68 SLOVAKIA first General Chapter during which Mother Mary Mihalik was elected Superior General. Her first care was to arrange for the Sisters' summer activities. She made an application to the Jednota officials to have the professed Sisters spend a few weeks at Middletown and to make their annual retreat there. Her request was graciously granted and every help was extended to make the Sisters' summer pleasant and profitable. Without delay the Sisters entered upon the course of studies which Mother Mary had arranged for them. Apart from their studies they helped in caring for the orphans, supervising their play, their meals, and other activities. Since it was vacation time they enjoyed extra hours in the open air amid beautiful surroundings. The change afforded the Sisters by this stay in Middletown, with its sensible arrangement of work and relaxation, was most beneficial. The care of the orphans added to their experience. The retreat, which was set for the week of August 22, was the first one to be arranged for and held independently by the little community. Mr. Kozak and his fellow officers were most helpful in planning for this event. They suggested that the Most Reverend Joseph M. Koudelka, Bishop of Superior, Wisconsin, be engaged - as retreat master. Bishop Koudelka, a Czech, spoke Slovak and English well and had been active in conducting missions in Slovak parishes. The supreme officers of the Jednota assisted not only with the arrangements to receive so distinguished a retreat master, but they also took care of all the expenses, including the retreat master's honorarium. Nowadays, when annual retreats are taken for granted, it is not easy to grasp what this first retreat "on their own'' meant to the Sisters. To be together under one roof, among their own, with their own Mother General, with a promising, even if as yet somewhat uncertain future ahead of them-all this filled those young hearts with ardent zeal, generous courage, and deep gratitude. It was with glad enthusiasm that they received their appointments for the year, the first to be issued by Mother Mary. And so the new Congregation of Slovak Sisters opened its first school year on its own resources, under its own local superiors and school principals, and governed by its own Superior General. There were 45 professed Sisters to SLOVAKIA 69 staff twelve schools besides the special charge of Jednota Home. A heavy burden, indeed, for such young and undeveloped strength. The gallant little bands, departing from the Jednota Home for their assigned missions, little dreamed what losses the Community would suffer before the close of that school year of 1915-1916. Interesting though it would be for the reader to follow the details of these crises and how they influenced the course of the community, space does not permit their inclusion here. Suffice it to say that in the spring of 1916, within 3 months death took three of the persons most closely connected with the community's establishment. Bishop Shanahan died on February 19, Mother Mary on April 30, and Father Jankola on May 5. Transfer to Harrisburg Diocese Following the Constitutions, the Vicaress, Mother M. Emmanuel immediately assumed the duties of Superior General. She set about at once to make preparations for the extraordinary General Chapter to elect a new Superior General. This second election, like its predecessor, was held at Marywood, Scranton, on August 1, 1916, and Mother M. Emmanuel was elected Superior General. Because of the illness and untimely death of Mother Mary, plans for occupying the motherhouse on the Jednota premises had to be suspended. It must be remembered, too, that World War I was raging in Europe, and although our country was not yet involved, its effects were already being felt. Meanwhile the number of postulants was increasing. The need for Sisters was urgent and these applicants were most welcome. The convent at Plymouth had been passably roomy for part of the novitiate and only moderately crowded when the two divisions were united, but now it was actually overcrowded. The policy of "always finding room for one more" could not be followed indefinitely. Mother Emmanuel was now determined to secure a permanent motherhouse at any cost for it was pressingly urgent to find more suitable living quarters chiefly for the growing novitiate. Quite naturally, her thoughts turned to the house in Middletown. The building, however small and inadequate for a motherhouse, would serve very well for 70 SLOVAKIA the novitiate, at least for a year or two; and during this interval there would be time to plan for a permanent home. As this house with its ten acres of land on the Jednota property had been legally deeded to the community, there was only one more circumstance to delay immediate occupation, namely, permission for a transfer of the novitiate to another diocese. The Community needed not only the approbation of the Bishop of Scranton to leave the diocese, but also the agreement of the Bishop of Harrisburg to receive it; and the latter, just recently installed, was not yet acquainted with Mother Emmanuel and her community. The transfer was effected and the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius was officially established in the diocese of Harrisburg August 4, 1917. This change was beneficial in many ways. The house in Middletown, besides being larger than the Plymouth convent, was more suitably constructed and equipped with more conveniences. It was located away from the noise and distractions of town life and it admirably provided the quiet and seclusion so necessary for novices. Over and above these very desirable advantages was the providential circumstance that brought the community under the jurisdiction of Bishop Phillip R. McDevitt, a scholar and educator of national fame. From his first meeting with the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius Bishop McDevitt took a deep, fatherly interest in their welfare and was ever ready to guide and counsel, to instrnct and encourage, to protect and safeguard. This enduring interest brought to the community untold blessings. The novices entered at once upon the regular order of the novitiate, happy and gratefully appreciative of their new home. Furnishing the chapel had been the first care of the superiors. Here the novices performed the prescribed religious exercises. For daily Mass and for the other liturgical services they went to the orphanage chapel. Once a week the chaplain of the Home celebrated Mass in the little novitiate chapel. Mother Emmanuel was noted for her thrift and her interest in agriculture. The ten acres of land were soon put under cultivation as a truck farm and vegetable garden. The Jednota farmhands were always available to do the plowing and heavier labor, but the novices themselves did SLOVAKIA 71 all the other work. Milk was supplied from the Jednota dairy at a nominal cost. Two of the senior novices were able to perform regular duties in the orphanage in place of professed Sisters and their salaries added to the meagre revenues of the little religious household. In this way the young pioneers progressed-praying, working, learning, and saving every penny that could be spared "for the new motherhouse." But the hardships and privations endured were often severe. The regular requirements of the novitiate provide discipline enough. In addition there was the hard manual labor to be done-weeding and hoeing under the hot sun, caring for poultry, helping in the orphanage laundry, and all the chores incidental to the upkeep of the house and the grounds. Withal they subsisted on the simplest fare . Their generosity and spirit of sacrifice were edifying. When one considers their youth-most postulants of those days entered at the age of 15-and their inexperience at the unaccustomed manual work they willingly undertook, when one beheld their courage and perseverance, and above all the joyous gaiety which was ever present among them, one could not help admiring the mysterious power of God's grace. In the summer of 1918 Mother Emmanuel decided to hold both the retreat and the ceremony of religious profession at Middletown. Nine postulants received the habit and nine novices pronounced their first vows. The Most Reverend Bishop McDevitt himself presided at the ceremonies. On the same day a class of 48 orphans received the sacrament of Confirmation. The day was truly a happy and festive one for the Sisters and for their many friends and benefactors. Especially welcome among these were two Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, who came all the way from Scranton to share the joy of the little community on this occasion of its first religious ceremony away from Marywood, its first home. The Flu Epidemic These happy events brought considerable relief from the anxieties under which the community had been struggling since its departure from Scranton in 1913. But the next year of 1918-1919 held some very dark hours indeed. 72 SLOVAKIA It was the last year of World War I, when the country was longing and praying for peace. Just then the alarming symptoms of influenza appeared, the epidemic which was to work such devastation before it could be brought under control. On October 5 the Health Department of Pennsylvania issued an order closing all churches and schools, all places of amusement and assembly. The bishops of the country called upon religious communities in their dioceses for volunteers to nurse the stricken people. The Sisters of all communities generously offered their services as volunteer nurses, and the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius from all their local convents joined in the work of mercy. The Sisters served everywhere on day and night duty, in emergency hospitals and in the homes of stricken families. Their services were many and varied. They nursed the patients, cleaned the sickrooms, washed and dressed the children and prepared meals. They assisted the dying and kept vigil with them through the long hours of the night. At first the Sisters went in twos to minister to the patients, but soon the demands increased so much that they were obliged to go singly, without a companion. Many a family was found with all its members lying helpless, left for days without care, as there was much fear of contagion. The appearance of the Sisters and their courage in caring for the patients acted like magic. Soon neighbors came to relieve the Sisters, inviting them to their homes for meals and a little rest. They considered it a great honor to have a Sister enter their house. All this called for much courage and self sacrifice. The Sisters were very young, without any experience in professional nursing. But God took wonderful care of them and blessed their humble efforts. A Sister was called to a home where the patient was the father of the family, a strong man of powerful frame. He was delirious and at times difficult to manage, defying those who tried to help him and refusing to stay in bed. When the Sister came, however, he obeyed like a child, repeating over and over again, "I'll do it for you, Sister." This was the usual experience; the patients had complete confidence in the Sisters. Mother Emmanuel spent many an anxious hour during those strenuous weeks. She feared for her community whose members were so limited, so youthful, and so frail, and SLOVAKIA 73 whose services were so sorely needed for the work in their apostolate. Fervent were the prayers offered for the safety of the little religious family. And God heard those prayers. While many of the Sisters contracted the disease, there were no deaths. All recovered. Another blessing for which the Sisters were deeply grateful to God was the preservation of both the novitiate and the Home from the epidemic. There was not one case in either house. Amid all these anxieties however, there was the comforting assurance about the novitiate. It was no longer divided in temporary shelters, but assembled under one roof and flourishing under favorable conditions. Mother Emmanuel was now able to give her undivided attention to the pressing problem of procuring a permanent motherhouse. How she succeeded in acquiring the beautiful estate in Danville, then known as Castle Grove, makes an unusually interesting chapter in the annals of the Congregation. In the summer of 1919 the novitiate was transferred to Danville and the motherhouse was permanently established. The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius took formal possession on the feast of Corpus Christi, June 19, 1919 and renamed their new home Sacred Heart Villa. So it was through the Providence of God and through devious ways that the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius established their headquarters in the diocese of Harrisburg at Danville, Pennsylvania. In this establishment a significant role was played by the Jednota, which gave shelter at one point to a homeless community and ever thereafter has evinced toward it a genuinely Christian and friendly cordiality. The two have much in common, on the religious as well as the educational, on the national as well as the cultural level of goals and achievement. I dare say the one influences the other, inspires, complements, supports the other in mutual aspirations. Jednota's services to the Community through the years are recorded in detail in the annals of the Congregation. They will ever be cherished in the grateful prayers of the Sisters. God's Hand Visible in Community's History Such were the beginnings of the Congregation of the Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The histories of 74 SLOVAKIA most religious congregations of Sisters record that their foundresses were mature women, often wealthy widows, experienced in dealing with people and affairs. The first members of this Slovak Community were girls in their teens, fresh from homes where they had been sheltered according to typical old world standards. One can but marvel that in hardly a dozen years after having been placed in the care of Mother Cyril and her community, they deve· loped into an independent congregation, having its own Superior General, its own motherhouse, conducting several parish schools and an orphanage. With God's blessing and under the guidance of Bishop Michael J. Hoban of Scranton, and Harrisburg's bishops John W. Shanahan and Philip R. McDevitt, and for 32 years under the devoted care of the present Bishop of Harrisburg, His Excellency The Most Reverend George L. Leech, the congregation has prospered both spiritually and materially. At present the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius number 420 professed Sisters, 21 novices, and 6 postulants. They labor in the archdioceses of Chicago, Hartford, New York, and Philadelphia, and in the dioceses of Bridgeport, Charleston, Gary, Greensburg, Harrisburg, Scranton, Steubenville, Syracuse, and Trenton. They teach in 32 parish schools and 8 high schools, including a boarding academy for girls. They conduct catechetical classes in 40 parishes and operate two homes for the aged, an orphanage, a summer camp, a psycho-educational clinic and a house of studies. Two Sisters serve on the faculty of Marywood College, Scranton, and one is engaged on the faculty of a speech clinic in Philadelphia. Through the years the Sisters have adopted various forms of adjustment to modern life. They are educating their young members along the lines of the Sister Formation program, helping them first of all to drink deep of the spirit of Christ and thus to present Christ the Way, Christ the Truth, and Christ the Life to those whom they serve. The program calls for the total development of the Sister in all the spheres of her Christian, intellectual and community life. She pores over books in a full college program and opens her mind to the message of truth; she SLOVAKIA 75 pursues goodness in her association with God and her companions; she keeps her goals and aspirations high and seeks to steep herself in beauty in order to convey "a fulfilled life" to others. The window opened by Pope John XXIII exposes her to view and brings to her life the newest in matters biblical, liturgical, psychological, catechetical, and religious. By the time she has taken her vows of poverty, chastity and obedience, she has become a light set on a mountain, a witness to Christ, an apostle sent, a servant of the servants to God. Postulants and novices pursue college courses, but weekends they give instructions in Christian doctrine to public school children and they visit and work with people in homes for the aged. While continuing their college education, the Sisters in the Juniorate have been tutoring retarded children on weekends. Similar work is done in many parishes during the summer months and after school hours. The Sisters participate professionally in diocesan, parish and civic activities in their respective communities. They attend conferences and workshops, serve on committees and give lectures at assemblies and institutes. Among the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius there is a readiness to "think along" with the Church, to follow its directives, to spread the good news of the Gospel, and to bring every soul to a knowledge and love of Christ, the Savior of mankind. They have been FREED for this mission by their vows. A specific trust left to the Community by its Founder is the preservation of our Slovak heritage. With the change of times, concessions and adaptations had to be devised, especially in the formal teaching of Slovak in the elementary schools. But the underlying loyalty to the Community's origin is ever alive. A separate chapter could well be devoted to all that is being accomplished by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in the field of Slovak. At present two cherished projects are underway: the organization and development of the Jankola Library, a sizable branch of the main academy library; and active co-operation with the 76 SLOVAKIA apostolate of the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Rome. Historically, the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius can be traced back sixty years to a priest of zeal, foresight, and determination, to an Immaculate Heart Sister of prudence and charity, and to a bevy of eagerly generous teen-age girls. The guidance of wise and Christ-like bishops, of devoted Slovak pastors, and the cooperation of generous Slovak people stood by to insure its progress. And the Slovak organizations, both religious and fraternal, with Jednota well in the lead, lent constant moral and material support. Inevitably, however, the spirit of the Sisters, as of their venerated founder and of all those who contributed to their welfare, has its wellspring in the courage and perseverance, the faith and love of two brotherapostles, SS. Cyril and Methodius, who sacrificed wealth and position to bring the faith to the Slovak Nation eleven hundred years ago. Danville, Pennsylvania FOOTNOTES 1. Cf. Kalendar J ednota. 1900. p. 136. 2. Quigley. The Christian Citizen. Chicago, Mentzer, 1953. p. 101. 3. Kalendcir J ednota. 1900. p . 135-136. 4. Kalendcir Jednota. 1911. p . 97 5. Ibid. p. 98. 6. Original Charter with Articles of Incorporation (1905) in Community Archives, Motherhouse of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville, Pa. Cf. Kalendar Jednota. 1908. p. 177-178. 7. Rev. Andrew Pavco. Personal interview. 1933. 8. Letter of Mother M. Cyril to Father Matthew Jankola. Community Archives. 9. Copy of Petition and Decree of Approval from Chancery, Diocese of Scranton, in Community Archives. 10. Kalendar Jednota. 1912. p. 19-24. SLOVAKIA 77 11. Letter of Bishop J. W. Shanahan to Mother M. Cyril. Community Archives. 12. Letter of Mother M. Cyril to Bishop J . W . Shanahan. Community Archives. 13. Letter of Bishop J. W. Shanahan to Mother M. Cyril. Community Archives. 14. Kalendar Jednota. 1915. p. 161-165. 15. Ibid. p . 164. BIBLIOGRAPHY Consuela Gregorovich, Sister M., SS.C.M. Contribu ti ons of Reverend Matthew Jankola to Slovak Catholic Education in the United States. Washington, D.C. , The Catholic University of America, 1944. Emerentia Petrasek, Mother M., SS.C.M. History of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. Danville. Unpublished. Hrusovsky, Frantisek. Slovenske rehole v Amerike (Slovak religi ous communities in America). Cleveland, Slovak Institute, 1955. p. 164-232. Immaculata Gillespie, Sister M., C.I.M. Th e Sister s of the Immaculate Heart of Mary. 1921. p. 357-364. Pauco, Jozef. Matus Jankola, knaz a narodovec. (Matthew Jankola, Priest and Patriot). Middletown, Jednota, 1959. Pauco, Jozef. Slovenska rehol' a sestier sv . Cyrila a Metoda. Middletown, Jednota, 1957. Pauco, Jozef. 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 years of the First Catholic Slovak Union.) Middletown, Jednota, 1965. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks, here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns and other American charitable projects.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Jednota and the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius Description An account of the resource Mother M. Emerentia Petrášek, SS.C.M. Slovakia, Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968 pp. 55-77 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Petrášek, Mother M. Emerentia, SS.C.M. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/d66f0dacf0bb176350d587f97ec479d4.pdf 7f17197db1a8edc646c4e7fee8d92902 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 5 THE SLOVAKS AND THE PITTSBURGH PACT Peter P. Hletko M.D. PREFACE None of the material in this article is new. The Slovaks are very well acquainted with it. It has been presented in book and pamphlet form, in newspaper articles etc. in the Slovak language many times. Our purpose here is to present this material to the American public and to acquaint it with the Pittsburgh Pact and all that the Pact guaranteed the Slovak nation in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. We feel that the American public is entitled to know all about the Pittsburgh Pact because the Pact is an American product and is in line with the principles of democracy and self-determination of small nations, for the defense of which principles this country, too, entered World Wars . We also feel that the American people, mindful of the fact that its own pioneers came here and founded a government on strong principles of democracy as opposed to aristocracy in an endeavor to escape the persecutions in their own land, shall lend the pleadings of the Slovak people a sympathetic ear. We present a few historical sketches so that the reader may know who the Slovak people are and that they have a glorious past; that they once had their freedom; how they regained their freedom; how they came to be in the CzechoSlovak Republic; how events developed and led to the drafting and signing of the Pittsburgh Pact; how the Slovaks seceded from Czecho-Slovakia and set up their own independent Slovak State. We want the reader to know what the Pact guaranteed, how the stipulations of the Pact were ignored, and what flimsy objections were raised relative to the validity of the Pact by those who were patrties to that Pact and who later became interested that the provisions of the Pact should be ignored. We hope that the reader will then understand why the Slovaks were clamoring for their autonomy-homerule-in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and now want "out" of the Communistic c-SSR and into their own independent State or Republic. �6 SLOVAKIA HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The Slovaks as a nation are not unknown in historical annals. They have a glorious past extending many centuries back. Stephen J . Palickar writes the following short synopsis: "The historical era of the Slovak Race marks its beginning at the time when the Slovaks are said to have reached Europe in the sixth century Before Christ. This period, of course, remains in such darkness as to leave us nothing but conjecture. Beginning with 335 A. D., we find that history reveals a. sufficient amount of facts pertaining to the Slovaks which leads us to believe that sometime during that period the Slovak Race had contacted with Byzantine influences and had already inherited a substantial share of Latin and German culture. This phase of Slovak life was next followed by periods of small rulers and that of King Svatopluk who was master of nearly the whole of Central Europe, whose land was known as the Great Slovak-Moravian Kingdom. During the period in which King Svatopluk ruled over this vast Slovakian territory, many enterprising feats had taken place among the Slovaks. Culture had made deep inroads among the people but it was not until Christianity was accepted by the Slovaks did history really begin to deal with them in any paramount way. The first Christian Church of the Slovaks was established by the Slovakian prince, Pribina, in the ancient city of Nitra about 830 A.D. Complete Christianization of the Slovak people was later effected by the Saints Cyril and Methodius (863-885). Church building and the acceptance of Christianity by the Slovaks antedates that of the Bohemians by 60 years; the Poles by 140 years; Russians by 160 years, and the Hungarians by 175 years." Just how powerful and influential this ancient Kingdom of the Slovaks was, may be judged from the description given by Joseph Skultety, outstanding Slovak philologist and historian. (Translation by 0. D. Koreff: 'Sketches from Slovak History'.) He writes: "The State of our ancestors, which even in Mojmir's days unto 846 had been built wisely and courageously, was already a power in the days of Rastislav. The Germans were then pushing down the Danube as they never did afterwards, and Greater Moravia, the young Slavonic State, bravely barred their way. True enough, their aggression only increased thereby. King Louis, surnamed the German, a grandson of Charlemagne, in 855, immediately after his accession, invaded Moravia with a great military force in order to rid himself of a danger which was growing there for his realm. But here the first resistance was so great that Louis decided rather to leave the opponent in peace than to expose his whole army to a catastrophe ... Rastislav pursued Louis, the German, invaded his territory and devastated a large area ... Under Svatopluk, after Rastislav, Greater Moravia represented a still greater military power. The defeat of the Germans in 870, beneath Devin (where Rastislav had his castle described as 'a mighty fortress with which not even one of the most ancient can compare'), was crushing. Their army perished in the battle; very few saved themselves by flight. There were few families in Bavaria, Austria and Carinthia who did not mourn the loss of some of their members ... Later in his reign Svatopluk com- �SLOVAKIA 7 pletely stopped the onslaught of the Germans down the Danube, towards the East. In German annals a record is preserved stating that when he went against Arnulf in 884 his army was seen in one place to pass all day, from morning until evening. Svatopluk already had extended his sovereignty to the North, over Bohemia, where the first historic prince, Borivoj, ruled, and over the Polish Slavs on the Upper Vistula; in the South his sovereignty extended even farther ; far beyond the frontier of Slovak territory. "To found such a state, a Slav state on the middle Danube at that time-in the second half of the ninth century-certainly was a great accomplishment; history will never cease speaking of it. There were indeed indications that a center was originating here around which a considerable part of the Slav would unite. But a young state, in order to fortify itself, to consolidate, must needs have favorable conditions. Our Slovak ancestors, at the end of the ninth century, were not so fortunate. The Germanic world still lived in a condition of fermentto have it as a neighbor was not good. It would yield, retreat, only under duress, as under Svatopluk. After Svatopluk's death the nomadic Magyars came as another neighbor on the southern bank of the Danube and to the Tisa river. Under such circumstances, after the first weak• ening, caused by internal, domestic strife, a young organization is apt to fare badly. This strife, this discord among the sons of Svatopluk, was incited by their German neighbors and Greater Moravia perished. The Magyars came to the Danube in 896, two years after Svatopluk's death, Mojmir II, Svatopluk's successor, in 900 petitioned for and procured from Rome two bishops and one archbishop, thus still organizing the Church. In 902 he still proved to his trans-Danubian neighbors that he is a son of Svatopluk, but not long afterwards he was no more .. . Greater Moravia perished." What happened to the Slovaks after the downfall of their Moravian kingdom is obscure and that part of history is rather nebulous. However, eventually we again find them coming to the fore. Palickar writes: "From the time of Matus cak .. . who in 1301 succeeded in restoring part of the lost Kingdom for the Slovaks, under whose rule thirty fortified castles were preserved, the Slovaks retained their spirit of nationalism and racial identity. Nor did culture cease to exist amongst the Slovaks during the Middle Ages, though it is often said that about• this time the real link to Slovakian history became lost and obscured in the pages of time. Contrary to that belief, however, the fact remains that Slovak history had never ceased to be written for a period of years until the well known revolution of 1848." · In all those Middle Age centuries we see the Slovaks attacked and their territory invaded and devastated by the Huns, the Tartars, the Turks and other tribes. And we also see the gradual coming over of the Magyars across the Danube and domesticating themselves on Slovak soil, until after centuries, the Magyars assumed control. What occured around 1848 is well synopsized by Palickar: "The Hungarians at this time waged war against Austria, while the Slovaks, after years of anticipation mixed with bitterness and resentment for the Hungarians, saw their opportunity and likewise rose against �8 SLOVAKIA the Hungarians for their Slovak language and national rights. The conclusion of war between Austria and Hungary, while reuniting the two people, threw the Slovaks back under the Hungarian rule with none of their rights recognized, particularly because of their support to the Austrians in this war. After presenting their famous Memorandum to the Imperial Throne of Austria in 1861, the Slovaks were granted the right to open several high schools ... the 'Matica Slovenska,' an institution for the fostering of Slovak culture wherein special study was encouraged in Slovak history, Art and Language . . . The Empire of the Austrians and Hungarians was again split in two so that in 1878 a more active crusade of Magyarizing the Slovaks had begun." It is at this point that we wish to enter into more detailed dis cussion of the modern Slovak nation and its struggles. HUNGARIAN PERSECUTION OF THE SLOVAKS The persecutions that the Slovak nation suffered in the old Austro-Hungarian Empire at the hands of the Hungarian regime are a matter of historical record. The Slovaks were denied the rights of free speech and assemblage. Their literature and schools were suppressed and forbidden. The Slovak was considered anything but a human being, and the Magyar regime did not make secrecy of its attitude toward the subordinate Slovak people. "Tot nem ember" (Slovak is not a human being) and "Buta Tot," (Ignorant Slovak) were favorite expressions that the pompous and ruling Magyar people used in referring to the Slovak people. And yet, Slovakia, as Palickar remarks, "known as a 'subordinate' nation but always the equal of those who would assume superiority over her, she can, nevertheless, boast of the fact that Slovak blood gave to the Hungarians 20 of the most famous and outstanding characters that Hungary ever had, without whom there would have been very little Hungarian history today." (Petofi, Kossuth, Cardinal Czernoch, Petian, etc.) The Slovak, however, has an inherent love for liberty and freedom, and enjoys fostering his national spirit. The thousand years that the Slovak people lived under gradually developing Magyar rule, nor the fifty years of severe persecution at the hands of the Magyars just prior to the World War I, did not succeed in effacing the national consciousness of the Slovaks. On the contrary, the policy of forcible Magyarization served only to enhance the nationalistic feeling of the Slovak people. This policy of forcible Magyarization of the Slovaks �SLOVAK.IA 9 was undoubtedly the greatest reason for Slovak immigration into America. The Slovaks are essentially a homeloving and peaceful people, but the quest for a land of true liberty made them turn their attentions to this glorious land, the home of "The brave and the free." And even after they settled here, established their colonies, acclimated themselves to their new surroundings and began to live according to local customs, they were always mindful of the injustices that had driven them out of the land of their birth, their fatherland. Every bit of news that they received about new acts of persecution at the hands of the Magyars of their brethren left behind, stirred them anew, and made them vow vengeance all over again. The Hungarian government, on the other hand, viewed with some alarm the efforts of the Slovaks in America to stir up their countrymen in Slovakia to concentrated action, and certainly did everything in its power to frustrate the further expansion and development of Slovak national consciousness in America. It sent its emissaries to America to keep the good-will of the American political and diplomatic circles, and to indirectly undermine influences of the Slovaks. The Slovaks in America, however, could no longer be controlled by forces across the ocean, and they utilized all their own opportunities to call the attention not only of the proper influential sources in America, but the whole world at large, to the prosecution and injustice that the Slovaks were suffering at the hands of the Magyars in Austria-Hungary. Then came World War I, with the crumpling of Empires and fall of Kingdoms. Austria-Hungary was not enjoying solid footing and the Slovaks in America saw in the fall of the dual-monarchy their only chance of liberation and the only ray of hope for the restoration of their long-lost freedom . THE EARLY RELATIONS OF SLOVAKS AND CZECHS What the Slovaks suffered at the hands of the Magyars, the Czechs suffered at the hands of the Austrians-the Germans, although perhaps in somewhat lesser degree. Germanic influences were making their noticeable inroads into the ranks of the Czech people, and those with weaker convictions, naturally, succumbed. The Czechs and Slovaks did not have direct close con- �10 SLOVAKIA tacts. They lived apart. They had no common meeting ground. The literati, it is true, had their mutual contacts and they wrote and dreamed of the brotherhood of the Czech and Slovak, but no closer union between the two peopies was ever established. Some were so enthusiastic in their writings that they saw the Czech and Slovak peoples as branches of one Slovanic people, but the people themselves lived as two different nations . After the large immigration of the Czechs and Slovaks into this country, both peoples continued to live and develop here as two separate nations. Each built its own churches, schools and institutions. Each founded its own fraternal and social organizations. In places the Czechs and Slovaks lived in close proximity to each other, but at no time was there any marked intermingling. Both realized that the other is his closest Slavonic brother, but the lines of demarcation between the two peoples remained very definite and well established in this country. NATIONALISTIC MOVEMENT OF SLOVAKS The Slovaks have had their fraternal and social organizations here since about 1890, or slightly previous to that. The nationalistic spirit was fostered in all of them, but because here and there small leaders, who had originally succumbed to Magyar influences while still over there in the fatherland, managed to place themselves here in strategic positions, it was necessary to convince the wide masses of Slovaks here, that it is the duty of every Slovak in America to rid himself of every bit of Magyar influence, develop a real Slovak consciousness, and help his downtrodden brethren over there, who were struggling against overwhelming odds and disadvantages to keep the Slovak nation as such on the face of the earth. Every bit of news regarding new atrocities against the Slovak people there stirred the Slovak people here and helped to engender a better Slovak consciousness, and a willingness to rise in defense of the nation. But, the one most striking incident that finally completely awakened the Slovaks in America, was the massacre in Cernova, in Slovakia: Rev. Andrej Hlinka had been suspended by His Eminence Bishop Parvy because of his political activi- �SLOVAKIA 11 ties. The Hungarian government also took steps to make Hlinka harmless and the result was that he was sentenced to 2 years in jail. He was an ardent Slovak nationalist and in some of his political campaign speeches he had exhorted his Slovak followers to fight against the policies of Magyarization. In the meantime, the inhabitants of cernova, the birthplace of Hlinka, had succeeded in completing the building of their little church with the funds that Hlinka had collected, and preparations were made for a proper dedication and blessing of the church. The villagers appealed to the Bishop that Hlinka be re-instated and that he be delegated to perform the blessing of the church. The Bishop, however, appointed someone else and the date was set for October 27, 1907. The inhabitants of cernova then notified the Bishop that they do not wish to have the blessing performed on that date. Their wishes, however, were not to be respected and on the date set the proper appointee rode into town to perform the blessing of the Church. The villagers were congregated in the street in front of the Church and refused to admit the Church dignitaries, insisting that they wish Hlinka to bless their Church and no one else. A scuffle occured, and in the turmoil that followed, the gendarmes, standing nearby, were ordered to fire into the mob. They did! The street cleared in a hurry and 9 dead, 3 dying, 12 seriously injured and 80 less seriously injured persons were left lying there. That night 14 Slovak martyrs were found dead as the result of that salvo of bullets. And some months later numerous Slovaks were given jail sentences because of their participation in the c ernova uprising. The Slovaks ,in America realized that such atrocities must not go on unnoticed and rmprotested. The world at large must be informed about them. Many protest mass meetings followed. The Catholic Clergy called its first Cat:p.olic Slovak Congress on September 3, 1906, to WilkesBarre. The Slovak newspapermen and journalists met in December, 1906, in Pittsburgh. Everything was being worked up for a concentrated action of all the Slovaks, irrespective of their religious or political beliefs. This effort to unify the Slovaks was also responsible for the pamphlet: �12 SLOVAKIA "Political criminal trial against the Rev. Father Andrew Hlinka, the Rev. Father Joseph Tomik, Dr. srobar and others, in Ruzomberok, Liptov Comitat, Hungary, November 26 to December 26, 1906," published by the Slovak journalists. A benefit fund was also created, and thousands of dollars were sent to the old country for the support of the loyal and nationalistically conscious Slovaks who were imprisoned and otherwise mistreated by the Magyars. The outstanding result of the atrocities in Slovakia was the founding of the Slovak League of America. The Slovak Newspapermen's Association at the instigation of Rev. Stefan Furdek called the First Slovak Congress to Cleveland May 26, 1907. The representatives of all the Slovak organizations came to Cleveland for that meeting. Along with them came 7,000 other Slovaks, of all creeds, beliefs and dialects. None cared about anything else than that they are Slovaks, that their people are being cruelly mistreated under Magyar rule, and that they must come to the rescue of their brethren. Amid such enthusiasm the Slovak League was founded at that meeting in Cleveland. The Rev. Stefan Furdek was elected president, Albert Mamatey, secretary, Rev. John Porubsky, financial Secretary. Dr. M. Francisci, treasurer. The aim of the organization was. embodied principally in the following sentence of the By-laws: "That the Slovak nation may take its place among the older nations as an equal among equals." A National Fund was created from which the nationalistic movements of the Slovaks in the Fatherland were to be supported. Numerous mass meetings, under the auspices of the new Slovak League, followed all over the United States. Resolutions were adopted at these mass meetings, the contents of which in the main verse : 1. We protest against the massacre and imprisonment of our leading Slovak men in Hungary. 2. We strenously protest against the unfounded indictment of our Slovak peasants; against the unfounded procedure. of the courts, which are hurling our people into investigative imprisonment, as it has recently occured so many times. 3. We demand, that the Laws in Hungary be abided by and that they serve the Magyar as well as the Slovak, and not that the Slovak would get imprisonment and heavy fine on the least provocation. LIBRARY �SLOVAKIA 13 THE EARLY MOVEMENT FOR FREEDOM Such then was the stage-setting among the Slovaks here in America and in Hungary when World War I, broke out. The original gun-shot, in fact, which was to precipitate the world catastrophe, had really not yet been fired in Sarajevo, when the Slovaks in America had already prepared a Memorandum, intended for all the parliaments of the civilized world. Ivan Daxner, Sr., the Secretary of the Slovak League at the time, was just making the final corrections of the Memorandum, when first fire broke out in Europe, fore-telling the coming of the World War. With this sudden turn of affairs in Europe, many thought that the contents of the Memorandum should be changed. Sox:ne thought that it should definitely express the thought: "We want to break away from the Magyars." Others thought that it should express the idea: "We want to be with the Czechs." A middle course was chosen, and the Memorandum, delivered to all members of Congress of the United States asked, that "The Slovaks in Hungary should obtain their natural privileges of life, freedom and pursuit of happiness, which they have been deprived of by the dynasty; that the Slovaks be given an opportunity to develop their national spirit, their abilities, and the natural resources of their native land ; that the Slovaks be guaranteed the realization of their national ideals and efforts, which have been mercilessly trodden by the tyrannical Hungarian Government. " The Memorandum set forth in detail a description of the Slovak nation and a description of the land that the nation inhabits. It set forth a description of the Magyar atrocities: How the nation is oppressed by the Magyars, particularly since 1863; how its language is being expelled not only from governmental offices and schools, but even from the home circles of government officials and employes of Slovak descent. The Magyar government wilfully avoids Par. 44 of the Laws of 1868, according to which Slovak schools were to be . built by government funds . The government not only does not respect this law, but it has gone even further, and has forcefully closed schools which the Slovak people have established out of their own funds and voluntary contributions. The government has suppressed the "Matica Slovenska"-"The Slovak Foundation"the highest cultural and scientific institute of the Slovaks, �14 SLOVAKIA founded for their own advancement and uplift. The Magyar government has forcefully taken thousands of children during the years 1863-86 away from their parents, and sent them to Magyar territories for the purpose of complete Magyarization of these youthful Slovaks. The Slovaks are paying their taxes, but not one cent is being expended from government funds for Slovak culture and Slovak social welfare. For these and many other reasons the Slovaks in America, as free citizens of a great country, petitioned all influential political factors in Europe and all over the civilized world, in the name of justice and humanity, to see to it, when future new political units would be established and when fates of nations were to be decided that all the injustices perpetrated on the Slovak nation would be erased, and that the Slovak people be considered as an equal and free nation among the other nations of the world. The Slovak League asked that the Slovak people be granted their complete self-government and the freedom of self-determination in the field of politics as well as in the field of culture and commerce. This Memorandum was signed by all the officials of the Slovak League, by the representatives of twenty-three Slovak newspapers, by the representatives of twenty organizations, by fifty-two Catholic priests and forty Protestant Ministers. This Memorandum, published in five languages, besides the English, reached the most influential political and diplomatic factors in America. It did much to bring the Slovak cause before the World. It attracted attention to the Slovaks, who already up to that time, certainly were not an unknown quantity, as may be witnessed by the long conversation that President Taft had with the representatives of Slovak organizations in 1910. The main significance of this Memorandum, however, lies in the fact that the Slovaks of America, immediately after the outbreak of the War, were publicly taking upon themselves the role of a leader of the entire Slovak nation of the World-and they were doing it independently, without ties with anybody. They took upon themselves the duty of formulating the policies of the entire nation-and they demanded the right of self-determination and self-government in behalf of their entire nation. The Memorandum �SLOVAKIA 15 clearly showed that immediately after the outbreak of the War, the Slovaks in America had visions of liberating the Slovak nation from the control of all other nations. The signatures on the Memorandum were likewise significant, and they show just why the Slovaks of America assumed the leadership of the entire nation. The Slovak masses of America were organized, and the number of Slovaks in America standing in organized ranks exceeded the number of organized Slovaks that were ever known in their own fatherland. The number of publications represented on the Memorandum by signature also exceeded the number that the Slovaks had in their native country. All this clearly shows that the more progressive portion of the nation was found here in America, and that this portion had a full privilege, moral and financial, to speak in behalf of the entire nation. COOPERATION OF THE SLOVAKS AND CZECHS It is unnecessary to go into much detail to show how the Slovaks struggled for their cause and their liberation during those early years of World War I. They were fully united here-all the Slovaks-but they were carrying on the battle practically single-handed. Very often, at the meetings of their common organization, the Slovak League, they considered the question, whether they should find an ally and unite with him in their struggle, or whether they should continue to work single-handedly and independently for the brighter future of their nation. They were unanimous in their effort to tear the Slovaks across the sea from Magyar rule. There were no dissenters and no objectors to that idea. But in order that the Slovaks may come to bask in the sunshine of freedom, it was .necessary that Austria-Hungary be disrupted, and for such work they necessarily had to find an ally. Several proposed combinations developed. Some favored the Czechs as the ally to be sought. Others favored the Russians. Others favored the Poles, who already had promises from the Allies for a restoration of Poland. Gradually the Czechs came to be selected as the most logical ally to be sought. By what process of reasoning the Czechs came to be generally favored is probably best expressed in a letter written by Rev. Matus Jankola, Bridgeport, Connecticut, December 11, 1914, to Joseph Rusek, Editor of "Jednota." �16 SLOVAKIA "Our battle-cry must be: 'Away from the Magyars.' We must work for the self-government of Slovakia. Never, however, in the confines of Hungary, united with the Magyars! Their sentence over us is fatal: 'Tot nem ember.' It's in their blood ... We should ally ourselves with our Slav brothers. But with whom? The Russians are in part orthodox, and in part, too powerful. They would devour us. The Poles are closer to us, but they too , are too powerful in everything. We can ally ourselves with the Czechs only. There are two Czechs to every Slovak. We have just about the same language. The people would not have to learn another language ; their financial , commercial etc. abilities will benefit our weakness and inability. Austria-Hungary may serve as an example for our alliance. The higher government, diplomatic corps and army, all common. Let all the rest remain separate, whether is shall be a republican, or monarchistic confederation." Notice how Rev. Jankola, a popular leader of the Slovaks, and undoubtedly expressing the concensus of opinion of the Slovaks in that letter, visioned the alliance of the Slovaks with the Czechs. Anot}:ler letter of his (December 15, 1915, from Bridgeport, Connecticut) again brings an interesting opinion about the Czechs, which no doubt was not only his own, but the more or less established opinion about the Czechs among the Slovaks generally, and how he pictured the future relations of the Slovaks and Czechs. He wrote: "We shall mean nothing in a monarchy, and absolutely nothing in a great Russia. But we would stand on a footing of equality with the Czechs a-la Austria and Hungary, or formerly, Norway and Sweden ; with our own self-government , our own parliament, our own Slovak language. Can we ever obtain this under Russia, or Austria-Hungary ? "In regards to the Czechs: Their supremacy can only be temporary ; until the time that we rear one generation in our own spirit. I do not consider the Czech liberalism so dangerous. Our nature and character are different. The Slovaks-I mean the common people-shall retain their character." These were Father Jankola's unofficial letters, but they express the predominant sentiment among the greater portion of the Slovaks in America, and practically the unanimous sentiment among the Catholic Slovaks in America, which, expressed in other words, meant: We favor cooperation with the Czechs, we must unite with them, but before we do, it is necessary to agree with them, that we are forming a state, where both nations-the Czech and the Slovak-will be equal factors with their own selfgovernments. �SLOVAKIA 17 ORGANIZATION OF THE CZECHS IN AMERICA The Czechs were not as well prepared to take up the cause of their liberation when the war broke out as were the Slovaks. The Czechs were divided into many small lodges and into a number of varying factions. Their press, too, was not as unanimous in its attitude toward the War and in its stand toward one side or the other. Some of the Czech newspapers, and among them were several of the more influential, favored the retention of old Austria. They looked with much disfavor on the attempts of some energetic Czech patriots who took up the standard against the old regime. They ridiculed all attempts to tear down old Austria. They considered all such attempts futile. Those favoring the old regime were found principally in the ranks of the Czech socialists and Czech free-thinkers. The Catholic Czechs had a smaller percentage of those who favored adherence to the old regime. Most of the Catholic Czechs immediately became enthused with the cause of liberation, even though they were frequently censured for it on the grounds that they were directly playing into the hands of Professor T . G. Masaryk, an enemy of the Church. The foundations of a united Czech revolutionary organization were laid on March 13th and 14th, 1915, in Cleveland, at a joint meeting of local Czechs with representatives from Chicago and New York. The immediate results were very mediocre. It was only in August, 1915, when Vojta Benes, a teacher, came to this country with an appeal from Professor Masaryk and his own brother, Dr. Eduard Benes, and when he himself began working on the organization, that the Czech National Alliance began to take root and spread. Then first the Czech public responded to the appeals of its leaders with generous contributions to the cause of liberating the Czech nation. The National Czech Alliance was actually founded on September 1, 1915. Its main office was in Chicago. Its first prominent and zealous workers were such as were known for their free-thinking and anti-Church ideas. These, naturally, did not entice the Catholic Czechs into their ranks. The Catholic Czechs remained unorganized for some time, but they worked independently, although many of them contributed funds and otherwise assisted the cause sponsored by the National Czech Alliance. Finally, on February �18 SLOVAKIA 6, 191 7, the Catholic Czechs organized too. They formed their Alliance of Czech Catholics. On May 5, 1917, the first steps were taken to coordinate the efforts of the two groups of Czechs, and on July 4, 1917, they affected a compromise and decided on ways and means of cooperating. The representatives of the two factions or organizations then issued a joint appeal to the Czechs of America asking for support of the movement to establish an independent Czecho-Slovak Republic, at the same time advising the Czech public that the two factions from now on would work and cooperate for this one high ideal and admirable cause. THE CLEVELAND AGREEMENT The Cleveland Agreement was the fore-runner of the Pittsburgh Pact. Perhaps the latter would never have been drafted and signed, had not certain difficulties arisen which gave the Slovaks reason enough to suspect that the Czechs were not altogether sincere when they suggested and submitted the original Cleveland Agreement. But, let us see how the Cleveland Agreement came to be and what it contained. In the foregoing chapter, it was related that the Czech National Alliance was organized on September 1, 1915. The National Alliance of Czech Catholics did not come to be organized until in 1917, and up to that time the Czech National Alliance, naturally, was appearing as the only representative of the Czech people in America in this revolutionary movement, which was ultimately to spell the overthrow of the Austria-Hungarian monarchy and an establishment of an independent Czecho-Slovak Republic. While the Czechs were laying the foundations of their organization in America, similar Czech organizations were being formed in France, Switzerland and Russia, which embodied in their programs a representation of the Slovaks too. That these Czech organizations could take upon themselves the representations of the Slovaks, too, was made possible only by the fact that, outside of Russia, there were too few Slovaks in any of the other countries, and these few Slovaks hardly could deal on an equal basis with the Czechs, who outnumbered them. All this time Professor T. G. Masaryk was very active �SLOVAKIA 19 in the revolutionary movement. Other leaders in the Czech movement were also busy and difficulties arose, but after all these were ironed out, T. G. Masaryk became the recognized head of the movement for the liberation of the Czechs and the alliance of the Slovaks with the Czechs. In order, however, that the visible and recognized head of the revolutionary movement could have the right to speak in behalf of the Slovaks too, it was necessary that at least one recognized portion of Slovak immigration express itself clearly and distinctly in favor of the joint effort with the Czechs. The Slovak group in America was the logical group to be sought and its favor gained. The Czech National Alliance in America was asked from Paris by Professor T. G. Masaryk himself to gain the cooperation of this Slovak group in America. Joseph Tvrzicky, the Secretary of the Czech National Alliance, officially invited the Slovak League of America to a meeting, the purpose of which was to be: "That we could unite for combined political work." Along with this invitation Tvrzicky sent a proposed draft on an Agreement, which later the Slovaks accepted in Cleveland, on October 22, 1915, just as Tvrzicky had drafted it. The Cleveland Agreement contained the following points: "1. Independence of Czech lands and Slovakia ; 2. A union of the Czech and Slovak nations in a federative alliance of states with a complete national autonomy of Slovakia, with its own parliament, its own state government, its own complete cultural freedom, and therefore, its own complete use of the Slovak language, its own financial and political government and with a Slovak state language. 3. Voting power: General, secret and direct. 4. Form of Government: A personal union with a democratic form of State, the same as in England. 5. These points form the basis of a mutual agreement and can be enlarged or expanded only with the approval of both parties. The Czech National Alliance reserves the right of making possible changes, and the Slovak League has the same right." These five points of the Cleveland Agreement were the basis on which all the various factors of Slovak public life in America agreed to cooperate with the Czechs for the one and mutual cause. Everything was clearly defined, the program very definitely set forth, and both parties of the agreement could �20 SLOVAKIA undertake their first steps with complete confidence to each other. It is worth mentioning that the Cleveland Agreement was accepted by the Slovaks with the firm conviction that T. G. Masaryk was fully informed in advance about this Agreement and each and every point of its contents, or that he shall be fully informed. Ignac Gessay, one of the active Slovak workers, writes of this as follows: "It is important to note that we Slovaks did not draft the Cleveland Agreement, but our brother Czechs did, the representatives of the Czech National Alliance. They offered it to us in a brotherly way in return for our fraternal help to them. Mr. Emanuel Voska, one of the representatives present there in behalf of the Czech National Alliance, arose and amidst great applause announced that, the Text of this Agreement is known to Professor Masaryk-the President of the National Council and that he agrees with it." With the field all set for a fine close cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks, further work was to follow. But the very first act, the purpose of which was, to announce that the Czechs and Slovaks are working for a common aim already threw a "monkey wrench" into the machinery, and caused some uneasiness and the first little suspicion in the minds of the Slovaks. This first act was issued in Paris, on November 14, 1915. It was a proclamation against Austria-Hungary. The Czecho-Slovak National Council did not formally exist at the time, so Professor Masaryk simply signed the proclamation: "The Foreign Czech Committee." Four representatives of the Czechs in America were signed on that Proclamation, as well as two representatives of the Slovaks in America, yet it was a "Czech Committee" not a Czecho-Slovak Committee. In this very first act the Slovaks saw a wilful attempt to deprive them of all their due rights and privileges, and so already at such an early date after the enthusiastic acceptance of the Cleveland Agreement, which heralded the closest cooperation, understanding and mutual help of the Czechs and Slovaks, the difficulties of that cooperation with the Czechs became quite plain to the Slovaks. DIFFICULTIES BETWEEN THE CZECHS AND SLOVAKS The Cleveland Agreement, which had been so enthusiastically accepted and signed by both parties, was being adhered by the Slovaks to the very letter. Still, difficulties �SLOVAKIA 21 between the Czechs and Slovaks kept cropping up. Those must be attributed to an erronerous Czech understanding of the Slovak question and the Slovak attitude in the whole matter. For, certainly, had the Czechs fully understood just how the Slovaks felt about their alliance with the Czechs, had they realized that the Slovaks were full-heartedly in favor of an honest and sincere cooperation with the Czechs, but that they were suspicious of every move that was not in keeping with the Agreement, these misunderstandings would never have come to pass, and the drafting of the Pittsburgh Pact would never have been necessary. The situation became such that the Slovak League called its Ninth Congress to Chicago on February 22, 1916, and in the call for the session, Albert Mamatey, the president, and Ivan Daxner, the Secretary, made the following statement: "It is unavoidably necessary to hold a joint conference with our Czech brethren in order that we may avoid misunderstandings and perhaps even conflicts with them, which could arise if our Czech brethren did not take the Agreement made with the Slovaks in the same light as it was made and signed by the Slovak League and the Czech National Alliance." The Congress met and ironed out many difficulties, but this did not suffice. The Slovaks wanted to have direct information from their own people about the progress of the revolutionary movement in Europe. In order that they may not depend entirely on the Czech National Alliance for all their information, they decided to send two representatives, Dr. G. Kosik, Editor of the Catholic Sokol, and Dr. Stefan Osusky, an attorney and minister, to Europe. The intention of sending these two Slovaks was of the best, but the Czechs in America were very disappointed over this step. The result of it was that they began supporting and encouraging M. Getting, Editor of Slovak Sokol, and a few others who began showing and expressing dissatisfaction over the management of affairs of the Slovak League. It may be remarked here that Getting was one of the original ultra-enthusiasts for a complete union with the Czechs. All his efforts in this direction were rewarded later. He became Czechoslovak consul in Pittsburgh. Such behavior of the Czechs was, of course, anything but appreciated by the Slovaks. It had a tendency to tear down the unanimity of the Slovak spirit which had been �22 SLOVAKIA established at a conference of the Slovak League on April 12, 1916, in Pittsburgh. The minutes of that session tell that Mr. Kompis called attention of those present to the fact that Masaryk, who is a Moravian Slovak, never mentioned the Slovaks in any of his lectures, speeches and proclamations, and that a periodical like the "ceskoslovenska Samostatnost" (Czecho-Slovak Independence) published items which were deragatory to the Slovak people, and which in spirit and in fact were in direct contradition to the intentions of the Cleveland Agreement. A strong Slovak spirit pervaded this session of the Slovak League. Mr. Daxner expressed himself that the Slovaks did not wish to raise small questions of formalities against the Czechs, but they did wish to call the attention of the Czechs to the violations of the basic principles of their agreement with them. "Yes," said Mr. Daxner, "we want to tear away from the Magyars and be with the Czechs, not under the Czechs." The Slovaks again felt united among themselves, and they adopted the following resolution, which even M. Getting signed very willingly: Adopted at the joint session of the Slovak organizations, newspapers , Slovak clergy and other National workers, called by the Slovak League to Pittsburgh on April 12, 1916: We, the representatives of the Slovak organizations and newspapers, gathered here this day, admit the necessity of harmonious cooperation in all nationalistic undertakings intended for the benefit of liberating Slovakia from a political, cultural and economic yoke; We further attest that we will avoid all disturbances which might harm the above mentioned cooperation in the interest of the nation ; We bind ourselves to assist with all our abilities the political program expressed in the "Agreement" between the Slovak League and the Czech National Alliance, adopted in Cleveland, Ohio, on October 22, 1915. JAN PAJ'fKUCH, Hlas ; GUSTAV KOSfK, Katolicky Sokol; JOZEF RUSEK, Jednota ; IVAN BIELEK, Narodne Noviny ; KAROL BELOHLAVEK, Slovensky Hlasnik; MILAN GETTING, Slovensky Sokol; NIKOLAJ S. BIELIK, Bratstvo; C. L. ORBACH, Slovak v Amerike ; J"OLIUS BUCKO, Narodny Dennik. Getting signed this resolution, but he continued his activity against the Slovak League nevertheless. The Czechs supported him, much to the disappointment of the Slovak leaders and the officials of the League, as the official correspondence of Albert Mamatey, the president of the �SLOVAKIA 23 League, shows so clearly. These, as well as the many other difficulties that arose here, in Russia and elsewhere, between the Czechs and Slovaks, prompted many of the Slovaks to lose faith in the Cleveland Agreement, and in the Czechs, and prompted them to turn in quest of new allies for the Slovaks. PRESIDENT WILSON, THE ALLIES AND THE RIGHTS OF SMALL NATIONS Perhaps the quest of some of the discontented Slovaks may have taken firmer footing, hact not important things occured in the diplomatic world. President Wilson was reelected on November 8, 1916, and soon after his re-election (December 21, 1916) he issued a proclamation to the warring nations in which he asked for a statement of their conditions of peace. The Allies answered January 12, 1917, and in the conditions which they enumerated, the folloving sentence was found: "Liberation of the Italians, Slavs, Roumanians, Czecho-Slovaks from foreign government control." The Slovaks up to that time abhorred the term "Czecho-Slovak." They were Slovaks, and the Bohemian brethren were Czechs. The term "Czecho-Slovak" was one that was condemned because it was fraught with dangers for the retention of the individuality of the Slovak people. Yet, the reply of the Allies gave the Slovaks as well as the Czechs great joy, and in their great enthusiasm over the ray 0f hope that the Allies gave them, the Slovaks temporarily overlooked the use of the term "Czecho-Slovaks." How the term "Czecho-Slovaks" came to be embodied in the Allies' reply is also an interesting episode. T. G. Masaryk explains that the term "Czecho-Slovak" was written into the Allies' reply after the reply had been all written. "The word Czecho-Slovaks"-he writes-"contained in the proclamation, has its own interesting internal history. There were three suggestions: 'liberation of the Czechs''the Czech nation'-'the Czecho-Slovaks.' The latter suggestion was accepted at a conference of Dr. Benes (Czech), Stefanik (Slovak) and Osusky (Slovak).''-Dr. Benes on the other hand writes that he conferred with Osusky and Sychravy about the matter, since Stefanik was then in Russia, and he further states U:1at, "Osusky expressed fear that �24 SWVAKIA the Allies' reply to President Wilson might name the Czechs only, not the Slovaks"-and for that reason he insisted on the term "Czechoslovak." Be it as it may, the above explanations automatically leave the impression that the two Slovak leaders-or the one, if we are to accept Benes's explanation-feared that only the Czechs or the Czech nation would be mentioned and made special note of in the Allies' reply to President Wilson, and they were therefore glad to reach even such a compromise that, mention should be made of Czecho-Slovaks. Doesn't it make one wonder about the real sincerity of the Czech leaders who worried more about their own cause than the joint cause of both nations? JOINT VENTURES OF THE CZECHS AND SLOVAKS Despite all the discrepancies that had arisen, the Slovak League and the Czech National Alliance continued with their work and progressed side by side. They actually combined in undertakings only when occasion called for it. But the necessities of the turbulent times forced both sides to greater cooperation. The Slovak League held another Congress in Cleveland on February 22, 1917. Much of the discussion concerned the attitude of the Czechs, who had caused many misunderstandings because of their failure to adhere to the contents of the Cleveland Agreement. After all was said and done, however, the Congress adopted a resolution, whereby the League again promises the Czech National Alliance its full cooperation, at least up to such time as the Slovaks will gain their freedom. A "Joint Czecho-Slovak Proclamation" was also issued, in which gratitude is expressed to the United States and the Allies for the attention that these have given the Czech and Slovak efforts up to that time. The proclamation also contained one sentence, which probably very fully expressed the hopes and desires of the Slovaks: "Therefore, we request an independent Czecho-Slovak state with complete self-government for the Slovaks." This Congress also noted and considered the dangerous work of several newspaper and advertising agencies, which had been getting articles into the press that were hurting the joint cause of the Czechs and Slovaks. The result was that in March, 1917, the Slovak League and the Czech Na- �SLOVAKIA 25 tional Alliance opened the Slav Press Bureau in New York for the purpose of spreading more favorable propaganda about the joint cause and warding off propaganda that was intended to do harm. This was the first real venture of the Czechs and Slovaks jointly. Others had to follow, and they did. Particularly was it necessary to raise funds to carry on the work, and the Czechs and Slovaks went about it enthusiastically. The Slovaks, believing that it was their cause as much as the Czechs', and believing that after the battle was over, they were to receive as much consideration as the Czechs, worked very zealously, and at every occasion contributed their share of work and finances. Even in the number of volunteers who joined the Czecho-Slovak army forces, the Slovaks did their full share of duty, and it is significant that the first volunteers who applied to the Czecho-Slovak forces were Slovaks. The popular General Milan Rastislav Stefanik, an ardent Slovak leader in the fight for the liberation of the Czechs and Slovaks, visited America and first asked for volunteers. This may perhaps explain why the Slovaks were among the first volunteers, but whatever the reason, the Slovaks were not wanting in their zeal, enthusiasm and willingness to work for the joint cause of the Czechs and Slovaks, even when it came to recruiting men, who were to face death on the battle fields. That the Slovaks were willing to contribute their share of the burden was also proved by the following incident: Since the Czechs up to that time had their two organizations : The Czech National Alliance and the Alliance of Czech Catholics, and the Slovaks had their one joint organization, The Slovak League, it was thought feasible to combine all these three into one formal organization. All three had been cooperating together, but it was thought that a joint council of the three may do much toward coordinating all work and effort. Accordingly, a Czecho-Slovak National Council of America ( or later called: American Czecho-Slovak Board) was organized in which all three organizations were to be represended. Each side--the Czechs and the Slovaks-were to be represented equally-each by eight representatives. The Czechs thought, however, that since they had two organizations (both were working under one name as though one organization: Bohemian National Al- �26 SLOVAKIA liance) they should be entitled to twice eight representatives in the joint Czecho-Slovak Council. The Slovaks refused to yield on this point. "How do you wish to arrange this?" one Czech asked. "We want to be represented in this body equally with you brother Czechs," the Slovaks replied. "And will you contribute to the common cause on a fifty-fifty basis?" "Yes, we will." And so it was arranged that if the Slovaks are to get equal representation with the Czechs in their joint bodies, they are to bear one-half of the burden. And from that time up to the conclusion of the joint movement, the Slovaks always contributed at least one-half of the finances necessary to carry on the work. T. G. MASARYK IN AMERICA The year 1918 found the Slovaks in America busy with their work. They were tremendously enthusiastic. Their efforts seemed to be leading to success. Their goal-the liberation of Slovakia, and the founding of a Czecho-Slovak state, in which the Slovaks would enjoy all the privileges of freedom, seemed so close at hand. From time to time, however, little incidents would keep occuring that would cool the enthusiasm of the Slovaks. There seemed to be an undercurrent which made the Slovaks feel that the Czechs are not fully sincere with the Slovaks, that they are considering themselves and their well-being first, and that they are neglecting the Slovaks everywhere, except where the Slovaks insist on their recognition and their share of privileges. Some of this difficulty was no doubt caused by the many letters that the Slovak legionaries from America, serving in the Czecho-Slovak Army, sent here from France. They complained that the official language of the Czecho-Slovak Army is the Czech. That they are not receiving the Slovak newspapers and Slovak books which are being sent to them, but that they are being supplied with Czech books and Czech newspapers exclusively. The Slovaks tried to overlook all these small incidents. They were imbued with the spirit of their freedom, so close at hand, and anything that occurred which might dampen their enthusiasm, confidence etc. was passed on and at- �SLOVAKIA 27 tributed to human short-comings of individuals. Here was a noble joint cause, and what else mattered! On April 29, 1918, T. G. Masaryk arrived in Vancouver. Much was expected of him. He was looked upon as the person who could settle most of the small differences and suspicions and discrepancies that had arisen. He was the president of the Czecho-Slovak National Council and therefore, the leader of the revolution, the leader working for the liberation of Czech lands and Slovakia. He was enthusiastically received by the Slovaks. They hoped that he would positively assure them that any suspicions about the insincerity of the Czechs were absolutely unfounded. Masaryk made his first public appearance at an enthusiastic mass meeting of 50,000 Slavs in Chicago on May 5, 1918. The Czech newspapers, however, published such reports about this meeting and about Masaryk's address that the Slovak periodicals complained immediately. The "Jednota"-the ©fficial weekly of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest and one of the oldest Slovak organizations in America-was fast to catch up with this ignoring of the Slovaks in these reports, and it criticized Masaryk. It showed its discontent over the fact that, while he kept mentioning the 'Czech lands,' 'the Czech army,' 'the Czech fight,' 'Czech future ' etc., etc., he never mentioned Slovakia, he forgot the Slovak volunteers, he completely ignored the Slovak participation in the struggle. The "Jednota" kept calling attention to the fact that the Czechs, in other ways, too, were forgetting about the Slovaks, that they were misinforming the Americans about the Czech and Slovak relations, that they were picturing the Slovaks as subordinates to the Czechs, or as a people who really are a part of the Czech nation. The "Jednota" kept warning the Slovak public that, unless the Slovaks were not careful, the Czech people would assume complete control of the proposed new Czecho-Slovak State, create a large Czech State, and the Slovaks would not gain the real independence and freedom that they were dreaming of. Masaryk finally came to Pittsburgh and on May 30, 1918, the Slovaks there made a tremendous celebration over his visit. Masaryk spoke there first in English, then in Czech. He said beautiful things. He was proud that by birth he really is a Slovak. He prided himself on working many �28 SLOVAKIA years for the cause of bringing the Czechs and Slovaks closer together. He said that there should be no differences among us. The National Council and all its branches in Russia and America have Slovak representatives as well as Czechs. Dr. Stefanik, a Slovak, he said, has done so much thus far in this struggle. Both sides, he said, have cooperated beautifully. The Slovaks and Czechs are united, and the differences that creep in are being artificially produced by the German and Magyar influences, who have reasons to wish for difficulties between the Czechs and Slovaks. The relations of Slovakia to the Czech lands in the proposed new Czecho-Slovak State, he pictured very favorably. There will be a free Bohemia and a free Slovakia. Political control, education, courts of justice and all else in Slovakia shall be Slovak, in Bohemia it shall be Czech. We would be "silly" if we thought anything else, or if we did not wish each other well. There should be no difficulties among us because of languages. We understand each other and what more could we wish for? The Czech majority need not be feared. It will be found in Bohemia. In Slovakia the majority shall be Slovak. Each branch, or each nation, shall be boss in its own home. Everyone shall have his personal liberty guaranteed. The huge gathering received Masaryk's address with a tremendous ovation. The Slovaks, present there in very large numbers, were overjoyed. These were all the things they had been wishing for. THE PITTSBURGH PACT That same evening Masaryk had a conference with the representatives of the Slovaks in the Moose Temple on Penn Avenue. It was a confidential conference. Those present were asking Masaryk about the various proposed arrangements in the new State. He answered all questions to the complete satisfaction of all present. He convinced everybody that he meant everything well, and the Slovaks left the conference thoroughly convinced that here is their real leader under whose guidance the Slovak people would be led into the promised land. The next day, May 31st, according to the official report of the Slovak League Press Bureau-The Czecho-Slovak National Council met in the same building and Masaryk at- �SLOVAKIA 29 tended the session. "At this session," says the report, "Prof. Masaryk performed an act which shall always have historical significance in the history of the Czechs and Slovaks. This act consisted of a new agreement between the Czechs and Slovaks. Professor Masaryk wrote the new agreement himself, and it establishes the relations between the two nations. According to this agreement, Czecho-Slovakia shall be a Republic in which Slovakia shall form a completely self-governed part with its Slovak capitol, its Slovak parliament, its Slovak schools, its Slovak courts of justice and its own (public) control. Albert Mamatey, president of the Slovak League shall get a copy of this agreement. He shall publish it in the near future. Masaryk concluded his mission among the Slovaks in Pittsburgh in this way." And that the Slovaks were completely satisfied over such an outcome may be judged from the same report of the Slovak League Press Bureau which said: "There are no reasons anymore for further fearing, for any prejudice, for any suspicion. Everything is now clear between us and the brother Czechs. From to-day on we must refrain from talking about anything which would separate us for, there is nothing which really separates us. Let us put forth all our strength from to-day on and let us work to gain the one big and holy aim, which is: The liberation of Czecho-Slovakia." Even though the entire text of this Pittsburgh Pact was not known to the Slovaks in detail, they were satisfied when they read the short description of its contents. Even the "Jednota," which had more or less led the opposition and utilized every opportunity to warn the Slovaks to be careful, was now satisfied. It said: "Professor Masaryk is an ardent friend of the Slovaks and the Slovak language . We had our doubts about that. Today there is not a shadow of doubt. We respect him and recognize him as our leader in the struggle for our liberty. We have confidence in him, we believe him and we thank God that we have a man of his character and ability at the head of our Czecho-Slovak revolution. May God give him health and strength." Albert Mamatey, the president of the Slovak League, describing what had taken place at the conference with �30 SLOVAKIA Masaryk and how the Pittsburgh Pact came to be drafted, wrote as follows: "In order that all reasons for the mistrusting of the Czechs by the Slovaks should be ended, be these reasons well founded or imagined, this matter was brought up for consideration at the last session of the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Pittsburgh on May 30, where our leader, Professor Masaryk, was also present. "We Slovaks brought up the matter, and requested Professor Masaryk to examine well that famous Cleveland Czecho-Slovak Agreement of ours, and to approve it and see to it that the leaders among the Czech brothers respect it in their relations to the Slovaks, or that he himself draft a new Agreement, which would better suit the changing conditions, since some points of that Cleveland Agreement had to be changed because of the changes in conditions caused by the war. "Professor Masaryk examined our Cleveland Agreement thoroughly, and seeing that in some details it really is not "up-to-date," he wrote a new Pact, in which he outlined very concisely, yet very clearly, the relations of the Czechs and Slovaks in this fight for liberty and later in the hopedfor Czecho-Slovak State." According to the arrangement at this conference, this Pittsburgh Pact-being a very important document, was not merely to remain in its original crude shape, but was to be lithographed and then signed by all those concerned. In the meantime, things were happening in rapid succession. The United States Government and the governments of the Allies recognized the fight of the Czechs and Slovaks for their freedom and in fact, made their independence one of the conditions of peace. The Czecho-Slovak Republic was formally proclaimed on October 28, 1918, and was in reality recognized by the Allied powers some time previous to that. An event, however, that is of utmost importance to us is, that in the meantime, Professor Masaryk, the chairman of the recognized Czecho-Slovak National Council, the temporary government of the new CzechoSlovak State, was elected first President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic by that Council. Immediately Masaryk was asked to leave America and come to the scene where activity was greatest, and where his presence, as of the Presi- �SLOVAKIA 31 dent, was now needed most. Masaryk left for the CzechoSlovak Republic on November 20, 1918, from New York on the SS. Carmen. As soon as the news reached America that Professor Masaryk was elected president and that he was to leave :soon, Mamatey, at the insistence of some of the Slovak leaders, went to see Masaryk in Washington before his departure, and there in Washington on November 14, 1918, as the qualified President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, Masaryk signed the Pittsburgh Pact. The Pittsburgh Pact, which he signed, read as follows: CZECHO-SLOV AK PACT Agreed Upon In Pittsburgh, Pa. , on May 30th, 1918 Representatives of the Slovak and Czech Organizations In the United States The Slovak League, the Czech National Alliance And the Alliance of Czech Catholics discussed the Czecho-Slovak question in the presence of the' chairman of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, Prof. Masaryk, and the program declarations made up to this time and resolved the following: We approve the political program which endeavors to unite the Czechs and Slovaks in an independent state of the Czech lands and Slovakia; Slovakia shall have its own administration, its own parliament and its own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the school, in office and in public life in general. The Czecho-Slovak state shall be a republic, its constitution shall be democratic. The organization of the cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks in the U.S. shall be intensified and arranged with mutual understanding as necessity and the changing conditions shall require. The detailed regulations for the establishment of the Czecho-Slovak state are left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks: and their legal representatives. �32 SLOVAKIA Who were the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact? The first and foremost signature is that of Masarykthe President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Then the following: Czechs: 1. Karel Pergler, attorney, who was chairman of the American division of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, first Czecho-Slovak ambassador in Washington, D.C., later in Japan. A member of the Czecho-Slovak parliament, lately a "man without a country" since the Czecho-Slovak Republic revoked his citizenship. 2. Dr. L. Fisher, physician, who at that time was president of the Bohemian National Alliance. 3. B. Simek, professor, Chicago, a member of the American division of the Czecho-Slovak National Council. 4. J. J. Zmrhal, professor, Chicago, member of Czecho-Slovak National Council. 5. Hynek Dostal, Editor of "Hlas," St. Louis, Missouri, representative of Catholic Czech Alliance. 6. Rev. Oldrich Zlamal, Cleveland, representative of Catholic Czech Alliance. 7. Vojta Benes, Secretary Bohemian National Alliance. 8. Rev. Innocent Rest!, Chicago, president Catholic Czech Alliance. 9. Jan Straka, Secretary Catholic Czech Alliance. 10. Dr. G. Pecival, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 11. Jos. Martinek, Editor, member of Bohemian National Alliance. Slovaks: 1. Albert Mamatey, President Slovak League, later Czecho-Slovak Consul in Pittsburgh, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 2. Ivan Bielek, Editor "National News," member Czecho-Slovak National Council, later President Slovak League. 3. Milan Getting, Editor "Slovak Sokol," later Czecho-Slovak Consul in Pittsburgh. �SLOVAKIA 33 4. G. H . Mika, attorney, Bridgeport, Connecticut, member of Slav Press Bureau. 5. Ignac Gessay, Editor official organ of Slovak League, member of Czecho-Slovak National Council. 6. Jozef Rusek, Middletown, Pa., Editor "Jednota," official weekly publication of the First Catholic Slovak Union, and member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 7. Rev. L. J. Karlovsky, New York, minister, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 8. Jan Jancek, Jr., Secretary Slovak League, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 9. Marus Gazdik, an officer of Slovak League, later Assistant Czecho-Slovak Consul in Pittsburgh. 10. Jan Pankuch, Cleveland, Ohio, owner of "Denny Hlas." Later vice-president National Slovak Society. 11. Michal Bosak, Scranton, Pennsylvania, banker, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 12. Rev. Jozef Murgas, Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, chairman of publicity committee for "Million Dollar Fund" collection. Clergyman. Pioneer experimenter in wireless telegraphy. 13. Andrej Schustek, Chicago, local Slovak League official, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 14. Rev. Pavel J. Siska, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, vicepresident Slovak League. 15. J. A. Feriencik, Cleveland, Ohio, writer and editor. 16. Ivan Daxner, former secretary Slovak League. 17. Rev. Jan Kubasek, a Catholic priest. President Masaryk signed the Pittsburgh Pact as the President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. That he was a fully qualified president of the Republic, having the powers of president and recognized as such, is best attested by the fact, that in November, at the time that he affixed his signature to the Pact, Masaryk negotiated a ten million dollar loan for his State from American financiers, under the protectorate of the United States Government, of course. Another significant event that is worth recording here is the stamp of approval given all actions of President �34 SLOVAKIA Masaryk by a resolution of the temporary government adopted in Geneva on November 11, 1918, whereby "everything done by Professor Masaryk, chairman of the CzechoSlovak National Council, all agreements and promises (made by him) remain in force." The Pittsburgh Pact, drafted by Professor Masaryk, then chairman of that Council, some five months previous, and signed by him then as President, three days after this Geneva resolution was passed, was one of the "Agreements" or "promises" that must be included and intended by this resolution. And yet, as we shall see, that was one "agreement" or "promise" that has not remained in force, has not been respected, has not been honored. THE PITTSBURGH PACT DISREGARDED It is unnecessary to go into detail about all that transpired in the early days of the new State. The Czechs and Slovaks back home-in the old Austria-Hungarian State, were aware of the movement beyond the borders of the old Empire, the purpose of which was the setting up of a joint State of the Czechs and Slovaks. They, too, became imbued with enthusiasm and in due time, Czech and Slovak deputies announced in the Austrian and Hungarian parliaments that the Czechs and Slovaks no longer would be domineered by alien groups. That they were seceding from the old Empire and setting up a State of their own. Aided, abetted and controlled by Masaryk and his National Council, the end was finally achieved and the Czecho-Slovak Republic established. A constitution was drafted and accepted, temporary rules outlined, and the Republic was soon enjoying the first days of its free existence. The Slovaks, as well as the Czechs, could hardly realize that their long fought battle for liberty and freedom was at last won. Here they were-two fraternal nations-setting out with a truly mutual and fraternal spirit with their own ship of state. How mutually fraternal the two peoples regarded themselves! The Slovaks looked upon the Czechs as their long lost, more experienced brethren, who came back to help them, to aid them, and to establish a country where both could enjoy liberty at last. Under such circumstances, some small gathering in Turciansky Sv. Martin, which was supposed to be representative of the entire Slovak nation (but which was anything but that), was so overcome with �SLOVAKIA 35 enthusiasm that, unaware that anything like the Pittsburgh Pact existed in America, it adopted a long resolution voicing this enthusiasm, and going so far in this spirit of joy, that it proclaimed the Slovaks and Czechs to be one nation-the Czechoslovak people. Nothing more was necessary! That settled all disputes! The Slovaks consider themselves politically, racially and by language one people with the Czechs! The Pittsburgh Pact has no leg to stand on. It is superfluous! Therefore, it should be ignored. And after all was said and done, and the early government established with all its provisions, the crafty Czech politicians, aided by a handful of Slovak individuals aspiring for government positions, arranged all matters so, that the provisions of the Pittsburgh Pact were totally ignored and not embodied in the Constitution. Little did it matter that the Slovaks, after learning of the Pittsburgh Pact and all that it provided for the Slovaks, did everything in their power to enforce the Pact's provisions. The Pact was ignored, and all that it provided meant nothing. Nor did it avail the Slovaks any to point out that according to the Pact, the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives-duly elected to represent them, never had a voice in establishing the details and arrangements of the Czecho-Slovak State, and that the Sv. Martin gathering was not a legal representative body of the Slovaks. The Pittsburgh Pact continued to be ignored. The Slovak League, as one of the parties to the Pact, has clamored for the recognition of the Pact. In 1922 it directed a Memorandum to the government and the House of Deputies. The representatives of the largest Slovak political party-the People's Party-have presented a motion in parliament to have the Pittsburgh Pact recognized and embodied in the Constitution. Other methods have been tried by the Slovaks and their representatives. Deaf ears and unfriendly gestures have met all their demands, pleas, etc. How utterly the provisions of the Pittsburgh Pact have been ignored is probably best revealed by the following message, which Dr. I.:udovit Bazovsky, a former member of the Revolutionary Parliament, sent to the Czecho-Slovak Parliament in Feburary, 1930: �36 SLOVAKIA HOUSE OF DEPUTIES National Parliament of the Czecho-Slovak Republic Prague. As a former member of the revolutionary National Parliament, 1 received your invitation to the celebration of the Tenth Anniversary of the drafting of the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. At this occasion it is necessary to present the following: WARNING The Slovak nation has been under the presumption, before and during the revolution, that it shall be able to retain its nationalistic independence. It tolerated the fiction of a "Czechoslovak" nation only under the enforced conviction, that this fiction is temporarily necessary for the purpose of a diplomatic situation. Otherwise, the Slovak nation has never renounced its independence and has never recognized the existence of a "Czechoslovak" nation. There is no such nation! There is a Czech nation and a Slovak nation; and so likewise, there is no "Czechoslovak" language, but there is a Czech language and a Slovak language. We must consider the state ideology which was in force in the former Hungary and which did not recognize a Slovak nation, but embodied us into a concept of the Magyar-Hungarian-nation, and in this way endeavored to Magyarize us, as completely outlived. It hurts us, that the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic does not recognize a Slovak nation, but a Czechoslovak nation, which of course, is then the basis for the practice of Czechization of the Slovak people in every field of public endeavor. The enforced idea about the non-existence of the Slovak nation and the fiction of a Czechoslovak nation has directly painful consequences for the Slovaks, and very advantageous economic results for the Czechs. Slovakia has been kept at a lower cultural and economic level than Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia ever since our revolution. The tax-paying people of Slovakia have been carrying a relatively and circumstantially greater burden than the ,people of the historical lands mentioned; expenditures, which should have been, and sometimes were, very meagerly allowed for Slovakia, were not directed hither; whereas, more and more was and is being systematically invested in the historical lands. The flourishing Slovak commerce was destroyed, diverted, railroad tariffs were retained to the disadvantage of Slovakia and only to the advantages of Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia. The land reform in Slovakia was conducted aimlessly and it frequently favored some of the otherwise unentitled centralist partisans and Czechs on political party principles alone. Agriculture in Slovakia is assisted in a small way only when the centralist party interests require it. The result of this is that, Slovakia is continually becoming poorer and poorer, and the historic lands are becoming richer and richer. The historic lands are enjoying prosperity. Slovakia is suffering poverty. It grieves the Slovaks very much that the very great numbers of Czech officials in Slovakia do not learn the Slovak language and that �SLOVAKIA 37 the official business is conducted either in Czech or in broken Slovak, which seems to be a definite Czechisizing tendency. Czech text-books are being principally used in the Junior High Schools and the native Slovak students have no scientific academic opportunity to educate themselves correctly in their mother tongue. The Slovak language is suppressed and the Czech language favored to the detriment of the former. There is not a single Slovak university, and the so-called Comenius University in Bratislava is an expressly Czechisizing institute of learning. This cultural oppression of the Slovak people has an economic background for the benefit of the Czech people. This is contrary to the principles of democracy. There is an awfully detrimental effect in the fact that, the administration of Slovakia is in the hands of the Czech center in Prague, which is not acquainted with the local Slovak conditions, and in the fact that the appointment of even the lowest employes in Slovakia depends on the Czech center in Prague. The Slovaks are not permitted to govern themselves. (Administration. ) The Slovaks cannot take their place in the legislative field because in the central parliament in Prague they are always subject to the tremendous odds against them and they are merely dependent on the favor or disfavor of the others. It is necessary to remark here that, it would be advantageous to refer many matters concerning Slovakia to a separate Slovak parliament. The judiciary in Slovakia is in a terrible condition. The lowest positions have such poor salaries attached to them that the average poor Slovak young man cannot set out upon a judical career, and these places are then filled by individuals of the wealthier Czech rising generation, who for the time being are able to have support from home. The conditions are similar in matters of the army where we can hardly find any Slovak officers even for the show of the thing. Conditions are not different in the foreign relations service. The conditions in the judiciary, particularly in reference to matters of political offenses, are very worthy of attention. Political offenses committed in Slovakia are tried by Czech judges who are unacquainted with the local conditions and the people, and who are ordering such tyrannical penalties as were never heard of during the former Hungarian regime. There are many more political punishments and jail sentences than there were during the Hungarian regime. -The demand that Slovakia should have its own courts, is totally justified. The Slovaks bear with great difficulty the fact that there is no freedom of the press in Slovakia. The eleven-year experience proves the need, and imperatively demands to-day more than ever, that the rights of the Slovak nation as they were contemplated in the Pittsburgh Pact be incorporated into the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and that they be executed in practice as well. It is impossible to assure the cultural and economic prosperity of the Slovak nation without executing the Pittsburgh Pact. This is the desire of the Slovak nation. The Pittsburgh Pact is not only a historic Act, but is a binding '·Magna Charta" of the rights of the Slovak nation. �38 SLOVAKIA Perhaps the solicitude, even though exaggerated, of some of the Czech leaders who understand the sentiment of Slovakia very little. was un<U!rstandable in the beginning, that, whether or not the very pronounced recognition of the rights of the Slovak nation might not cause the state some damage in view of the surrounding foreign sentiment which understood our matters even less. But to-day, when the loyalty of the Slovak nation to the Republic does not bear any doubt whatsoever, it is not advisable to expose the nation to despair by refusing to guarantee its rights and to deprive it of the hope that it will be able to establish its rights in the Republic by constitutional means. The people in Slovakia cannot become a source of state power without the establishment of autonomy in Slovakia in accordance \\ith the minimal requirements set forth in the Pittsburgh Pact, and consequently it is impossible to imagine democl'acy, equality and freedom in Slovakia. THE VALIDITY OF THE PACT A. President Masaryk and His Attitude Toward the Pittsburgh Pact Just how the leaders-particularly the Czech leaders in the government of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, felt about the Pittsburgh Pact once the Republic was established and its Constitution drafted and ratified, is probably best exemplified by the opinions that Professor Masaryk voiced about the Pact on various occasions. Let us take up some of those opinions. 1.) On February 5, 1920, minister Tusar sent president Masaryk an official communication, asking for his version of the Pact and its significance, in view of the widespread discussion that the Pact was causing in those early days of the Republic. President Masaryk replied the same day: " .... Laws, too, are interpreted according to the circumstances under which they arose and the intentions of the legislators are sought for in the words. The Czechoslovak pact agreed upon in my presence on May 30, 1918, must be interpreted in a similar way. The leaders of the Slovak and Czech organizations in America agreed on the pact in order to frustrate the agitation against the union of the Slovaks and Czechs. The contract is made, I think, mostly between American citizens. The Pittsburgh program is one of the many pre-revolutionary programs made beyond the boundaries. It has its historical value. The Pittsburgh con- �SLOVAKIA 39 tract is made between Czechs and Slovaks, and if it could hold at all, it certainly would hold only if both parties would still agree with its contents. At the end of the contract itself it is stated that, the detailed arrangements ,_and regulations in the Czechoslovak State are being left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their empowered leaders. That was stated because the Czechs and Slovaks at the Pittsburgh meeting knew very well that American citizens have no right to decide about definite arrangements of the Czechoslovak State. The representatives of the Czechs and Slovaks for that reason also do not refer to the demands of the Pittsburgh Pact in their proclamations .. . etc." That letter by President Masaryk was his first public denial of the Pittsburgh Pact's validity. 2.) He made a similar statement when on December 15, 1922, replying to the senators and parliament members of the Slovak People's Party, who had visited him in the matter of autonomy for Slovakia, he said: "I came to America in the early part of May, 1918, and found the conditions not very pleasant in the Slovak camp and there was a faction, though insignificant, which advocated a utopian separatist program. The political situation and the situation at the battle front were pretty tense. The United States then were officially still in favor of some reform of Austria-Hungary ... In contrast to this, the Slovaks were little known in the political world, and the movement for a separatist Slovakia was doomed for the failure of its own and the joint cause in advance. "Under such circumstances I endeavored for an agreement, so that a detrimental division would not take place, and so that the fight would stop from which Austrian and Hungarian propaganda would profit. "The majority of the Slovaks, particularly the leaders, were against separatism, and so came the Pact in Pittsburgh on May 30th-which-it is understood-was valid all by itself for America and American conditions. For the Slovak side as well as the Czech side, the pact was signed by American citizens, and those naturally are not entitled to prescribe for Slovakia and their people at home, and the signers were fully aware of this. I signed the Pittsburgh Pact for that reason, too, that, it was specifically stated in �40 SLOVAKIA it that, detailed arrangements of the future State shall be made by the legal representatives of the people. And these representatives clearly voiced and politically decided the relations of Slovakia to the unified state by the ratification of the Constitution. This ratification and formal promise is binding upon the Slovak and Czech deputies and is equally binding upon me, too ... " 3.) President Masaryk voiced a still more damaging -in reality a more insulting opinion about the Pittsburgh Pact when on October 12, 1929, he wrote to Hlinka, leader of the People's Party and a deputy in parliament, as follows: " ... You yourself once admitted to me that you demand autonomy not for the present time, but for the time when the Slovaks shall be politically more mature. In accordance with that, you should endeavor that your voters should be informed and reared politically. Look at the mistakes you have made with the so-called Pittsburgh Pact. De facto you had your autonomy from the time of the revolution, and now you have all the stipulations of that pact (or rather verbal agreement) fulfilled. But the main thing is that, the document of that verbal agreement is forged, is a Jalsum, because, at the time when the American Slovaks wanted that verbal agreement, the League did not exist legally, it was recognized by the State until in 1919. For that reason a serious politician, a statesman, cannot and must not operate with such a paper. A falsification cannot become an act of State ... " B. CRITICISMS OF THE PACT ARE UNFOUNDED Time, space, nor the reader's patience, do not permit a careful analysis and refutation of all those statements by President Masaryk concerning the Pittsburgh Pact. To all, except the totally uninformed, the fallacy of those statements must be quite apparent. Few of the more glaring misstatements in these official communications, however, should be mentioned here. 1.) It seems ridiculous for the president to say that Slovakia has long had its autonomy, from the very foundation of the republic in fact, and that all stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact were in reality all fulfilled already in Slovakia. Why, if all that be so, should it be necessary that �SLOVAKIA 41 the deputies of the Slovak People's Party be forced to visit Masaryk and demand autonomy for Slovakia and demand that the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact be enforced in Slovakia? Why should it be necessary for the Slovak League to clamor for recognition of the Pittsburgh Pact? Why should Dr. L. Bazovsky be prompted by conditions in Slovakia to write a communication, as quoted in previous pages, in the twelfth year of the existence of the Republic? No, the facts are that Slovakia did not have its autonomy nor were the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact ever fulfilled. Slovakia did not have its home-rule. Slovakia was oppressed by detrimental effects of a centralized government, and the results were that, Slovakia was constantly being made commercially and economically poorer and poorer; that thousands and thousands were forced to leave their fatherland and emigrate to all parts of the world; and what is worst-that the very existence of the Slovak nation was being jeopardized by the forceful propagation of the "unified Czechoslovak nation" idea. The Memorandum which the Slovak League of America sent the Government and the National Assembly of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in 1922 in behalf of the embodying of the Pittsburgh Pact into the Constitution of the Republic, very clearly proved all the above conditions in Slovakia (as resulting from the disregard for the Pittsburgh Pact and the instituting of a centralized government.) 2.) But to return to some of the other statements made by President Masaryk. It is wholly untrue that there was an "insignificant faction which advocated a utopian separatist program." It would be closer to the truth had he said that there were a few individuals who contended that, cooperation with the Czechs, who have anti-Slovak tendencies, is impossible. And then it should be admitted that the Slovaks, at least some of the leaders, had reasons to doubt the sincerity of some of the Czech leaders, and that had not these doubts of the Slovaks been dispelled by such seemingly sound and earnest promises, made in writing and signed black-on-white as the Pittsburgh Pact, there is no telling whether the Czechs and Slovaks would really have come to establish a joint State. It was not the few individuals who were opposed to any combination with the Czechs, but the majority of the �42 SLOVAKIA recognized Slovak leaders, who were forced to be careful in their dealings with the Czechs because of the recent suspicious incidents, that Masaryk came to appease in America --and he did it in writing-in the Pittsburgh Pact. 3.) It is pointed out that the Pact was made and signed by American Slovaks and Czechs-American citizens. The fact that the pact was made between President Masaryk on one side and American Czechs and Slovaks on the other, seems to be passed over. The Czechs and Slovaks here in America certainly did not need such a Pact just for the sake of having it here, or for their own local conditions here. Was not the Czecho-Slovak Republic and its people constructed in that Pact? We deny that the Pittsburgh Pact is just a local Pact between the American Czechs and Slovaks, concerning which the Czecho-Slovak Republic government should have no interest. Then, too, Masaryk did not sign the pact as some sort of a mediator here. He was a representative of one of the parties of the Pact. The CzechoSlovak National Council of America--embodying the representative Slovak and Czech organizations in America, which called the Pittsburgh meeting at which the Pact was drafted, accepted and signed, issued a proclamation on November 7, 1919, and sent it to the government to the effect that the Pittsburgh Pact was made between President Masaryk and the representatives of the American Czechs and Slovaks. The Pact, too, could not be an agreement just to meet local conditions and drafted between American Czechs and Slovaks, since some of the signers of the Pact were not citizens of the United States of America. The Pittsburgh Pact was not intended for the Czechs and Slovaks in America, it was intended for the Czechs and Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and therefore, is not valid only in America and for America. It is primarily valid in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Cleveland Agreement could be constructed as having local importance only. It was signed by American Czechs and Slovaks for the purpose of establishing the cooperation of these two nationalities in America in a joint cause. The Pittsburgh Pact, however, had more than local importance. The very fact that Professor Masaryk, the head of the temporary revolutionary government drafted it and signed it, gave it more than local importance. The Czechs �SLOVAKIA 43 and Slovaks in America were not doing all those things for themselves but for the liberation of the Czechs and Slovaks on the other side of the Ocean, and Masaryk, too, was not working for the welfare of the Czechs and Slovaks here in America, but for those over there. And he, as well as all others, signed the Pittsburgh Pact with the hope that they were helping to create a State where both nations might be free, contented, and where they could develop culturally, economically, etc. 4.) That the Pact may still hold good only if both sides should agree with its contents, certainly is not consistent with the very meaning, idea and intent of a pact or agreement. 5.) That the Pact is a forgery, a falsification, because the Slovak League did not exist legally at the time of the drafting of the Pittsburgh Pact, and that the Pact is not valid, as Dr. srobar expressed it, because it was signed on a Legal Holiday in America, is undoubtedly best refuted by the following legal opinion: Law Offices George E . Alter 1012 Park Building Gifford K. Wright Pittsburgh, Pa. Alexander J . Barron George M. Swan ALTER, WRIGHT & BARRON Telephone James Milholland Atlantic 2211 William H. McNaugher Ralph D. McKee George F. Taylor, Jr. James K. Ruby Mahlon E. Lewis April 23, 1930 James Grove Fulton Slovak League of America Box 996 Pittsburgh, Pa. Gentlemen: You have submitted to me the following questions: 1. Is there - in the Untted States - a difference as to their legal rights between chartered and unchartered organizations which are not operated for pecuniary gain? 2. Has an unchartered organization the right to make legal and binding agreements in the United States? 3. Can an agreement, entered into by such an organization with a party of the second part - in this case Professor Masaryk - not made for the pecuniary gain �44 SLOVAKIA by the said organization, but closed on a legal holiday (Memorial Day) be declared a falsum by the party of the second part, after having received and enjoyed the benefits evolving out of that agreement? Replying to these questions, my opinion is as follo ws: ( 1) There is some difference between chartered and unchartered organizations not operated for pecuniary gain, but for such purposes as are involved in the subject of your inquiry, there is no difference. (2) I understand the organization in question at the time the " Pittsburgh Pact" was entered into was an organization having a Constitution, By-Laws, officers, etc., though not chartered by the State. For the purpose of taking the action which was taken, such an organization would have all the necessary power as fully as if it had been chartered. (3 ) The agreement entered into by the unchartered organization referred to would be just as effective as if entered into with a charter ed organization and just as valid if closed on Memo rial Day as on any other day. Very truly yours, Geo . E. Alter Karel Pergler, a Czech, an attorney, one of the signers of the Pact, later a member of the Czecho-Slovak Parliament, in discussing the validity of the Pact, said the following in the National Assembly on February 22, 1930: "The Pittsburgh Pact is not a "falsum." To circulate reports about the Pittsburgh Pact that it is a "falsum," is beside the point, is not right and does not coincide with the historical truth." 6.) The question whether the American Czechs and Slovaks-more specifically, the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact had a right to prescribe for Slovakia or the new Czecho-Slovak Republic could be expanded here to a lengthy discussion. Suffice it to say, if the signers of the Pact had no such right, why did Masaryk, as the head of the government, attempt to enter into a pact with a party or parties that had no such right? Did he himself have any right to make any prescriptions for the new State? If he had no such right, wasn't he conscious of that in Pittsburgh at the time that he drafted the Pact? And isn't it also a fact, that in the absence of any who might have the full right to make sueh prescriptions, the Czechs and Slovaks in America along with President Masaryk assumed that right upon themselves and actually did make prescriptions for the new State when they said in the pact: �SLOVAKIA 45 "The Czecho-Slovak State shall be a republic, its constitution shall be democratic," etc., etc. Are not these definite and clearly outlined prescriptions for the new State? Did not the temporary and provisional revolutionary Czecho-Slovak Government (Masaryk, Benes, Stefanik) assume certain rights and privileges which might be questioned by the same mode of reasoning? The Czechs and Slovaks in Austria-Hung ary were powerless to organize the revolution. The Czechs and Slovaks in America assumed the right to speak in behalf of their entire respective nations. The American Slovaks in issuing their Memorandum in 1914 clearly showed that they were assuming the leadership of the entire Slovak Nation of the world. Why then should their right be questioned when interpreting the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact? The Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak Republic to this day believe that the Slovaks in America have a right to concern themselves with matters in the Czecho-Slovak Republic and have a right to exercise a voice in their ultimate disposition. The following matter clearly shows the attitude of the Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak Republic: On May 15, 1934, deputy Andrej Hlinka and others delivered an objection to the government of Czecho-Slovakia because of the confiscations and censorship of the daily "Slovak." Among some of the articles censored in the daily "Slovak" was one by M. Mlynarovic, president of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America, quoted from Slovak newspapers in America. Hlinka and his colleagues said that they "consider the confiscation of that report (article) totally unwarranted " and that they "consider it a grave insult to the American Slovaks, who did their share in the Czechoslovak revolutionary movement and therefore have a right to speak in the matters of our State." 7.) That the Slovaks or their leaders never made demands in accordance with the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact, hardly tells the true story. The first revolutionary parliament in the new Republic was not a body representative of the people-the deputies were a more or less self-appointed group and these ratified the Constitution which ignores the Pittsburgh Pact. When in April of 1919 Hlinka learned of the Pittsburgh Pact which had been �46 SLOVAKIA signed a year previous, and when he learned of the various stipulations contained therein, which had been ignored by the Constitution, he held several mass meetings of the Slovak people, some of which were dissolved by Czech police, and the result was that, the Slovaks sent a delegation to Paris, where they might plead for the rights and privileges of the Slovak nation before the same tribunal which had permitted the establishment of a joint state of the Czechs and Slovaks. This visit to Paris in behalf of Slovak rights, those very rights outlined and guaranteed by the Pittsburgh Pact, resulted in the persecution of all Slovak autonomists and resulted in the jailing of Hlinka. The Slovaks were doing nothing more than demanding what the Pact guaranteed them. How then can anyone speak of the Slovaks as not making their demands of the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact? SOME REMARKS ABOUT THE PITTSBURGH PACT Something that was frequently hurled at the adherents of the Pittsburgh Pact-the autonomists-both here in America and in Czecho-Slovakia, was that they are traitors of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, enemies of the state etc. Nothing was farther from the truth. The Slovak autonomists were loyal friends of the State. They did not advocate separation from the Czechs, they did not advocate secession from the Czecho-Slovak Republic-they merely wanted for the Slovak nation what they believed it justly had coming to it,-its rights, its home-rule, as promised and guaranteed in the Pittsburgh Pact. The two major parties in Slovakia which demanded the provisions of the Pittsburgh Pact were: The Slovak People's Party, the largest party in Slovakia, a Catholic party, led by Msgr. Andrej Hlinka, and the National Party, non-denominational, led by Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister. The chief proponents of the autonomist endeavors here in America were: The Slovak League, comprising American Slovaks of all creeds, and the Catholic Slovak Federation. The chief opponents of the Pittsburgh Pact and the endeavors of the autonomists were the leaders of the Czech government and the political parties allied with the government. Included among these were a small percentage of Slovaks who had found it advantageous to side with the �SLOVAKIA 47 ruling government. These usually were afforded good positions, offices etc., etc., and naturally, their sincerity with the national Slovak welfare was doubted in Slovak circles. These had their followers here in America and although they comprise the minority of Slovaks here, aided and abetted by government circles, they had been well able to hold a strong position. The vast majority of the Slovaks in America, and the far greater portion of the Slovak press here were in sympathy with the autonomy movement, yet the centralist forces held the point of vantage, they had the strategic positions, as will always happen with those who hold sides with the government recognized in diplomatic circles. The Slovaks were not attempting to overthrow the state. They wanted their joint state with the Czechs, the work of the few discontended pro-Magyar workers to the contrary notwithstanding. The Slovaks felt that they voluntarily entered into the formation of the Republic under certain guarantees. They were to have their own administration, their own parliament, their own courts of justice. They had none of these. They were promised that the Slovak language would be the official language in their schools, in their offices and in their public life in general. They then found that the Slovak language was not the official language in their country. The numerous Czech officials who held positions in Slovakia refused to learn the Slovak language and they used the Czech exclusively. The Slovaks found that according to the accepted law, the official language of the State was the Czechoslovak language -a non-entity-there can be no such language, since there are two separate and distinct nations-the Czechs and the Slovaks-each with their own and distinct language. The schools and institutions of higher learning had a preponderance of Czech instructors and professors, notwithstanding the fact that many thousand Slovaks qualified to hold these positions were clamoring in vain to obtain these positions. All in all, some 300,000 Czechs had immigrated to Slovakia and held positions there, while intelligent and qualified Slovaks could find no place of employment. These Slovaks felt that they should be given preference for these positions in their homeland. Why should the young Slovak, ready and qualified to embark on a career, be forced to be �48 SLOVAKIA idle, to go hungry, or to emigrate, while 300,000 intruders find steady employment in his native Slovakia? Further discontent among the Slovak was caused by the methods of oppression exercized against them. Freedom of the press and speech were unknown. Jail sentences and financial penalties were imposed with great freedom and abandon by the Czech judges upon any and all who dared to criticize the government and the conditions for which the government was responsible. The republic supposedly had a democratic form of government. Yet, there is nothing in a democracy that is above criticism, not even the ruling government, and if it is, democracy certainly ceases to exist. The Slovaks objected too, to the Czechisizing policies adopted by those in control. They objected to having anyone forcefully thrust upon them the idea of a unified Czechoslovak nationality. They believed they comprise one nation, separate and distinct from the Czech nation, and though with the Czechs they form one Czecho-Slovak state, they still remain a separate and distinct nationality from the Czechs. The Czechs want to be and remain Czechs, and the Slovaks feel they are and want to be and remain Slovaks, not Czechs, not even Czechoslovak s. The Slovaks deny the existence of a unified Czechoslovak nationality, and anyone attempting to force such principles upon them is looked upon as an enemy of the Slovak people, who is jeopardizing their individual national existence and attempting to erase the Slovak nation off the face of the earth. The recognition and implementati on of the Pittsburgh Pact was the only solution of all these difficulties at that time. It certainly was a means of stopping the unrest and discontent among the Slovaks and it was the most efficient means of frustrating the propaganda of all enemies of the Republic, who relied on the unrest of the Slovaks as a means of revision of the peace treaties. The most ardent proponents of this revision were the Hungarians. They believed that injustice had been done them and one remedy that would act as a so~thing lotion on their imagined bruises would have been annexation of the fertile, productive and naturally wealthy territory of Slovakia back to Hungary. Their agents in the Slovak ranks fanned hatred �SLOVAKIA 49 against the Czecho-Slovak Republic. With those the Slovaks had no sympathies, even if a few exceptions were found here and there, which merely proved the rule. But, the stubborn Czechs could not see all of this and rather than yield to the entitled demands of the Slovaks they were willing to risk their future. 20th ANNIVERSARY OF THE PACT AND WHAT FOLLOWED: AUTONOMY, INDEPENDENCE, RESUBJUGATION AND COMMUNISM In 1938 the Slovaks in Slovakia, led by the two autonomist parties-Hlinka's People's Party Wudova strana), and Razus's National Party (Narodna strana ), decided to celebrate the 20th anniversary of the drafting and signing of the Pittsburgh Pact (Pittsburghska dohoda). The purpose of the celebration was to call attention of the world to the fact that the postulates of the Pact had not been fulfilled and complied with; that the Slovaks were very dissatisfied with such treatment on the part of the Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government; that they still insist and clamor for the fulfillment of all the promises that Masaryk and the Czechs made in the Pittsburgh Pact. And because Masaryk and some of his hench-men had claimed that in fact no such pact or agreement had ever been made and concluded, the Slovak League of America was asked by the Slovaks in Slovakia to bring the original lithographed copy of the Pittsburgh Pact, personally signed by president Masaryk after he had already been elected president of Czecho-Slovakia, and by the representatives of the Czech and Slovak organizations in the U.S.A. The Slovak League sent an official delegation to the Pittsburgh Pact anniversary celebration in Bratislava, Slovakia. The delegation consisted of Dr. Peter P. Hletko of Chicago, Illinois, the president of the Slovak League and the designated leader of the delegation; Jozef Husek, of Middletown, Pennsylvania, editor of 'Jednota,' the largest Slovak newspaper in America, and one of the original signers of the Pittsburgh Pact; Dominic Sloboda, of Lorain, Ohio, president of the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the largest Slovak gymnastic and athletic fraternal society in America; Andrew Novak, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, supreme treasurer of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest Slovak fraternal society in the world; Michael Sincak, former president of the Slovak Catholic �50 SLOVAKIA Sokol, and Rev. Andrej Rolik, of Johnstown, Pennsylvania, a Lutheran minister. The delegation attended a huge rally in Bratislava on June 5, 1938, attended by 100,000 Slovaks from all parts of Slovakia. Msgr. Hlinka, the leader of the People's Party, addressed the huge gathering. So did Dr. Hletko. And to prove Masaryk and some of the Czechs wrong when they had said that no such document was ever drafted and signed, and that no such agreement ever existed in writing and that Pittsburghska dohoda was a "falsum," Dr. Hletko unfurled the original copy of the agreement from the balcony of the National Theatre building for all to see. The enthusiastic assemblage became loud and hysterical and it vowed to demand fulfillment of all the promises made in writing to the Slovaks in this agreement. The determination of the Slovaks grew and increased immensely. They were now not to be denied! The Slovak League delegation visited President Benes and conferred with him at length in regards to the implementation of the Pittsburgh Pact. It visited the prime minister, Milan Hodfa, a Slovak, with definite centralist Czecho-Slovak leanings, who otherwise was powerless to force the fulfillment of the Pittsburgh Pact postulates. The delegation also visited the minister of foreign affairs, Krofta, the National Czecho-Slovak Council and many other government officials, reminding them that this is perhaps the eleventh hour for complying with all the guarantees contained in the Pittsburgh Pact, since omnious war clouds were gathering over Central Europe, Adolph Hitler was acting belligerent and brandishing a war sword and threatening Czecho-Slovakia with annihilation or annexation to the German Reich. But all this to no avail. The Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government officials would not commit themselves or promise to implement the Pact, even at such a late and dangerous hour. The result was that the Slovaks ran out of patience and after several additional provocative acts by the CzechoSlovak government, the Slovaks in a revolutionary move declared their autonomy in the Czecho-Slovak Republic on October 6th 1938. The Czechs were powerless and yielded under the tremendous international pressure, but only for a short time. They bided their time, waiting for an opportune occasion, and when they thought the time ripe, they struck and attempted to wrest autonomy from the Slovaks. �SLOVAKIA 51 Two Slovak Hlinka Guardsmen were shot and killed in the attempted coup. But the Czechs' attempt boomeranged. The Slovaks did not surrender their autonomy. Instead, now convinced that the Czechs were anything but sincere in yielding to the autonomy demand of the Slovaks, the Slovaks now struck even farther. They now were not satisfied with a semblance of autonomy from the insincere and scheming Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government, who wanted to destroy that autonomy at the earliest and the first opportune moment . The Slovaks now feared that even in the future the Czechs would attempt to destroy the autonomy they had yielded to the Slovaks under the duress and pressure of an international situation. The Slovaks, knowing that the Czechs were under considerable pressure from Hitler, decided they would utilize this situation for their own benefit and tear away from the Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak Republic rather than go down to annihilation along with the Czechs. The Slovaks did just that and they set up their own independent state, a Slovak Republic. Hitler had no love for the Czechs, and while he had no special love or sympathies for the Slovaks, he too utilized the situation to disrupt the Czecho-Slovak, so-called democratic republic. He took over the Czechs into a protectorate along with Moravia. He recognized the independent state of Slovakia, in fact, guaranteed its existence and safety for the next 25 years. And this too, compromised the Slovaks in the eyes of their enemies. That made the Slovaks nazis, they said. The Slovak autonomous parliament voted unanimously and to a man to establish the independent state, a republic, on March 14, 1939. This move was also prompted by Hungarian threats of land-grabbing from the Slovaks, abetted by the Italian Mussolini and his son-in-law Count Ciano, who openly placed themselves on the side of the Hungarians and their unjust and irresponsible demands against the Slovaks and Czecho-Slovakia. The Slovaks felt that having control over their Slovak lands they would better be able to prevent any land-grabs and annexation of Slovak lands and people than would the unsympathetic Czechs be who had no particular interest to protect, save and conserve Slovak land and people. Msgr. Jozef Tiso was elected first president of the new Slovak Republic. �52 SLOVAKIA The Slovak state progressed and developed very nicely for the next 6 years. The state set up its own currency and monetary system, its own army, postal system and everything that qualifies a successful and prosperous independent state. It is not the purpose nor the area of this treatise to describe the Slovak Republic. Suffice it to say that independent Slovakia was a sharp thorn in the Czechs' eyes. They were burning with envy, hate and revenge and scheming every way to destroy the independence of Slovakia. The former president of Czecho-Slovakia, Eduard Benes, spent much time in Russia, convincing the Russians to strike against Slovakia under the ruse that it is an ally of Germany. Russia finally did strike and brought back Benes with arms to his throne in Prague, of course, as a Russian and communist puppet. The Americans, also under the illusion that they are thereby defeating Hitler and the Germans, took a hand in destroying the independent Slovak state and they helped to force the Slovaks back into Czecho-Slovakia, albeit now a communistic Czecho-Slovakia. It was the American armed forces and the American counterintelligence that ferreted out president Tiso and members of his government, hidden in Austria, after their forced departure from Slovakia when the Russian army invaded Slovakia and committed many atrocities, inhumanities and indecencies, particularly against the female population in Slovakia. The Americans turned over Msgr. Tiso and members of his government to the Russian communists and their Czech puppets in Prague, Benes included, because he was the prime puppet of the Russians. President Tiso was tried by a rump court, found guilty of treason against Czecho-Slovakia and hung on April 18, 1947. Yet, his guilt was no greater nor graver than that of our own George Washington against England when he strove to free the 13 American colonies from British rule, dominance and tax extortion. Of course, he was not caught and apprehended and his revolution succeeded. That's the difference. Washington threw off an English government that was ruling an English people in America-in an English colony. President Tiso threw off a government that was not a Slovak government, but the government of and by another people, the Czechs. President Tiso's attempt was more justified than George Washington's. Tiso was overpowered by the �SLOVAKIA 53 Russian communists and delivered to the gallows with the help of Americans, American officials. Yet, the Americans in Washington's day strove for their complete independence in the same way that the Slovaks did. In any event, the help that Americans gave to help destroy the independent, democratic Republic of Slovakia, and to. aid in bringing Tiso to the gibbet, does not serve to their credit and glory, and never will. I, as a native American of Slovak parentage and descent, am not proud of that record. No Americans should be proud of it. We Americans stand for democracy, liberty, independence-for everybody, everywhere. But very often that is but a lip service. We don't always mean it sincerely. The Americans-and that includes our government too, should make amends somehow, or at least try to make amends for this travesty, and attempt to correct the injustice they have helped perpetrate on the Slovaks. But, because of their injudicious procedure and handling of the war situation, things have gone so far that the U.S. cannot do anything about correcting this highly unjustifiable situation. The communists, now in command and control, will see to that. Incidentally, when asked, the puppet president, Benes, refused to commute the Tiso sentence or spare his life. Perhaps, as a mere puppet, he did not dare. Well, either way, the good Lord took care of him. This is the story of the Pittsburgh Pact. It was implemented for a short time and eventually led to Slovak independence and the Slovak state. It is still a great historical document that all sincere, conscious and loyal Slovaks revere and respect. The original copy is here in the U.S.A. The delegation of the Slovak League when asked to leave the document in Slovakia in 1938 refused to do so on orders of the entire organization. Even when asked during the existence of the Slovak state to send the document to Slovakia as a historical museum piece, the Slovak League refused, realizing that conditions were not permanent and stable enough and that opponents of the document would seek to destroy it and remove all evidence of the fact that the Slovaks had been promised and guaranteed their rights and autonomy. The Slovak League refused to part with the document and kept it here in America-in safety. And it is good that they kept it here, �54 SLOVAKIA where it still can and does serve as a grand document attesting to the perfidy of the Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government. Today, nothing will obliterate the memories of this perfidious behavior but a restoration of an independent Slovak state or the creation of an independent Slovakia in a constellation of Central European states, but not as a part of Czecho-Slovakia under any circumstances. Just prior to leaving for Slovakia in 1938 with the Pittsburgh Pact Dr. Hletko, as president of the Slovak League and as the leader of the delegation had the document registered, filed on record and photostated in the Cook County Recorder's office in Chicago, where that record exists to this day. BIBLIOGRAPHY Karol Sidor: Slovcici v Zahranicnom odboji. 1929. Bratislava. The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact, 1934. Published by the Slovak Catholic Federation of America. Author: Dr. Peter P. Hletko, Vice President of t he SCF. at that time. K. (:ulen: Pittsburghskci Dohoda. 1937. Bratislava. Fr. Hrusovsky: Slovenske Dejiny. 1939. Published by Matica Slovenska, Turciansky Sv. Martin, Slovakia. Topix. November 5, 1951 issue. Vol. 10, No. 6. A cartoon magazine published by the Cathechetical Guild Educational Society, St. Paul, Minn. Joseph M. Kirschbaum LL.D. , Ph.D.: Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. 1960. R. Speller & Sons, publ. , New York, N. Y. Gilbert L. Oddo : Slovakia and its people. 1960. Publ. R. Speller & Sons, New York. Joseph A. Mikus, J.D.: Slovakia - a political history: 1918-1950. 1963. Marquette University Press. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America has always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth. � SLOVAKIA 5 THE SLOVAKS AND THE PITTSBURGH PACT Peter P. Hletko M.D. PREFACE None of the material in this article is new. The Slovaks are very well acquainted with it. It has been presented in book and pamphlet form, in newspaper articles etc. in the Slovak language many times. Our purpose here is to present this material to the American public and to acquaint it with the Pittsburgh Pact and all that the Pact guaranteed the Slovak nation in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. We feel that the American public is entitled to know all about the Pittsburgh Pact because the Pact is an American product and is in line with the principles of democracy and self-determination of small nations, for the defense of which principles this country, too, entered World Wars . We also feel that the American people, mindful of the fact that its own pioneers came here and founded a government on strong principles of democracy as opposed to aristocracy in an endeavor to escape the persecutions in their own land, shall lend the pleadings of the Slovak people a sympathetic ear. We present a few historical sketches so that the reader may know who the Slovak people are and that they have a glorious past; that they once had their freedom; how they regained their freedom; how they came to be in the CzechoSlovak Republic; how events developed and led to the drafting and signing of the Pittsburgh Pact; how the Slovaks seceded from Czecho-Slovakia and set up their own independent Slovak State. We want the reader to know what the Pact guaranteed, how the stipulations of the Pact were ignored, and what flimsy objections were raised relative to the validity of the Pact by those who were patrties to that Pact and who later became interested that the provisions of the Pact should be ignored. We hope that the reader will then understand why the Slovaks were clamoring for their autonomy-homerule-in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and now want "out" of the Communistic c-SSR and into their own independent State or Republic. �6 SLOVAKIA HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The Slovaks as a nation are not unknown in historical annals. They have a glorious past extending many centuries back. Stephen J . Palickar writes the following short synopsis: "The historical era of the Slovak Race marks its beginning at the time when the Slovaks are said to have reached Europe in the sixth century Before Christ. This period, of course, remains in such darkness as to leave us nothing but conjecture. Beginning with 335 A. D., we find that history reveals a. sufficient amount of facts pertaining to the Slovaks which leads us to believe that sometime during that period the Slovak Race had contacted with Byzantine influences and had already inherited a substantial share of Latin and German culture. This phase of Slovak life was next followed by periods of small rulers and that of King Svatopluk who was master of nearly the whole of Central Europe, whose land was known as the Great Slovak-Moravian Kingdom. During the period in which King Svatopluk ruled over this vast Slovakian territory, many enterprising feats had taken place among the Slovaks. Culture had made deep inroads among the people but it was not until Christianity was accepted by the Slovaks did history really begin to deal with them in any paramount way. The first Christian Church of the Slovaks was established by the Slovakian prince, Pribina, in the ancient city of Nitra about 830 A.D. Complete Christianization of the Slovak people was later effected by the Saints Cyril and Methodius (863-885). Church building and the acceptance of Christianity by the Slovaks antedates that of the Bohemians by 60 years; the Poles by 140 years; Russians by 160 years, and the Hungarians by 175 years." Just how powerful and influential this ancient Kingdom of the Slovaks was, may be judged from the description given by Joseph Skultety, outstanding Slovak philologist and historian. (Translation by 0. D. Koreff: 'Sketches from Slovak History'.) He writes: "The State of our ancestors, which even in Mojmir's days unto 846 had been built wisely and courageously, was already a power in the days of Rastislav. The Germans were then pushing down the Danube as they never did afterwards, and Greater Moravia, the young Slavonic State, bravely barred their way. True enough, their aggression only increased thereby. King Louis, surnamed the German, a grandson of Charlemagne, in 855, immediately after his accession, invaded Moravia with a great military force in order to rid himself of a danger which was growing there for his realm. But here the first resistance was so great that Louis decided rather to leave the opponent in peace than to expose his whole army to a catastrophe ... Rastislav pursued Louis, the German, invaded his territory and devastated a large area ... Under Svatopluk, after Rastislav, Greater Moravia represented a still greater military power. The defeat of the Germans in 870, beneath Devin (where Rastislav had his castle described as 'a mighty fortress with which not even one of the most ancient can compare'), was crushing. Their army perished in the battle; very few saved themselves by flight. There were few families in Bavaria, Austria and Carinthia who did not mourn the loss of some of their members ... Later in his reign Svatopluk com- �SLOVAKIA 7 pletely stopped the onslaught of the Germans down the Danube, towards the East. In German annals a record is preserved stating that when he went against Arnulf in 884 his army was seen in one place to pass all day, from morning until evening. Svatopluk already had extended his sovereignty to the North, over Bohemia, where the first historic prince, Borivoj, ruled, and over the Polish Slavs on the Upper Vistula; in the South his sovereignty extended even farther ; far beyond the frontier of Slovak territory. "To found such a state, a Slav state on the middle Danube at that time-in the second half of the ninth century-certainly was a great accomplishment; history will never cease speaking of it. There were indeed indications that a center was originating here around which a considerable part of the Slav would unite. But a young state, in order to fortify itself, to consolidate, must needs have favorable conditions. Our Slovak ancestors, at the end of the ninth century, were not so fortunate. The Germanic world still lived in a condition of fermentto have it as a neighbor was not good. It would yield, retreat, only under duress, as under Svatopluk. After Svatopluk's death the nomadic Magyars came as another neighbor on the southern bank of the Danube and to the Tisa river. Under such circumstances, after the first weak• ening, caused by internal, domestic strife, a young organization is apt to fare badly. This strife, this discord among the sons of Svatopluk, was incited by their German neighbors and Greater Moravia perished. The Magyars came to the Danube in 896, two years after Svatopluk's death, Mojmir II, Svatopluk's successor, in 900 petitioned for and procured from Rome two bishops and one archbishop, thus still organizing the Church. In 902 he still proved to his trans-Danubian neighbors that he is a son of Svatopluk, but not long afterwards he was no more .. . Greater Moravia perished." What happened to the Slovaks after the downfall of their Moravian kingdom is obscure and that part of history is rather nebulous. However, eventually we again find them coming to the fore. Palickar writes: "From the time of Matus cak .. . who in 1301 succeeded in restoring part of the lost Kingdom for the Slovaks, under whose rule thirty fortified castles were preserved, the Slovaks retained their spirit of nationalism and racial identity. Nor did culture cease to exist amongst the Slovaks during the Middle Ages, though it is often said that about• this time the real link to Slovakian history became lost and obscured in the pages of time. Contrary to that belief, however, the fact remains that Slovak history had never ceased to be written for a period of years until the well known revolution of 1848." · In all those Middle Age centuries we see the Slovaks attacked and their territory invaded and devastated by the Huns, the Tartars, the Turks and other tribes. And we also see the gradual coming over of the Magyars across the Danube and domesticating themselves on Slovak soil, until after centuries, the Magyars assumed control. What occured around 1848 is well synopsized by Palickar: "The Hungarians at this time waged war against Austria, while the Slovaks, after years of anticipation mixed with bitterness and resentment for the Hungarians, saw their opportunity and likewise rose against �8 SLOVAKIA the Hungarians for their Slovak language and national rights. The conclusion of war between Austria and Hungary, while reuniting the two people, threw the Slovaks back under the Hungarian rule with none of their rights recognized, particularly because of their support to the Austrians in this war. After presenting their famous Memorandum to the Imperial Throne of Austria in 1861, the Slovaks were granted the right to open several high schools ... the 'Matica Slovenska,' an institution for the fostering of Slovak culture wherein special study was encouraged in Slovak history, Art and Language . . . The Empire of the Austrians and Hungarians was again split in two so that in 1878 a more active crusade of Magyarizing the Slovaks had begun." It is at this point that we wish to enter into more detailed dis cussion of the modern Slovak nation and its struggles. HUNGARIAN PERSECUTION OF THE SLOVAKS The persecutions that the Slovak nation suffered in the old Austro-Hungarian Empire at the hands of the Hungarian regime are a matter of historical record. The Slovaks were denied the rights of free speech and assemblage. Their literature and schools were suppressed and forbidden. The Slovak was considered anything but a human being, and the Magyar regime did not make secrecy of its attitude toward the subordinate Slovak people. "Tot nem ember" (Slovak is not a human being) and "Buta Tot," (Ignorant Slovak) were favorite expressions that the pompous and ruling Magyar people used in referring to the Slovak people. And yet, Slovakia, as Palickar remarks, "known as a 'subordinate' nation but always the equal of those who would assume superiority over her, she can, nevertheless, boast of the fact that Slovak blood gave to the Hungarians 20 of the most famous and outstanding characters that Hungary ever had, without whom there would have been very little Hungarian history today." (Petofi, Kossuth, Cardinal Czernoch, Petian, etc.) The Slovak, however, has an inherent love for liberty and freedom, and enjoys fostering his national spirit. The thousand years that the Slovak people lived under gradually developing Magyar rule, nor the fifty years of severe persecution at the hands of the Magyars just prior to the World War I, did not succeed in effacing the national consciousness of the Slovaks. On the contrary, the policy of forcible Magyarization served only to enhance the nationalistic feeling of the Slovak people. This policy of forcible Magyarization of the Slovaks �SLOVAK.IA 9 was undoubtedly the greatest reason for Slovak immigration into America. The Slovaks are essentially a homeloving and peaceful people, but the quest for a land of true liberty made them turn their attentions to this glorious land, the home of "The brave and the free." And even after they settled here, established their colonies, acclimated themselves to their new surroundings and began to live according to local customs, they were always mindful of the injustices that had driven them out of the land of their birth, their fatherland. Every bit of news that they received about new acts of persecution at the hands of the Magyars of their brethren left behind, stirred them anew, and made them vow vengeance all over again. The Hungarian government, on the other hand, viewed with some alarm the efforts of the Slovaks in America to stir up their countrymen in Slovakia to concentrated action, and certainly did everything in its power to frustrate the further expansion and development of Slovak national consciousness in America. It sent its emissaries to America to keep the good-will of the American political and diplomatic circles, and to indirectly undermine influences of the Slovaks. The Slovaks in America, however, could no longer be controlled by forces across the ocean, and they utilized all their own opportunities to call the attention not only of the proper influential sources in America, but the whole world at large, to the prosecution and injustice that the Slovaks were suffering at the hands of the Magyars in Austria-Hungary. Then came World War I, with the crumpling of Empires and fall of Kingdoms. Austria-Hungary was not enjoying solid footing and the Slovaks in America saw in the fall of the dual-monarchy their only chance of liberation and the only ray of hope for the restoration of their long-lost freedom . THE EARLY RELATIONS OF SLOVAKS AND CZECHS What the Slovaks suffered at the hands of the Magyars, the Czechs suffered at the hands of the Austrians-the Germans, although perhaps in somewhat lesser degree. Germanic influences were making their noticeable inroads into the ranks of the Czech people, and those with weaker convictions, naturally, succumbed. The Czechs and Slovaks did not have direct close con- �10 SLOVAKIA tacts. They lived apart. They had no common meeting ground. The literati, it is true, had their mutual contacts and they wrote and dreamed of the brotherhood of the Czech and Slovak, but no closer union between the two peopies was ever established. Some were so enthusiastic in their writings that they saw the Czech and Slovak peoples as branches of one Slovanic people, but the people themselves lived as two different nations . After the large immigration of the Czechs and Slovaks into this country, both peoples continued to live and develop here as two separate nations. Each built its own churches, schools and institutions. Each founded its own fraternal and social organizations. In places the Czechs and Slovaks lived in close proximity to each other, but at no time was there any marked intermingling. Both realized that the other is his closest Slavonic brother, but the lines of demarcation between the two peoples remained very definite and well established in this country. NATIONALISTIC MOVEMENT OF SLOVAKS The Slovaks have had their fraternal and social organizations here since about 1890, or slightly previous to that. The nationalistic spirit was fostered in all of them, but because here and there small leaders, who had originally succumbed to Magyar influences while still over there in the fatherland, managed to place themselves here in strategic positions, it was necessary to convince the wide masses of Slovaks here, that it is the duty of every Slovak in America to rid himself of every bit of Magyar influence, develop a real Slovak consciousness, and help his downtrodden brethren over there, who were struggling against overwhelming odds and disadvantages to keep the Slovak nation as such on the face of the earth. Every bit of news regarding new atrocities against the Slovak people there stirred the Slovak people here and helped to engender a better Slovak consciousness, and a willingness to rise in defense of the nation. But, the one most striking incident that finally completely awakened the Slovaks in America, was the massacre in Cernova, in Slovakia: Rev. Andrej Hlinka had been suspended by His Eminence Bishop Parvy because of his political activi- �SLOVAKIA 11 ties. The Hungarian government also took steps to make Hlinka harmless and the result was that he was sentenced to 2 years in jail. He was an ardent Slovak nationalist and in some of his political campaign speeches he had exhorted his Slovak followers to fight against the policies of Magyarization. In the meantime, the inhabitants of cernova, the birthplace of Hlinka, had succeeded in completing the building of their little church with the funds that Hlinka had collected, and preparations were made for a proper dedication and blessing of the church. The villagers appealed to the Bishop that Hlinka be re-instated and that he be delegated to perform the blessing of the church. The Bishop, however, appointed someone else and the date was set for October 27, 1907. The inhabitants of cernova then notified the Bishop that they do not wish to have the blessing performed on that date. Their wishes, however, were not to be respected and on the date set the proper appointee rode into town to perform the blessing of the Church. The villagers were congregated in the street in front of the Church and refused to admit the Church dignitaries, insisting that they wish Hlinka to bless their Church and no one else. A scuffle occured, and in the turmoil that followed, the gendarmes, standing nearby, were ordered to fire into the mob. They did! The street cleared in a hurry and 9 dead, 3 dying, 12 seriously injured and 80 less seriously injured persons were left lying there. That night 14 Slovak martyrs were found dead as the result of that salvo of bullets. And some months later numerous Slovaks were given jail sentences because of their participation in the c ernova uprising. The Slovaks ,in America realized that such atrocities must not go on unnoticed and rmprotested. The world at large must be informed about them. Many protest mass meetings followed. The Catholic Clergy called its first Cat:p.olic Slovak Congress on September 3, 1906, to WilkesBarre. The Slovak newspapermen and journalists met in December, 1906, in Pittsburgh. Everything was being worked up for a concentrated action of all the Slovaks, irrespective of their religious or political beliefs. This effort to unify the Slovaks was also responsible for the pamphlet: �12 SLOVAKIA "Political criminal trial against the Rev. Father Andrew Hlinka, the Rev. Father Joseph Tomik, Dr. srobar and others, in Ruzomberok, Liptov Comitat, Hungary, November 26 to December 26, 1906," published by the Slovak journalists. A benefit fund was also created, and thousands of dollars were sent to the old country for the support of the loyal and nationalistically conscious Slovaks who were imprisoned and otherwise mistreated by the Magyars. The outstanding result of the atrocities in Slovakia was the founding of the Slovak League of America. The Slovak Newspapermen's Association at the instigation of Rev. Stefan Furdek called the First Slovak Congress to Cleveland May 26, 1907. The representatives of all the Slovak organizations came to Cleveland for that meeting. Along with them came 7,000 other Slovaks, of all creeds, beliefs and dialects. None cared about anything else than that they are Slovaks, that their people are being cruelly mistreated under Magyar rule, and that they must come to the rescue of their brethren. Amid such enthusiasm the Slovak League was founded at that meeting in Cleveland. The Rev. Stefan Furdek was elected president, Albert Mamatey, secretary, Rev. John Porubsky, financial Secretary. Dr. M. Francisci, treasurer. The aim of the organization was. embodied principally in the following sentence of the By-laws: "That the Slovak nation may take its place among the older nations as an equal among equals." A National Fund was created from which the nationalistic movements of the Slovaks in the Fatherland were to be supported. Numerous mass meetings, under the auspices of the new Slovak League, followed all over the United States. Resolutions were adopted at these mass meetings, the contents of which in the main verse : 1. We protest against the massacre and imprisonment of our leading Slovak men in Hungary. 2. We strenously protest against the unfounded indictment of our Slovak peasants; against the unfounded procedure. of the courts, which are hurling our people into investigative imprisonment, as it has recently occured so many times. 3. We demand, that the Laws in Hungary be abided by and that they serve the Magyar as well as the Slovak, and not that the Slovak would get imprisonment and heavy fine on the least provocation. LIBRARY �SLOVAKIA 13 THE EARLY MOVEMENT FOR FREEDOM Such then was the stage-setting among the Slovaks here in America and in Hungary when World War I, broke out. The original gun-shot, in fact, which was to precipitate the world catastrophe, had really not yet been fired in Sarajevo, when the Slovaks in America had already prepared a Memorandum, intended for all the parliaments of the civilized world. Ivan Daxner, Sr., the Secretary of the Slovak League at the time, was just making the final corrections of the Memorandum, when first fire broke out in Europe, fore-telling the coming of the World War. With this sudden turn of affairs in Europe, many thought that the contents of the Memorandum should be changed. Sox:ne thought that it should definitely express the thought: "We want to break away from the Magyars." Others thought that it should express the idea: "We want to be with the Czechs." A middle course was chosen, and the Memorandum, delivered to all members of Congress of the United States asked, that "The Slovaks in Hungary should obtain their natural privileges of life, freedom and pursuit of happiness, which they have been deprived of by the dynasty; that the Slovaks be given an opportunity to develop their national spirit, their abilities, and the natural resources of their native land ; that the Slovaks be guaranteed the realization of their national ideals and efforts, which have been mercilessly trodden by the tyrannical Hungarian Government. " The Memorandum set forth in detail a description of the Slovak nation and a description of the land that the nation inhabits. It set forth a description of the Magyar atrocities: How the nation is oppressed by the Magyars, particularly since 1863; how its language is being expelled not only from governmental offices and schools, but even from the home circles of government officials and employes of Slovak descent. The Magyar government wilfully avoids Par. 44 of the Laws of 1868, according to which Slovak schools were to be . built by government funds . The government not only does not respect this law, but it has gone even further, and has forcefully closed schools which the Slovak people have established out of their own funds and voluntary contributions. The government has suppressed the "Matica Slovenska"-"The Slovak Foundation"the highest cultural and scientific institute of the Slovaks, �14 SLOVAKIA founded for their own advancement and uplift. The Magyar government has forcefully taken thousands of children during the years 1863-86 away from their parents, and sent them to Magyar territories for the purpose of complete Magyarization of these youthful Slovaks. The Slovaks are paying their taxes, but not one cent is being expended from government funds for Slovak culture and Slovak social welfare. For these and many other reasons the Slovaks in America, as free citizens of a great country, petitioned all influential political factors in Europe and all over the civilized world, in the name of justice and humanity, to see to it, when future new political units would be established and when fates of nations were to be decided that all the injustices perpetrated on the Slovak nation would be erased, and that the Slovak people be considered as an equal and free nation among the other nations of the world. The Slovak League asked that the Slovak people be granted their complete self-government and the freedom of self-determination in the field of politics as well as in the field of culture and commerce. This Memorandum was signed by all the officials of the Slovak League, by the representatives of twenty-three Slovak newspapers, by the representatives of twenty organizations, by fifty-two Catholic priests and forty Protestant Ministers. This Memorandum, published in five languages, besides the English, reached the most influential political and diplomatic factors in America. It did much to bring the Slovak cause before the World. It attracted attention to the Slovaks, who already up to that time, certainly were not an unknown quantity, as may be witnessed by the long conversation that President Taft had with the representatives of Slovak organizations in 1910. The main significance of this Memorandum, however, lies in the fact that the Slovaks of America, immediately after the outbreak of the War, were publicly taking upon themselves the role of a leader of the entire Slovak nation of the World-and they were doing it independently, without ties with anybody. They took upon themselves the duty of formulating the policies of the entire nation-and they demanded the right of self-determination and self-government in behalf of their entire nation. The Memorandum �SLOVAKIA 15 clearly showed that immediately after the outbreak of the War, the Slovaks in America had visions of liberating the Slovak nation from the control of all other nations. The signatures on the Memorandum were likewise significant, and they show just why the Slovaks of America assumed the leadership of the entire nation. The Slovak masses of America were organized, and the number of Slovaks in America standing in organized ranks exceeded the number of organized Slovaks that were ever known in their own fatherland. The number of publications represented on the Memorandum by signature also exceeded the number that the Slovaks had in their native country. All this clearly shows that the more progressive portion of the nation was found here in America, and that this portion had a full privilege, moral and financial, to speak in behalf of the entire nation. COOPERATION OF THE SLOVAKS AND CZECHS It is unnecessary to go into much detail to show how the Slovaks struggled for their cause and their liberation during those early years of World War I. They were fully united here-all the Slovaks-but they were carrying on the battle practically single-handed. Very often, at the meetings of their common organization, the Slovak League, they considered the question, whether they should find an ally and unite with him in their struggle, or whether they should continue to work single-handedly and independently for the brighter future of their nation. They were unanimous in their effort to tear the Slovaks across the sea from Magyar rule. There were no dissenters and no objectors to that idea. But in order that the Slovaks may come to bask in the sunshine of freedom, it was .necessary that Austria-Hungary be disrupted, and for such work they necessarily had to find an ally. Several proposed combinations developed. Some favored the Czechs as the ally to be sought. Others favored the Russians. Others favored the Poles, who already had promises from the Allies for a restoration of Poland. Gradually the Czechs came to be selected as the most logical ally to be sought. By what process of reasoning the Czechs came to be generally favored is probably best expressed in a letter written by Rev. Matus Jankola, Bridgeport, Connecticut, December 11, 1914, to Joseph Rusek, Editor of "Jednota." �16 SLOVAKIA "Our battle-cry must be: 'Away from the Magyars.' We must work for the self-government of Slovakia. Never, however, in the confines of Hungary, united with the Magyars! Their sentence over us is fatal: 'Tot nem ember.' It's in their blood ... We should ally ourselves with our Slav brothers. But with whom? The Russians are in part orthodox, and in part, too powerful. They would devour us. The Poles are closer to us, but they too , are too powerful in everything. We can ally ourselves with the Czechs only. There are two Czechs to every Slovak. We have just about the same language. The people would not have to learn another language ; their financial , commercial etc. abilities will benefit our weakness and inability. Austria-Hungary may serve as an example for our alliance. The higher government, diplomatic corps and army, all common. Let all the rest remain separate, whether is shall be a republican, or monarchistic confederation." Notice how Rev. Jankola, a popular leader of the Slovaks, and undoubtedly expressing the concensus of opinion of the Slovaks in that letter, visioned the alliance of the Slovaks with the Czechs. Anot}:ler letter of his (December 15, 1915, from Bridgeport, Connecticut) again brings an interesting opinion about the Czechs, which no doubt was not only his own, but the more or less established opinion about the Czechs among the Slovaks generally, and how he pictured the future relations of the Slovaks and Czechs. He wrote: "We shall mean nothing in a monarchy, and absolutely nothing in a great Russia. But we would stand on a footing of equality with the Czechs a-la Austria and Hungary, or formerly, Norway and Sweden ; with our own self-government , our own parliament, our own Slovak language. Can we ever obtain this under Russia, or Austria-Hungary ? "In regards to the Czechs: Their supremacy can only be temporary ; until the time that we rear one generation in our own spirit. I do not consider the Czech liberalism so dangerous. Our nature and character are different. The Slovaks-I mean the common people-shall retain their character." These were Father Jankola's unofficial letters, but they express the predominant sentiment among the greater portion of the Slovaks in America, and practically the unanimous sentiment among the Catholic Slovaks in America, which, expressed in other words, meant: We favor cooperation with the Czechs, we must unite with them, but before we do, it is necessary to agree with them, that we are forming a state, where both nations-the Czech and the Slovak-will be equal factors with their own selfgovernments. �SLOVAKIA 17 ORGANIZATION OF THE CZECHS IN AMERICA The Czechs were not as well prepared to take up the cause of their liberation when the war broke out as were the Slovaks. The Czechs were divided into many small lodges and into a number of varying factions. Their press, too, was not as unanimous in its attitude toward the War and in its stand toward one side or the other. Some of the Czech newspapers, and among them were several of the more influential, favored the retention of old Austria. They looked with much disfavor on the attempts of some energetic Czech patriots who took up the standard against the old regime. They ridiculed all attempts to tear down old Austria. They considered all such attempts futile. Those favoring the old regime were found principally in the ranks of the Czech socialists and Czech free-thinkers. The Catholic Czechs had a smaller percentage of those who favored adherence to the old regime. Most of the Catholic Czechs immediately became enthused with the cause of liberation, even though they were frequently censured for it on the grounds that they were directly playing into the hands of Professor T . G. Masaryk, an enemy of the Church. The foundations of a united Czech revolutionary organization were laid on March 13th and 14th, 1915, in Cleveland, at a joint meeting of local Czechs with representatives from Chicago and New York. The immediate results were very mediocre. It was only in August, 1915, when Vojta Benes, a teacher, came to this country with an appeal from Professor Masaryk and his own brother, Dr. Eduard Benes, and when he himself began working on the organization, that the Czech National Alliance began to take root and spread. Then first the Czech public responded to the appeals of its leaders with generous contributions to the cause of liberating the Czech nation. The National Czech Alliance was actually founded on September 1, 1915. Its main office was in Chicago. Its first prominent and zealous workers were such as were known for their free-thinking and anti-Church ideas. These, naturally, did not entice the Catholic Czechs into their ranks. The Catholic Czechs remained unorganized for some time, but they worked independently, although many of them contributed funds and otherwise assisted the cause sponsored by the National Czech Alliance. Finally, on February �18 SLOVAKIA 6, 191 7, the Catholic Czechs organized too. They formed their Alliance of Czech Catholics. On May 5, 1917, the first steps were taken to coordinate the efforts of the two groups of Czechs, and on July 4, 1917, they affected a compromise and decided on ways and means of cooperating. The representatives of the two factions or organizations then issued a joint appeal to the Czechs of America asking for support of the movement to establish an independent Czecho-Slovak Republic, at the same time advising the Czech public that the two factions from now on would work and cooperate for this one high ideal and admirable cause. THE CLEVELAND AGREEMENT The Cleveland Agreement was the fore-runner of the Pittsburgh Pact. Perhaps the latter would never have been drafted and signed, had not certain difficulties arisen which gave the Slovaks reason enough to suspect that the Czechs were not altogether sincere when they suggested and submitted the original Cleveland Agreement. But, let us see how the Cleveland Agreement came to be and what it contained. In the foregoing chapter, it was related that the Czech National Alliance was organized on September 1, 1915. The National Alliance of Czech Catholics did not come to be organized until in 1917, and up to that time the Czech National Alliance, naturally, was appearing as the only representative of the Czech people in America in this revolutionary movement, which was ultimately to spell the overthrow of the Austria-Hungarian monarchy and an establishment of an independent Czecho-Slovak Republic. While the Czechs were laying the foundations of their organization in America, similar Czech organizations were being formed in France, Switzerland and Russia, which embodied in their programs a representation of the Slovaks too. That these Czech organizations could take upon themselves the representations of the Slovaks, too, was made possible only by the fact that, outside of Russia, there were too few Slovaks in any of the other countries, and these few Slovaks hardly could deal on an equal basis with the Czechs, who outnumbered them. All this time Professor T. G. Masaryk was very active �SLOVAKIA 19 in the revolutionary movement. Other leaders in the Czech movement were also busy and difficulties arose, but after all these were ironed out, T. G. Masaryk became the recognized head of the movement for the liberation of the Czechs and the alliance of the Slovaks with the Czechs. In order, however, that the visible and recognized head of the revolutionary movement could have the right to speak in behalf of the Slovaks too, it was necessary that at least one recognized portion of Slovak immigration express itself clearly and distinctly in favor of the joint effort with the Czechs. The Slovak group in America was the logical group to be sought and its favor gained. The Czech National Alliance in America was asked from Paris by Professor T. G. Masaryk himself to gain the cooperation of this Slovak group in America. Joseph Tvrzicky, the Secretary of the Czech National Alliance, officially invited the Slovak League of America to a meeting, the purpose of which was to be: "That we could unite for combined political work." Along with this invitation Tvrzicky sent a proposed draft on an Agreement, which later the Slovaks accepted in Cleveland, on October 22, 1915, just as Tvrzicky had drafted it. The Cleveland Agreement contained the following points: "1. Independence of Czech lands and Slovakia ; 2. A union of the Czech and Slovak nations in a federative alliance of states with a complete national autonomy of Slovakia, with its own parliament, its own state government, its own complete cultural freedom, and therefore, its own complete use of the Slovak language, its own financial and political government and with a Slovak state language. 3. Voting power: General, secret and direct. 4. Form of Government: A personal union with a democratic form of State, the same as in England. 5. These points form the basis of a mutual agreement and can be enlarged or expanded only with the approval of both parties. The Czech National Alliance reserves the right of making possible changes, and the Slovak League has the same right." These five points of the Cleveland Agreement were the basis on which all the various factors of Slovak public life in America agreed to cooperate with the Czechs for the one and mutual cause. Everything was clearly defined, the program very definitely set forth, and both parties of the agreement could �20 SLOVAKIA undertake their first steps with complete confidence to each other. It is worth mentioning that the Cleveland Agreement was accepted by the Slovaks with the firm conviction that T. G. Masaryk was fully informed in advance about this Agreement and each and every point of its contents, or that he shall be fully informed. Ignac Gessay, one of the active Slovak workers, writes of this as follows: "It is important to note that we Slovaks did not draft the Cleveland Agreement, but our brother Czechs did, the representatives of the Czech National Alliance. They offered it to us in a brotherly way in return for our fraternal help to them. Mr. Emanuel Voska, one of the representatives present there in behalf of the Czech National Alliance, arose and amidst great applause announced that, the Text of this Agreement is known to Professor Masaryk-the President of the National Council and that he agrees with it." With the field all set for a fine close cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks, further work was to follow. But the very first act, the purpose of which was, to announce that the Czechs and Slovaks are working for a common aim already threw a "monkey wrench" into the machinery, and caused some uneasiness and the first little suspicion in the minds of the Slovaks. This first act was issued in Paris, on November 14, 1915. It was a proclamation against Austria-Hungary. The Czecho-Slovak National Council did not formally exist at the time, so Professor Masaryk simply signed the proclamation: "The Foreign Czech Committee." Four representatives of the Czechs in America were signed on that Proclamation, as well as two representatives of the Slovaks in America, yet it was a "Czech Committee" not a Czecho-Slovak Committee. In this very first act the Slovaks saw a wilful attempt to deprive them of all their due rights and privileges, and so already at such an early date after the enthusiastic acceptance of the Cleveland Agreement, which heralded the closest cooperation, understanding and mutual help of the Czechs and Slovaks, the difficulties of that cooperation with the Czechs became quite plain to the Slovaks. DIFFICULTIES BETWEEN THE CZECHS AND SLOVAKS The Cleveland Agreement, which had been so enthusiastically accepted and signed by both parties, was being adhered by the Slovaks to the very letter. Still, difficulties �SLOVAKIA 21 between the Czechs and Slovaks kept cropping up. Those must be attributed to an erronerous Czech understanding of the Slovak question and the Slovak attitude in the whole matter. For, certainly, had the Czechs fully understood just how the Slovaks felt about their alliance with the Czechs, had they realized that the Slovaks were full-heartedly in favor of an honest and sincere cooperation with the Czechs, but that they were suspicious of every move that was not in keeping with the Agreement, these misunderstandings would never have come to pass, and the drafting of the Pittsburgh Pact would never have been necessary. The situation became such that the Slovak League called its Ninth Congress to Chicago on February 22, 1916, and in the call for the session, Albert Mamatey, the president, and Ivan Daxner, the Secretary, made the following statement: "It is unavoidably necessary to hold a joint conference with our Czech brethren in order that we may avoid misunderstandings and perhaps even conflicts with them, which could arise if our Czech brethren did not take the Agreement made with the Slovaks in the same light as it was made and signed by the Slovak League and the Czech National Alliance." The Congress met and ironed out many difficulties, but this did not suffice. The Slovaks wanted to have direct information from their own people about the progress of the revolutionary movement in Europe. In order that they may not depend entirely on the Czech National Alliance for all their information, they decided to send two representatives, Dr. G. Kosik, Editor of the Catholic Sokol, and Dr. Stefan Osusky, an attorney and minister, to Europe. The intention of sending these two Slovaks was of the best, but the Czechs in America were very disappointed over this step. The result of it was that they began supporting and encouraging M. Getting, Editor of Slovak Sokol, and a few others who began showing and expressing dissatisfaction over the management of affairs of the Slovak League. It may be remarked here that Getting was one of the original ultra-enthusiasts for a complete union with the Czechs. All his efforts in this direction were rewarded later. He became Czechoslovak consul in Pittsburgh. Such behavior of the Czechs was, of course, anything but appreciated by the Slovaks. It had a tendency to tear down the unanimity of the Slovak spirit which had been �22 SLOVAKIA established at a conference of the Slovak League on April 12, 1916, in Pittsburgh. The minutes of that session tell that Mr. Kompis called attention of those present to the fact that Masaryk, who is a Moravian Slovak, never mentioned the Slovaks in any of his lectures, speeches and proclamations, and that a periodical like the "ceskoslovenska Samostatnost" (Czecho-Slovak Independence) published items which were deragatory to the Slovak people, and which in spirit and in fact were in direct contradition to the intentions of the Cleveland Agreement. A strong Slovak spirit pervaded this session of the Slovak League. Mr. Daxner expressed himself that the Slovaks did not wish to raise small questions of formalities against the Czechs, but they did wish to call the attention of the Czechs to the violations of the basic principles of their agreement with them. "Yes," said Mr. Daxner, "we want to tear away from the Magyars and be with the Czechs, not under the Czechs." The Slovaks again felt united among themselves, and they adopted the following resolution, which even M. Getting signed very willingly: Adopted at the joint session of the Slovak organizations, newspapers , Slovak clergy and other National workers, called by the Slovak League to Pittsburgh on April 12, 1916: We, the representatives of the Slovak organizations and newspapers, gathered here this day, admit the necessity of harmonious cooperation in all nationalistic undertakings intended for the benefit of liberating Slovakia from a political, cultural and economic yoke; We further attest that we will avoid all disturbances which might harm the above mentioned cooperation in the interest of the nation ; We bind ourselves to assist with all our abilities the political program expressed in the "Agreement" between the Slovak League and the Czech National Alliance, adopted in Cleveland, Ohio, on October 22, 1915. JAN PAJ'fKUCH, Hlas ; GUSTAV KOSfK, Katolicky Sokol; JOZEF RUSEK, Jednota ; IVAN BIELEK, Narodne Noviny ; KAROL BELOHLAVEK, Slovensky Hlasnik; MILAN GETTING, Slovensky Sokol; NIKOLAJ S. BIELIK, Bratstvo; C. L. ORBACH, Slovak v Amerike ; J"OLIUS BUCKO, Narodny Dennik. Getting signed this resolution, but he continued his activity against the Slovak League nevertheless. The Czechs supported him, much to the disappointment of the Slovak leaders and the officials of the League, as the official correspondence of Albert Mamatey, the president of the �SLOVAKIA 23 League, shows so clearly. These, as well as the many other difficulties that arose here, in Russia and elsewhere, between the Czechs and Slovaks, prompted many of the Slovaks to lose faith in the Cleveland Agreement, and in the Czechs, and prompted them to turn in quest of new allies for the Slovaks. PRESIDENT WILSON, THE ALLIES AND THE RIGHTS OF SMALL NATIONS Perhaps the quest of some of the discontented Slovaks may have taken firmer footing, hact not important things occured in the diplomatic world. President Wilson was reelected on November 8, 1916, and soon after his re-election (December 21, 1916) he issued a proclamation to the warring nations in which he asked for a statement of their conditions of peace. The Allies answered January 12, 1917, and in the conditions which they enumerated, the folloving sentence was found: "Liberation of the Italians, Slavs, Roumanians, Czecho-Slovaks from foreign government control." The Slovaks up to that time abhorred the term "Czecho-Slovak." They were Slovaks, and the Bohemian brethren were Czechs. The term "Czecho-Slovak" was one that was condemned because it was fraught with dangers for the retention of the individuality of the Slovak people. Yet, the reply of the Allies gave the Slovaks as well as the Czechs great joy, and in their great enthusiasm over the ray 0f hope that the Allies gave them, the Slovaks temporarily overlooked the use of the term "Czecho-Slovaks." How the term "Czecho-Slovaks" came to be embodied in the Allies' reply is also an interesting episode. T. G. Masaryk explains that the term "Czecho-Slovak" was written into the Allies' reply after the reply had been all written. "The word Czecho-Slovaks"-he writes-"contained in the proclamation, has its own interesting internal history. There were three suggestions: 'liberation of the Czechs''the Czech nation'-'the Czecho-Slovaks.' The latter suggestion was accepted at a conference of Dr. Benes (Czech), Stefanik (Slovak) and Osusky (Slovak).''-Dr. Benes on the other hand writes that he conferred with Osusky and Sychravy about the matter, since Stefanik was then in Russia, and he further states U:1at, "Osusky expressed fear that �24 SWVAKIA the Allies' reply to President Wilson might name the Czechs only, not the Slovaks"-and for that reason he insisted on the term "Czechoslovak." Be it as it may, the above explanations automatically leave the impression that the two Slovak leaders-or the one, if we are to accept Benes's explanation-feared that only the Czechs or the Czech nation would be mentioned and made special note of in the Allies' reply to President Wilson, and they were therefore glad to reach even such a compromise that, mention should be made of Czecho-Slovaks. Doesn't it make one wonder about the real sincerity of the Czech leaders who worried more about their own cause than the joint cause of both nations? JOINT VENTURES OF THE CZECHS AND SLOVAKS Despite all the discrepancies that had arisen, the Slovak League and the Czech National Alliance continued with their work and progressed side by side. They actually combined in undertakings only when occasion called for it. But the necessities of the turbulent times forced both sides to greater cooperation. The Slovak League held another Congress in Cleveland on February 22, 1917. Much of the discussion concerned the attitude of the Czechs, who had caused many misunderstandings because of their failure to adhere to the contents of the Cleveland Agreement. After all was said and done, however, the Congress adopted a resolution, whereby the League again promises the Czech National Alliance its full cooperation, at least up to such time as the Slovaks will gain their freedom. A "Joint Czecho-Slovak Proclamation" was also issued, in which gratitude is expressed to the United States and the Allies for the attention that these have given the Czech and Slovak efforts up to that time. The proclamation also contained one sentence, which probably very fully expressed the hopes and desires of the Slovaks: "Therefore, we request an independent Czecho-Slovak state with complete self-government for the Slovaks." This Congress also noted and considered the dangerous work of several newspaper and advertising agencies, which had been getting articles into the press that were hurting the joint cause of the Czechs and Slovaks. The result was that in March, 1917, the Slovak League and the Czech Na- �SLOVAKIA 25 tional Alliance opened the Slav Press Bureau in New York for the purpose of spreading more favorable propaganda about the joint cause and warding off propaganda that was intended to do harm. This was the first real venture of the Czechs and Slovaks jointly. Others had to follow, and they did. Particularly was it necessary to raise funds to carry on the work, and the Czechs and Slovaks went about it enthusiastically. The Slovaks, believing that it was their cause as much as the Czechs', and believing that after the battle was over, they were to receive as much consideration as the Czechs, worked very zealously, and at every occasion contributed their share of work and finances. Even in the number of volunteers who joined the Czecho-Slovak army forces, the Slovaks did their full share of duty, and it is significant that the first volunteers who applied to the Czecho-Slovak forces were Slovaks. The popular General Milan Rastislav Stefanik, an ardent Slovak leader in the fight for the liberation of the Czechs and Slovaks, visited America and first asked for volunteers. This may perhaps explain why the Slovaks were among the first volunteers, but whatever the reason, the Slovaks were not wanting in their zeal, enthusiasm and willingness to work for the joint cause of the Czechs and Slovaks, even when it came to recruiting men, who were to face death on the battle fields. That the Slovaks were willing to contribute their share of the burden was also proved by the following incident: Since the Czechs up to that time had their two organizations : The Czech National Alliance and the Alliance of Czech Catholics, and the Slovaks had their one joint organization, The Slovak League, it was thought feasible to combine all these three into one formal organization. All three had been cooperating together, but it was thought that a joint council of the three may do much toward coordinating all work and effort. Accordingly, a Czecho-Slovak National Council of America ( or later called: American Czecho-Slovak Board) was organized in which all three organizations were to be represended. Each side--the Czechs and the Slovaks-were to be represented equally-each by eight representatives. The Czechs thought, however, that since they had two organizations (both were working under one name as though one organization: Bohemian National Al- �26 SLOVAKIA liance) they should be entitled to twice eight representatives in the joint Czecho-Slovak Council. The Slovaks refused to yield on this point. "How do you wish to arrange this?" one Czech asked. "We want to be represented in this body equally with you brother Czechs," the Slovaks replied. "And will you contribute to the common cause on a fifty-fifty basis?" "Yes, we will." And so it was arranged that if the Slovaks are to get equal representation with the Czechs in their joint bodies, they are to bear one-half of the burden. And from that time up to the conclusion of the joint movement, the Slovaks always contributed at least one-half of the finances necessary to carry on the work. T. G. MASARYK IN AMERICA The year 1918 found the Slovaks in America busy with their work. They were tremendously enthusiastic. Their efforts seemed to be leading to success. Their goal-the liberation of Slovakia, and the founding of a Czecho-Slovak state, in which the Slovaks would enjoy all the privileges of freedom, seemed so close at hand. From time to time, however, little incidents would keep occuring that would cool the enthusiasm of the Slovaks. There seemed to be an undercurrent which made the Slovaks feel that the Czechs are not fully sincere with the Slovaks, that they are considering themselves and their well-being first, and that they are neglecting the Slovaks everywhere, except where the Slovaks insist on their recognition and their share of privileges. Some of this difficulty was no doubt caused by the many letters that the Slovak legionaries from America, serving in the Czecho-Slovak Army, sent here from France. They complained that the official language of the Czecho-Slovak Army is the Czech. That they are not receiving the Slovak newspapers and Slovak books which are being sent to them, but that they are being supplied with Czech books and Czech newspapers exclusively. The Slovaks tried to overlook all these small incidents. They were imbued with the spirit of their freedom, so close at hand, and anything that occurred which might dampen their enthusiasm, confidence etc. was passed on and at- �SLOVAKIA 27 tributed to human short-comings of individuals. Here was a noble joint cause, and what else mattered! On April 29, 1918, T. G. Masaryk arrived in Vancouver. Much was expected of him. He was looked upon as the person who could settle most of the small differences and suspicions and discrepancies that had arisen. He was the president of the Czecho-Slovak National Council and therefore, the leader of the revolution, the leader working for the liberation of Czech lands and Slovakia. He was enthusiastically received by the Slovaks. They hoped that he would positively assure them that any suspicions about the insincerity of the Czechs were absolutely unfounded. Masaryk made his first public appearance at an enthusiastic mass meeting of 50,000 Slavs in Chicago on May 5, 1918. The Czech newspapers, however, published such reports about this meeting and about Masaryk's address that the Slovak periodicals complained immediately. The "Jednota"-the ©fficial weekly of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest and one of the oldest Slovak organizations in America-was fast to catch up with this ignoring of the Slovaks in these reports, and it criticized Masaryk. It showed its discontent over the fact that, while he kept mentioning the 'Czech lands,' 'the Czech army,' 'the Czech fight,' 'Czech future ' etc., etc., he never mentioned Slovakia, he forgot the Slovak volunteers, he completely ignored the Slovak participation in the struggle. The "Jednota" kept calling attention to the fact that the Czechs, in other ways, too, were forgetting about the Slovaks, that they were misinforming the Americans about the Czech and Slovak relations, that they were picturing the Slovaks as subordinates to the Czechs, or as a people who really are a part of the Czech nation. The "Jednota" kept warning the Slovak public that, unless the Slovaks were not careful, the Czech people would assume complete control of the proposed new Czecho-Slovak State, create a large Czech State, and the Slovaks would not gain the real independence and freedom that they were dreaming of. Masaryk finally came to Pittsburgh and on May 30, 1918, the Slovaks there made a tremendous celebration over his visit. Masaryk spoke there first in English, then in Czech. He said beautiful things. He was proud that by birth he really is a Slovak. He prided himself on working many �28 SLOVAKIA years for the cause of bringing the Czechs and Slovaks closer together. He said that there should be no differences among us. The National Council and all its branches in Russia and America have Slovak representatives as well as Czechs. Dr. Stefanik, a Slovak, he said, has done so much thus far in this struggle. Both sides, he said, have cooperated beautifully. The Slovaks and Czechs are united, and the differences that creep in are being artificially produced by the German and Magyar influences, who have reasons to wish for difficulties between the Czechs and Slovaks. The relations of Slovakia to the Czech lands in the proposed new Czecho-Slovak State, he pictured very favorably. There will be a free Bohemia and a free Slovakia. Political control, education, courts of justice and all else in Slovakia shall be Slovak, in Bohemia it shall be Czech. We would be "silly" if we thought anything else, or if we did not wish each other well. There should be no difficulties among us because of languages. We understand each other and what more could we wish for? The Czech majority need not be feared. It will be found in Bohemia. In Slovakia the majority shall be Slovak. Each branch, or each nation, shall be boss in its own home. Everyone shall have his personal liberty guaranteed. The huge gathering received Masaryk's address with a tremendous ovation. The Slovaks, present there in very large numbers, were overjoyed. These were all the things they had been wishing for. THE PITTSBURGH PACT That same evening Masaryk had a conference with the representatives of the Slovaks in the Moose Temple on Penn Avenue. It was a confidential conference. Those present were asking Masaryk about the various proposed arrangements in the new State. He answered all questions to the complete satisfaction of all present. He convinced everybody that he meant everything well, and the Slovaks left the conference thoroughly convinced that here is their real leader under whose guidance the Slovak people would be led into the promised land. The next day, May 31st, according to the official report of the Slovak League Press Bureau-The Czecho-Slovak National Council met in the same building and Masaryk at- �SLOVAKIA 29 tended the session. "At this session," says the report, "Prof. Masaryk performed an act which shall always have historical significance in the history of the Czechs and Slovaks. This act consisted of a new agreement between the Czechs and Slovaks. Professor Masaryk wrote the new agreement himself, and it establishes the relations between the two nations. According to this agreement, Czecho-Slovakia shall be a Republic in which Slovakia shall form a completely self-governed part with its Slovak capitol, its Slovak parliament, its Slovak schools, its Slovak courts of justice and its own (public) control. Albert Mamatey, president of the Slovak League shall get a copy of this agreement. He shall publish it in the near future. Masaryk concluded his mission among the Slovaks in Pittsburgh in this way." And that the Slovaks were completely satisfied over such an outcome may be judged from the same report of the Slovak League Press Bureau which said: "There are no reasons anymore for further fearing, for any prejudice, for any suspicion. Everything is now clear between us and the brother Czechs. From to-day on we must refrain from talking about anything which would separate us for, there is nothing which really separates us. Let us put forth all our strength from to-day on and let us work to gain the one big and holy aim, which is: The liberation of Czecho-Slovakia." Even though the entire text of this Pittsburgh Pact was not known to the Slovaks in detail, they were satisfied when they read the short description of its contents. Even the "Jednota," which had more or less led the opposition and utilized every opportunity to warn the Slovaks to be careful, was now satisfied. It said: "Professor Masaryk is an ardent friend of the Slovaks and the Slovak language . We had our doubts about that. Today there is not a shadow of doubt. We respect him and recognize him as our leader in the struggle for our liberty. We have confidence in him, we believe him and we thank God that we have a man of his character and ability at the head of our Czecho-Slovak revolution. May God give him health and strength." Albert Mamatey, the president of the Slovak League, describing what had taken place at the conference with �30 SLOVAKIA Masaryk and how the Pittsburgh Pact came to be drafted, wrote as follows: "In order that all reasons for the mistrusting of the Czechs by the Slovaks should be ended, be these reasons well founded or imagined, this matter was brought up for consideration at the last session of the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Pittsburgh on May 30, where our leader, Professor Masaryk, was also present. "We Slovaks brought up the matter, and requested Professor Masaryk to examine well that famous Cleveland Czecho-Slovak Agreement of ours, and to approve it and see to it that the leaders among the Czech brothers respect it in their relations to the Slovaks, or that he himself draft a new Agreement, which would better suit the changing conditions, since some points of that Cleveland Agreement had to be changed because of the changes in conditions caused by the war. "Professor Masaryk examined our Cleveland Agreement thoroughly, and seeing that in some details it really is not "up-to-date," he wrote a new Pact, in which he outlined very concisely, yet very clearly, the relations of the Czechs and Slovaks in this fight for liberty and later in the hopedfor Czecho-Slovak State." According to the arrangement at this conference, this Pittsburgh Pact-being a very important document, was not merely to remain in its original crude shape, but was to be lithographed and then signed by all those concerned. In the meantime, things were happening in rapid succession. The United States Government and the governments of the Allies recognized the fight of the Czechs and Slovaks for their freedom and in fact, made their independence one of the conditions of peace. The Czecho-Slovak Republic was formally proclaimed on October 28, 1918, and was in reality recognized by the Allied powers some time previous to that. An event, however, that is of utmost importance to us is, that in the meantime, Professor Masaryk, the chairman of the recognized Czecho-Slovak National Council, the temporary government of the new CzechoSlovak State, was elected first President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic by that Council. Immediately Masaryk was asked to leave America and come to the scene where activity was greatest, and where his presence, as of the Presi- �SLOVAKIA 31 dent, was now needed most. Masaryk left for the CzechoSlovak Republic on November 20, 1918, from New York on the SS. Carmen. As soon as the news reached America that Professor Masaryk was elected president and that he was to leave :soon, Mamatey, at the insistence of some of the Slovak leaders, went to see Masaryk in Washington before his departure, and there in Washington on November 14, 1918, as the qualified President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, Masaryk signed the Pittsburgh Pact. The Pittsburgh Pact, which he signed, read as follows: CZECHO-SLOV AK PACT Agreed Upon In Pittsburgh, Pa. , on May 30th, 1918 Representatives of the Slovak and Czech Organizations In the United States The Slovak League, the Czech National Alliance And the Alliance of Czech Catholics discussed the Czecho-Slovak question in the presence of the' chairman of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, Prof. Masaryk, and the program declarations made up to this time and resolved the following: We approve the political program which endeavors to unite the Czechs and Slovaks in an independent state of the Czech lands and Slovakia; Slovakia shall have its own administration, its own parliament and its own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the school, in office and in public life in general. The Czecho-Slovak state shall be a republic, its constitution shall be democratic. The organization of the cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks in the U.S. shall be intensified and arranged with mutual understanding as necessity and the changing conditions shall require. The detailed regulations for the establishment of the Czecho-Slovak state are left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks: and their legal representatives. �32 SLOVAKIA Who were the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact? The first and foremost signature is that of Masarykthe President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Then the following: Czechs: 1. Karel Pergler, attorney, who was chairman of the American division of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, first Czecho-Slovak ambassador in Washington, D.C., later in Japan. A member of the Czecho-Slovak parliament, lately a "man without a country" since the Czecho-Slovak Republic revoked his citizenship. 2. Dr. L. Fisher, physician, who at that time was president of the Bohemian National Alliance. 3. B. Simek, professor, Chicago, a member of the American division of the Czecho-Slovak National Council. 4. J. J. Zmrhal, professor, Chicago, member of Czecho-Slovak National Council. 5. Hynek Dostal, Editor of "Hlas," St. Louis, Missouri, representative of Catholic Czech Alliance. 6. Rev. Oldrich Zlamal, Cleveland, representative of Catholic Czech Alliance. 7. Vojta Benes, Secretary Bohemian National Alliance. 8. Rev. Innocent Rest!, Chicago, president Catholic Czech Alliance. 9. Jan Straka, Secretary Catholic Czech Alliance. 10. Dr. G. Pecival, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 11. Jos. Martinek, Editor, member of Bohemian National Alliance. Slovaks: 1. Albert Mamatey, President Slovak League, later Czecho-Slovak Consul in Pittsburgh, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 2. Ivan Bielek, Editor "National News," member Czecho-Slovak National Council, later President Slovak League. 3. Milan Getting, Editor "Slovak Sokol," later Czecho-Slovak Consul in Pittsburgh. �SLOVAKIA 33 4. G. H . Mika, attorney, Bridgeport, Connecticut, member of Slav Press Bureau. 5. Ignac Gessay, Editor official organ of Slovak League, member of Czecho-Slovak National Council. 6. Jozef Rusek, Middletown, Pa., Editor "Jednota," official weekly publication of the First Catholic Slovak Union, and member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 7. Rev. L. J. Karlovsky, New York, minister, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 8. Jan Jancek, Jr., Secretary Slovak League, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 9. Marus Gazdik, an officer of Slovak League, later Assistant Czecho-Slovak Consul in Pittsburgh. 10. Jan Pankuch, Cleveland, Ohio, owner of "Denny Hlas." Later vice-president National Slovak Society. 11. Michal Bosak, Scranton, Pennsylvania, banker, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 12. Rev. Jozef Murgas, Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, chairman of publicity committee for "Million Dollar Fund" collection. Clergyman. Pioneer experimenter in wireless telegraphy. 13. Andrej Schustek, Chicago, local Slovak League official, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 14. Rev. Pavel J. Siska, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, vicepresident Slovak League. 15. J. A. Feriencik, Cleveland, Ohio, writer and editor. 16. Ivan Daxner, former secretary Slovak League. 17. Rev. Jan Kubasek, a Catholic priest. President Masaryk signed the Pittsburgh Pact as the President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. That he was a fully qualified president of the Republic, having the powers of president and recognized as such, is best attested by the fact, that in November, at the time that he affixed his signature to the Pact, Masaryk negotiated a ten million dollar loan for his State from American financiers, under the protectorate of the United States Government, of course. Another significant event that is worth recording here is the stamp of approval given all actions of President �34 SLOVAKIA Masaryk by a resolution of the temporary government adopted in Geneva on November 11, 1918, whereby "everything done by Professor Masaryk, chairman of the CzechoSlovak National Council, all agreements and promises (made by him) remain in force." The Pittsburgh Pact, drafted by Professor Masaryk, then chairman of that Council, some five months previous, and signed by him then as President, three days after this Geneva resolution was passed, was one of the "Agreements" or "promises" that must be included and intended by this resolution. And yet, as we shall see, that was one "agreement" or "promise" that has not remained in force, has not been respected, has not been honored. THE PITTSBURGH PACT DISREGARDED It is unnecessary to go into detail about all that transpired in the early days of the new State. The Czechs and Slovaks back home-in the old Austria-Hungarian State, were aware of the movement beyond the borders of the old Empire, the purpose of which was the setting up of a joint State of the Czechs and Slovaks. They, too, became imbued with enthusiasm and in due time, Czech and Slovak deputies announced in the Austrian and Hungarian parliaments that the Czechs and Slovaks no longer would be domineered by alien groups. That they were seceding from the old Empire and setting up a State of their own. Aided, abetted and controlled by Masaryk and his National Council, the end was finally achieved and the Czecho-Slovak Republic established. A constitution was drafted and accepted, temporary rules outlined, and the Republic was soon enjoying the first days of its free existence. The Slovaks, as well as the Czechs, could hardly realize that their long fought battle for liberty and freedom was at last won. Here they were-two fraternal nations-setting out with a truly mutual and fraternal spirit with their own ship of state. How mutually fraternal the two peoples regarded themselves! The Slovaks looked upon the Czechs as their long lost, more experienced brethren, who came back to help them, to aid them, and to establish a country where both could enjoy liberty at last. Under such circumstances, some small gathering in Turciansky Sv. Martin, which was supposed to be representative of the entire Slovak nation (but which was anything but that), was so overcome with �SLOVAKIA 35 enthusiasm that, unaware that anything like the Pittsburgh Pact existed in America, it adopted a long resolution voicing this enthusiasm, and going so far in this spirit of joy, that it proclaimed the Slovaks and Czechs to be one nation-the Czechoslovak people. Nothing more was necessary! That settled all disputes! The Slovaks consider themselves politically, racially and by language one people with the Czechs! The Pittsburgh Pact has no leg to stand on. It is superfluous! Therefore, it should be ignored. And after all was said and done, and the early government established with all its provisions, the crafty Czech politicians, aided by a handful of Slovak individuals aspiring for government positions, arranged all matters so, that the provisions of the Pittsburgh Pact were totally ignored and not embodied in the Constitution. Little did it matter that the Slovaks, after learning of the Pittsburgh Pact and all that it provided for the Slovaks, did everything in their power to enforce the Pact's provisions. The Pact was ignored, and all that it provided meant nothing. Nor did it avail the Slovaks any to point out that according to the Pact, the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives-duly elected to represent them, never had a voice in establishing the details and arrangements of the Czecho-Slovak State, and that the Sv. Martin gathering was not a legal representative body of the Slovaks. The Pittsburgh Pact continued to be ignored. The Slovak League, as one of the parties to the Pact, has clamored for the recognition of the Pact. In 1922 it directed a Memorandum to the government and the House of Deputies. The representatives of the largest Slovak political party-the People's Party-have presented a motion in parliament to have the Pittsburgh Pact recognized and embodied in the Constitution. Other methods have been tried by the Slovaks and their representatives. Deaf ears and unfriendly gestures have met all their demands, pleas, etc. How utterly the provisions of the Pittsburgh Pact have been ignored is probably best revealed by the following message, which Dr. I.:udovit Bazovsky, a former member of the Revolutionary Parliament, sent to the Czecho-Slovak Parliament in Feburary, 1930: �36 SLOVAKIA HOUSE OF DEPUTIES National Parliament of the Czecho-Slovak Republic Prague. As a former member of the revolutionary National Parliament, 1 received your invitation to the celebration of the Tenth Anniversary of the drafting of the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. At this occasion it is necessary to present the following: WARNING The Slovak nation has been under the presumption, before and during the revolution, that it shall be able to retain its nationalistic independence. It tolerated the fiction of a "Czechoslovak" nation only under the enforced conviction, that this fiction is temporarily necessary for the purpose of a diplomatic situation. Otherwise, the Slovak nation has never renounced its independence and has never recognized the existence of a "Czechoslovak" nation. There is no such nation! There is a Czech nation and a Slovak nation; and so likewise, there is no "Czechoslovak" language, but there is a Czech language and a Slovak language. We must consider the state ideology which was in force in the former Hungary and which did not recognize a Slovak nation, but embodied us into a concept of the Magyar-Hungarian-nation, and in this way endeavored to Magyarize us, as completely outlived. It hurts us, that the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic does not recognize a Slovak nation, but a Czechoslovak nation, which of course, is then the basis for the practice of Czechization of the Slovak people in every field of public endeavor. The enforced idea about the non-existence of the Slovak nation and the fiction of a Czechoslovak nation has directly painful consequences for the Slovaks, and very advantageous economic results for the Czechs. Slovakia has been kept at a lower cultural and economic level than Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia ever since our revolution. The tax-paying people of Slovakia have been carrying a relatively and circumstantially greater burden than the ,people of the historical lands mentioned; expenditures, which should have been, and sometimes were, very meagerly allowed for Slovakia, were not directed hither; whereas, more and more was and is being systematically invested in the historical lands. The flourishing Slovak commerce was destroyed, diverted, railroad tariffs were retained to the disadvantage of Slovakia and only to the advantages of Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia. The land reform in Slovakia was conducted aimlessly and it frequently favored some of the otherwise unentitled centralist partisans and Czechs on political party principles alone. Agriculture in Slovakia is assisted in a small way only when the centralist party interests require it. The result of this is that, Slovakia is continually becoming poorer and poorer, and the historic lands are becoming richer and richer. The historic lands are enjoying prosperity. Slovakia is suffering poverty. It grieves the Slovaks very much that the very great numbers of Czech officials in Slovakia do not learn the Slovak language and that �SLOVAKIA 37 the official business is conducted either in Czech or in broken Slovak, which seems to be a definite Czechisizing tendency. Czech text-books are being principally used in the Junior High Schools and the native Slovak students have no scientific academic opportunity to educate themselves correctly in their mother tongue. The Slovak language is suppressed and the Czech language favored to the detriment of the former. There is not a single Slovak university, and the so-called Comenius University in Bratislava is an expressly Czechisizing institute of learning. This cultural oppression of the Slovak people has an economic background for the benefit of the Czech people. This is contrary to the principles of democracy. There is an awfully detrimental effect in the fact that, the administration of Slovakia is in the hands of the Czech center in Prague, which is not acquainted with the local Slovak conditions, and in the fact that the appointment of even the lowest employes in Slovakia depends on the Czech center in Prague. The Slovaks are not permitted to govern themselves. (Administration. ) The Slovaks cannot take their place in the legislative field because in the central parliament in Prague they are always subject to the tremendous odds against them and they are merely dependent on the favor or disfavor of the others. It is necessary to remark here that, it would be advantageous to refer many matters concerning Slovakia to a separate Slovak parliament. The judiciary in Slovakia is in a terrible condition. The lowest positions have such poor salaries attached to them that the average poor Slovak young man cannot set out upon a judical career, and these places are then filled by individuals of the wealthier Czech rising generation, who for the time being are able to have support from home. The conditions are similar in matters of the army where we can hardly find any Slovak officers even for the show of the thing. Conditions are not different in the foreign relations service. The conditions in the judiciary, particularly in reference to matters of political offenses, are very worthy of attention. Political offenses committed in Slovakia are tried by Czech judges who are unacquainted with the local conditions and the people, and who are ordering such tyrannical penalties as were never heard of during the former Hungarian regime. There are many more political punishments and jail sentences than there were during the Hungarian regime. -The demand that Slovakia should have its own courts, is totally justified. The Slovaks bear with great difficulty the fact that there is no freedom of the press in Slovakia. The eleven-year experience proves the need, and imperatively demands to-day more than ever, that the rights of the Slovak nation as they were contemplated in the Pittsburgh Pact be incorporated into the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and that they be executed in practice as well. It is impossible to assure the cultural and economic prosperity of the Slovak nation without executing the Pittsburgh Pact. This is the desire of the Slovak nation. The Pittsburgh Pact is not only a historic Act, but is a binding '·Magna Charta" of the rights of the Slovak nation. �38 SLOVAKIA Perhaps the solicitude, even though exaggerated, of some of the Czech leaders who understand the sentiment of Slovakia very little. was un<U!rstandable in the beginning, that, whether or not the very pronounced recognition of the rights of the Slovak nation might not cause the state some damage in view of the surrounding foreign sentiment which understood our matters even less. But to-day, when the loyalty of the Slovak nation to the Republic does not bear any doubt whatsoever, it is not advisable to expose the nation to despair by refusing to guarantee its rights and to deprive it of the hope that it will be able to establish its rights in the Republic by constitutional means. The people in Slovakia cannot become a source of state power without the establishment of autonomy in Slovakia in accordance \\ith the minimal requirements set forth in the Pittsburgh Pact, and consequently it is impossible to imagine democl'acy, equality and freedom in Slovakia. THE VALIDITY OF THE PACT A. President Masaryk and His Attitude Toward the Pittsburgh Pact Just how the leaders-particularly the Czech leaders in the government of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, felt about the Pittsburgh Pact once the Republic was established and its Constitution drafted and ratified, is probably best exemplified by the opinions that Professor Masaryk voiced about the Pact on various occasions. Let us take up some of those opinions. 1.) On February 5, 1920, minister Tusar sent president Masaryk an official communication, asking for his version of the Pact and its significance, in view of the widespread discussion that the Pact was causing in those early days of the Republic. President Masaryk replied the same day: " .... Laws, too, are interpreted according to the circumstances under which they arose and the intentions of the legislators are sought for in the words. The Czechoslovak pact agreed upon in my presence on May 30, 1918, must be interpreted in a similar way. The leaders of the Slovak and Czech organizations in America agreed on the pact in order to frustrate the agitation against the union of the Slovaks and Czechs. The contract is made, I think, mostly between American citizens. The Pittsburgh program is one of the many pre-revolutionary programs made beyond the boundaries. It has its historical value. The Pittsburgh con- �SLOVAKIA 39 tract is made between Czechs and Slovaks, and if it could hold at all, it certainly would hold only if both parties would still agree with its contents. At the end of the contract itself it is stated that, the detailed arrangements ,_and regulations in the Czechoslovak State are being left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their empowered leaders. That was stated because the Czechs and Slovaks at the Pittsburgh meeting knew very well that American citizens have no right to decide about definite arrangements of the Czechoslovak State. The representatives of the Czechs and Slovaks for that reason also do not refer to the demands of the Pittsburgh Pact in their proclamations .. . etc." That letter by President Masaryk was his first public denial of the Pittsburgh Pact's validity. 2.) He made a similar statement when on December 15, 1922, replying to the senators and parliament members of the Slovak People's Party, who had visited him in the matter of autonomy for Slovakia, he said: "I came to America in the early part of May, 1918, and found the conditions not very pleasant in the Slovak camp and there was a faction, though insignificant, which advocated a utopian separatist program. The political situation and the situation at the battle front were pretty tense. The United States then were officially still in favor of some reform of Austria-Hungary ... In contrast to this, the Slovaks were little known in the political world, and the movement for a separatist Slovakia was doomed for the failure of its own and the joint cause in advance. "Under such circumstances I endeavored for an agreement, so that a detrimental division would not take place, and so that the fight would stop from which Austrian and Hungarian propaganda would profit. "The majority of the Slovaks, particularly the leaders, were against separatism, and so came the Pact in Pittsburgh on May 30th-which-it is understood-was valid all by itself for America and American conditions. For the Slovak side as well as the Czech side, the pact was signed by American citizens, and those naturally are not entitled to prescribe for Slovakia and their people at home, and the signers were fully aware of this. I signed the Pittsburgh Pact for that reason, too, that, it was specifically stated in �40 SLOVAKIA it that, detailed arrangements of the future State shall be made by the legal representatives of the people. And these representatives clearly voiced and politically decided the relations of Slovakia to the unified state by the ratification of the Constitution. This ratification and formal promise is binding upon the Slovak and Czech deputies and is equally binding upon me, too ... " 3.) President Masaryk voiced a still more damaging -in reality a more insulting opinion about the Pittsburgh Pact when on October 12, 1929, he wrote to Hlinka, leader of the People's Party and a deputy in parliament, as follows: " ... You yourself once admitted to me that you demand autonomy not for the present time, but for the time when the Slovaks shall be politically more mature. In accordance with that, you should endeavor that your voters should be informed and reared politically. Look at the mistakes you have made with the so-called Pittsburgh Pact. De facto you had your autonomy from the time of the revolution, and now you have all the stipulations of that pact (or rather verbal agreement) fulfilled. But the main thing is that, the document of that verbal agreement is forged, is a Jalsum, because, at the time when the American Slovaks wanted that verbal agreement, the League did not exist legally, it was recognized by the State until in 1919. For that reason a serious politician, a statesman, cannot and must not operate with such a paper. A falsification cannot become an act of State ... " B. CRITICISMS OF THE PACT ARE UNFOUNDED Time, space, nor the reader's patience, do not permit a careful analysis and refutation of all those statements by President Masaryk concerning the Pittsburgh Pact. To all, except the totally uninformed, the fallacy of those statements must be quite apparent. Few of the more glaring misstatements in these official communications, however, should be mentioned here. 1.) It seems ridiculous for the president to say that Slovakia has long had its autonomy, from the very foundation of the republic in fact, and that all stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact were in reality all fulfilled already in Slovakia. Why, if all that be so, should it be necessary that �SLOVAKIA 41 the deputies of the Slovak People's Party be forced to visit Masaryk and demand autonomy for Slovakia and demand that the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact be enforced in Slovakia? Why should it be necessary for the Slovak League to clamor for recognition of the Pittsburgh Pact? Why should Dr. L. Bazovsky be prompted by conditions in Slovakia to write a communication, as quoted in previous pages, in the twelfth year of the existence of the Republic? No, the facts are that Slovakia did not have its autonomy nor were the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact ever fulfilled. Slovakia did not have its home-rule. Slovakia was oppressed by detrimental effects of a centralized government, and the results were that, Slovakia was constantly being made commercially and economically poorer and poorer; that thousands and thousands were forced to leave their fatherland and emigrate to all parts of the world; and what is worst-that the very existence of the Slovak nation was being jeopardized by the forceful propagation of the "unified Czechoslovak nation" idea. The Memorandum which the Slovak League of America sent the Government and the National Assembly of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in 1922 in behalf of the embodying of the Pittsburgh Pact into the Constitution of the Republic, very clearly proved all the above conditions in Slovakia (as resulting from the disregard for the Pittsburgh Pact and the instituting of a centralized government.) 2.) But to return to some of the other statements made by President Masaryk. It is wholly untrue that there was an "insignificant faction which advocated a utopian separatist program." It would be closer to the truth had he said that there were a few individuals who contended that, cooperation with the Czechs, who have anti-Slovak tendencies, is impossible. And then it should be admitted that the Slovaks, at least some of the leaders, had reasons to doubt the sincerity of some of the Czech leaders, and that had not these doubts of the Slovaks been dispelled by such seemingly sound and earnest promises, made in writing and signed black-on-white as the Pittsburgh Pact, there is no telling whether the Czechs and Slovaks would really have come to establish a joint State. It was not the few individuals who were opposed to any combination with the Czechs, but the majority of the �42 SLOVAKIA recognized Slovak leaders, who were forced to be careful in their dealings with the Czechs because of the recent suspicious incidents, that Masaryk came to appease in America --and he did it in writing-in the Pittsburgh Pact. 3.) It is pointed out that the Pact was made and signed by American Slovaks and Czechs-American citizens. The fact that the pact was made between President Masaryk on one side and American Czechs and Slovaks on the other, seems to be passed over. The Czechs and Slovaks here in America certainly did not need such a Pact just for the sake of having it here, or for their own local conditions here. Was not the Czecho-Slovak Republic and its people constructed in that Pact? We deny that the Pittsburgh Pact is just a local Pact between the American Czechs and Slovaks, concerning which the Czecho-Slovak Republic government should have no interest. Then, too, Masaryk did not sign the pact as some sort of a mediator here. He was a representative of one of the parties of the Pact. The CzechoSlovak National Council of America--embodying the representative Slovak and Czech organizations in America, which called the Pittsburgh meeting at which the Pact was drafted, accepted and signed, issued a proclamation on November 7, 1919, and sent it to the government to the effect that the Pittsburgh Pact was made between President Masaryk and the representatives of the American Czechs and Slovaks. The Pact, too, could not be an agreement just to meet local conditions and drafted between American Czechs and Slovaks, since some of the signers of the Pact were not citizens of the United States of America. The Pittsburgh Pact was not intended for the Czechs and Slovaks in America, it was intended for the Czechs and Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and therefore, is not valid only in America and for America. It is primarily valid in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Cleveland Agreement could be constructed as having local importance only. It was signed by American Czechs and Slovaks for the purpose of establishing the cooperation of these two nationalities in America in a joint cause. The Pittsburgh Pact, however, had more than local importance. The very fact that Professor Masaryk, the head of the temporary revolutionary government drafted it and signed it, gave it more than local importance. The Czechs �SLOVAKIA 43 and Slovaks in America were not doing all those things for themselves but for the liberation of the Czechs and Slovaks on the other side of the Ocean, and Masaryk, too, was not working for the welfare of the Czechs and Slovaks here in America, but for those over there. And he, as well as all others, signed the Pittsburgh Pact with the hope that they were helping to create a State where both nations might be free, contented, and where they could develop culturally, economically, etc. 4.) That the Pact may still hold good only if both sides should agree with its contents, certainly is not consistent with the very meaning, idea and intent of a pact or agreement. 5.) That the Pact is a forgery, a falsification, because the Slovak League did not exist legally at the time of the drafting of the Pittsburgh Pact, and that the Pact is not valid, as Dr. srobar expressed it, because it was signed on a Legal Holiday in America, is undoubtedly best refuted by the following legal opinion: Law Offices George E . Alter 1012 Park Building Gifford K. Wright Pittsburgh, Pa. Alexander J . Barron George M. Swan ALTER, WRIGHT & BARRON Telephone James Milholland Atlantic 2211 William H. McNaugher Ralph D. McKee George F. Taylor, Jr. James K. Ruby Mahlon E. Lewis April 23, 1930 James Grove Fulton Slovak League of America Box 996 Pittsburgh, Pa. Gentlemen: You have submitted to me the following questions: 1. Is there - in the Untted States - a difference as to their legal rights between chartered and unchartered organizations which are not operated for pecuniary gain? 2. Has an unchartered organization the right to make legal and binding agreements in the United States? 3. Can an agreement, entered into by such an organization with a party of the second part - in this case Professor Masaryk - not made for the pecuniary gain �44 SLOVAKIA by the said organization, but closed on a legal holiday (Memorial Day) be declared a falsum by the party of the second part, after having received and enjoyed the benefits evolving out of that agreement? Replying to these questions, my opinion is as follo ws: ( 1) There is some difference between chartered and unchartered organizations not operated for pecuniary gain, but for such purposes as are involved in the subject of your inquiry, there is no difference. (2) I understand the organization in question at the time the " Pittsburgh Pact" was entered into was an organization having a Constitution, By-Laws, officers, etc., though not chartered by the State. For the purpose of taking the action which was taken, such an organization would have all the necessary power as fully as if it had been chartered. (3 ) The agreement entered into by the unchartered organization referred to would be just as effective as if entered into with a charter ed organization and just as valid if closed on Memo rial Day as on any other day. Very truly yours, Geo . E. Alter Karel Pergler, a Czech, an attorney, one of the signers of the Pact, later a member of the Czecho-Slovak Parliament, in discussing the validity of the Pact, said the following in the National Assembly on February 22, 1930: "The Pittsburgh Pact is not a "falsum." To circulate reports about the Pittsburgh Pact that it is a "falsum," is beside the point, is not right and does not coincide with the historical truth." 6.) The question whether the American Czechs and Slovaks-more specifically, the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact had a right to prescribe for Slovakia or the new Czecho-Slovak Republic could be expanded here to a lengthy discussion. Suffice it to say, if the signers of the Pact had no such right, why did Masaryk, as the head of the government, attempt to enter into a pact with a party or parties that had no such right? Did he himself have any right to make any prescriptions for the new State? If he had no such right, wasn't he conscious of that in Pittsburgh at the time that he drafted the Pact? And isn't it also a fact, that in the absence of any who might have the full right to make sueh prescriptions, the Czechs and Slovaks in America along with President Masaryk assumed that right upon themselves and actually did make prescriptions for the new State when they said in the pact: �SLOVAKIA 45 "The Czecho-Slovak State shall be a republic, its constitution shall be democratic," etc., etc. Are not these definite and clearly outlined prescriptions for the new State? Did not the temporary and provisional revolutionary Czecho-Slovak Government (Masaryk, Benes, Stefanik) assume certain rights and privileges which might be questioned by the same mode of reasoning? The Czechs and Slovaks in Austria-Hung ary were powerless to organize the revolution. The Czechs and Slovaks in America assumed the right to speak in behalf of their entire respective nations. The American Slovaks in issuing their Memorandum in 1914 clearly showed that they were assuming the leadership of the entire Slovak Nation of the world. Why then should their right be questioned when interpreting the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact? The Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak Republic to this day believe that the Slovaks in America have a right to concern themselves with matters in the Czecho-Slovak Republic and have a right to exercise a voice in their ultimate disposition. The following matter clearly shows the attitude of the Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak Republic: On May 15, 1934, deputy Andrej Hlinka and others delivered an objection to the government of Czecho-Slovakia because of the confiscations and censorship of the daily "Slovak." Among some of the articles censored in the daily "Slovak" was one by M. Mlynarovic, president of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America, quoted from Slovak newspapers in America. Hlinka and his colleagues said that they "consider the confiscation of that report (article) totally unwarranted " and that they "consider it a grave insult to the American Slovaks, who did their share in the Czechoslovak revolutionary movement and therefore have a right to speak in the matters of our State." 7.) That the Slovaks or their leaders never made demands in accordance with the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact, hardly tells the true story. The first revolutionary parliament in the new Republic was not a body representative of the people-the deputies were a more or less self-appointed group and these ratified the Constitution which ignores the Pittsburgh Pact. When in April of 1919 Hlinka learned of the Pittsburgh Pact which had been �46 SLOVAKIA signed a year previous, and when he learned of the various stipulations contained therein, which had been ignored by the Constitution, he held several mass meetings of the Slovak people, some of which were dissolved by Czech police, and the result was that, the Slovaks sent a delegation to Paris, where they might plead for the rights and privileges of the Slovak nation before the same tribunal which had permitted the establishment of a joint state of the Czechs and Slovaks. This visit to Paris in behalf of Slovak rights, those very rights outlined and guaranteed by the Pittsburgh Pact, resulted in the persecution of all Slovak autonomists and resulted in the jailing of Hlinka. The Slovaks were doing nothing more than demanding what the Pact guaranteed them. How then can anyone speak of the Slovaks as not making their demands of the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact? SOME REMARKS ABOUT THE PITTSBURGH PACT Something that was frequently hurled at the adherents of the Pittsburgh Pact-the autonomists-both here in America and in Czecho-Slovakia, was that they are traitors of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, enemies of the state etc. Nothing was farther from the truth. The Slovak autonomists were loyal friends of the State. They did not advocate separation from the Czechs, they did not advocate secession from the Czecho-Slovak Republic-they merely wanted for the Slovak nation what they believed it justly had coming to it,-its rights, its home-rule, as promised and guaranteed in the Pittsburgh Pact. The two major parties in Slovakia which demanded the provisions of the Pittsburgh Pact were: The Slovak People's Party, the largest party in Slovakia, a Catholic party, led by Msgr. Andrej Hlinka, and the National Party, non-denominational, led by Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister. The chief proponents of the autonomist endeavors here in America were: The Slovak League, comprising American Slovaks of all creeds, and the Catholic Slovak Federation. The chief opponents of the Pittsburgh Pact and the endeavors of the autonomists were the leaders of the Czech government and the political parties allied with the government. Included among these were a small percentage of Slovaks who had found it advantageous to side with the �SLOVAKIA 47 ruling government. These usually were afforded good positions, offices etc., etc., and naturally, their sincerity with the national Slovak welfare was doubted in Slovak circles. These had their followers here in America and although they comprise the minority of Slovaks here, aided and abetted by government circles, they had been well able to hold a strong position. The vast majority of the Slovaks in America, and the far greater portion of the Slovak press here were in sympathy with the autonomy movement, yet the centralist forces held the point of vantage, they had the strategic positions, as will always happen with those who hold sides with the government recognized in diplomatic circles. The Slovaks were not attempting to overthrow the state. They wanted their joint state with the Czechs, the work of the few discontended pro-Magyar workers to the contrary notwithstanding. The Slovaks felt that they voluntarily entered into the formation of the Republic under certain guarantees. They were to have their own administration, their own parliament, their own courts of justice. They had none of these. They were promised that the Slovak language would be the official language in their schools, in their offices and in their public life in general. They then found that the Slovak language was not the official language in their country. The numerous Czech officials who held positions in Slovakia refused to learn the Slovak language and they used the Czech exclusively. The Slovaks found that according to the accepted law, the official language of the State was the Czechoslovak language -a non-entity-there can be no such language, since there are two separate and distinct nations-the Czechs and the Slovaks-each with their own and distinct language. The schools and institutions of higher learning had a preponderance of Czech instructors and professors, notwithstanding the fact that many thousand Slovaks qualified to hold these positions were clamoring in vain to obtain these positions. All in all, some 300,000 Czechs had immigrated to Slovakia and held positions there, while intelligent and qualified Slovaks could find no place of employment. These Slovaks felt that they should be given preference for these positions in their homeland. Why should the young Slovak, ready and qualified to embark on a career, be forced to be �48 SLOVAKIA idle, to go hungry, or to emigrate, while 300,000 intruders find steady employment in his native Slovakia? Further discontent among the Slovak was caused by the methods of oppression exercized against them. Freedom of the press and speech were unknown. Jail sentences and financial penalties were imposed with great freedom and abandon by the Czech judges upon any and all who dared to criticize the government and the conditions for which the government was responsible. The republic supposedly had a democratic form of government. Yet, there is nothing in a democracy that is above criticism, not even the ruling government, and if it is, democracy certainly ceases to exist. The Slovaks objected too, to the Czechisizing policies adopted by those in control. They objected to having anyone forcefully thrust upon them the idea of a unified Czechoslovak nationality. They believed they comprise one nation, separate and distinct from the Czech nation, and though with the Czechs they form one Czecho-Slovak state, they still remain a separate and distinct nationality from the Czechs. The Czechs want to be and remain Czechs, and the Slovaks feel they are and want to be and remain Slovaks, not Czechs, not even Czechoslovak s. The Slovaks deny the existence of a unified Czechoslovak nationality, and anyone attempting to force such principles upon them is looked upon as an enemy of the Slovak people, who is jeopardizing their individual national existence and attempting to erase the Slovak nation off the face of the earth. The recognition and implementati on of the Pittsburgh Pact was the only solution of all these difficulties at that time. It certainly was a means of stopping the unrest and discontent among the Slovaks and it was the most efficient means of frustrating the propaganda of all enemies of the Republic, who relied on the unrest of the Slovaks as a means of revision of the peace treaties. The most ardent proponents of this revision were the Hungarians. They believed that injustice had been done them and one remedy that would act as a so~thing lotion on their imagined bruises would have been annexation of the fertile, productive and naturally wealthy territory of Slovakia back to Hungary. Their agents in the Slovak ranks fanned hatred �SLOVAKIA 49 against the Czecho-Slovak Republic. With those the Slovaks had no sympathies, even if a few exceptions were found here and there, which merely proved the rule. But, the stubborn Czechs could not see all of this and rather than yield to the entitled demands of the Slovaks they were willing to risk their future. 20th ANNIVERSARY OF THE PACT AND WHAT FOLLOWED: AUTONOMY, INDEPENDENCE, RESUBJUGATION AND COMMUNISM In 1938 the Slovaks in Slovakia, led by the two autonomist parties-Hlinka's People's Party Wudova strana), and Razus's National Party (Narodna strana ), decided to celebrate the 20th anniversary of the drafting and signing of the Pittsburgh Pact (Pittsburghska dohoda). The purpose of the celebration was to call attention of the world to the fact that the postulates of the Pact had not been fulfilled and complied with; that the Slovaks were very dissatisfied with such treatment on the part of the Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government; that they still insist and clamor for the fulfillment of all the promises that Masaryk and the Czechs made in the Pittsburgh Pact. And because Masaryk and some of his hench-men had claimed that in fact no such pact or agreement had ever been made and concluded, the Slovak League of America was asked by the Slovaks in Slovakia to bring the original lithographed copy of the Pittsburgh Pact, personally signed by president Masaryk after he had already been elected president of Czecho-Slovakia, and by the representatives of the Czech and Slovak organizations in the U.S.A. The Slovak League sent an official delegation to the Pittsburgh Pact anniversary celebration in Bratislava, Slovakia. The delegation consisted of Dr. Peter P. Hletko of Chicago, Illinois, the president of the Slovak League and the designated leader of the delegation; Jozef Husek, of Middletown, Pennsylvania, editor of 'Jednota,' the largest Slovak newspaper in America, and one of the original signers of the Pittsburgh Pact; Dominic Sloboda, of Lorain, Ohio, president of the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the largest Slovak gymnastic and athletic fraternal society in America; Andrew Novak, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, supreme treasurer of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest Slovak fraternal society in the world; Michael Sincak, former president of the Slovak Catholic �50 SLOVAKIA Sokol, and Rev. Andrej Rolik, of Johnstown, Pennsylvania, a Lutheran minister. The delegation attended a huge rally in Bratislava on June 5, 1938, attended by 100,000 Slovaks from all parts of Slovakia. Msgr. Hlinka, the leader of the People's Party, addressed the huge gathering. So did Dr. Hletko. And to prove Masaryk and some of the Czechs wrong when they had said that no such document was ever drafted and signed, and that no such agreement ever existed in writing and that Pittsburghska dohoda was a "falsum," Dr. Hletko unfurled the original copy of the agreement from the balcony of the National Theatre building for all to see. The enthusiastic assemblage became loud and hysterical and it vowed to demand fulfillment of all the promises made in writing to the Slovaks in this agreement. The determination of the Slovaks grew and increased immensely. They were now not to be denied! The Slovak League delegation visited President Benes and conferred with him at length in regards to the implementation of the Pittsburgh Pact. It visited the prime minister, Milan Hodfa, a Slovak, with definite centralist Czecho-Slovak leanings, who otherwise was powerless to force the fulfillment of the Pittsburgh Pact postulates. The delegation also visited the minister of foreign affairs, Krofta, the National Czecho-Slovak Council and many other government officials, reminding them that this is perhaps the eleventh hour for complying with all the guarantees contained in the Pittsburgh Pact, since omnious war clouds were gathering over Central Europe, Adolph Hitler was acting belligerent and brandishing a war sword and threatening Czecho-Slovakia with annihilation or annexation to the German Reich. But all this to no avail. The Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government officials would not commit themselves or promise to implement the Pact, even at such a late and dangerous hour. The result was that the Slovaks ran out of patience and after several additional provocative acts by the CzechoSlovak government, the Slovaks in a revolutionary move declared their autonomy in the Czecho-Slovak Republic on October 6th 1938. The Czechs were powerless and yielded under the tremendous international pressure, but only for a short time. They bided their time, waiting for an opportune occasion, and when they thought the time ripe, they struck and attempted to wrest autonomy from the Slovaks. �SLOVAKIA 51 Two Slovak Hlinka Guardsmen were shot and killed in the attempted coup. But the Czechs' attempt boomeranged. The Slovaks did not surrender their autonomy. Instead, now convinced that the Czechs were anything but sincere in yielding to the autonomy demand of the Slovaks, the Slovaks now struck even farther. They now were not satisfied with a semblance of autonomy from the insincere and scheming Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government, who wanted to destroy that autonomy at the earliest and the first opportune moment . The Slovaks now feared that even in the future the Czechs would attempt to destroy the autonomy they had yielded to the Slovaks under the duress and pressure of an international situation. The Slovaks, knowing that the Czechs were under considerable pressure from Hitler, decided they would utilize this situation for their own benefit and tear away from the Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak Republic rather than go down to annihilation along with the Czechs. The Slovaks did just that and they set up their own independent state, a Slovak Republic. Hitler had no love for the Czechs, and while he had no special love or sympathies for the Slovaks, he too utilized the situation to disrupt the Czecho-Slovak, so-called democratic republic. He took over the Czechs into a protectorate along with Moravia. He recognized the independent state of Slovakia, in fact, guaranteed its existence and safety for the next 25 years. And this too, compromised the Slovaks in the eyes of their enemies. That made the Slovaks nazis, they said. The Slovak autonomous parliament voted unanimously and to a man to establish the independent state, a republic, on March 14, 1939. This move was also prompted by Hungarian threats of land-grabbing from the Slovaks, abetted by the Italian Mussolini and his son-in-law Count Ciano, who openly placed themselves on the side of the Hungarians and their unjust and irresponsible demands against the Slovaks and Czecho-Slovakia. The Slovaks felt that having control over their Slovak lands they would better be able to prevent any land-grabs and annexation of Slovak lands and people than would the unsympathetic Czechs be who had no particular interest to protect, save and conserve Slovak land and people. Msgr. Jozef Tiso was elected first president of the new Slovak Republic. �52 SLOVAKIA The Slovak state progressed and developed very nicely for the next 6 years. The state set up its own currency and monetary system, its own army, postal system and everything that qualifies a successful and prosperous independent state. It is not the purpose nor the area of this treatise to describe the Slovak Republic. Suffice it to say that independent Slovakia was a sharp thorn in the Czechs' eyes. They were burning with envy, hate and revenge and scheming every way to destroy the independence of Slovakia. The former president of Czecho-Slovakia, Eduard Benes, spent much time in Russia, convincing the Russians to strike against Slovakia under the ruse that it is an ally of Germany. Russia finally did strike and brought back Benes with arms to his throne in Prague, of course, as a Russian and communist puppet. The Americans, also under the illusion that they are thereby defeating Hitler and the Germans, took a hand in destroying the independent Slovak state and they helped to force the Slovaks back into Czecho-Slovakia, albeit now a communistic Czecho-Slovakia. It was the American armed forces and the American counterintelligence that ferreted out president Tiso and members of his government, hidden in Austria, after their forced departure from Slovakia when the Russian army invaded Slovakia and committed many atrocities, inhumanities and indecencies, particularly against the female population in Slovakia. The Americans turned over Msgr. Tiso and members of his government to the Russian communists and their Czech puppets in Prague, Benes included, because he was the prime puppet of the Russians. President Tiso was tried by a rump court, found guilty of treason against Czecho-Slovakia and hung on April 18, 1947. Yet, his guilt was no greater nor graver than that of our own George Washington against England when he strove to free the 13 American colonies from British rule, dominance and tax extortion. Of course, he was not caught and apprehended and his revolution succeeded. That's the difference. Washington threw off an English government that was ruling an English people in America-in an English colony. President Tiso threw off a government that was not a Slovak government, but the government of and by another people, the Czechs. President Tiso's attempt was more justified than George Washington's. Tiso was overpowered by the �SLOVAKIA 53 Russian communists and delivered to the gallows with the help of Americans, American officials. Yet, the Americans in Washington's day strove for their complete independence in the same way that the Slovaks did. In any event, the help that Americans gave to help destroy the independent, democratic Republic of Slovakia, and to. aid in bringing Tiso to the gibbet, does not serve to their credit and glory, and never will. I, as a native American of Slovak parentage and descent, am not proud of that record. No Americans should be proud of it. We Americans stand for democracy, liberty, independence-for everybody, everywhere. But very often that is but a lip service. We don't always mean it sincerely. The Americans-and that includes our government too, should make amends somehow, or at least try to make amends for this travesty, and attempt to correct the injustice they have helped perpetrate on the Slovaks. But, because of their injudicious procedure and handling of the war situation, things have gone so far that the U.S. cannot do anything about correcting this highly unjustifiable situation. The communists, now in command and control, will see to that. Incidentally, when asked, the puppet president, Benes, refused to commute the Tiso sentence or spare his life. Perhaps, as a mere puppet, he did not dare. Well, either way, the good Lord took care of him. This is the story of the Pittsburgh Pact. It was implemented for a short time and eventually led to Slovak independence and the Slovak state. It is still a great historical document that all sincere, conscious and loyal Slovaks revere and respect. The original copy is here in the U.S.A. The delegation of the Slovak League when asked to leave the document in Slovakia in 1938 refused to do so on orders of the entire organization. Even when asked during the existence of the Slovak state to send the document to Slovakia as a historical museum piece, the Slovak League refused, realizing that conditions were not permanent and stable enough and that opponents of the document would seek to destroy it and remove all evidence of the fact that the Slovaks had been promised and guaranteed their rights and autonomy. The Slovak League refused to part with the document and kept it here in America-in safety. And it is good that they kept it here, �54 SLOVAKIA where it still can and does serve as a grand document attesting to the perfidy of the Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government. Today, nothing will obliterate the memories of this perfidious behavior but a restoration of an independent Slovak state or the creation of an independent Slovakia in a constellation of Central European states, but not as a part of Czecho-Slovakia under any circumstances. Just prior to leaving for Slovakia in 1938 with the Pittsburgh Pact Dr. Hletko, as president of the Slovak League and as the leader of the delegation had the document registered, filed on record and photostated in the Cook County Recorder's office in Chicago, where that record exists to this day. BIBLIOGRAPHY Karol Sidor: Slovcici v Zahranicnom odboji. 1929. Bratislava. The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact, 1934. Published by the Slovak Catholic Federation of America. Author: Dr. Peter P. Hletko, Vice President of t he SCF. at that time. K. (:ulen: Pittsburghskci Dohoda. 1937. Bratislava. Fr. Hrusovsky: Slovenske Dejiny. 1939. Published by Matica Slovenska, Turciansky Sv. Martin, Slovakia. Topix. November 5, 1951 issue. Vol. 10, No. 6. A cartoon magazine published by the Cathechetical Guild Educational Society, St. Paul, Minn. Joseph M. Kirschbaum LL.D. , Ph.D.: Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. 1960. R. Speller & Sons, publ. , New York, N. Y. Gilbert L. Oddo : Slovakia and its people. 1960. Publ. R. Speller & Sons, New York. Joseph A. Mikus, J.D.: Slovakia - a political history: 1918-1950. 1963. Marquette University Press. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America has always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1968, Vol. 18 Description An account of the resource Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 5 THE SLOVAKS AND THE PITTSBURGH PACT Peter P. Hletko M.D. PREFACE None of the material in this article is new. The Slovaks are very well acquainted with it. It has been presented in book and pamphlet form, in newspaper articles etc. in the Slovak language many times. Our purpose here is to present this material to the American public and to acquaint it with the Pittsburgh Pact and all that the Pact guaranteed the Slovak nation in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. We feel that the American public is entitled to know all about the Pittsburgh Pact because the Pact is an American product and is in line with the principles of democracy and self-determination of small nations, for the defense of which principles this country, too, entered World Wars . We also feel that the American people, mindful of the fact that its own pioneers came here and founded a government on strong principles of democracy as opposed to aristocracy in an endeavor to escape the persecutions in their own land, shall lend the pleadings of the Slovak people a sympathetic ear. We present a few historical sketches so that the reader may know who the Slovak people are and that they have a glorious past; that they once had their freedom; how they regained their freedom; how they came to be in the CzechoSlovak Republic; how events developed and led to the drafting and signing of the Pittsburgh Pact; how the Slovaks seceded from Czecho-Slovakia and set up their own independent Slovak State. We want the reader to know what the Pact guaranteed, how the stipulations of the Pact were ignored, and what flimsy objections were raised relative to the validity of the Pact by those who were patrties to that Pact and who later became interested that the provisions of the Pact should be ignored. We hope that the reader will then understand why the Slovaks were clamoring for their autonomy-homerule-in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and now want "out" of the Communistic c-SSR and into their own independent State or Republic. 6 SLOVAKIA HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The Slovaks as a nation are not unknown in historical annals. They have a glorious past extending many centuries back. Stephen J . Palickar writes the following short synopsis: "The historical era of the Slovak Race marks its beginning at the time when the Slovaks are said to have reached Europe in the sixth century Before Christ. This period, of course, remains in such darkness as to leave us nothing but conjecture. Beginning with 335 A. D., we find that history reveals a. sufficient amount of facts pertaining to the Slovaks which leads us to believe that sometime during that period the Slovak Race had contacted with Byzantine influences and had already inherited a substantial share of Latin and German culture. This phase of Slovak life was next followed by periods of small rulers and that of King Svatopluk who was master of nearly the whole of Central Europe, whose land was known as the Great Slovak-Moravian Kingdom. During the period in which King Svatopluk ruled over this vast Slovakian territory, many enterprising feats had taken place among the Slovaks. Culture had made deep inroads among the people but it was not until Christianity was accepted by the Slovaks did history really begin to deal with them in any paramount way. The first Christian Church of the Slovaks was established by the Slovakian prince, Pribina, in the ancient city of Nitra about 830 A.D. Complete Christianization of the Slovak people was later effected by the Saints Cyril and Methodius (863-885). Church building and the acceptance of Christianity by the Slovaks antedates that of the Bohemians by 60 years; the Poles by 140 years; Russians by 160 years, and the Hungarians by 175 years." Just how powerful and influential this ancient Kingdom of the Slovaks was, may be judged from the description given by Joseph Skultety, outstanding Slovak philologist and historian. (Translation by 0. D. Koreff: 'Sketches from Slovak History'.) He writes: "The State of our ancestors, which even in Mojmir's days unto 846 had been built wisely and courageously, was already a power in the days of Rastislav. The Germans were then pushing down the Danube as they never did afterwards, and Greater Moravia, the young Slavonic State, bravely barred their way. True enough, their aggression only increased thereby. King Louis, surnamed the German, a grandson of Charlemagne, in 855, immediately after his accession, invaded Moravia with a great military force in order to rid himself of a danger which was growing there for his realm. But here the first resistance was so great that Louis decided rather to leave the opponent in peace than to expose his whole army to a catastrophe ... Rastislav pursued Louis, the German, invaded his territory and devastated a large area ... Under Svatopluk, after Rastislav, Greater Moravia represented a still greater military power. The defeat of the Germans in 870, beneath Devin (where Rastislav had his castle described as 'a mighty fortress with which not even one of the most ancient can compare'), was crushing. Their army perished in the battle; very few saved themselves by flight. There were few families in Bavaria, Austria and Carinthia who did not mourn the loss of some of their members ... Later in his reign Svatopluk com- SLOVAKIA 7 pletely stopped the onslaught of the Germans down the Danube, towards the East. In German annals a record is preserved stating that when he went against Arnulf in 884 his army was seen in one place to pass all day, from morning until evening. Svatopluk already had extended his sovereignty to the North, over Bohemia, where the first historic prince, Borivoj, ruled, and over the Polish Slavs on the Upper Vistula; in the South his sovereignty extended even farther ; far beyond the frontier of Slovak territory. "To found such a state, a Slav state on the middle Danube at that time-in the second half of the ninth century-certainly was a great accomplishment; history will never cease speaking of it. There were indeed indications that a center was originating here around which a considerable part of the Slav would unite. But a young state, in order to fortify itself, to consolidate, must needs have favorable conditions. Our Slovak ancestors, at the end of the ninth century, were not so fortunate. The Germanic world still lived in a condition of fermentto have it as a neighbor was not good. It would yield, retreat, only under duress, as under Svatopluk. After Svatopluk's death the nomadic Magyars came as another neighbor on the southern bank of the Danube and to the Tisa river. Under such circumstances, after the first weak• ening, caused by internal, domestic strife, a young organization is apt to fare badly. This strife, this discord among the sons of Svatopluk, was incited by their German neighbors and Greater Moravia perished. The Magyars came to the Danube in 896, two years after Svatopluk's death, Mojmir II, Svatopluk's successor, in 900 petitioned for and procured from Rome two bishops and one archbishop, thus still organizing the Church. In 902 he still proved to his trans-Danubian neighbors that he is a son of Svatopluk, but not long afterwards he was no more .. . Greater Moravia perished." What happened to the Slovaks after the downfall of their Moravian kingdom is obscure and that part of history is rather nebulous. However, eventually we again find them coming to the fore. Palickar writes: "From the time of Matus cak .. . who in 1301 succeeded in restoring part of the lost Kingdom for the Slovaks, under whose rule thirty fortified castles were preserved, the Slovaks retained their spirit of nationalism and racial identity. Nor did culture cease to exist amongst the Slovaks during the Middle Ages, though it is often said that about• this time the real link to Slovakian history became lost and obscured in the pages of time. Contrary to that belief, however, the fact remains that Slovak history had never ceased to be written for a period of years until the well known revolution of 1848." · In all those Middle Age centuries we see the Slovaks attacked and their territory invaded and devastated by the Huns, the Tartars, the Turks and other tribes. And we also see the gradual coming over of the Magyars across the Danube and domesticating themselves on Slovak soil, until after centuries, the Magyars assumed control. What occured around 1848 is well synopsized by Palickar: "The Hungarians at this time waged war against Austria, while the Slovaks, after years of anticipation mixed with bitterness and resentment for the Hungarians, saw their opportunity and likewise rose against 8 SLOVAKIA the Hungarians for their Slovak language and national rights. The conclusion of war between Austria and Hungary, while reuniting the two people, threw the Slovaks back under the Hungarian rule with none of their rights recognized, particularly because of their support to the Austrians in this war. After presenting their famous Memorandum to the Imperial Throne of Austria in 1861, the Slovaks were granted the right to open several high schools ... the 'Matica Slovenska,' an institution for the fostering of Slovak culture wherein special study was encouraged in Slovak history, Art and Language . . . The Empire of the Austrians and Hungarians was again split in two so that in 1878 a more active crusade of Magyarizing the Slovaks had begun." It is at this point that we wish to enter into more detailed dis cussion of the modern Slovak nation and its struggles. HUNGARIAN PERSECUTION OF THE SLOVAKS The persecutions that the Slovak nation suffered in the old Austro-Hungarian Empire at the hands of the Hungarian regime are a matter of historical record. The Slovaks were denied the rights of free speech and assemblage. Their literature and schools were suppressed and forbidden. The Slovak was considered anything but a human being, and the Magyar regime did not make secrecy of its attitude toward the subordinate Slovak people. "Tot nem ember" (Slovak is not a human being) and "Buta Tot," (Ignorant Slovak) were favorite expressions that the pompous and ruling Magyar people used in referring to the Slovak people. And yet, Slovakia, as Palickar remarks, "known as a 'subordinate' nation but always the equal of those who would assume superiority over her, she can, nevertheless, boast of the fact that Slovak blood gave to the Hungarians 20 of the most famous and outstanding characters that Hungary ever had, without whom there would have been very little Hungarian history today." (Petofi, Kossuth, Cardinal Czernoch, Petian, etc.) The Slovak, however, has an inherent love for liberty and freedom, and enjoys fostering his national spirit. The thousand years that the Slovak people lived under gradually developing Magyar rule, nor the fifty years of severe persecution at the hands of the Magyars just prior to the World War I, did not succeed in effacing the national consciousness of the Slovaks. On the contrary, the policy of forcible Magyarization served only to enhance the nationalistic feeling of the Slovak people. This policy of forcible Magyarization of the Slovaks SLOVAK.IA 9 was undoubtedly the greatest reason for Slovak immigration into America. The Slovaks are essentially a homeloving and peaceful people, but the quest for a land of true liberty made them turn their attentions to this glorious land, the home of "The brave and the free." And even after they settled here, established their colonies, acclimated themselves to their new surroundings and began to live according to local customs, they were always mindful of the injustices that had driven them out of the land of their birth, their fatherland. Every bit of news that they received about new acts of persecution at the hands of the Magyars of their brethren left behind, stirred them anew, and made them vow vengeance all over again. The Hungarian government, on the other hand, viewed with some alarm the efforts of the Slovaks in America to stir up their countrymen in Slovakia to concentrated action, and certainly did everything in its power to frustrate the further expansion and development of Slovak national consciousness in America. It sent its emissaries to America to keep the good-will of the American political and diplomatic circles, and to indirectly undermine influences of the Slovaks. The Slovaks in America, however, could no longer be controlled by forces across the ocean, and they utilized all their own opportunities to call the attention not only of the proper influential sources in America, but the whole world at large, to the prosecution and injustice that the Slovaks were suffering at the hands of the Magyars in Austria-Hungary. Then came World War I, with the crumpling of Empires and fall of Kingdoms. Austria-Hungary was not enjoying solid footing and the Slovaks in America saw in the fall of the dual-monarchy their only chance of liberation and the only ray of hope for the restoration of their long-lost freedom . THE EARLY RELATIONS OF SLOVAKS AND CZECHS What the Slovaks suffered at the hands of the Magyars, the Czechs suffered at the hands of the Austrians-the Germans, although perhaps in somewhat lesser degree. Germanic influences were making their noticeable inroads into the ranks of the Czech people, and those with weaker convictions, naturally, succumbed. The Czechs and Slovaks did not have direct close con- 10 SLOVAKIA tacts. They lived apart. They had no common meeting ground. The literati, it is true, had their mutual contacts and they wrote and dreamed of the brotherhood of the Czech and Slovak, but no closer union between the two peopies was ever established. Some were so enthusiastic in their writings that they saw the Czech and Slovak peoples as branches of one Slovanic people, but the people themselves lived as two different nations . After the large immigration of the Czechs and Slovaks into this country, both peoples continued to live and develop here as two separate nations. Each built its own churches, schools and institutions. Each founded its own fraternal and social organizations. In places the Czechs and Slovaks lived in close proximity to each other, but at no time was there any marked intermingling. Both realized that the other is his closest Slavonic brother, but the lines of demarcation between the two peoples remained very definite and well established in this country. NATIONALISTIC MOVEMENT OF SLOVAKS The Slovaks have had their fraternal and social organizations here since about 1890, or slightly previous to that. The nationalistic spirit was fostered in all of them, but because here and there small leaders, who had originally succumbed to Magyar influences while still over there in the fatherland, managed to place themselves here in strategic positions, it was necessary to convince the wide masses of Slovaks here, that it is the duty of every Slovak in America to rid himself of every bit of Magyar influence, develop a real Slovak consciousness, and help his downtrodden brethren over there, who were struggling against overwhelming odds and disadvantages to keep the Slovak nation as such on the face of the earth. Every bit of news regarding new atrocities against the Slovak people there stirred the Slovak people here and helped to engender a better Slovak consciousness, and a willingness to rise in defense of the nation. But, the one most striking incident that finally completely awakened the Slovaks in America, was the massacre in Cernova, in Slovakia: Rev. Andrej Hlinka had been suspended by His Eminence Bishop Parvy because of his political activi- SLOVAKIA 11 ties. The Hungarian government also took steps to make Hlinka harmless and the result was that he was sentenced to 2 years in jail. He was an ardent Slovak nationalist and in some of his political campaign speeches he had exhorted his Slovak followers to fight against the policies of Magyarization. In the meantime, the inhabitants of cernova, the birthplace of Hlinka, had succeeded in completing the building of their little church with the funds that Hlinka had collected, and preparations were made for a proper dedication and blessing of the church. The villagers appealed to the Bishop that Hlinka be re-instated and that he be delegated to perform the blessing of the church. The Bishop, however, appointed someone else and the date was set for October 27, 1907. The inhabitants of cernova then notified the Bishop that they do not wish to have the blessing performed on that date. Their wishes, however, were not to be respected and on the date set the proper appointee rode into town to perform the blessing of the Church. The villagers were congregated in the street in front of the Church and refused to admit the Church dignitaries, insisting that they wish Hlinka to bless their Church and no one else. A scuffle occured, and in the turmoil that followed, the gendarmes, standing nearby, were ordered to fire into the mob. They did! The street cleared in a hurry and 9 dead, 3 dying, 12 seriously injured and 80 less seriously injured persons were left lying there. That night 14 Slovak martyrs were found dead as the result of that salvo of bullets. And some months later numerous Slovaks were given jail sentences because of their participation in the c ernova uprising. The Slovaks ,in America realized that such atrocities must not go on unnoticed and rmprotested. The world at large must be informed about them. Many protest mass meetings followed. The Catholic Clergy called its first Cat:p.olic Slovak Congress on September 3, 1906, to WilkesBarre. The Slovak newspapermen and journalists met in December, 1906, in Pittsburgh. Everything was being worked up for a concentrated action of all the Slovaks, irrespective of their religious or political beliefs. This effort to unify the Slovaks was also responsible for the pamphlet: 12 SLOVAKIA "Political criminal trial against the Rev. Father Andrew Hlinka, the Rev. Father Joseph Tomik, Dr. srobar and others, in Ruzomberok, Liptov Comitat, Hungary, November 26 to December 26, 1906," published by the Slovak journalists. A benefit fund was also created, and thousands of dollars were sent to the old country for the support of the loyal and nationalistically conscious Slovaks who were imprisoned and otherwise mistreated by the Magyars. The outstanding result of the atrocities in Slovakia was the founding of the Slovak League of America. The Slovak Newspapermen's Association at the instigation of Rev. Stefan Furdek called the First Slovak Congress to Cleveland May 26, 1907. The representatives of all the Slovak organizations came to Cleveland for that meeting. Along with them came 7,000 other Slovaks, of all creeds, beliefs and dialects. None cared about anything else than that they are Slovaks, that their people are being cruelly mistreated under Magyar rule, and that they must come to the rescue of their brethren. Amid such enthusiasm the Slovak League was founded at that meeting in Cleveland. The Rev. Stefan Furdek was elected president, Albert Mamatey, secretary, Rev. John Porubsky, financial Secretary. Dr. M. Francisci, treasurer. The aim of the organization was. embodied principally in the following sentence of the By-laws: "That the Slovak nation may take its place among the older nations as an equal among equals." A National Fund was created from which the nationalistic movements of the Slovaks in the Fatherland were to be supported. Numerous mass meetings, under the auspices of the new Slovak League, followed all over the United States. Resolutions were adopted at these mass meetings, the contents of which in the main verse : 1. We protest against the massacre and imprisonment of our leading Slovak men in Hungary. 2. We strenously protest against the unfounded indictment of our Slovak peasants; against the unfounded procedure. of the courts, which are hurling our people into investigative imprisonment, as it has recently occured so many times. 3. We demand, that the Laws in Hungary be abided by and that they serve the Magyar as well as the Slovak, and not that the Slovak would get imprisonment and heavy fine on the least provocation. LIBRARY SLOVAKIA 13 THE EARLY MOVEMENT FOR FREEDOM Such then was the stage-setting among the Slovaks here in America and in Hungary when World War I, broke out. The original gun-shot, in fact, which was to precipitate the world catastrophe, had really not yet been fired in Sarajevo, when the Slovaks in America had already prepared a Memorandum, intended for all the parliaments of the civilized world. Ivan Daxner, Sr., the Secretary of the Slovak League at the time, was just making the final corrections of the Memorandum, when first fire broke out in Europe, fore-telling the coming of the World War. With this sudden turn of affairs in Europe, many thought that the contents of the Memorandum should be changed. Sox:ne thought that it should definitely express the thought: "We want to break away from the Magyars." Others thought that it should express the idea: "We want to be with the Czechs." A middle course was chosen, and the Memorandum, delivered to all members of Congress of the United States asked, that "The Slovaks in Hungary should obtain their natural privileges of life, freedom and pursuit of happiness, which they have been deprived of by the dynasty; that the Slovaks be given an opportunity to develop their national spirit, their abilities, and the natural resources of their native land ; that the Slovaks be guaranteed the realization of their national ideals and efforts, which have been mercilessly trodden by the tyrannical Hungarian Government. " The Memorandum set forth in detail a description of the Slovak nation and a description of the land that the nation inhabits. It set forth a description of the Magyar atrocities: How the nation is oppressed by the Magyars, particularly since 1863; how its language is being expelled not only from governmental offices and schools, but even from the home circles of government officials and employes of Slovak descent. The Magyar government wilfully avoids Par. 44 of the Laws of 1868, according to which Slovak schools were to be . built by government funds . The government not only does not respect this law, but it has gone even further, and has forcefully closed schools which the Slovak people have established out of their own funds and voluntary contributions. The government has suppressed the "Matica Slovenska"-"The Slovak Foundation"the highest cultural and scientific institute of the Slovaks, 14 SLOVAKIA founded for their own advancement and uplift. The Magyar government has forcefully taken thousands of children during the years 1863-86 away from their parents, and sent them to Magyar territories for the purpose of complete Magyarization of these youthful Slovaks. The Slovaks are paying their taxes, but not one cent is being expended from government funds for Slovak culture and Slovak social welfare. For these and many other reasons the Slovaks in America, as free citizens of a great country, petitioned all influential political factors in Europe and all over the civilized world, in the name of justice and humanity, to see to it, when future new political units would be established and when fates of nations were to be decided that all the injustices perpetrated on the Slovak nation would be erased, and that the Slovak people be considered as an equal and free nation among the other nations of the world. The Slovak League asked that the Slovak people be granted their complete self-government and the freedom of self-determination in the field of politics as well as in the field of culture and commerce. This Memorandum was signed by all the officials of the Slovak League, by the representatives of twenty-three Slovak newspapers, by the representatives of twenty organizations, by fifty-two Catholic priests and forty Protestant Ministers. This Memorandum, published in five languages, besides the English, reached the most influential political and diplomatic factors in America. It did much to bring the Slovak cause before the World. It attracted attention to the Slovaks, who already up to that time, certainly were not an unknown quantity, as may be witnessed by the long conversation that President Taft had with the representatives of Slovak organizations in 1910. The main significance of this Memorandum, however, lies in the fact that the Slovaks of America, immediately after the outbreak of the War, were publicly taking upon themselves the role of a leader of the entire Slovak nation of the World-and they were doing it independently, without ties with anybody. They took upon themselves the duty of formulating the policies of the entire nation-and they demanded the right of self-determination and self-government in behalf of their entire nation. The Memorandum SLOVAKIA 15 clearly showed that immediately after the outbreak of the War, the Slovaks in America had visions of liberating the Slovak nation from the control of all other nations. The signatures on the Memorandum were likewise significant, and they show just why the Slovaks of America assumed the leadership of the entire nation. The Slovak masses of America were organized, and the number of Slovaks in America standing in organized ranks exceeded the number of organized Slovaks that were ever known in their own fatherland. The number of publications represented on the Memorandum by signature also exceeded the number that the Slovaks had in their native country. All this clearly shows that the more progressive portion of the nation was found here in America, and that this portion had a full privilege, moral and financial, to speak in behalf of the entire nation. COOPERATION OF THE SLOVAKS AND CZECHS It is unnecessary to go into much detail to show how the Slovaks struggled for their cause and their liberation during those early years of World War I. They were fully united here-all the Slovaks-but they were carrying on the battle practically single-handed. Very often, at the meetings of their common organization, the Slovak League, they considered the question, whether they should find an ally and unite with him in their struggle, or whether they should continue to work single-handedly and independently for the brighter future of their nation. They were unanimous in their effort to tear the Slovaks across the sea from Magyar rule. There were no dissenters and no objectors to that idea. But in order that the Slovaks may come to bask in the sunshine of freedom, it was .necessary that Austria-Hungary be disrupted, and for such work they necessarily had to find an ally. Several proposed combinations developed. Some favored the Czechs as the ally to be sought. Others favored the Russians. Others favored the Poles, who already had promises from the Allies for a restoration of Poland. Gradually the Czechs came to be selected as the most logical ally to be sought. By what process of reasoning the Czechs came to be generally favored is probably best expressed in a letter written by Rev. Matus Jankola, Bridgeport, Connecticut, December 11, 1914, to Joseph Rusek, Editor of "Jednota." 16 SLOVAKIA "Our battle-cry must be: 'Away from the Magyars.' We must work for the self-government of Slovakia. Never, however, in the confines of Hungary, united with the Magyars! Their sentence over us is fatal: 'Tot nem ember.' It's in their blood ... We should ally ourselves with our Slav brothers. But with whom? The Russians are in part orthodox, and in part, too powerful. They would devour us. The Poles are closer to us, but they too , are too powerful in everything. We can ally ourselves with the Czechs only. There are two Czechs to every Slovak. We have just about the same language. The people would not have to learn another language ; their financial , commercial etc. abilities will benefit our weakness and inability. Austria-Hungary may serve as an example for our alliance. The higher government, diplomatic corps and army, all common. Let all the rest remain separate, whether is shall be a republican, or monarchistic confederation." Notice how Rev. Jankola, a popular leader of the Slovaks, and undoubtedly expressing the concensus of opinion of the Slovaks in that letter, visioned the alliance of the Slovaks with the Czechs. Anot}:ler letter of his (December 15, 1915, from Bridgeport, Connecticut) again brings an interesting opinion about the Czechs, which no doubt was not only his own, but the more or less established opinion about the Czechs among the Slovaks generally, and how he pictured the future relations of the Slovaks and Czechs. He wrote: "We shall mean nothing in a monarchy, and absolutely nothing in a great Russia. But we would stand on a footing of equality with the Czechs a-la Austria and Hungary, or formerly, Norway and Sweden ; with our own self-government , our own parliament, our own Slovak language. Can we ever obtain this under Russia, or Austria-Hungary ? "In regards to the Czechs: Their supremacy can only be temporary ; until the time that we rear one generation in our own spirit. I do not consider the Czech liberalism so dangerous. Our nature and character are different. The Slovaks-I mean the common people-shall retain their character." These were Father Jankola's unofficial letters, but they express the predominant sentiment among the greater portion of the Slovaks in America, and practically the unanimous sentiment among the Catholic Slovaks in America, which, expressed in other words, meant: We favor cooperation with the Czechs, we must unite with them, but before we do, it is necessary to agree with them, that we are forming a state, where both nations-the Czech and the Slovak-will be equal factors with their own selfgovernments. SLOVAKIA 17 ORGANIZATION OF THE CZECHS IN AMERICA The Czechs were not as well prepared to take up the cause of their liberation when the war broke out as were the Slovaks. The Czechs were divided into many small lodges and into a number of varying factions. Their press, too, was not as unanimous in its attitude toward the War and in its stand toward one side or the other. Some of the Czech newspapers, and among them were several of the more influential, favored the retention of old Austria. They looked with much disfavor on the attempts of some energetic Czech patriots who took up the standard against the old regime. They ridiculed all attempts to tear down old Austria. They considered all such attempts futile. Those favoring the old regime were found principally in the ranks of the Czech socialists and Czech free-thinkers. The Catholic Czechs had a smaller percentage of those who favored adherence to the old regime. Most of the Catholic Czechs immediately became enthused with the cause of liberation, even though they were frequently censured for it on the grounds that they were directly playing into the hands of Professor T . G. Masaryk, an enemy of the Church. The foundations of a united Czech revolutionary organization were laid on March 13th and 14th, 1915, in Cleveland, at a joint meeting of local Czechs with representatives from Chicago and New York. The immediate results were very mediocre. It was only in August, 1915, when Vojta Benes, a teacher, came to this country with an appeal from Professor Masaryk and his own brother, Dr. Eduard Benes, and when he himself began working on the organization, that the Czech National Alliance began to take root and spread. Then first the Czech public responded to the appeals of its leaders with generous contributions to the cause of liberating the Czech nation. The National Czech Alliance was actually founded on September 1, 1915. Its main office was in Chicago. Its first prominent and zealous workers were such as were known for their free-thinking and anti-Church ideas. These, naturally, did not entice the Catholic Czechs into their ranks. The Catholic Czechs remained unorganized for some time, but they worked independently, although many of them contributed funds and otherwise assisted the cause sponsored by the National Czech Alliance. Finally, on February 18 SLOVAKIA 6, 191 7, the Catholic Czechs organized too. They formed their Alliance of Czech Catholics. On May 5, 1917, the first steps were taken to coordinate the efforts of the two groups of Czechs, and on July 4, 1917, they affected a compromise and decided on ways and means of cooperating. The representatives of the two factions or organizations then issued a joint appeal to the Czechs of America asking for support of the movement to establish an independent Czecho-Slovak Republic, at the same time advising the Czech public that the two factions from now on would work and cooperate for this one high ideal and admirable cause. THE CLEVELAND AGREEMENT The Cleveland Agreement was the fore-runner of the Pittsburgh Pact. Perhaps the latter would never have been drafted and signed, had not certain difficulties arisen which gave the Slovaks reason enough to suspect that the Czechs were not altogether sincere when they suggested and submitted the original Cleveland Agreement. But, let us see how the Cleveland Agreement came to be and what it contained. In the foregoing chapter, it was related that the Czech National Alliance was organized on September 1, 1915. The National Alliance of Czech Catholics did not come to be organized until in 1917, and up to that time the Czech National Alliance, naturally, was appearing as the only representative of the Czech people in America in this revolutionary movement, which was ultimately to spell the overthrow of the Austria-Hungarian monarchy and an establishment of an independent Czecho-Slovak Republic. While the Czechs were laying the foundations of their organization in America, similar Czech organizations were being formed in France, Switzerland and Russia, which embodied in their programs a representation of the Slovaks too. That these Czech organizations could take upon themselves the representations of the Slovaks, too, was made possible only by the fact that, outside of Russia, there were too few Slovaks in any of the other countries, and these few Slovaks hardly could deal on an equal basis with the Czechs, who outnumbered them. All this time Professor T. G. Masaryk was very active SLOVAKIA 19 in the revolutionary movement. Other leaders in the Czech movement were also busy and difficulties arose, but after all these were ironed out, T. G. Masaryk became the recognized head of the movement for the liberation of the Czechs and the alliance of the Slovaks with the Czechs. In order, however, that the visible and recognized head of the revolutionary movement could have the right to speak in behalf of the Slovaks too, it was necessary that at least one recognized portion of Slovak immigration express itself clearly and distinctly in favor of the joint effort with the Czechs. The Slovak group in America was the logical group to be sought and its favor gained. The Czech National Alliance in America was asked from Paris by Professor T. G. Masaryk himself to gain the cooperation of this Slovak group in America. Joseph Tvrzicky, the Secretary of the Czech National Alliance, officially invited the Slovak League of America to a meeting, the purpose of which was to be: "That we could unite for combined political work." Along with this invitation Tvrzicky sent a proposed draft on an Agreement, which later the Slovaks accepted in Cleveland, on October 22, 1915, just as Tvrzicky had drafted it. The Cleveland Agreement contained the following points: "1. Independence of Czech lands and Slovakia ; 2. A union of the Czech and Slovak nations in a federative alliance of states with a complete national autonomy of Slovakia, with its own parliament, its own state government, its own complete cultural freedom, and therefore, its own complete use of the Slovak language, its own financial and political government and with a Slovak state language. 3. Voting power: General, secret and direct. 4. Form of Government: A personal union with a democratic form of State, the same as in England. 5. These points form the basis of a mutual agreement and can be enlarged or expanded only with the approval of both parties. The Czech National Alliance reserves the right of making possible changes, and the Slovak League has the same right." These five points of the Cleveland Agreement were the basis on which all the various factors of Slovak public life in America agreed to cooperate with the Czechs for the one and mutual cause. Everything was clearly defined, the program very definitely set forth, and both parties of the agreement could 20 SLOVAKIA undertake their first steps with complete confidence to each other. It is worth mentioning that the Cleveland Agreement was accepted by the Slovaks with the firm conviction that T. G. Masaryk was fully informed in advance about this Agreement and each and every point of its contents, or that he shall be fully informed. Ignac Gessay, one of the active Slovak workers, writes of this as follows: "It is important to note that we Slovaks did not draft the Cleveland Agreement, but our brother Czechs did, the representatives of the Czech National Alliance. They offered it to us in a brotherly way in return for our fraternal help to them. Mr. Emanuel Voska, one of the representatives present there in behalf of the Czech National Alliance, arose and amidst great applause announced that, the Text of this Agreement is known to Professor Masaryk-the President of the National Council and that he agrees with it." With the field all set for a fine close cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks, further work was to follow. But the very first act, the purpose of which was, to announce that the Czechs and Slovaks are working for a common aim already threw a "monkey wrench" into the machinery, and caused some uneasiness and the first little suspicion in the minds of the Slovaks. This first act was issued in Paris, on November 14, 1915. It was a proclamation against Austria-Hungary. The Czecho-Slovak National Council did not formally exist at the time, so Professor Masaryk simply signed the proclamation: "The Foreign Czech Committee." Four representatives of the Czechs in America were signed on that Proclamation, as well as two representatives of the Slovaks in America, yet it was a "Czech Committee" not a Czecho-Slovak Committee. In this very first act the Slovaks saw a wilful attempt to deprive them of all their due rights and privileges, and so already at such an early date after the enthusiastic acceptance of the Cleveland Agreement, which heralded the closest cooperation, understanding and mutual help of the Czechs and Slovaks, the difficulties of that cooperation with the Czechs became quite plain to the Slovaks. DIFFICULTIES BETWEEN THE CZECHS AND SLOVAKS The Cleveland Agreement, which had been so enthusiastically accepted and signed by both parties, was being adhered by the Slovaks to the very letter. Still, difficulties SLOVAKIA 21 between the Czechs and Slovaks kept cropping up. Those must be attributed to an erronerous Czech understanding of the Slovak question and the Slovak attitude in the whole matter. For, certainly, had the Czechs fully understood just how the Slovaks felt about their alliance with the Czechs, had they realized that the Slovaks were full-heartedly in favor of an honest and sincere cooperation with the Czechs, but that they were suspicious of every move that was not in keeping with the Agreement, these misunderstandings would never have come to pass, and the drafting of the Pittsburgh Pact would never have been necessary. The situation became such that the Slovak League called its Ninth Congress to Chicago on February 22, 1916, and in the call for the session, Albert Mamatey, the president, and Ivan Daxner, the Secretary, made the following statement: "It is unavoidably necessary to hold a joint conference with our Czech brethren in order that we may avoid misunderstandings and perhaps even conflicts with them, which could arise if our Czech brethren did not take the Agreement made with the Slovaks in the same light as it was made and signed by the Slovak League and the Czech National Alliance." The Congress met and ironed out many difficulties, but this did not suffice. The Slovaks wanted to have direct information from their own people about the progress of the revolutionary movement in Europe. In order that they may not depend entirely on the Czech National Alliance for all their information, they decided to send two representatives, Dr. G. Kosik, Editor of the Catholic Sokol, and Dr. Stefan Osusky, an attorney and minister, to Europe. The intention of sending these two Slovaks was of the best, but the Czechs in America were very disappointed over this step. The result of it was that they began supporting and encouraging M. Getting, Editor of Slovak Sokol, and a few others who began showing and expressing dissatisfaction over the management of affairs of the Slovak League. It may be remarked here that Getting was one of the original ultra-enthusiasts for a complete union with the Czechs. All his efforts in this direction were rewarded later. He became Czechoslovak consul in Pittsburgh. Such behavior of the Czechs was, of course, anything but appreciated by the Slovaks. It had a tendency to tear down the unanimity of the Slovak spirit which had been 22 SLOVAKIA established at a conference of the Slovak League on April 12, 1916, in Pittsburgh. The minutes of that session tell that Mr. Kompis called attention of those present to the fact that Masaryk, who is a Moravian Slovak, never mentioned the Slovaks in any of his lectures, speeches and proclamations, and that a periodical like the "ceskoslovenska Samostatnost" (Czecho-Slovak Independence) published items which were deragatory to the Slovak people, and which in spirit and in fact were in direct contradition to the intentions of the Cleveland Agreement. A strong Slovak spirit pervaded this session of the Slovak League. Mr. Daxner expressed himself that the Slovaks did not wish to raise small questions of formalities against the Czechs, but they did wish to call the attention of the Czechs to the violations of the basic principles of their agreement with them. "Yes," said Mr. Daxner, "we want to tear away from the Magyars and be with the Czechs, not under the Czechs." The Slovaks again felt united among themselves, and they adopted the following resolution, which even M. Getting signed very willingly: Adopted at the joint session of the Slovak organizations, newspapers , Slovak clergy and other National workers, called by the Slovak League to Pittsburgh on April 12, 1916: We, the representatives of the Slovak organizations and newspapers, gathered here this day, admit the necessity of harmonious cooperation in all nationalistic undertakings intended for the benefit of liberating Slovakia from a political, cultural and economic yoke; We further attest that we will avoid all disturbances which might harm the above mentioned cooperation in the interest of the nation ; We bind ourselves to assist with all our abilities the political program expressed in the "Agreement" between the Slovak League and the Czech National Alliance, adopted in Cleveland, Ohio, on October 22, 1915. JAN PAJ'fKUCH, Hlas ; GUSTAV KOSfK, Katolicky Sokol; JOZEF RUSEK, Jednota ; IVAN BIELEK, Narodne Noviny ; KAROL BELOHLAVEK, Slovensky Hlasnik; MILAN GETTING, Slovensky Sokol; NIKOLAJ S. BIELIK, Bratstvo; C. L. ORBACH, Slovak v Amerike ; J"OLIUS BUCKO, Narodny Dennik. Getting signed this resolution, but he continued his activity against the Slovak League nevertheless. The Czechs supported him, much to the disappointment of the Slovak leaders and the officials of the League, as the official correspondence of Albert Mamatey, the president of the SLOVAKIA 23 League, shows so clearly. These, as well as the many other difficulties that arose here, in Russia and elsewhere, between the Czechs and Slovaks, prompted many of the Slovaks to lose faith in the Cleveland Agreement, and in the Czechs, and prompted them to turn in quest of new allies for the Slovaks. PRESIDENT WILSON, THE ALLIES AND THE RIGHTS OF SMALL NATIONS Perhaps the quest of some of the discontented Slovaks may have taken firmer footing, hact not important things occured in the diplomatic world. President Wilson was reelected on November 8, 1916, and soon after his re-election (December 21, 1916) he issued a proclamation to the warring nations in which he asked for a statement of their conditions of peace. The Allies answered January 12, 1917, and in the conditions which they enumerated, the folloving sentence was found: "Liberation of the Italians, Slavs, Roumanians, Czecho-Slovaks from foreign government control." The Slovaks up to that time abhorred the term "Czecho-Slovak." They were Slovaks, and the Bohemian brethren were Czechs. The term "Czecho-Slovak" was one that was condemned because it was fraught with dangers for the retention of the individuality of the Slovak people. Yet, the reply of the Allies gave the Slovaks as well as the Czechs great joy, and in their great enthusiasm over the ray 0f hope that the Allies gave them, the Slovaks temporarily overlooked the use of the term "Czecho-Slovaks." How the term "Czecho-Slovaks" came to be embodied in the Allies' reply is also an interesting episode. T. G. Masaryk explains that the term "Czecho-Slovak" was written into the Allies' reply after the reply had been all written. "The word Czecho-Slovaks"-he writes-"contained in the proclamation, has its own interesting internal history. There were three suggestions: 'liberation of the Czechs''the Czech nation'-'the Czecho-Slovaks.' The latter suggestion was accepted at a conference of Dr. Benes (Czech), Stefanik (Slovak) and Osusky (Slovak).''-Dr. Benes on the other hand writes that he conferred with Osusky and Sychravy about the matter, since Stefanik was then in Russia, and he further states U:1at, "Osusky expressed fear that 24 SWVAKIA the Allies' reply to President Wilson might name the Czechs only, not the Slovaks"-and for that reason he insisted on the term "Czechoslovak." Be it as it may, the above explanations automatically leave the impression that the two Slovak leaders-or the one, if we are to accept Benes's explanation-feared that only the Czechs or the Czech nation would be mentioned and made special note of in the Allies' reply to President Wilson, and they were therefore glad to reach even such a compromise that, mention should be made of Czecho-Slovaks. Doesn't it make one wonder about the real sincerity of the Czech leaders who worried more about their own cause than the joint cause of both nations? JOINT VENTURES OF THE CZECHS AND SLOVAKS Despite all the discrepancies that had arisen, the Slovak League and the Czech National Alliance continued with their work and progressed side by side. They actually combined in undertakings only when occasion called for it. But the necessities of the turbulent times forced both sides to greater cooperation. The Slovak League held another Congress in Cleveland on February 22, 1917. Much of the discussion concerned the attitude of the Czechs, who had caused many misunderstandings because of their failure to adhere to the contents of the Cleveland Agreement. After all was said and done, however, the Congress adopted a resolution, whereby the League again promises the Czech National Alliance its full cooperation, at least up to such time as the Slovaks will gain their freedom. A "Joint Czecho-Slovak Proclamation" was also issued, in which gratitude is expressed to the United States and the Allies for the attention that these have given the Czech and Slovak efforts up to that time. The proclamation also contained one sentence, which probably very fully expressed the hopes and desires of the Slovaks: "Therefore, we request an independent Czecho-Slovak state with complete self-government for the Slovaks." This Congress also noted and considered the dangerous work of several newspaper and advertising agencies, which had been getting articles into the press that were hurting the joint cause of the Czechs and Slovaks. The result was that in March, 1917, the Slovak League and the Czech Na- SLOVAKIA 25 tional Alliance opened the Slav Press Bureau in New York for the purpose of spreading more favorable propaganda about the joint cause and warding off propaganda that was intended to do harm. This was the first real venture of the Czechs and Slovaks jointly. Others had to follow, and they did. Particularly was it necessary to raise funds to carry on the work, and the Czechs and Slovaks went about it enthusiastically. The Slovaks, believing that it was their cause as much as the Czechs', and believing that after the battle was over, they were to receive as much consideration as the Czechs, worked very zealously, and at every occasion contributed their share of work and finances. Even in the number of volunteers who joined the Czecho-Slovak army forces, the Slovaks did their full share of duty, and it is significant that the first volunteers who applied to the Czecho-Slovak forces were Slovaks. The popular General Milan Rastislav Stefanik, an ardent Slovak leader in the fight for the liberation of the Czechs and Slovaks, visited America and first asked for volunteers. This may perhaps explain why the Slovaks were among the first volunteers, but whatever the reason, the Slovaks were not wanting in their zeal, enthusiasm and willingness to work for the joint cause of the Czechs and Slovaks, even when it came to recruiting men, who were to face death on the battle fields. That the Slovaks were willing to contribute their share of the burden was also proved by the following incident: Since the Czechs up to that time had their two organizations : The Czech National Alliance and the Alliance of Czech Catholics, and the Slovaks had their one joint organization, The Slovak League, it was thought feasible to combine all these three into one formal organization. All three had been cooperating together, but it was thought that a joint council of the three may do much toward coordinating all work and effort. Accordingly, a Czecho-Slovak National Council of America ( or later called: American Czecho-Slovak Board) was organized in which all three organizations were to be represended. Each side--the Czechs and the Slovaks-were to be represented equally-each by eight representatives. The Czechs thought, however, that since they had two organizations (both were working under one name as though one organization: Bohemian National Al- 26 SLOVAKIA liance) they should be entitled to twice eight representatives in the joint Czecho-Slovak Council. The Slovaks refused to yield on this point. "How do you wish to arrange this?" one Czech asked. "We want to be represented in this body equally with you brother Czechs," the Slovaks replied. "And will you contribute to the common cause on a fifty-fifty basis?" "Yes, we will." And so it was arranged that if the Slovaks are to get equal representation with the Czechs in their joint bodies, they are to bear one-half of the burden. And from that time up to the conclusion of the joint movement, the Slovaks always contributed at least one-half of the finances necessary to carry on the work. T. G. MASARYK IN AMERICA The year 1918 found the Slovaks in America busy with their work. They were tremendously enthusiastic. Their efforts seemed to be leading to success. Their goal-the liberation of Slovakia, and the founding of a Czecho-Slovak state, in which the Slovaks would enjoy all the privileges of freedom, seemed so close at hand. From time to time, however, little incidents would keep occuring that would cool the enthusiasm of the Slovaks. There seemed to be an undercurrent which made the Slovaks feel that the Czechs are not fully sincere with the Slovaks, that they are considering themselves and their well-being first, and that they are neglecting the Slovaks everywhere, except where the Slovaks insist on their recognition and their share of privileges. Some of this difficulty was no doubt caused by the many letters that the Slovak legionaries from America, serving in the Czecho-Slovak Army, sent here from France. They complained that the official language of the Czecho-Slovak Army is the Czech. That they are not receiving the Slovak newspapers and Slovak books which are being sent to them, but that they are being supplied with Czech books and Czech newspapers exclusively. The Slovaks tried to overlook all these small incidents. They were imbued with the spirit of their freedom, so close at hand, and anything that occurred which might dampen their enthusiasm, confidence etc. was passed on and at- SLOVAKIA 27 tributed to human short-comings of individuals. Here was a noble joint cause, and what else mattered! On April 29, 1918, T. G. Masaryk arrived in Vancouver. Much was expected of him. He was looked upon as the person who could settle most of the small differences and suspicions and discrepancies that had arisen. He was the president of the Czecho-Slovak National Council and therefore, the leader of the revolution, the leader working for the liberation of Czech lands and Slovakia. He was enthusiastically received by the Slovaks. They hoped that he would positively assure them that any suspicions about the insincerity of the Czechs were absolutely unfounded. Masaryk made his first public appearance at an enthusiastic mass meeting of 50,000 Slavs in Chicago on May 5, 1918. The Czech newspapers, however, published such reports about this meeting and about Masaryk's address that the Slovak periodicals complained immediately. The "Jednota"-the ©fficial weekly of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest and one of the oldest Slovak organizations in America-was fast to catch up with this ignoring of the Slovaks in these reports, and it criticized Masaryk. It showed its discontent over the fact that, while he kept mentioning the 'Czech lands,' 'the Czech army,' 'the Czech fight,' 'Czech future ' etc., etc., he never mentioned Slovakia, he forgot the Slovak volunteers, he completely ignored the Slovak participation in the struggle. The "Jednota" kept calling attention to the fact that the Czechs, in other ways, too, were forgetting about the Slovaks, that they were misinforming the Americans about the Czech and Slovak relations, that they were picturing the Slovaks as subordinates to the Czechs, or as a people who really are a part of the Czech nation. The "Jednota" kept warning the Slovak public that, unless the Slovaks were not careful, the Czech people would assume complete control of the proposed new Czecho-Slovak State, create a large Czech State, and the Slovaks would not gain the real independence and freedom that they were dreaming of. Masaryk finally came to Pittsburgh and on May 30, 1918, the Slovaks there made a tremendous celebration over his visit. Masaryk spoke there first in English, then in Czech. He said beautiful things. He was proud that by birth he really is a Slovak. He prided himself on working many 28 SLOVAKIA years for the cause of bringing the Czechs and Slovaks closer together. He said that there should be no differences among us. The National Council and all its branches in Russia and America have Slovak representatives as well as Czechs. Dr. Stefanik, a Slovak, he said, has done so much thus far in this struggle. Both sides, he said, have cooperated beautifully. The Slovaks and Czechs are united, and the differences that creep in are being artificially produced by the German and Magyar influences, who have reasons to wish for difficulties between the Czechs and Slovaks. The relations of Slovakia to the Czech lands in the proposed new Czecho-Slovak State, he pictured very favorably. There will be a free Bohemia and a free Slovakia. Political control, education, courts of justice and all else in Slovakia shall be Slovak, in Bohemia it shall be Czech. We would be "silly" if we thought anything else, or if we did not wish each other well. There should be no difficulties among us because of languages. We understand each other and what more could we wish for? The Czech majority need not be feared. It will be found in Bohemia. In Slovakia the majority shall be Slovak. Each branch, or each nation, shall be boss in its own home. Everyone shall have his personal liberty guaranteed. The huge gathering received Masaryk's address with a tremendous ovation. The Slovaks, present there in very large numbers, were overjoyed. These were all the things they had been wishing for. THE PITTSBURGH PACT That same evening Masaryk had a conference with the representatives of the Slovaks in the Moose Temple on Penn Avenue. It was a confidential conference. Those present were asking Masaryk about the various proposed arrangements in the new State. He answered all questions to the complete satisfaction of all present. He convinced everybody that he meant everything well, and the Slovaks left the conference thoroughly convinced that here is their real leader under whose guidance the Slovak people would be led into the promised land. The next day, May 31st, according to the official report of the Slovak League Press Bureau-The Czecho-Slovak National Council met in the same building and Masaryk at- SLOVAKIA 29 tended the session. "At this session," says the report, "Prof. Masaryk performed an act which shall always have historical significance in the history of the Czechs and Slovaks. This act consisted of a new agreement between the Czechs and Slovaks. Professor Masaryk wrote the new agreement himself, and it establishes the relations between the two nations. According to this agreement, Czecho-Slovakia shall be a Republic in which Slovakia shall form a completely self-governed part with its Slovak capitol, its Slovak parliament, its Slovak schools, its Slovak courts of justice and its own (public) control. Albert Mamatey, president of the Slovak League shall get a copy of this agreement. He shall publish it in the near future. Masaryk concluded his mission among the Slovaks in Pittsburgh in this way." And that the Slovaks were completely satisfied over such an outcome may be judged from the same report of the Slovak League Press Bureau which said: "There are no reasons anymore for further fearing, for any prejudice, for any suspicion. Everything is now clear between us and the brother Czechs. From to-day on we must refrain from talking about anything which would separate us for, there is nothing which really separates us. Let us put forth all our strength from to-day on and let us work to gain the one big and holy aim, which is: The liberation of Czecho-Slovakia." Even though the entire text of this Pittsburgh Pact was not known to the Slovaks in detail, they were satisfied when they read the short description of its contents. Even the "Jednota," which had more or less led the opposition and utilized every opportunity to warn the Slovaks to be careful, was now satisfied. It said: "Professor Masaryk is an ardent friend of the Slovaks and the Slovak language . We had our doubts about that. Today there is not a shadow of doubt. We respect him and recognize him as our leader in the struggle for our liberty. We have confidence in him, we believe him and we thank God that we have a man of his character and ability at the head of our Czecho-Slovak revolution. May God give him health and strength." Albert Mamatey, the president of the Slovak League, describing what had taken place at the conference with 30 SLOVAKIA Masaryk and how the Pittsburgh Pact came to be drafted, wrote as follows: "In order that all reasons for the mistrusting of the Czechs by the Slovaks should be ended, be these reasons well founded or imagined, this matter was brought up for consideration at the last session of the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Pittsburgh on May 30, where our leader, Professor Masaryk, was also present. "We Slovaks brought up the matter, and requested Professor Masaryk to examine well that famous Cleveland Czecho-Slovak Agreement of ours, and to approve it and see to it that the leaders among the Czech brothers respect it in their relations to the Slovaks, or that he himself draft a new Agreement, which would better suit the changing conditions, since some points of that Cleveland Agreement had to be changed because of the changes in conditions caused by the war. "Professor Masaryk examined our Cleveland Agreement thoroughly, and seeing that in some details it really is not "up-to-date," he wrote a new Pact, in which he outlined very concisely, yet very clearly, the relations of the Czechs and Slovaks in this fight for liberty and later in the hopedfor Czecho-Slovak State." According to the arrangement at this conference, this Pittsburgh Pact-being a very important document, was not merely to remain in its original crude shape, but was to be lithographed and then signed by all those concerned. In the meantime, things were happening in rapid succession. The United States Government and the governments of the Allies recognized the fight of the Czechs and Slovaks for their freedom and in fact, made their independence one of the conditions of peace. The Czecho-Slovak Republic was formally proclaimed on October 28, 1918, and was in reality recognized by the Allied powers some time previous to that. An event, however, that is of utmost importance to us is, that in the meantime, Professor Masaryk, the chairman of the recognized Czecho-Slovak National Council, the temporary government of the new CzechoSlovak State, was elected first President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic by that Council. Immediately Masaryk was asked to leave America and come to the scene where activity was greatest, and where his presence, as of the Presi- SLOVAKIA 31 dent, was now needed most. Masaryk left for the CzechoSlovak Republic on November 20, 1918, from New York on the SS. Carmen. As soon as the news reached America that Professor Masaryk was elected president and that he was to leave :soon, Mamatey, at the insistence of some of the Slovak leaders, went to see Masaryk in Washington before his departure, and there in Washington on November 14, 1918, as the qualified President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, Masaryk signed the Pittsburgh Pact. The Pittsburgh Pact, which he signed, read as follows: CZECHO-SLOV AK PACT Agreed Upon In Pittsburgh, Pa. , on May 30th, 1918 Representatives of the Slovak and Czech Organizations In the United States The Slovak League, the Czech National Alliance And the Alliance of Czech Catholics discussed the Czecho-Slovak question in the presence of the' chairman of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, Prof. Masaryk, and the program declarations made up to this time and resolved the following: We approve the political program which endeavors to unite the Czechs and Slovaks in an independent state of the Czech lands and Slovakia; Slovakia shall have its own administration, its own parliament and its own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the school, in office and in public life in general. The Czecho-Slovak state shall be a republic, its constitution shall be democratic. The organization of the cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks in the U.S. shall be intensified and arranged with mutual understanding as necessity and the changing conditions shall require. The detailed regulations for the establishment of the Czecho-Slovak state are left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks: and their legal representatives. 32 SLOVAKIA Who were the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact? The first and foremost signature is that of Masarykthe President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Then the following: Czechs: 1. Karel Pergler, attorney, who was chairman of the American division of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, first Czecho-Slovak ambassador in Washington, D.C., later in Japan. A member of the Czecho-Slovak parliament, lately a "man without a country" since the Czecho-Slovak Republic revoked his citizenship. 2. Dr. L. Fisher, physician, who at that time was president of the Bohemian National Alliance. 3. B. Simek, professor, Chicago, a member of the American division of the Czecho-Slovak National Council. 4. J. J. Zmrhal, professor, Chicago, member of Czecho-Slovak National Council. 5. Hynek Dostal, Editor of "Hlas," St. Louis, Missouri, representative of Catholic Czech Alliance. 6. Rev. Oldrich Zlamal, Cleveland, representative of Catholic Czech Alliance. 7. Vojta Benes, Secretary Bohemian National Alliance. 8. Rev. Innocent Rest!, Chicago, president Catholic Czech Alliance. 9. Jan Straka, Secretary Catholic Czech Alliance. 10. Dr. G. Pecival, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 11. Jos. Martinek, Editor, member of Bohemian National Alliance. Slovaks: 1. Albert Mamatey, President Slovak League, later Czecho-Slovak Consul in Pittsburgh, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 2. Ivan Bielek, Editor "National News," member Czecho-Slovak National Council, later President Slovak League. 3. Milan Getting, Editor "Slovak Sokol," later Czecho-Slovak Consul in Pittsburgh. SLOVAKIA 33 4. G. H . Mika, attorney, Bridgeport, Connecticut, member of Slav Press Bureau. 5. Ignac Gessay, Editor official organ of Slovak League, member of Czecho-Slovak National Council. 6. Jozef Rusek, Middletown, Pa., Editor "Jednota," official weekly publication of the First Catholic Slovak Union, and member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 7. Rev. L. J. Karlovsky, New York, minister, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 8. Jan Jancek, Jr., Secretary Slovak League, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 9. Marus Gazdik, an officer of Slovak League, later Assistant Czecho-Slovak Consul in Pittsburgh. 10. Jan Pankuch, Cleveland, Ohio, owner of "Denny Hlas." Later vice-president National Slovak Society. 11. Michal Bosak, Scranton, Pennsylvania, banker, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 12. Rev. Jozef Murgas, Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, chairman of publicity committee for "Million Dollar Fund" collection. Clergyman. Pioneer experimenter in wireless telegraphy. 13. Andrej Schustek, Chicago, local Slovak League official, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 14. Rev. Pavel J. Siska, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, vicepresident Slovak League. 15. J. A. Feriencik, Cleveland, Ohio, writer and editor. 16. Ivan Daxner, former secretary Slovak League. 17. Rev. Jan Kubasek, a Catholic priest. President Masaryk signed the Pittsburgh Pact as the President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. That he was a fully qualified president of the Republic, having the powers of president and recognized as such, is best attested by the fact, that in November, at the time that he affixed his signature to the Pact, Masaryk negotiated a ten million dollar loan for his State from American financiers, under the protectorate of the United States Government, of course. Another significant event that is worth recording here is the stamp of approval given all actions of President 34 SLOVAKIA Masaryk by a resolution of the temporary government adopted in Geneva on November 11, 1918, whereby "everything done by Professor Masaryk, chairman of the CzechoSlovak National Council, all agreements and promises (made by him) remain in force." The Pittsburgh Pact, drafted by Professor Masaryk, then chairman of that Council, some five months previous, and signed by him then as President, three days after this Geneva resolution was passed, was one of the "Agreements" or "promises" that must be included and intended by this resolution. And yet, as we shall see, that was one "agreement" or "promise" that has not remained in force, has not been respected, has not been honored. THE PITTSBURGH PACT DISREGARDED It is unnecessary to go into detail about all that transpired in the early days of the new State. The Czechs and Slovaks back home-in the old Austria-Hungarian State, were aware of the movement beyond the borders of the old Empire, the purpose of which was the setting up of a joint State of the Czechs and Slovaks. They, too, became imbued with enthusiasm and in due time, Czech and Slovak deputies announced in the Austrian and Hungarian parliaments that the Czechs and Slovaks no longer would be domineered by alien groups. That they were seceding from the old Empire and setting up a State of their own. Aided, abetted and controlled by Masaryk and his National Council, the end was finally achieved and the Czecho-Slovak Republic established. A constitution was drafted and accepted, temporary rules outlined, and the Republic was soon enjoying the first days of its free existence. The Slovaks, as well as the Czechs, could hardly realize that their long fought battle for liberty and freedom was at last won. Here they were-two fraternal nations-setting out with a truly mutual and fraternal spirit with their own ship of state. How mutually fraternal the two peoples regarded themselves! The Slovaks looked upon the Czechs as their long lost, more experienced brethren, who came back to help them, to aid them, and to establish a country where both could enjoy liberty at last. Under such circumstances, some small gathering in Turciansky Sv. Martin, which was supposed to be representative of the entire Slovak nation (but which was anything but that), was so overcome with SLOVAKIA 35 enthusiasm that, unaware that anything like the Pittsburgh Pact existed in America, it adopted a long resolution voicing this enthusiasm, and going so far in this spirit of joy, that it proclaimed the Slovaks and Czechs to be one nation-the Czechoslovak people. Nothing more was necessary! That settled all disputes! The Slovaks consider themselves politically, racially and by language one people with the Czechs! The Pittsburgh Pact has no leg to stand on. It is superfluous! Therefore, it should be ignored. And after all was said and done, and the early government established with all its provisions, the crafty Czech politicians, aided by a handful of Slovak individuals aspiring for government positions, arranged all matters so, that the provisions of the Pittsburgh Pact were totally ignored and not embodied in the Constitution. Little did it matter that the Slovaks, after learning of the Pittsburgh Pact and all that it provided for the Slovaks, did everything in their power to enforce the Pact's provisions. The Pact was ignored, and all that it provided meant nothing. Nor did it avail the Slovaks any to point out that according to the Pact, the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives-duly elected to represent them, never had a voice in establishing the details and arrangements of the Czecho-Slovak State, and that the Sv. Martin gathering was not a legal representative body of the Slovaks. The Pittsburgh Pact continued to be ignored. The Slovak League, as one of the parties to the Pact, has clamored for the recognition of the Pact. In 1922 it directed a Memorandum to the government and the House of Deputies. The representatives of the largest Slovak political party-the People's Party-have presented a motion in parliament to have the Pittsburgh Pact recognized and embodied in the Constitution. Other methods have been tried by the Slovaks and their representatives. Deaf ears and unfriendly gestures have met all their demands, pleas, etc. How utterly the provisions of the Pittsburgh Pact have been ignored is probably best revealed by the following message, which Dr. I.:udovit Bazovsky, a former member of the Revolutionary Parliament, sent to the Czecho-Slovak Parliament in Feburary, 1930: 36 SLOVAKIA HOUSE OF DEPUTIES National Parliament of the Czecho-Slovak Republic Prague. As a former member of the revolutionary National Parliament, 1 received your invitation to the celebration of the Tenth Anniversary of the drafting of the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. At this occasion it is necessary to present the following: WARNING The Slovak nation has been under the presumption, before and during the revolution, that it shall be able to retain its nationalistic independence. It tolerated the fiction of a "Czechoslovak" nation only under the enforced conviction, that this fiction is temporarily necessary for the purpose of a diplomatic situation. Otherwise, the Slovak nation has never renounced its independence and has never recognized the existence of a "Czechoslovak" nation. There is no such nation! There is a Czech nation and a Slovak nation; and so likewise, there is no "Czechoslovak" language, but there is a Czech language and a Slovak language. We must consider the state ideology which was in force in the former Hungary and which did not recognize a Slovak nation, but embodied us into a concept of the Magyar-Hungarian-nation, and in this way endeavored to Magyarize us, as completely outlived. It hurts us, that the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic does not recognize a Slovak nation, but a Czechoslovak nation, which of course, is then the basis for the practice of Czechization of the Slovak people in every field of public endeavor. The enforced idea about the non-existence of the Slovak nation and the fiction of a Czechoslovak nation has directly painful consequences for the Slovaks, and very advantageous economic results for the Czechs. Slovakia has been kept at a lower cultural and economic level than Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia ever since our revolution. The tax-paying people of Slovakia have been carrying a relatively and circumstantially greater burden than the ,people of the historical lands mentioned; expenditures, which should have been, and sometimes were, very meagerly allowed for Slovakia, were not directed hither; whereas, more and more was and is being systematically invested in the historical lands. The flourishing Slovak commerce was destroyed, diverted, railroad tariffs were retained to the disadvantage of Slovakia and only to the advantages of Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia. The land reform in Slovakia was conducted aimlessly and it frequently favored some of the otherwise unentitled centralist partisans and Czechs on political party principles alone. Agriculture in Slovakia is assisted in a small way only when the centralist party interests require it. The result of this is that, Slovakia is continually becoming poorer and poorer, and the historic lands are becoming richer and richer. The historic lands are enjoying prosperity. Slovakia is suffering poverty. It grieves the Slovaks very much that the very great numbers of Czech officials in Slovakia do not learn the Slovak language and that SLOVAKIA 37 the official business is conducted either in Czech or in broken Slovak, which seems to be a definite Czechisizing tendency. Czech text-books are being principally used in the Junior High Schools and the native Slovak students have no scientific academic opportunity to educate themselves correctly in their mother tongue. The Slovak language is suppressed and the Czech language favored to the detriment of the former. There is not a single Slovak university, and the so-called Comenius University in Bratislava is an expressly Czechisizing institute of learning. This cultural oppression of the Slovak people has an economic background for the benefit of the Czech people. This is contrary to the principles of democracy. There is an awfully detrimental effect in the fact that, the administration of Slovakia is in the hands of the Czech center in Prague, which is not acquainted with the local Slovak conditions, and in the fact that the appointment of even the lowest employes in Slovakia depends on the Czech center in Prague. The Slovaks are not permitted to govern themselves. (Administration. ) The Slovaks cannot take their place in the legislative field because in the central parliament in Prague they are always subject to the tremendous odds against them and they are merely dependent on the favor or disfavor of the others. It is necessary to remark here that, it would be advantageous to refer many matters concerning Slovakia to a separate Slovak parliament. The judiciary in Slovakia is in a terrible condition. The lowest positions have such poor salaries attached to them that the average poor Slovak young man cannot set out upon a judical career, and these places are then filled by individuals of the wealthier Czech rising generation, who for the time being are able to have support from home. The conditions are similar in matters of the army where we can hardly find any Slovak officers even for the show of the thing. Conditions are not different in the foreign relations service. The conditions in the judiciary, particularly in reference to matters of political offenses, are very worthy of attention. Political offenses committed in Slovakia are tried by Czech judges who are unacquainted with the local conditions and the people, and who are ordering such tyrannical penalties as were never heard of during the former Hungarian regime. There are many more political punishments and jail sentences than there were during the Hungarian regime. -The demand that Slovakia should have its own courts, is totally justified. The Slovaks bear with great difficulty the fact that there is no freedom of the press in Slovakia. The eleven-year experience proves the need, and imperatively demands to-day more than ever, that the rights of the Slovak nation as they were contemplated in the Pittsburgh Pact be incorporated into the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and that they be executed in practice as well. It is impossible to assure the cultural and economic prosperity of the Slovak nation without executing the Pittsburgh Pact. This is the desire of the Slovak nation. The Pittsburgh Pact is not only a historic Act, but is a binding '·Magna Charta" of the rights of the Slovak nation. 38 SLOVAKIA Perhaps the solicitude, even though exaggerated, of some of the Czech leaders who understand the sentiment of Slovakia very little. was un<U!rstandable in the beginning, that, whether or not the very pronounced recognition of the rights of the Slovak nation might not cause the state some damage in view of the surrounding foreign sentiment which understood our matters even less. But to-day, when the loyalty of the Slovak nation to the Republic does not bear any doubt whatsoever, it is not advisable to expose the nation to despair by refusing to guarantee its rights and to deprive it of the hope that it will be able to establish its rights in the Republic by constitutional means. The people in Slovakia cannot become a source of state power without the establishment of autonomy in Slovakia in accordance \\ith the minimal requirements set forth in the Pittsburgh Pact, and consequently it is impossible to imagine democl'acy, equality and freedom in Slovakia. THE VALIDITY OF THE PACT A. President Masaryk and His Attitude Toward the Pittsburgh Pact Just how the leaders-particularly the Czech leaders in the government of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, felt about the Pittsburgh Pact once the Republic was established and its Constitution drafted and ratified, is probably best exemplified by the opinions that Professor Masaryk voiced about the Pact on various occasions. Let us take up some of those opinions. 1.) On February 5, 1920, minister Tusar sent president Masaryk an official communication, asking for his version of the Pact and its significance, in view of the widespread discussion that the Pact was causing in those early days of the Republic. President Masaryk replied the same day: " .... Laws, too, are interpreted according to the circumstances under which they arose and the intentions of the legislators are sought for in the words. The Czechoslovak pact agreed upon in my presence on May 30, 1918, must be interpreted in a similar way. The leaders of the Slovak and Czech organizations in America agreed on the pact in order to frustrate the agitation against the union of the Slovaks and Czechs. The contract is made, I think, mostly between American citizens. The Pittsburgh program is one of the many pre-revolutionary programs made beyond the boundaries. It has its historical value. The Pittsburgh con- SLOVAKIA 39 tract is made between Czechs and Slovaks, and if it could hold at all, it certainly would hold only if both parties would still agree with its contents. At the end of the contract itself it is stated that, the detailed arrangements ,_and regulations in the Czechoslovak State are being left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their empowered leaders. That was stated because the Czechs and Slovaks at the Pittsburgh meeting knew very well that American citizens have no right to decide about definite arrangements of the Czechoslovak State. The representatives of the Czechs and Slovaks for that reason also do not refer to the demands of the Pittsburgh Pact in their proclamations .. . etc." That letter by President Masaryk was his first public denial of the Pittsburgh Pact's validity. 2.) He made a similar statement when on December 15, 1922, replying to the senators and parliament members of the Slovak People's Party, who had visited him in the matter of autonomy for Slovakia, he said: "I came to America in the early part of May, 1918, and found the conditions not very pleasant in the Slovak camp and there was a faction, though insignificant, which advocated a utopian separatist program. The political situation and the situation at the battle front were pretty tense. The United States then were officially still in favor of some reform of Austria-Hungary ... In contrast to this, the Slovaks were little known in the political world, and the movement for a separatist Slovakia was doomed for the failure of its own and the joint cause in advance. "Under such circumstances I endeavored for an agreement, so that a detrimental division would not take place, and so that the fight would stop from which Austrian and Hungarian propaganda would profit. "The majority of the Slovaks, particularly the leaders, were against separatism, and so came the Pact in Pittsburgh on May 30th-which-it is understood-was valid all by itself for America and American conditions. For the Slovak side as well as the Czech side, the pact was signed by American citizens, and those naturally are not entitled to prescribe for Slovakia and their people at home, and the signers were fully aware of this. I signed the Pittsburgh Pact for that reason, too, that, it was specifically stated in 40 SLOVAKIA it that, detailed arrangements of the future State shall be made by the legal representatives of the people. And these representatives clearly voiced and politically decided the relations of Slovakia to the unified state by the ratification of the Constitution. This ratification and formal promise is binding upon the Slovak and Czech deputies and is equally binding upon me, too ... " 3.) President Masaryk voiced a still more damaging -in reality a more insulting opinion about the Pittsburgh Pact when on October 12, 1929, he wrote to Hlinka, leader of the People's Party and a deputy in parliament, as follows: " ... You yourself once admitted to me that you demand autonomy not for the present time, but for the time when the Slovaks shall be politically more mature. In accordance with that, you should endeavor that your voters should be informed and reared politically. Look at the mistakes you have made with the so-called Pittsburgh Pact. De facto you had your autonomy from the time of the revolution, and now you have all the stipulations of that pact (or rather verbal agreement) fulfilled. But the main thing is that, the document of that verbal agreement is forged, is a Jalsum, because, at the time when the American Slovaks wanted that verbal agreement, the League did not exist legally, it was recognized by the State until in 1919. For that reason a serious politician, a statesman, cannot and must not operate with such a paper. A falsification cannot become an act of State ... " B. CRITICISMS OF THE PACT ARE UNFOUNDED Time, space, nor the reader's patience, do not permit a careful analysis and refutation of all those statements by President Masaryk concerning the Pittsburgh Pact. To all, except the totally uninformed, the fallacy of those statements must be quite apparent. Few of the more glaring misstatements in these official communications, however, should be mentioned here. 1.) It seems ridiculous for the president to say that Slovakia has long had its autonomy, from the very foundation of the republic in fact, and that all stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact were in reality all fulfilled already in Slovakia. Why, if all that be so, should it be necessary that SLOVAKIA 41 the deputies of the Slovak People's Party be forced to visit Masaryk and demand autonomy for Slovakia and demand that the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact be enforced in Slovakia? Why should it be necessary for the Slovak League to clamor for recognition of the Pittsburgh Pact? Why should Dr. L. Bazovsky be prompted by conditions in Slovakia to write a communication, as quoted in previous pages, in the twelfth year of the existence of the Republic? No, the facts are that Slovakia did not have its autonomy nor were the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact ever fulfilled. Slovakia did not have its home-rule. Slovakia was oppressed by detrimental effects of a centralized government, and the results were that, Slovakia was constantly being made commercially and economically poorer and poorer; that thousands and thousands were forced to leave their fatherland and emigrate to all parts of the world; and what is worst-that the very existence of the Slovak nation was being jeopardized by the forceful propagation of the "unified Czechoslovak nation" idea. The Memorandum which the Slovak League of America sent the Government and the National Assembly of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in 1922 in behalf of the embodying of the Pittsburgh Pact into the Constitution of the Republic, very clearly proved all the above conditions in Slovakia (as resulting from the disregard for the Pittsburgh Pact and the instituting of a centralized government.) 2.) But to return to some of the other statements made by President Masaryk. It is wholly untrue that there was an "insignificant faction which advocated a utopian separatist program." It would be closer to the truth had he said that there were a few individuals who contended that, cooperation with the Czechs, who have anti-Slovak tendencies, is impossible. And then it should be admitted that the Slovaks, at least some of the leaders, had reasons to doubt the sincerity of some of the Czech leaders, and that had not these doubts of the Slovaks been dispelled by such seemingly sound and earnest promises, made in writing and signed black-on-white as the Pittsburgh Pact, there is no telling whether the Czechs and Slovaks would really have come to establish a joint State. It was not the few individuals who were opposed to any combination with the Czechs, but the majority of the 42 SLOVAKIA recognized Slovak leaders, who were forced to be careful in their dealings with the Czechs because of the recent suspicious incidents, that Masaryk came to appease in America --and he did it in writing-in the Pittsburgh Pact. 3.) It is pointed out that the Pact was made and signed by American Slovaks and Czechs-American citizens. The fact that the pact was made between President Masaryk on one side and American Czechs and Slovaks on the other, seems to be passed over. The Czechs and Slovaks here in America certainly did not need such a Pact just for the sake of having it here, or for their own local conditions here. Was not the Czecho-Slovak Republic and its people constructed in that Pact? We deny that the Pittsburgh Pact is just a local Pact between the American Czechs and Slovaks, concerning which the Czecho-Slovak Republic government should have no interest. Then, too, Masaryk did not sign the pact as some sort of a mediator here. He was a representative of one of the parties of the Pact. The CzechoSlovak National Council of America--embodying the representative Slovak and Czech organizations in America, which called the Pittsburgh meeting at which the Pact was drafted, accepted and signed, issued a proclamation on November 7, 1919, and sent it to the government to the effect that the Pittsburgh Pact was made between President Masaryk and the representatives of the American Czechs and Slovaks. The Pact, too, could not be an agreement just to meet local conditions and drafted between American Czechs and Slovaks, since some of the signers of the Pact were not citizens of the United States of America. The Pittsburgh Pact was not intended for the Czechs and Slovaks in America, it was intended for the Czechs and Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and therefore, is not valid only in America and for America. It is primarily valid in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Cleveland Agreement could be constructed as having local importance only. It was signed by American Czechs and Slovaks for the purpose of establishing the cooperation of these two nationalities in America in a joint cause. The Pittsburgh Pact, however, had more than local importance. The very fact that Professor Masaryk, the head of the temporary revolutionary government drafted it and signed it, gave it more than local importance. The Czechs SLOVAKIA 43 and Slovaks in America were not doing all those things for themselves but for the liberation of the Czechs and Slovaks on the other side of the Ocean, and Masaryk, too, was not working for the welfare of the Czechs and Slovaks here in America, but for those over there. And he, as well as all others, signed the Pittsburgh Pact with the hope that they were helping to create a State where both nations might be free, contented, and where they could develop culturally, economically, etc. 4.) That the Pact may still hold good only if both sides should agree with its contents, certainly is not consistent with the very meaning, idea and intent of a pact or agreement. 5.) That the Pact is a forgery, a falsification, because the Slovak League did not exist legally at the time of the drafting of the Pittsburgh Pact, and that the Pact is not valid, as Dr. srobar expressed it, because it was signed on a Legal Holiday in America, is undoubtedly best refuted by the following legal opinion: Law Offices George E . Alter 1012 Park Building Gifford K. Wright Pittsburgh, Pa. Alexander J . Barron George M. Swan ALTER, WRIGHT & BARRON Telephone James Milholland Atlantic 2211 William H. McNaugher Ralph D. McKee George F. Taylor, Jr. James K. Ruby Mahlon E. Lewis April 23, 1930 James Grove Fulton Slovak League of America Box 996 Pittsburgh, Pa. Gentlemen: You have submitted to me the following questions: 1. Is there - in the Untted States - a difference as to their legal rights between chartered and unchartered organizations which are not operated for pecuniary gain? 2. Has an unchartered organization the right to make legal and binding agreements in the United States? 3. Can an agreement, entered into by such an organization with a party of the second part - in this case Professor Masaryk - not made for the pecuniary gain 44 SLOVAKIA by the said organization, but closed on a legal holiday (Memorial Day) be declared a falsum by the party of the second part, after having received and enjoyed the benefits evolving out of that agreement? Replying to these questions, my opinion is as follo ws: ( 1) There is some difference between chartered and unchartered organizations not operated for pecuniary gain, but for such purposes as are involved in the subject of your inquiry, there is no difference. (2) I understand the organization in question at the time the " Pittsburgh Pact" was entered into was an organization having a Constitution, By-Laws, officers, etc., though not chartered by the State. For the purpose of taking the action which was taken, such an organization would have all the necessary power as fully as if it had been chartered. (3 ) The agreement entered into by the unchartered organization referred to would be just as effective as if entered into with a charter ed organization and just as valid if closed on Memo rial Day as on any other day. Very truly yours, Geo . E. Alter Karel Pergler, a Czech, an attorney, one of the signers of the Pact, later a member of the Czecho-Slovak Parliament, in discussing the validity of the Pact, said the following in the National Assembly on February 22, 1930: "The Pittsburgh Pact is not a "falsum." To circulate reports about the Pittsburgh Pact that it is a "falsum," is beside the point, is not right and does not coincide with the historical truth." 6.) The question whether the American Czechs and Slovaks-more specifically, the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact had a right to prescribe for Slovakia or the new Czecho-Slovak Republic could be expanded here to a lengthy discussion. Suffice it to say, if the signers of the Pact had no such right, why did Masaryk, as the head of the government, attempt to enter into a pact with a party or parties that had no such right? Did he himself have any right to make any prescriptions for the new State? If he had no such right, wasn't he conscious of that in Pittsburgh at the time that he drafted the Pact? And isn't it also a fact, that in the absence of any who might have the full right to make sueh prescriptions, the Czechs and Slovaks in America along with President Masaryk assumed that right upon themselves and actually did make prescriptions for the new State when they said in the pact: SLOVAKIA 45 "The Czecho-Slovak State shall be a republic, its constitution shall be democratic," etc., etc. Are not these definite and clearly outlined prescriptions for the new State? Did not the temporary and provisional revolutionary Czecho-Slovak Government (Masaryk, Benes, Stefanik) assume certain rights and privileges which might be questioned by the same mode of reasoning? The Czechs and Slovaks in Austria-Hung ary were powerless to organize the revolution. The Czechs and Slovaks in America assumed the right to speak in behalf of their entire respective nations. The American Slovaks in issuing their Memorandum in 1914 clearly showed that they were assuming the leadership of the entire Slovak Nation of the world. Why then should their right be questioned when interpreting the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact? The Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak Republic to this day believe that the Slovaks in America have a right to concern themselves with matters in the Czecho-Slovak Republic and have a right to exercise a voice in their ultimate disposition. The following matter clearly shows the attitude of the Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak Republic: On May 15, 1934, deputy Andrej Hlinka and others delivered an objection to the government of Czecho-Slovakia because of the confiscations and censorship of the daily "Slovak." Among some of the articles censored in the daily "Slovak" was one by M. Mlynarovic, president of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America, quoted from Slovak newspapers in America. Hlinka and his colleagues said that they "consider the confiscation of that report (article) totally unwarranted " and that they "consider it a grave insult to the American Slovaks, who did their share in the Czechoslovak revolutionary movement and therefore have a right to speak in the matters of our State." 7.) That the Slovaks or their leaders never made demands in accordance with the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact, hardly tells the true story. The first revolutionary parliament in the new Republic was not a body representative of the people-the deputies were a more or less self-appointed group and these ratified the Constitution which ignores the Pittsburgh Pact. When in April of 1919 Hlinka learned of the Pittsburgh Pact which had been 46 SLOVAKIA signed a year previous, and when he learned of the various stipulations contained therein, which had been ignored by the Constitution, he held several mass meetings of the Slovak people, some of which were dissolved by Czech police, and the result was that, the Slovaks sent a delegation to Paris, where they might plead for the rights and privileges of the Slovak nation before the same tribunal which had permitted the establishment of a joint state of the Czechs and Slovaks. This visit to Paris in behalf of Slovak rights, those very rights outlined and guaranteed by the Pittsburgh Pact, resulted in the persecution of all Slovak autonomists and resulted in the jailing of Hlinka. The Slovaks were doing nothing more than demanding what the Pact guaranteed them. How then can anyone speak of the Slovaks as not making their demands of the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact? SOME REMARKS ABOUT THE PITTSBURGH PACT Something that was frequently hurled at the adherents of the Pittsburgh Pact-the autonomists-both here in America and in Czecho-Slovakia, was that they are traitors of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, enemies of the state etc. Nothing was farther from the truth. The Slovak autonomists were loyal friends of the State. They did not advocate separation from the Czechs, they did not advocate secession from the Czecho-Slovak Republic-they merely wanted for the Slovak nation what they believed it justly had coming to it,-its rights, its home-rule, as promised and guaranteed in the Pittsburgh Pact. The two major parties in Slovakia which demanded the provisions of the Pittsburgh Pact were: The Slovak People's Party, the largest party in Slovakia, a Catholic party, led by Msgr. Andrej Hlinka, and the National Party, non-denominational, led by Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister. The chief proponents of the autonomist endeavors here in America were: The Slovak League, comprising American Slovaks of all creeds, and the Catholic Slovak Federation. The chief opponents of the Pittsburgh Pact and the endeavors of the autonomists were the leaders of the Czech government and the political parties allied with the government. Included among these were a small percentage of Slovaks who had found it advantageous to side with the SLOVAKIA 47 ruling government. These usually were afforded good positions, offices etc., etc., and naturally, their sincerity with the national Slovak welfare was doubted in Slovak circles. These had their followers here in America and although they comprise the minority of Slovaks here, aided and abetted by government circles, they had been well able to hold a strong position. The vast majority of the Slovaks in America, and the far greater portion of the Slovak press here were in sympathy with the autonomy movement, yet the centralist forces held the point of vantage, they had the strategic positions, as will always happen with those who hold sides with the government recognized in diplomatic circles. The Slovaks were not attempting to overthrow the state. They wanted their joint state with the Czechs, the work of the few discontended pro-Magyar workers to the contrary notwithstanding. The Slovaks felt that they voluntarily entered into the formation of the Republic under certain guarantees. They were to have their own administration, their own parliament, their own courts of justice. They had none of these. They were promised that the Slovak language would be the official language in their schools, in their offices and in their public life in general. They then found that the Slovak language was not the official language in their country. The numerous Czech officials who held positions in Slovakia refused to learn the Slovak language and they used the Czech exclusively. The Slovaks found that according to the accepted law, the official language of the State was the Czechoslovak language -a non-entity-there can be no such language, since there are two separate and distinct nations-the Czechs and the Slovaks-each with their own and distinct language. The schools and institutions of higher learning had a preponderance of Czech instructors and professors, notwithstanding the fact that many thousand Slovaks qualified to hold these positions were clamoring in vain to obtain these positions. All in all, some 300,000 Czechs had immigrated to Slovakia and held positions there, while intelligent and qualified Slovaks could find no place of employment. These Slovaks felt that they should be given preference for these positions in their homeland. Why should the young Slovak, ready and qualified to embark on a career, be forced to be 48 SLOVAKIA idle, to go hungry, or to emigrate, while 300,000 intruders find steady employment in his native Slovakia? Further discontent among the Slovak was caused by the methods of oppression exercized against them. Freedom of the press and speech were unknown. Jail sentences and financial penalties were imposed with great freedom and abandon by the Czech judges upon any and all who dared to criticize the government and the conditions for which the government was responsible. The republic supposedly had a democratic form of government. Yet, there is nothing in a democracy that is above criticism, not even the ruling government, and if it is, democracy certainly ceases to exist. The Slovaks objected too, to the Czechisizing policies adopted by those in control. They objected to having anyone forcefully thrust upon them the idea of a unified Czechoslovak nationality. They believed they comprise one nation, separate and distinct from the Czech nation, and though with the Czechs they form one Czecho-Slovak state, they still remain a separate and distinct nationality from the Czechs. The Czechs want to be and remain Czechs, and the Slovaks feel they are and want to be and remain Slovaks, not Czechs, not even Czechoslovak s. The Slovaks deny the existence of a unified Czechoslovak nationality, and anyone attempting to force such principles upon them is looked upon as an enemy of the Slovak people, who is jeopardizing their individual national existence and attempting to erase the Slovak nation off the face of the earth. The recognition and implementati on of the Pittsburgh Pact was the only solution of all these difficulties at that time. It certainly was a means of stopping the unrest and discontent among the Slovaks and it was the most efficient means of frustrating the propaganda of all enemies of the Republic, who relied on the unrest of the Slovaks as a means of revision of the peace treaties. The most ardent proponents of this revision were the Hungarians. They believed that injustice had been done them and one remedy that would act as a so~thing lotion on their imagined bruises would have been annexation of the fertile, productive and naturally wealthy territory of Slovakia back to Hungary. Their agents in the Slovak ranks fanned hatred SLOVAKIA 49 against the Czecho-Slovak Republic. With those the Slovaks had no sympathies, even if a few exceptions were found here and there, which merely proved the rule. But, the stubborn Czechs could not see all of this and rather than yield to the entitled demands of the Slovaks they were willing to risk their future. 20th ANNIVERSARY OF THE PACT AND WHAT FOLLOWED: AUTONOMY, INDEPENDENCE, RESUBJUGATION AND COMMUNISM In 1938 the Slovaks in Slovakia, led by the two autonomist parties-Hlinka's People's Party Wudova strana), and Razus's National Party (Narodna strana ), decided to celebrate the 20th anniversary of the drafting and signing of the Pittsburgh Pact (Pittsburghska dohoda). The purpose of the celebration was to call attention of the world to the fact that the postulates of the Pact had not been fulfilled and complied with; that the Slovaks were very dissatisfied with such treatment on the part of the Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government; that they still insist and clamor for the fulfillment of all the promises that Masaryk and the Czechs made in the Pittsburgh Pact. And because Masaryk and some of his hench-men had claimed that in fact no such pact or agreement had ever been made and concluded, the Slovak League of America was asked by the Slovaks in Slovakia to bring the original lithographed copy of the Pittsburgh Pact, personally signed by president Masaryk after he had already been elected president of Czecho-Slovakia, and by the representatives of the Czech and Slovak organizations in the U.S.A. The Slovak League sent an official delegation to the Pittsburgh Pact anniversary celebration in Bratislava, Slovakia. The delegation consisted of Dr. Peter P. Hletko of Chicago, Illinois, the president of the Slovak League and the designated leader of the delegation; Jozef Husek, of Middletown, Pennsylvania, editor of 'Jednota,' the largest Slovak newspaper in America, and one of the original signers of the Pittsburgh Pact; Dominic Sloboda, of Lorain, Ohio, president of the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the largest Slovak gymnastic and athletic fraternal society in America; Andrew Novak, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, supreme treasurer of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest Slovak fraternal society in the world; Michael Sincak, former president of the Slovak Catholic 50 SLOVAKIA Sokol, and Rev. Andrej Rolik, of Johnstown, Pennsylvania, a Lutheran minister. The delegation attended a huge rally in Bratislava on June 5, 1938, attended by 100,000 Slovaks from all parts of Slovakia. Msgr. Hlinka, the leader of the People's Party, addressed the huge gathering. So did Dr. Hletko. And to prove Masaryk and some of the Czechs wrong when they had said that no such document was ever drafted and signed, and that no such agreement ever existed in writing and that Pittsburghska dohoda was a "falsum," Dr. Hletko unfurled the original copy of the agreement from the balcony of the National Theatre building for all to see. The enthusiastic assemblage became loud and hysterical and it vowed to demand fulfillment of all the promises made in writing to the Slovaks in this agreement. The determination of the Slovaks grew and increased immensely. They were now not to be denied! The Slovak League delegation visited President Benes and conferred with him at length in regards to the implementation of the Pittsburgh Pact. It visited the prime minister, Milan Hodfa, a Slovak, with definite centralist Czecho-Slovak leanings, who otherwise was powerless to force the fulfillment of the Pittsburgh Pact postulates. The delegation also visited the minister of foreign affairs, Krofta, the National Czecho-Slovak Council and many other government officials, reminding them that this is perhaps the eleventh hour for complying with all the guarantees contained in the Pittsburgh Pact, since omnious war clouds were gathering over Central Europe, Adolph Hitler was acting belligerent and brandishing a war sword and threatening Czecho-Slovakia with annihilation or annexation to the German Reich. But all this to no avail. The Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government officials would not commit themselves or promise to implement the Pact, even at such a late and dangerous hour. The result was that the Slovaks ran out of patience and after several additional provocative acts by the CzechoSlovak government, the Slovaks in a revolutionary move declared their autonomy in the Czecho-Slovak Republic on October 6th 1938. The Czechs were powerless and yielded under the tremendous international pressure, but only for a short time. They bided their time, waiting for an opportune occasion, and when they thought the time ripe, they struck and attempted to wrest autonomy from the Slovaks. SLOVAKIA 51 Two Slovak Hlinka Guardsmen were shot and killed in the attempted coup. But the Czechs' attempt boomeranged. The Slovaks did not surrender their autonomy. Instead, now convinced that the Czechs were anything but sincere in yielding to the autonomy demand of the Slovaks, the Slovaks now struck even farther. They now were not satisfied with a semblance of autonomy from the insincere and scheming Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government, who wanted to destroy that autonomy at the earliest and the first opportune moment . The Slovaks now feared that even in the future the Czechs would attempt to destroy the autonomy they had yielded to the Slovaks under the duress and pressure of an international situation. The Slovaks, knowing that the Czechs were under considerable pressure from Hitler, decided they would utilize this situation for their own benefit and tear away from the Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak Republic rather than go down to annihilation along with the Czechs. The Slovaks did just that and they set up their own independent state, a Slovak Republic. Hitler had no love for the Czechs, and while he had no special love or sympathies for the Slovaks, he too utilized the situation to disrupt the Czecho-Slovak, so-called democratic republic. He took over the Czechs into a protectorate along with Moravia. He recognized the independent state of Slovakia, in fact, guaranteed its existence and safety for the next 25 years. And this too, compromised the Slovaks in the eyes of their enemies. That made the Slovaks nazis, they said. The Slovak autonomous parliament voted unanimously and to a man to establish the independent state, a republic, on March 14, 1939. This move was also prompted by Hungarian threats of land-grabbing from the Slovaks, abetted by the Italian Mussolini and his son-in-law Count Ciano, who openly placed themselves on the side of the Hungarians and their unjust and irresponsible demands against the Slovaks and Czecho-Slovakia. The Slovaks felt that having control over their Slovak lands they would better be able to prevent any land-grabs and annexation of Slovak lands and people than would the unsympathetic Czechs be who had no particular interest to protect, save and conserve Slovak land and people. Msgr. Jozef Tiso was elected first president of the new Slovak Republic. 52 SLOVAKIA The Slovak state progressed and developed very nicely for the next 6 years. The state set up its own currency and monetary system, its own army, postal system and everything that qualifies a successful and prosperous independent state. It is not the purpose nor the area of this treatise to describe the Slovak Republic. Suffice it to say that independent Slovakia was a sharp thorn in the Czechs' eyes. They were burning with envy, hate and revenge and scheming every way to destroy the independence of Slovakia. The former president of Czecho-Slovakia, Eduard Benes, spent much time in Russia, convincing the Russians to strike against Slovakia under the ruse that it is an ally of Germany. Russia finally did strike and brought back Benes with arms to his throne in Prague, of course, as a Russian and communist puppet. The Americans, also under the illusion that they are thereby defeating Hitler and the Germans, took a hand in destroying the independent Slovak state and they helped to force the Slovaks back into Czecho-Slovakia, albeit now a communistic Czecho-Slovakia. It was the American armed forces and the American counterintelligence that ferreted out president Tiso and members of his government, hidden in Austria, after their forced departure from Slovakia when the Russian army invaded Slovakia and committed many atrocities, inhumanities and indecencies, particularly against the female population in Slovakia. The Americans turned over Msgr. Tiso and members of his government to the Russian communists and their Czech puppets in Prague, Benes included, because he was the prime puppet of the Russians. President Tiso was tried by a rump court, found guilty of treason against Czecho-Slovakia and hung on April 18, 1947. Yet, his guilt was no greater nor graver than that of our own George Washington against England when he strove to free the 13 American colonies from British rule, dominance and tax extortion. Of course, he was not caught and apprehended and his revolution succeeded. That's the difference. Washington threw off an English government that was ruling an English people in America-in an English colony. President Tiso threw off a government that was not a Slovak government, but the government of and by another people, the Czechs. President Tiso's attempt was more justified than George Washington's. Tiso was overpowered by the SLOVAKIA 53 Russian communists and delivered to the gallows with the help of Americans, American officials. Yet, the Americans in Washington's day strove for their complete independence in the same way that the Slovaks did. In any event, the help that Americans gave to help destroy the independent, democratic Republic of Slovakia, and to. aid in bringing Tiso to the gibbet, does not serve to their credit and glory, and never will. I, as a native American of Slovak parentage and descent, am not proud of that record. No Americans should be proud of it. We Americans stand for democracy, liberty, independence-for everybody, everywhere. But very often that is but a lip service. We don't always mean it sincerely. The Americans-and that includes our government too, should make amends somehow, or at least try to make amends for this travesty, and attempt to correct the injustice they have helped perpetrate on the Slovaks. But, because of their injudicious procedure and handling of the war situation, things have gone so far that the U.S. cannot do anything about correcting this highly unjustifiable situation. The communists, now in command and control, will see to that. Incidentally, when asked, the puppet president, Benes, refused to commute the Tiso sentence or spare his life. Perhaps, as a mere puppet, he did not dare. Well, either way, the good Lord took care of him. This is the story of the Pittsburgh Pact. It was implemented for a short time and eventually led to Slovak independence and the Slovak state. It is still a great historical document that all sincere, conscious and loyal Slovaks revere and respect. The original copy is here in the U.S.A. The delegation of the Slovak League when asked to leave the document in Slovakia in 1938 refused to do so on orders of the entire organization. Even when asked during the existence of the Slovak state to send the document to Slovakia as a historical museum piece, the Slovak League refused, realizing that conditions were not permanent and stable enough and that opponents of the document would seek to destroy it and remove all evidence of the fact that the Slovaks had been promised and guaranteed their rights and autonomy. The Slovak League refused to part with the document and kept it here in America-in safety. And it is good that they kept it here, 54 SLOVAKIA where it still can and does serve as a grand document attesting to the perfidy of the Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government. Today, nothing will obliterate the memories of this perfidious behavior but a restoration of an independent Slovak state or the creation of an independent Slovakia in a constellation of Central European states, but not as a part of Czecho-Slovakia under any circumstances. Just prior to leaving for Slovakia in 1938 with the Pittsburgh Pact Dr. Hletko, as president of the Slovak League and as the leader of the delegation had the document registered, filed on record and photostated in the Cook County Recorder's office in Chicago, where that record exists to this day. BIBLIOGRAPHY Karol Sidor: Slovcici v Zahranicnom odboji. 1929. Bratislava. The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact, 1934. Published by the Slovak Catholic Federation of America. Author: Dr. Peter P. Hletko, Vice President of t he SCF. at that time. K. (:ulen: Pittsburghskci Dohoda. 1937. Bratislava. Fr. Hrusovsky: Slovenske Dejiny. 1939. Published by Matica Slovenska, Turciansky Sv. Martin, Slovakia. Topix. November 5, 1951 issue. Vol. 10, No. 6. A cartoon magazine published by the Cathechetical Guild Educational Society, St. Paul, Minn. Joseph M. Kirschbaum LL.D. , Ph.D.: Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. 1960. R. Speller & Sons, publ. , New York, N. Y. Gilbert L. Oddo : Slovakia and its people. 1960. Publ. R. Speller & Sons, New York. Joseph A. Mikus, J.D.: Slovakia - a political history: 1918-1950. 1963. Marquette University Press. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America has always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact Description An account of the resource Peter P. Hletko, M.D. Slovakia, Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968 pp. 5-54 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hletko, Peter P., 1902-1973 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/ca8a360d8ac991db9b6625a020e8a193.pdf 46e305dc05ad4a4f6891a0b844271e2d PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. XVIII 1968 NO. 4 1 A AGREEME T WHICH ,VAS NE"\ ER RE.AT1IZED ]'h e SloYak Lrag;ne of ~\.merica, an 01·gani:wtion Yoi<·ing Slm·ak politiral nncl social aspi1·ations in the frcr ,Yorld, v,as founded in CleYeland, Ohio eleven ~·e,ns beforn the rreation of the Czerho-Slon1 k Republir. ~rhr main objerti-..-e of its founder, Rev. Stephen l,' m·dek ,r~u, to amplif~· to the \Yorld federation of nations the sentiments of the SloYak people v,ho had lwl:'n mwble to express theiT ideas and desires freely cln(' to their continuing- subjugation by ali en regimes. Rev. Furdek's ,rnrk ,ras not in vain, foT with the nration of the Czerho-SloYak Republic by the Allied Po\\·ers at the end of World War I, the Slovaks were offered equal reprrsentation within the Czecho-SloYak federative goveTnment in an agTeernent commonly known among the Czech and SloYak peoples as the Pittsburgh Agreement. Among the reknown figures adding anthentirity to the Pittsburgh Agreement was P1·ofessm· Thoma. G. MasaTyk, forerunner of Dr. Ech,·m·cl Benes, who piloted Czecho-Slovak destiny until his demise at the hands of the Communists in 194:8. In signing the Pittsburgh Agreement in behalf of the Czech people, P1·ofe sor Masaryk made it clear that it " ·as the intent of the Czech leaders to make the Czecho-SloYak Republir a model state in which the �2 SLOVAKIA wo1-ld would see a ·w orking model of a federation with leadership eminating from the finest of two distinct ethnic cultures, the Czech and the Slovak peoples. But it soon became apparent to the SloYak people that the intent of the Pittsburgh Agreement was never to be realized. With the formation of the CzechoSlovak state, Czech educators, civil servants, and poljticians assumed all responsible positions within both the Czech and Slovak territorial limits of the ne\vlr created Republic. All attempts by the Slovaks to put jnto operation the promises of the Pittsburgh Agreement met with abject frustration. Slovak political leaders were imprisoned, and some Slovak citizens exterminated. The Slovak press was censored. The • Slovak people were humiliated, and subjected to a continuous planned strategy of keeping them in subservient positions. Slovakia historically has been rich in natural resources. It is no ·w onder then that the Slovak territories were kept completely j11dustrially unclm~elopecl while Slovak natural resOluces ,,;ere used over the years to keep the Czech industrial empire healthr and profitable. The Slovak League of America, spokesman for SloYak affairs on an international level, repudiates the Pittsburgh Agreement, but not because of the prjnciples fOl' which it ,vas undertaken, nor for its failure of fruition. Rather the Slovak League of America repudiates this agreement because of the insincerity and untrustworthiness of its Czech authors, because of its exposition as a delaying tactic solely for Czech nationalism, but mostly because of fifty years of historical, liYing proof that the Czech leader ·hip �SLOVAKIA 3 ne,er intended, and does not intend e,en today to rec·ognize the SloYab; eYer as a distinct, separate ethnic cultm·e. For this reason ,rn call upon the United Nations to look into the SloYak situation, for the Slovak situation ·c·ries for so(·ial jnstiee for the Slovak people. We c-all npon the SoYiet Union to recognize the plight of the 810"\·ak people, and exe1·t their infh1ence in creating a climate health fn] for SlO"\·ak ec-onomic grnwth and nationhood. And finally ·we call npon the president of the United States, ·who as a leade1· of the ,Y esten1 V-l orld has supported the principle of self determination for all peoples in the world. EYery great president since the era of Woodrow v\'ilson, during \\·hose administrabon the Czecbo-Slovak Republic was created, has maintained his belief in the principle of ' elf determination. To the Slovaks in Slovakia we urge them to keep the fn ith of thei1· fathers, which they have already maintained for over fifty years. To the Slovaks in the Lnited States, ,rn ask that they cont:ume their efforts in behalf of their SloYak counterparts :iJ.1 Slovakia. In this atomic age, where new African nations emerge daily, ,,·c hope and pray tbat with God's help the thousand year old SloYak dream will finally be realized and tho e famous SloYak words r;t e na.fo, slov e11sh-ri rd zije, bucle zie 11aveky will forever rema:iJ.1 true. ,'-,'te phrn J. Tkach, P1·esident SloYak League of . . .\rn ericn 1 �j t !t ko-$1outn9kll mohob llt ltlllltrtnti 1' i)ittsbur9hu.l)tt.. bnll ~o. tnajn. 1918. ",Prrbsbn•ittlin slootu,kicha cei;kf ,h organisocifuo ~poj. ~tatorh. ~louttt!lktj i!Ifg~~ ~!skrho3Tarobniho ~btruftttill tt ~uil1u irsk~th1Katoli~90. por~k~o,,li ta pntoumosti prc,,~c,\u ecsko-Slown-. :-h~.i 01,f\·. 6R,,~y. pr,,f. qu,..;,w~1 b.,,. 6 ~.::,;l\o-:-lol1.:n:-kc3 ,.,t.i1 lh· 4\ •" \M~i,·b }-""::-,w,{l\n!1~b 1""·"~1~l\.,h''-'~'d, pw_i,w,..~b ~, uini.:~li :,;,, n,,il~,'""l'\l( ~ .._, "SdH1.-duj.:\\'l.: pditid,y' p\·.,~;\·,,1~ 1.1:-i.lu.\tt.:i :-,\ ,, Sp""j,ni~ €.:d-,N1 ., $1,.,v,llt,"l.1 \,I $1\\\l•"$t,,tn""\1l ~t,t.: t ei:iol\\fd, SIN•cn~k,t. "Sl"wi:ni-lt"" bu"'" \lh\t -:-\•(\ju ,,l,utm.f ,,~m,ni~h,·.t{vu,S'-'',j l.:\11(., $\'""\C Hl~\.j. ·,,sl-,l•;n~hhl bu~i: ttM,\nym j,,1yt,,.. m V';k.,t\', 1,.1 ttr,,~, ,, ...,, i•~W~\lNll ?\\.'""ti: t,~l,I!'-•· l,.,-::-l"w\l :-l\\f~½.H ~ ..,~.: r~1m ~ li. ~"u· \Ch"" ~C\i~ti hi-:i,, bu,'.: ,\n,wl\r,,tid\4{. • · " "<9r~1,~i~,,~i,, ~1,,.,lupr,,~1? e~~b"t' ,, Sl.:-l1,,lwv \1" Sp""j. St,,t,-.,·b h1,\1? p,.. ,,~, p,,trcby ,, ml?iii,wci ~,•.$ih,,,~i.:,t,ri $l'""l.,";:ncu1 ' , p,·cb l'·,,~\h\, ,, upr,w,n,,. , • r "'~l·.,,m,1(\l\, "'11'.:-~rch,l \lS t,, n"\1,mi,, ., I,t\·,,.~l.'n{l.i~h,.,-:il"""'4?\'lSh (be ;tai, p,"\')~~h4.\\.14'\_\\l•h1 "":W1o.'h.,~,nym €ttl?.9(\\11 ,, Sl,.. v,Hh"\ll 4\ id, p1·,ft•cpl,,tn:1\,., }"N'-\:iot 1.,vit"l"\11." $\H\ll •• . .,e.: - -~=== ===:---- � SLOVAKIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. XVIII 1968 NO. 4 1 A AGREEME T WHICH ,VAS NE"\ ER RE.AT1IZED ]'h e SloYak Lrag;ne of ~\.merica, an 01·gani:wtion Yoi<·ing Slm·ak politiral nncl social aspi1·ations in the frcr ,Yorld, v,as founded in CleYeland, Ohio eleven ~·e,ns beforn the rreation of the Czerho-Slon1 k Republir. ~rhr main objerti-..-e of its founder, Rev. Stephen l,' m·dek ,r~u, to amplif~· to the \Yorld federation of nations the sentiments of the SloYak people v,ho had lwl:'n mwble to express theiT ideas and desires freely cln(' to their continuing- subjugation by ali en regimes. Rev. Furdek's ,rnrk ,ras not in vain, foT with the nration of the Czerho-SloYak Republic by the Allied Po\\·ers at the end of World War I, the Slovaks were offered equal reprrsentation within the Czecho-SloYak federative goveTnment in an agTeernent commonly known among the Czech and SloYak peoples as the Pittsburgh Agreement. Among the reknown figures adding anthentirity to the Pittsburgh Agreement was P1·ofessm· Thoma. G. MasaTyk, forerunner of Dr. Ech,·m·cl Benes, who piloted Czecho-Slovak destiny until his demise at the hands of the Communists in 194:8. In signing the Pittsburgh Agreement in behalf of the Czech people, P1·ofe sor Masaryk made it clear that it " ·as the intent of the Czech leaders to make the Czecho-SloYak Republir a model state in which the �2 SLOVAKIA wo1-ld would see a ·w orking model of a federation with leadership eminating from the finest of two distinct ethnic cultures, the Czech and the Slovak peoples. But it soon became apparent to the SloYak people that the intent of the Pittsburgh Agreement was never to be realized. With the formation of the CzechoSlovak state, Czech educators, civil servants, and poljticians assumed all responsible positions within both the Czech and Slovak territorial limits of the ne\vlr created Republic. All attempts by the Slovaks to put jnto operation the promises of the Pittsburgh Agreement met with abject frustration. Slovak political leaders were imprisoned, and some Slovak citizens exterminated. The Slovak press was censored. The • Slovak people were humiliated, and subjected to a continuous planned strategy of keeping them in subservient positions. Slovakia historically has been rich in natural resources. It is no ·w onder then that the Slovak territories were kept completely j11dustrially unclm~elopecl while Slovak natural resOluces ,,;ere used over the years to keep the Czech industrial empire healthr and profitable. The Slovak League of America, spokesman for SloYak affairs on an international level, repudiates the Pittsburgh Agreement, but not because of the prjnciples fOl' which it ,vas undertaken, nor for its failure of fruition. Rather the Slovak League of America repudiates this agreement because of the insincerity and untrustworthiness of its Czech authors, because of its exposition as a delaying tactic solely for Czech nationalism, but mostly because of fifty years of historical, liYing proof that the Czech leader ·hip �SLOVAKIA 3 ne,er intended, and does not intend e,en today to rec·ognize the SloYab; eYer as a distinct, separate ethnic cultm·e. For this reason ,rn call upon the United Nations to look into the SloYak situation, for the Slovak situation ·c·ries for so(·ial jnstiee for the Slovak people. We c-all npon the SoYiet Union to recognize the plight of the 810"\·ak people, and exe1·t their infh1ence in creating a climate health fn] for SlO"\·ak ec-onomic grnwth and nationhood. And finally ·we call npon the president of the United States, ·who as a leade1· of the ,Y esten1 V-l orld has supported the principle of self determination for all peoples in the world. EYery great president since the era of Woodrow v\'ilson, during \\·hose administrabon the Czecbo-Slovak Republic was created, has maintained his belief in the principle of ' elf determination. To the Slovaks in Slovakia we urge them to keep the fn ith of thei1· fathers, which they have already maintained for over fifty years. To the Slovaks in the Lnited States, ,rn ask that they cont:ume their efforts in behalf of their SloYak counterparts :iJ.1 Slovakia. In this atomic age, where new African nations emerge daily, ,,·c hope and pray tbat with God's help the thousand year old SloYak dream will finally be realized and tho e famous SloYak words r;t e na.fo, slov e11sh-ri rd zije, bucle zie 11aveky will forever rema:iJ.1 true. ,'-,'te phrn J. Tkach, P1·esident SloYak League of . . .\rn ericn 1 �j t !t ko-$1outn9kll mohob llt ltlllltrtnti 1' i)ittsbur9hu.l)tt.. bnll ~o. tnajn. 1918. ",Prrbsbn•ittlin slootu,kicha cei;kf ,h organisocifuo ~poj. ~tatorh. ~louttt!lktj i!Ifg~~ ~!skrho3Tarobniho ~btruftttill tt ~uil1u irsk~th1Katoli~90. por~k~o,,li ta pntoumosti prc,,~c,\u ecsko-Slown-. :-h~.i 01,f\·. 6R,,~y. pr,,f. qu,..;,w~1 b.,,. 6 ~.::,;l\o-:-lol1.:n:-kc3 ,.,t.i1 lh· 4\ •" \M~i,·b }-""::-,w,{l\n!1~b 1""·"~1~l\.,h''-'~'d, pw_i,w,..~b ~, uini.:~li :,;,, n,,il~,'""l'\l( ~ .._, "SdH1.-duj.:\\'l.: pditid,y' p\·.,~;\·,,1~ 1.1:-i.lu.\tt.:i :-,\ ,, Sp""j,ni~ €.:d-,N1 ., $1,.,v,llt,"l.1 \,I $1\\\l•"$t,,tn""\1l ~t,t.: t ei:iol\\fd, SIN•cn~k,t. "Sl"wi:ni-lt"" bu"'" \lh\t -:-\•(\ju ,,l,utm.f ,,~m,ni~h,·.t{vu,S'-'',j l.:\11(., $\'""\C Hl~\.j. ·,,sl-,l•;n~hhl bu~i: ttM,\nym j,,1yt,,.. m V';k.,t\', 1,.1 ttr,,~, ,, ...,, i•~W~\lNll ?\\.'""ti: t,~l,I!'-•· l,.,-::-l"w\l :-l\\f~½.H ~ ..,~.: r~1m ~ li. ~"u· \Ch"" ~C\i~ti hi-:i,, bu,'.: ,\n,wl\r,,tid\4{. • · " "<9r~1,~i~,,~i,, ~1,,.,lupr,,~1? e~~b"t' ,, Sl.:-l1,,lwv \1" Sp""j. St,,t,-.,·b h1,\1? p,.. ,,~, p,,trcby ,, ml?iii,wci ~,•.$ih,,,~i.:,t,ri $l'""l.,";:ncu1 ' , p,·cb l'·,,~\h\, ,, upr,w,n,,. , • r "'~l·.,,m,1(\l\, "'11'.:-~rch,l \lS t,, n"\1,mi,, ., I,t\·,,.~l.'n{l.i~h,.,-:il"""'4?\'lSh (be ;tai, p,"\')~~h4.\\.14'\_\\l•h1 "":W1o.'h.,~,nym €ttl?.9(\\11 ,, Sl,.. v,Hh"\ll 4\ id, p1·,ft•cpl,,tn:1\,., }"N'-\:iot 1.,vit"l"\11." $\H\ll •• . .,e.: - -~=== ===:---- � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1968, Vol. 18 Description An account of the resource Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. XVIII 1968 NO. 4 1 A AGREEME T WHICH ,VAS NE"\ ER RE.AT1IZED ]'h e SloYak Lrag;ne of ~\.merica, an 01·gani:wtion Yoi<·ing Slm·ak politiral nncl social aspi1·ations in the frcr ,Yorld, v,as founded in CleYeland, Ohio eleven ~·e,ns beforn the rreation of the Czerho-Slon1 k Republir. ~rhr main objerti-..-e of its founder, Rev. Stephen l,' m·dek ,r~u, to amplif~· to the \Yorld federation of nations the sentiments of the SloYak people v,ho had lwl:'n mwble to express theiT ideas and desires freely cln(' to their continuing- subjugation by ali en regimes. Rev. Furdek's ,rnrk ,ras not in vain, foT with the nration of the Czerho-SloYak Republic by the Allied Po\\·ers at the end of World War I, the Slovaks were offered equal reprrsentation within the Czecho-SloYak federative goveTnment in an agTeernent commonly known among the Czech and SloYak peoples as the Pittsburgh Agreement. Among the reknown figures adding anthentirity to the Pittsburgh Agreement was P1·ofessm· Thoma. G. MasaTyk, forerunner of Dr. Ech,·m·cl Benes, who piloted Czecho-Slovak destiny until his demise at the hands of the Communists in 194:8. In signing the Pittsburgh Agreement in behalf of the Czech people, P1·ofe sor Masaryk made it clear that it " ·as the intent of the Czech leaders to make the Czecho-SloYak Republir a model state in which the 2 SLOVAKIA wo1-ld would see a ·w orking model of a federation with leadership eminating from the finest of two distinct ethnic cultures, the Czech and the Slovak peoples. But it soon became apparent to the SloYak people that the intent of the Pittsburgh Agreement was never to be realized. With the formation of the CzechoSlovak state, Czech educators, civil servants, and poljticians assumed all responsible positions within both the Czech and Slovak territorial limits of the ne\vlr created Republic. All attempts by the Slovaks to put jnto operation the promises of the Pittsburgh Agreement met with abject frustration. Slovak political leaders were imprisoned, and some Slovak citizens exterminated. The Slovak press was censored. The • Slovak people were humiliated, and subjected to a continuous planned strategy of keeping them in subservient positions. Slovakia historically has been rich in natural resources. It is no ·w onder then that the Slovak territories were kept completely j11dustrially unclm~elopecl while Slovak natural resOluces ,,;ere used over the years to keep the Czech industrial empire healthr and profitable. The Slovak League of America, spokesman for SloYak affairs on an international level, repudiates the Pittsburgh Agreement, but not because of the prjnciples fOl' which it ,vas undertaken, nor for its failure of fruition. Rather the Slovak League of America repudiates this agreement because of the insincerity and untrustworthiness of its Czech authors, because of its exposition as a delaying tactic solely for Czech nationalism, but mostly because of fifty years of historical, liYing proof that the Czech leader ·hip SLOVAKIA 3 ne,er intended, and does not intend e,en today to rec·ognize the SloYab; eYer as a distinct, separate ethnic cultm·e. For this reason ,rn call upon the United Nations to look into the SloYak situation, for the Slovak situation ·c·ries for so(·ial jnstiee for the Slovak people. We c-all npon the SoYiet Union to recognize the plight of the 810"\·ak people, and exe1·t their infh1ence in creating a climate health fn] for SlO"\·ak ec-onomic grnwth and nationhood. And finally ·we call npon the president of the United States, ·who as a leade1· of the ,Y esten1 V-l orld has supported the principle of self determination for all peoples in the world. EYery great president since the era of Woodrow v\'ilson, during \\·hose administrabon the Czecbo-Slovak Republic was created, has maintained his belief in the principle of ' elf determination. To the Slovaks in Slovakia we urge them to keep the fn ith of thei1· fathers, which they have already maintained for over fifty years. To the Slovaks in the Lnited States, ,rn ask that they cont:ume their efforts in behalf of their SloYak counterparts :iJ.1 Slovakia. In this atomic age, where new African nations emerge daily, ,,·c hope and pray tbat with God's help the thousand year old SloYak dream will finally be realized and tho e famous SloYak words r;t e na.fo, slov e11sh-ri rd zije, bucle zie 11aveky will forever rema:iJ.1 true. ,'-,'te phrn J. Tkach, P1·esident SloYak League of . . .\rn ericn 1 j t !t ko-$1outn9kll mohob llt ltlllltrtnti 1' i)ittsbur9hu.l)tt.. bnll ~o. tnajn. 1918. ",Prrbsbn•ittlin slootu,kicha cei;kf ,h organisocifuo ~poj. ~tatorh. ~louttt!lktj i!Ifg~~ ~!skrho3Tarobniho ~btruftttill tt ~uil1u irsk~th1Katoli~90. por~k~o,,li ta pntoumosti prc,,~c,\u ecsko-Slown-. :-h~.i 01,f\·. 6R,,~y. pr,,f. qu,..;,w~1 b.,,. 6 ~.::,;l\o-:-lol1.:n:-kc3 ,.,t.i1 lh· 4\ •" \M~i,·b }-""::-,w,{l\n!1~b 1""·"~1~l\.,h''-'~'d, pw_i,w,..~b ~, uini.:~li :,;,, n,,il~,'""l'\l( ~ .._, "SdH1.-duj.:\\'l.: pditid,y' p\·.,~;\·,,1~ 1.1:-i.lu.\tt.:i :-,\ ,, Sp""j,ni~ €.:d-,N1 ., $1,.,v,llt,"l.1 \,I $1\\\l•"$t,,tn""\1l ~t,t.: t ei:iol\\fd, SIN•cn~k,t. "Sl"wi:ni-lt"" bu"'" \lh\t -:-\•(\ju ,,l,utm.f ,,~m,ni~h,·.t{vu,S'-'',j l.:\11(., $\'""\C Hl~\.j. ·,,sl-,l•;n~hhl bu~i: ttM,\nym j,,1yt,,.. m V';k.,t\', 1,.1 ttr,,~, ,, ...,, i•~W~\lNll ?\\.'""ti: t,~l,I!'-•· l,.,-::-l"w\l :-l\\f~½.H ~ ..,~.: r~1m ~ li. ~"u· \Ch"" ~C\i~ti hi-:i,, bu,'.: ,\n,wl\r,,tid\4{. • · " "<9r~1,~i~,,~i,, ~1,,.,lupr,,~1? e~~b"t' ,, Sl.:-l1,,lwv \1" Sp""j. St,,t,-.,·b h1,\1? p,.. ,,~, p,,trcby ,, ml?iii,wci ~,•.$ih,,,~i.:,t,ri $l'""l.,";:ncu1 ' , p,·cb l'·,,~\h\, ,, upr,w,n,,. , • r "'~l·.,,m,1(\l\, "'11'.:-~rch,l \lS t,, n"\1,mi,, ., I,t\·,,.~l.'n{l.i~h,.,-:il"""'4?\'lSh (be ;tai, p,"\')~~h4.\\.14'\_\\l•h1 "":W1o.'h.,~,nym €ttl?.9(\\11 ,, Sl,.. v,Hh"\ll 4\ id, p1·,ft•cpl,,tn:1\,., }"N'-\:iot 1.,vit"l"\11." $\H\ll •• . .,e.: - -~=== ===:----  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource An Agreement Which Was Never Realized Description An account of the resource Stephen J. Tkach, President, Slovak League of America includes photographic copy of original Pittsburgh Pact Slovakia, Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968 pp. 1-4 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Tkach, Stephen J. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/701e2787d3ae995612706e54debec545.pdf 7fe0a36c9d1cd6069ebf3c75b224853c PDF Text Text � � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1968, Vol. 18 Description An account of the resource Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 18 (No. 41) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/dbeb3c93bba2539234eaa5a4a0e1eae5.pdf a5a29fc8e2a108bb9e390a2be106e741 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 179 CURRENT ISSUES STATEMENT OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Presented by Dr. Peter P. Hletko, Honorary President and a Democrat To the Democratic Platform Committee at the International Amphitheater on Friday, August 23 , 1968. Ladies and Gentlemen: Under authorization of our National President, Edward J. Behuncik, of Stratford, Connecticut, I was privileged to be invited to appear before your important body as official spokesman of this largest of Slovak-American civic and cultural organizations. I take this means to let our views be known to you. Our purpose is to request the Democratic Party to take a clear-cut stand on assistance for the people of Slovakia to obtain their status as an independent state or at least as a partner in the federated country of CzechoSlovakia, which up to now has never been a federated country since its founding. The principles which we recommend are equally applicable to all small nations, hence can be properly included in a statement of principles such as a Democratic Platform. It is especially fitting that we present our position not merely because of recent activity in cierna and Bratislava, both located in Slovakia, but also because we can give the Democratic Party and its next administration the opportunity to show all America and the world that the American people are behind and support the efforts of the Slovaks who, in a realistic sense, are emulating our founding fathers of the American Revolution. In the past, the position of The Slovak League of America, an American organization founded at Cleveland, Ohio, in May, 1907, was frequently misplaced or purposely misinterpreted. Not withstanding its long history of patriotic devotion to this great country with thousands of Slovak-Americans serving in the Armed Forces, even as far back as Lincoln's day, and continuing even to this moment at Viet Nam, Germany, and all around the world. �SLOVAKIA Even today, with Czecho-Slovakia being led for the first time in its history by a Slovak-not a Czech, as the news media picture him-the press continues to write about the doings of the Czechs only. The Czechs are one nationality, the Slovaks another. They have a combined country, but the Czechs hold the upper hand in CzechoSlovakia. The abbreviation of Czecho-Slovakia is not Czech, but note that the democratization has been underway only since Alexander Dubcek, a Slovak, came to power in January. He is not a Czech. So, Ladies and Gentlemen of the Committee, we want to ask that our Government, if and when led by a new administration, will give our Slovak compatriots and nextof-kin what is being given by our country and other great powers to other smaller and newer nations-statehood and membership in the family of nations. Moral support of the Slovak Nationalism may well accrue to our benefit if the Slovaks continue to push for democratization and federalization, thereby weakening the strangle hold of the Soviets in Eastern Europe. The Democratic Party has a golden opportunity as the Party of the People to come out strongly in support of the Slovak right to statehood. I am certain your capable draftsmen can combine our ideas with ideas presented here by other ethnic groups to make a strong and meaningful Plank which will add stature to the Platform, give solace to suffering peoples in small nations everywhere, and, not incidently but realistically, help elect a Democratic President. The Slovaks in America have strong societies and an influential press. Therefore, I urge you to embody a Plank as we have suggested. We will do our part thru our societies and our press. Hon. Everett McKinley Dirksen Chairman Platform Committee Republican Party Fountainbleau Hotel Miami Beach, Florida Recent events in Eastern Europe may well prove the Slovak nation, in the very heart of Europe, to be the tiny spark of moral, cultural, and patriotic dynamism which �SLOVAKIA 181 will help destroy the Iron Courtain. Democratization in Czecho-Slovakia was initiated by the Slovak intellectuals through whose efforts Slovak leader Alexander Dubcek emerge in power. Dubcek and his colleagues have already shown a more human approach to Slovakia's problems by pushing a federalization of two states-Slovak and Czech. They also evidence more liberal treatment of populace. The Slovak League of America, as a civic organization, signed in 1918 known Pittsburgh Pact in which supported a federated Czecho-Slovakia. Today we like to see a confederated Central Europe with Slovakia in it as a equal partner. Seek support for these noble ideal from your great party and urge the inclusion of our position and of other ethnic groups in your Platform. Sincerely yours, Joseph Pauco, Secretary Slovak League of America July 29, 1968 SLOVAKS WILL NOT GIVE UP Low-flying jets are buzzing Bratislava as I start to write this report. Tanks and military vehicles keep streaming into the city across the Danube bridge over the street beneath my window. Now and then the burst of machinegun fire punctuates the rhythmic cheers of the crowd demonstrating in safarik Square on the corner. What began as a month of intense study in Slovak language and culture at Comenius University in a freedomtasting city came to an abrupt halt with the sudden occupation of the country by Warsaw Pact forces. Linguists from 18 countries, including Iron Curtain satellites, were gathered in the dining hall. We were told that an attempt would be made to continue the institute. Lectures would have to be held in various corners of the dormitory, it was announced, rather than in the lecture hall now completely surrounded by Russian tanks and armored vehicles. All 105 of us made a feeble attempt to resume our language study. But the instructors and scholars were too upset to concentrate. We crowded into the lounge to watch the TV set and listen to intermittent radio bulletins. �182 SLOVAKIA The occupation began late at night. Most of us had gone to sleep after a long day of lectures and a tour. The few still awake at midnight attributed the steady rumble of military vehicles to possible unusually heavy traffic over the railroad track along the Danube. The airplane noise sounded like some special activity at the airport on the eastern outskirts of the city. At 3 o'clock in the morning my next-door roommate from Pittsburgh awoke me, saying: "Get up. The Russians have occupied Bratislava." We went to our windows on both sides of the dormitory, and there below us the streets were clogged with tanks and trucks. The vehicles could move no further, so their drivers got out to smoke. We ventured out of the building before daybreak to convince ourselves that the nightmare was really happening. There were no Russian stars identifying the vehiclesjust a while stripe down the hoods-but our attempts to converse with the drivers soon revealed that they could speak nothing but Russian. Most Slovaks (and Czechs) have had to study Russian as a second language. This year they were given a choice between Russian and English, and most chose English. Using their knowledge of the invader's tongue, the people of Bratislava questioned the Russians. Most of them seemed to be very young. "Why did you occupy our country?" they asked a teenage Russian. "To help the counter revolution," he answered. "Well, have you found it?" they asked. Unable to locate even one person who would welcome the occupiers, the soldiers had little to say. "We're under orders. That's why we're here." By noon every Russian tank and vehicle was painted or chalk-marked with a swastika (some inside Russian stars) , slogans of loyalty to Dubcek and Svoboda, and "Go Home" signs in Slovak and Russian. Radio and TV stations called for a show of loyalty to the captive government in the form of a work stoppage for 2 minutes at noon and the blowing of whistles and horns. The mood of the populace seemed to have been welded �SLOVAKIA 183 by the noon-hour display of support. Down the street from the square came about 50 students. A crowd rapidly gathered behind them and soon filled the square, each corner of which was occupied by a tank. Streets leading to the square were lined with tanks parked diagonally, ready to pull out toward the square if necessary. At noon the Russian military vehicles were still moving into the city over the bridge and through safarik Square. Now they were completely stopped by the mass of nearly 1,000 people refusing to let them through. Civilian traffic was let through the mob by the police, but the police did not lift a finger to open a path for the Russian vehicles. The people cheered their police for this support. They laughed and applauded as the crowd took one of the police and kept throwing him into the air, a gesture of friendship he enjoyed immensely. Russian drivers, unable to push through the mob, eventually decided to make a U-turn and drive back over the bridge. Again, cheers from the crowd. After nearly half an hour of such diversion an armored truck came down the center of the bridge and pushed against the unyielding wall of human flesh. Determined not to play games, the crew fired the large millimeter guns of the armored car into the air, and the crowd fell back. The truck went through the crowd, and then turned back and drove into the crowd from behind, its guns firing warning volleys into the sky. As young people trew sticks and rocks at the armored car, machine guns went into action, strafing over the heads of the crowd. When the level reached about six inches above our heads, most of us ran for cover or fell to the street. As we ran, we could see the flags fall to the street. We heard afterward that two young men had been killed. Later the demonstrators reassembled in the square, drawing more bullets. This time the gunfire killed a 17-yearold girl student standing on the steps of the university administration building just behind a posted tank and anti-aircraft gun. As we were leaving the city an hour before the 8 o'clock curfew, we read the inscription a bold student had chiseled into the stone pillar of the building: "Here the Russians �184 SLOVAKIA killed a 17-year-old Slovak girl." At the base of the column lay a bouquet of flowers and a scarf the girl had worn. About 30 feet above that inscription there remained another that had already been painted on the stone face of the building before we arrived: "To be lorded over is evil, but to lord it over others is worse." The occupying forces would have done well to learn to read this expression of a united nation's will. If there had been aloofness toward the Russian "com:rades" before, the mood was now one of open disdain. "The Germans weren't as bad as this," said one of the professors. "We knew at least that they were our enemies; but these people pretended to be our friends." I asked what they would do. One said what many repeated: "We would rather die than return to the conditions before January (1968, when Dubcek began his liberalization)." As we were encouraged to flee for our own safety-for we still had a free place to go to-the people inspired us with their faith and courage. The Slovak border guards, who were still in charge of customs when we left, greeted us with smiles. They carried our luggage to the Austrian border gate. There they had a last word for us: "Tell your people we will not give up." Rev. Jaroslav Vajda, Editor of This Day THE NEW YORK DECLARATION The Slovak Liberation Council, gathered in the Americana Hotel , New York, N.Y., on October 27, 1968 in order to discuss the situation of the Slovak Nation within the Czecho-Slovak Republic in general, and under the Soviet occupation in par.ticular, has agreed upon the following statement: On May 30, 1918 the Slovak League of America on the one hand , and the Czech National Alliance with the Union of Czech Catholics on the other hand signed a document which has become known in history as the Pittsburgh Pact. It was an agreement sponsoring liberation of the Central-European lands of their members' origin. It dealit with constitutional relations to be established between these two Slav nations in the prospective Czecho-Slovak Republic. T. G. Masaryk, Chairman of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, recognized by the �SLOVAKIA 185 Allied Powers as the Czecho-Slovak Revolutionary Government, in Paris, future President of Czecho-Slovakia, had produced the draft thereof and signed it. The Pact stipulated that Slovakia would have in the new State her own administration, i.e., her own legislative, executive and judiciary branch of Government, while Foreign Affairs, Defence, Currency and Communications were supposed to be matters reserved to a common federal Government. Details of this pre-constitutional arrangement were left to be worked out, under the responsibility of the leaders of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, by the future freely elected Parliam ent of Czecho-Slovakia. As President, T. G. Masaryk ignored the commitments taken over with respect to Slovakia. A highly centralized Government was arbitrarily set up in Pflague by methods which were a mockery of a parli amentarian procedure. The self-appointed Revolutionary Government had selected, without elections a Revolutionary Assembly of 270 members, O•f whom 229 were Czechs and 41 Slovaks. This body then confirmed that self-appointed Government in office, and on February 29, 1920 adopted a unitary Constitution proposed by that Government. In that fundamental law of the new State the very name of Slovakia disappeared since the Czecho-Slova kia of the Pa,ris Peace Treaties was replaced by a linguistic barbarism, i e., Czechoslovakia. Consequently, in the period to follow, Slovakia's political destinies had not been shaped by the Slovak peo,ple, but by the Czech majority of the Prague Parliamerut. Moreover, in pursuit of a "Great Czechia" dream, the Prague Government had, before 1938, practiced denationalization and a carefully planned genocide on the Slovak nation through its persistent effort a-t cultural and linguistic assimilation thereof, and an outright persecution of the Slovaks for their national feelings. Since during all that period the Czechs had rejected either a federative reform of the State, or an autonomous status for Slovakia, the Slovaks did not see another al,ternative than to proclaim, on March 14, 1939, the Slovak Republic. With respect to economy, Slovakia was down graded to an agricultural h interland for the Czech lands, a provider of cheap raw materials and cheap labor for the Czech monopolistic industry. Regardless of what Czech and Communist historians might have affirmed after World War II, the Slovak Republic was not abandoned by a decision of the Slovak people ; it was occupied and suppressed by the Soviet Army as a consequence of the Benes-Stalin Agreement of December 12, 1943. After the restoration of Czecho-Slovakia in 1945, hundreds of thousands of Slovakia's inhabitants were resettled in the Sude<tenland of Bohemia. There, they were exposed in the name of the international solidarity of the proletariat, to the same denationalization policy as they had been befOJ"e 1938 in the name of an artifical "Czechoslovak" nation. �186 SLOVAKIA The integration of Czecho-Slovakia into the Soviet bloc as a consequence of the Trea,ty concluded in 1943 by E. Benes and J. V. Stalin, proved to be a tragic mistake. The present occupation of Czecho-Slovakia by the Soviet Union is to a great extend the result of that fatal move. For much as we condemn this brutal Soviet intervention, the primary responsibiliity for it rests upon the shoulders of those who had sold out Czecho-Slovakia's sovereignty to that Eurasiatic power. Since the Czech leadership has failed in the Czecho-Slovakia first from an aggressive policy of from that of the Soviet Union, the Slovak Liberation that the Czech statesmanship has lost its credit and its raison d' etre. past to secure Germany, then Council believes Czecho-Slovakia The Slovak Liberation Council follows with increased attention the present developments in Czecho-Slovakia and Slovakia's effort for self-expression, self-government and identity. It takes a positive attitude toward this natural trend. Yet, it is convinced that the federalization of Czecho-Slovakia comes fifty years too late . Taking into consideration all what precedes, we reaffirm our hopes for a better future of Slovakia in the following points: 1. The Slovaks are, in Central Europe, an ethnic unit that has attributes Political Science considers as constitutive of a nathe all tion: their own history, their terriitory, their language and culture, their sociological and ethnographic individuality. 2. AHer many decades of self-frustration , first within the Kingdom of Hungary, then in Czecho-Slovakia, the Slovaks are not any more willing to live in the indignity of being ruled from outside, of being politically, economically, and culturally exploited by their neighbors. In this period of decolonization in Africa and Asia, of tribal and is land states, they, too, aspire to bemoce a sovereign polirtical unit, i.e., to exercise their right to self-determinatio n . This right has been recognized to every nation in the Charter of the United Nations, in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 as well as in the subsequent Pacts of the United Nations on Civil and Political Rights. 2nd on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 1966. Consequently, they feel entitled to their o-wn statehood and their own democratic institutions. 3. In this International Year of Human Rights, we believe that the future existence of Slovakia can properly be secured only in a closer European Federartion, or-until this becomes a reality-in a free partnership of Central-Europea n nations, partnership , based on the principles of equality. Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky, President, Executive Committee Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum, President, The Assembly �SLOVAKIA 187 RESOLUTION We, Slovak Americans, representing the overwhelming maj-ority of organized Americans of Slovak descent and joining with representatives of Slovak organizations of Canada and Western Europe, gathered at the Americana Hotel in New York City, the home of the United Nations, on this 27th day of October, 1968, solemnly resolve: 1 Our cultural and civic aspirations are the very same aspirations as those of the American people2 Our eleven hundred year old Christian tradition will continue to inspire and hopefully insure the free and democratic future of our kin and brethren of sad and occupied Slovakia3 As we support our federal, state and municipal authorities, we seek the support of these same sources of power to obtain for Slovakia the freedom we are so fortunate to enjoy here is our beloved United States4 With confidence in the strength of a just and peaceful world, we solicite the support-moral, intellectual, civic and governmental-of all peace loving peoples in our protests against the treacherous oppression of the Slovak people by the brutal Soviet occupation5 We commend to the United Nations organization the cause of basic Human Rights for the Slovak nation on this 20th anniversary of the laudable Declaration of Human Rights which that world organization enacted in 19486 We believe that eventual free elections in Slovakia will best express the will of the Slovak people and confidently believe that the Slovak nation will best decide her futurefor her own best interest-as an independent nation-if only given the opportunity to do so. 7 Finally, we wish these sentiments to be made widelyknown and hereby authorize the distribution of this resolution to be made to local, state, national and international authorities everywhere. Accepted unanimously by the attending members of this historic Manifestation of the Slovak organizations meeting under the auspices of The Slovak League of America. Edward J. Behuneik, President Joseph Pauco, Secretary �SLOVAKIA 188 AS OTHERS SEE IT Dear Fellow Americans of Slo- the rights of all citizens as set vale Descent: forth in the Constitution, and as I have followed the recent sup- guaranteed under the order and pression of the Slovak and Czech justice of law. The Challenges are enormous peoples by the Soviet-led invasion with great sadness. During a tragi- but they are not impossible. With cally brief period of social reform, your support we can translate our the peoples of this small but gal- ideals into living reality. I pledge lant country were able to assert myself to these ends. With very best wishes, themselves and to proceed w i t h Sincerely, the selection of their own leaders and their own path of government. Richard Nixon These natural aspirations, common to men everywhere, have b e e n New York, October 27, 1968 cruelly dashed under the heavy boot of the Soviet Union . As you reflect this evening in It gives me great pleasure to the triumphs and tragedies that address myself to you Americans have befallen the Slovak people of Slovak descent. Within the you will also realize that all Amer- borders of these United States ica, and all free men throughout your number is close to two milthe world, share your pride, your lion. Your culture and traditions concern and your indignation. It proudly fostered in Slovakia and is a bold testimony to freedom brought to this new land, and that the spirit of the S I o v a k seeded, have become part of our people, with whom you i;hare a American heritage. Your appreciacommon her i t a g e, cannot be tion and love of America is excrushed by tank or by edict. emplified by your sense of dedicaMy message is not only to the tion and patriotism dating to the two million Slovak people who are United States' fight for independcitizens of the United States. My ence. The very same independence message is to all the Slovak people and freedom so fervently sought everywhere, a people who for in Slovakia. more than 1,000 years have never No other nation of immigrants hesitated to stand up to the ag- purports to be so humble and at gressor. I pledge to you that the the same time aggravates in ANixon Administration will be dedi- merica's conscience a love of God, cated to peace. Peace at home. country and home. It is therefore And peace abroad. In our intense- of little wonder that your mother ly practical pursuit of the vision country of Slovakia has in the past of freedom we will strive for a 1000 years never waned from her strong new America. An America fight for selfdetermination . . . rewhich will flourish in the sun of gardless of the strength of the a true prosperity, rather t h a n oppressor . .. or the toll to be paystumble in the dark of inflation. ed. This struggle is particularly An America which will reaffirm courageous considering the victo- �SLOVAKIA ries attained were few and shortlived. If it is of any consolation, Slovakia and her people have been victorious in winning the respect of free men the world over. The time is now for these free men and nations to help others in attaining the same. I have already expressed this position publicly when I said that "We wish every people to be free to determine for itself its own form of Government. " America and its leaders must recognize the existence of Slovakia as a nation of four and one half million people with their own language and culture. - Message from Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller, delivered June 28, 1968. Dear Mr. E. J . Behuncik: 189 the long Christian tradition of the Slovaks. To you personally, my congratulations on the high honor Slovak Americans have bestowed on one of Connecticut's Sons - Sincerely John Dempsey, Governor of Connecticut, October 25, 1968 Despite the language of the Pittsburgh Pact, and despite the hopes of the Slovak people for national autonomy within a federa tive framework, the Slovaks have had to stuggle within Czecho-Slovakia for their national freedom. This struggle finally led to the secession of Slovakia from CzechoSlovakia in 1939 and the formation of an independent state of Slovakia until 1945, when Slovakia returned to Czecho-Slovak government. The struggle of the Slovaks for full recognition has definitely contributed to the new liberal climate of the country. In a recent article in the U. S. Information Agency's journal, Problems of Communism, the editor made this observation: The Slovaks have long considered themselves the disfranchised of the two major ethnic groups that comprise this small Central European country, and their struggle against the oppressive practices of the government in Prague, first inspired by specifically national grievances, has over the years become both the symbol and the substance of the overall struggle against the authoritarianism of the Novotny regime. The editor concludes that Slovak nationalism is "a force that more than any other has contributed to the spectacular debacle of Czechoslovak Stalinism." - Senator Rich- Please accept and extend to your associates and members my personal as we,Jl as official greetings at your manifestation. All Connecticut is appreciative of the great contributions made by the Slovak immigrants as well as Slovak Americans to the betterment of the civic, educational, cultural, economic and spiritual life in all parts of our great State. We are all hopeful that the current tragic era will soon pass and that Slovakia will be able to take her rightful place in the international family of peaceful nations. In the meantime please know that we would welcome to Connecticut all escapees from Slovakia who care to come to us just as we welcomed the Hungarian, Ukrainian, Polish and other God fearing, peace loving escapees from Soviet brutality and aggression. I am confident your manifesta- ard S. Schweiker, Congressional tion will be another landmark in Record, May 20, 1968. �190 SLOVAKIA Dear Citizens of Slovak Descent: As Mayor of The City of New York, I am honored to extend greeting to the Slovak League as well as all Slovak Americans. Your forebearers who settled here more than 80 years ago have contributed notably to the culture and economy of this City and nation. Your contributions are more than a page in this City's history. You must obviously be proud of these accomplishments as well as the heroic stand of your brothers in Slovakia who with only knuckles and spirit resisted the steel of Soviet tanks. However, tyrany cannot contain the Slovak's strong desire for freedom and self-determination. As you are proud of this spirit, so I, John Lindsay, am proud to be your Mayor. - John V. Lindsay, Mayor, October 25, 1968. It is in Slovakia- the autonomyminded eastern region of the country- that the Russians and their allies are encountering the greatest resistance to the occupation. The Moscow radio charged last week that Soviet soldiers were being fired upon in Slovakia. Bratislava newspapers reported that the Soviet Union was violating the Moscow agreement's clause on non-interference in internal affairs by arresting Slovaks. Prague also complained to the Soviet authorities last week over incidents in Slovakia involving Hungarian occupation troops. - The New York Times, September 4, 1968. "Why do Paris and Prague have their beautiful architecture?" the Slovak asked rhetorically, then answered his question. "Because of us. Because of our moutains. We stopped all the invaders here." He ran through an impressive list of tribes and nations that would have overrun the West but for the Slovaks and their fellow fighters in an arc ranging vaguely and variously from southern Poland down to Montenegro. He continued: " And in our times of greatest cruelty we had our most lyrical poetry." The Slovaks, with their national hero Janosik, the mountain Robin Hood, are romantics and proud of it. They contrast themselves with the more stolid Czechs at every possible opportunity. It was this romanticism, combined with some historical peculiarities, that made the Slovaks the leaders in Czecho-Slovakia's liberalization that began in 1962-1963. Several leading Slovak Communists had been condemned as "bourgeois nationalists" in the 1950's and imprisoned or executed. Those condemned were some of the most humane of any of the Communist 1 e a d e rs-including Vladimir Clementis, one of the intellectuals who founded the Slovak DAV nationalist and artistic movement in the 1920's- a Communist who did not hesitate to denounce the Stalin-Hitler pact and the Soviet invasion of Finland. Those who ran the Slovak party thereafter were a different breed altogether; crude, ruthless, and perhaps the greatest sin in the eyes of the intensely nationalistic Slovaks - servile to Prague. In 1962, then, the Slovaks began a campaign, first in party commissions, and later in public journals, to secure the rehabilitation of the wronged Slovak leaders, and retribution for those guilty of the purges. Middle-level Slovak party officials and Slovak Communist intellectuals, working closely at this �SLOVAKIA point, did succeed in getting partial rehabilitations. Even more important politically, they maneuvered party chief Antonin Novotny into dropping two of the chief villains of the piece, Slovak party first secretary Karel Bacilek and Czechoslovak Premier Viliam Siroky. 191 and Czechs grew more acute in the mid-1960's as well. Under Communist rule Prague had poured investments into the industtial development of Slovakia , but these diminished as the first crash programs ended and particularly as economic reform introduced greater rationality in investments as in other spheres in 1967. This meant that the Slovaks no longer had the same economic incentive to fall in with Prague's directives on other matters. The final grievance of the Slovaks against Prague-and it was far from a minor one-was Mr. Novotny himself. He had been a high party official when the Slovak leaders had been purged and had later put every stumbling block in the way of their final rehabilitation. Moreover, he made no attempt to mask his dislike of the Slovaks, and on occasion went out of his way to insult them. All of these issues worked together to keep the Slovaks in the lead in demanding changes in the old Novotny system and, as Mr. Novotny's position eroded, a change in the leader himself. It was Mr. Dubcek who precipitated the attack on Mr. Novotny last fall, and the solid Slovak opposition to the old leader was easily one of the most important forces in the antiNovotny-coalition that finally deposed him . That the Slovaks ended up in the vanguard of reform was ironic, for the Slovaks are the traditional conservatives of Czecho-Slovakia Elizabeth Pond, The Christian Science Monitor, September 24, 1968. If subsequent changes did not go anywhere near as far as many of the Slovak intellectuals hoped, still the resultant party shuffle put men in control of the Slovak party (including that newcomer as Slovak party first secretary, Alexander Dubcek) who would pursue Slovak interests rather than simply carry out Mr. Novotny's orders. By 1964, with Slovak party officials satisfied with the personnel changes for the time being and not eager to upset a system they were benefitting from , the Slovak intellectuals suddenly found themselves without the support of these officials, in their further bids for reform. Being Slovak romantics, however, they pushed ahead with more daring than their Czech colleagues, and the weekly of the Slovak Writers' Union, Kulturny 2ivot, became the leading forum for progressives from the whole country. And the Slovaks did remain united on such issue as seeking revision in the historical interpretation of the 19th-century father of Slovak nationalism , I.!udovit Stur. If this issue did not directly promote reform, it at least kept Slovak agitation alive. And the whole nationalist movement emboldened the Slovaks, politicians included , to press in 1966 for constitutional changes that would give the Slovaks more autonomy from Prague. Ten million Czechs and 4½ milEconomic issues between Slovaks lion Slovaks are · twin nations now �192 SLOVAKIA with equal status and rights in a joint federal state. The deed was finally done, after the promise of 50 years ago when the independent Czecho-Slovak republic was founded, by the signing Oct. 30, 1968 of the new constitutional law on federation. The law was adopted by the National Assembly a few days previously. It was signed at a ceremony in Bratislava, the Slovak capital, by President Svoboda, on the anniversary of a meeting in a little Slovak village in the Carpathians in 1918. At that meeting-in Turciansky Svlity Martin-the Slovak leaders of the day proclaimed their attachment to a single Czecho-Slovak state and committed the "land of the Slovaks" as part of its common territory. They did so after the promise of equality given by Tomas Masaryk, who became the new republic's first President, to the Slovak community in America prior to his return to Prague in 1918. Between the two world wars, however, "unification" was a halfhearted process which brought some gains to Slovakia, but felt it economically far behind the Czech lands and with a sense of inferiority as the "junior partner" dominated and ruled by the Czechs in Prague. The first government program after World War II sought to put things right. Slovakia was given a substantial degree of autonomy under its own National Council and other local institutions. But, after 1948, as the new Communist regime lapsed into the Stalinist "personal power" system under dictator Antonin Novotny, Slovak autonomy was quickly reduced , and finally abolished altogether. Slovak protests and national feeling were condemned as "bourgeois nationalism"; and not only the economic neglect but the resentment aroused by the Prague leader's unconcealed hostility toward the Slovaks Jed to a crisis between the two nations which was a major contributory factor to the political shake-up brought about at Eric the end of last year. B our n e, The Christian Science Monitor, October 31 , 1968. Mr. Husak has been one of the principal architects of the plan for a federalized state with semiautonomous local powers for the four million Slovaks and the ten million Czechs. Czecho-Slovakia is divided between the two ethnic and language groups much the way Belgium is between French-speaking Walloons and Dutch-speaking Flemings. The Slovak leader was born in January, 1913, at Bratislava. During World War II he became a leading member of the underground Communist movement in Slovakia and fought with the Partisans against the Nazis. In 1944 he became a member of the Presidium of the Slovak party and its vice chairman. In the immediate postwar years he was chairman of the Slovak Board of Commissioners, a position used until the Communist takeover of the country in 1948 to try to subvert the majority Democratic party. A year after the coup he was elected to the national party's Central Committee and later became head of the Slovak office for church affairs. In 1950 began his slow decline as Stalinism tightened its grip. He lost his party posts and was accused of being a bourgeois nation- �SLOVAKIA alist. In 1954 he was brought to trial for alleged bourgeois offenses and for "antistate activities" and was sentenced to life imprisonment. Six years later he was released and in June 1963, his party membership was restored. While awaiting complete rehabilitation, which came in December, 1963, he wrote a history of the Slovak uprising during the war. When Mr. Dubcek replaced Mr. Novotny, Mr. Husak was one of the first to call for complete democratization. Since January, 1968 he has been seen occasionally by Western newsmen at press conferences. Those who have watched him say he has shown a logical mind and has demonstrated an impressive mastery of his subject. A conservative Slovak patriot and intellectual, Mr. Husak is known for his toughness. "No one ," he said recently, "can determine for another nation the political representatives of that nation." A short, stout man with bushy, graying hair and small tight lips, his half-rimmed glasses give him the look of a severe teacher about ready to discipline his students. The New York Times , September 5, 1968. On the most immediate level, the Czechs and the Slovaks could not fail to rejoice at the withdrawal of scores of thousands of Warsaw Pact troops from their soil. But at the same time, by reminding them they are now committed by treaty to play host indefinitely to a sizable Russian occupation army, the sight of the departing units only served to impress upon the Czechs and Slovaks to the degree of their 193 new servitude to Moscow. And that realization was particularly poignant for the 4.4 million inhabitants of Slovakia (map ) since it came at a moment when, ostensibly, they were about to acquire more independence than they have ever before enjoyed. After a tour of occupied Slovakia, Newsweek's Eastern European bureau chief Alan Tillier cabled the following report on the current mood in the smaller of the two states that make up the Czecho-Slovak Republic: Shortly after the 'Red Army moved into Slovakia, Russian garrison commanders ordered the local citizens to remove all antiSoviet graffiti from their walls. But on a side street of the sprawling Slovakian capital of Bratislava, a slogan somehow overlooked in the great clean-up still survives. Scrawled across a wall in bold, 4foot letters is the admonition: "Slovaci, nedajme sa" ("Slovaks, stand firm " ). In the two months since the invasion, the Slovaks have done exactly that. Despite a long Slovak tradition of friendship toward Russia, local radio stations greeted the occupation with clarion calls for passive resistance-and their calls were heeded. Slovak newspapers editors continued to use the forbidden word "occupation" so consistently that some of them had to be fired at Russian insistence. And when one Soviet commander, resorting to diplomacy, challenged the local soccer team to a game, both the team and its supporters repeatedly refused to show up. LOYAL: Most important of all , Gustav Husak, the tough, chainsmoking boss of the Slovakian Communist Party, has remained unflinchingly loyal to the regime of Alexander Dubcek (who is himself a Slovak). And Husak's ex- �194 SLOVAKIA ample has been followed by his countrymen on every political level. One village leader, when asked by Soviet officers to point out the counter-revolutionaries among the 1,400 farmers and peasants in his area, could scarcely contain himself. "I told them," he recalls, "that there were none, that the country had progressed more in the past eight months under Dubcek than in the last twenty years-and that we wanted them off our land." In a sense, none of this was surprising, for resistance to foreign domination is deeply ingrained in the fabric of Slovakian life. A lovely land of rugged mountains and forests filled with deer, wild boar and partridge. Slovakia has been the pawn of stronger neighbors ever since it fell under Hungarian mastery in the tenth century. Even after World War I, when it joined the neighboring lands of Bohemia and Moravia-Silesia to form the Czecho-Slovak Republic, Slovakia, to a degree, simply changed one set of foreign rulers for another. Politically, the emotional Slovaks were treated as second-class citizens by the more phlegmatic-and more sophisticated-Czechs. INSULTS: Up to the moment he was ousted from power in January, in fact, longtime Czech Communist boss Antonin Novotny was openly disdainful of the Slovaks. He denigrated their culture. He discriminated against them in staffing government ministries and overseas diplomatic posts. In private, his references to them were personally insulting. And economically, Novotny stinted when it came to investing in Slovakia-with the result that the predominantly agricultural area continued to lag far behind its industrialized neighbors. Even after Novotny's ouster, moreover, this discriminatory state of affairs persisted. "We have a Slovak national council," one apparatchik told me , "but what can it do?" Then he answered his own question: "Determine the size of parks and issue hunting licences." Now at last, however, the Slovaks are about to become more independent of Prague. - Newsweek, November 4, 1968. When the Communists took power, Slovakia's national interests suffered even more. The reason was the traditional weakness of the Communists in Slovakia, which is largely rural. Since they had no strong support, Slovak Communist leaders leaned more on Prague. If they showed too much independence, the national Communist leadership stepped in quickly with charges of bourgeois nationalism. Dismissal, imprisonment and even execution was the result. - Donald Shanor, Pittsburgh Press, August 13, 1968. The Slovaks consider themselves the first people in central Europe to have their own state. Federation with the Czechs came in 1918. Slovaks feel the Czechs have tried to dominate the nation ever since. Detroit Free Press, Oct. 11, 1968. The time: early evening. The place: a half-empty, dimly lit bar in the Slovakian capital of Bratislava. Enter a squad of young Russia n soldiers, each with a burp gun slung over his shoulder. Within seconds, the warm hum of voices �SLOVAKIA fades away to stony silence. Nervously, the Russians invite everyone t0 "have a drink on us." Without a word, the natives stare at the ceiling. Furious at the snub, one of the intruders unslings his gun, levels it at the patrons and orders them to drink. The Slovaks hesitate. Then, one by one, they silently raise their glasses to their lips. Moments later, muttering angrily to each other about "ingratitude," the Russians stalk out of the bar. Newsweek, October 7, 1968. Despite efforts of the present liberal communist regime in Czecho-Slovakia to reverse some of the effects of the antireligious measures of the previous Stalinistline officials, progress is slow in improving the lot of some 9,000 men and women Religious. Reports received from CzechoSlovakia state that some government officials are seeking to repair the injustices done to many Religious when their orders were dissolved in 1950 and they were forced into civilian occupations. For the most part, these Religious are still forced to work as street car conductors, street cleaners, masons and public toilet cleaners. Many now are too old to do any work. In 1950, when their Religious houses were closed, many of them were jailed without trial or forced to do military service or labor as road builders and miners. A few years ago nuns were pressed into caring for the aged and sick, but their wages are con- 195 siderably below those of others doing similar work, even though the Religious must also care for older members of their communities no longer able to engage in any gainful employment. (NC News Service) There is no end of the complaints of the quarrelsome and high-spirited Slovaks against the " power-hungry Schweiks" of Prague. The era of knuckling under is finished . o more can whispered curses be heard in the cafes of Bratislava and the wine cellars of Modra. For the last three years, at least, the papers have been printing these, grievances openly. The best Slovak writers save their choicest phrases for this purpose. The major criticism is that centralist Prague deliberately and cruelly stripped the Slovakian Communists of-power in two stages. First, in July 1948 when the Prague Party Presidium summarily ordered the dissolution of the separate Slovakian Communist Party organization. Second, in the early fifties when the Stalinist purge trials decimated Bratislava's Communist elite. The Foreign Minister, Vladimir Clementis, went to the gallows and the top Slovakian functionaries -Gustav Husak, the region's political leader, Laco Novomesky and Ladislav Holdos, the poets-ended up in prison for years. Who bore responsibility for these juridical atrocities? None other than Comrade Novotny! - ATLAS, Vol. 15, No. 5. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA stands for honesty, intergrity, industry and justice in government. �196 SLOVAKIA BOOK REVIEWS BOOKS ON SLOVAKIA Reviewed by J.M. KIRSCHBAUM Frarn;ois D'Orcival, Le Danube etait noir-La cause de la Slovaquie independante - (The Danube Was Black-The Cause of the Independent Slovakia), Editions de la Table Ronde, 1968, 304 p. maps, bib!. Since 1917, when Prof. E . Denis of the Sorbonne wrote the first book in French on Slovaks, there were no French historians who would have shown an interest in Slovakia. Czechoslovakia or, in its original spelling, Czecho-Slovakia, was conceived and born in Paris and French intellectuals in the inter-war period adopted Czech views and fully supported Prague's policy. Since Slovakia was considered-on the insistence of Praguean internal problem, French diplomats, historians and journalists treated or neglected it accordingly until 1939. In that year France recognized the Slovak Republic, proclaimed on March 14, 1939, first de facto by appointing a consul general in Bratislava and later also de jure. Slovakia and Slovaks became better known in France and had not the Second World War erupted in the fall of 1939, there certainly would have been books on Slovaks and Slovakia by French authors. The post-war period being again unfavourable to Slovaks under the Czech rule until last year, when Alexander Dubcek caught the imagination of the West, the second book by a French historian appeared only in 1968. The series in which this book was published is called "L'histoire contemporaine revue et corrigee" ( Contemporary history -revised and corrected) and the contents prove that it is a revised and corrected version of what West-European historians and publicists published on Slovaks and Slovakia since 1945. The author seems to be not only well informed, but he also looks with rare objectivity at the struggle of the Slovak people for justice and equality in Czecho-Slovakia and, when this proved futile, for self-government. The book covers fifty years of Slovak history. It begins with the founding of Czecho-Slovakia, but it is the period of the Slovak Republic which the author analyzed in detail and put the events into right historical perspective. There are many valuable quotations data in this book. However, the author did not use the conventional historical method, indicating sources in footnotes or at the end of chapters, and therefore the book reads as a historical novel rather than a history book. While this method is not very much in use on the American continent, in France this kind of political literature has a long tradition. The value of the book lies especially in the fact that the author was not affraid to inteprete the struggle of the Slovak people for autonomy within Czecho-Slovakia and the years of the Slovak Republic without the usual bias common to specialists in Eastern Europe, who view the Slovak problem �SLOVAKIA through Czech eyes. The main events, like the " affair Tuka", the role of the Slovak Protestants, favoured by Czechs against the Catholic majority, the Proclamation of Slovakia's independence, the struggle of President Tiso with extremists and Germans, the communist uprising and the revenge of Czechs, communists and Slovak "Czechoslovaks" on Tiso and Slovak Catholics, are put in this book in a new light for Western readers. Many quotations in the book indicate that the author is acquainted not only with diplomatic documents related to this period but also with Slovak newspapers and periodicals. He also seems to know the basic literature on Slovakia in English, listed in his bibliography. Those who read French will find this book a valuable source of information on Slovakia and a new look at the relations between the Czechs and Slovaks. The cause of Slovakia's independence found in the book for the first time an ob jective interpretation by a French writer. Ladislav Mi\acko, Die siebente Erkenntnis und AnNacht klage eines Kommunisten (The Seventh Night - Confession and Accusation of a Communist) , Verlag Fritz Molden , (WienMtinchen-Ztirich, 1968) p. 262. The brutal occupation of the "most faithful satellite"-CzechoSlovakia-by Moscow and her allies created the strongest reaction among writers, journalists and university students. The first two groups being a privileged class, were until 1963 more than loyal upporters of the Stalinist regime. In Slovakia, some of them even turned their pen against their best 197 friends and accused them of " bourgeois nationalism", but since 1963 they were in the forefront of the opposition and de-Stalinization movement. During the first 8 months of the liberalization movement, headed by Alexander Dubcek, they led the struggle for freedom of speech. for a "human face of communism" and rehabilitation of those who suffered under Novotny's regime. In some instances they were dreaming and gave to their dreams of a free , happy socialist Slovakia a poetic, visionary expression. The occupation destroyed during one night everything they believed in and dreamed about. The disillusion could not be more gloomy and many of them expressed it in verses or prose in periodicals like Kulturny zivot and ove slovo or in the daily press. Ladislav Mi\acko, who made a name for himself abroad by his Belated Reports and The Taste of Power in which he denounced the excesses of terror and injustice under Novotny's regime, expressed his disillusion, unhappiness and disappointment in this book. HP fled from Bratislava to Vienna after spending seven nights under the Russian, Hungarian and Bul garian occupation of Slovakia, and with fresh memories and in cruel disappointment he wrote his "confession and accusation". The book is fascinating reading and an interesting document on the occupation of Bratislava, as well as on the crisis which the occupation created in the minds of Slovak communist intellectuals. Mnacko reviews night by night the whole period of Communist rule in Czecho-Slovakia, paints an interesting picture of the leading politicians and their behaviour, confesses his belief in and admiration for the Russians and Communism , �198 SLOVAKIA and with deep bitterness condemns the Russians, because they destroyed his life-dream. Since Mnacko belonged not only to the privileged communist class, but was also one of the pundits of the regime, who had all doors open to the hi<ghest f u n c ,t i on a r i es, his book has a highly documentary value. Many Western specialists in Eastern Europe will find in the book an answer to the question which did not seem clear to them or which they saw through thE' eyes of official propaganda or the writings of some Czech exiled politicians. Especially the persecution in Slovakia during Novotny's regime, the systematic elimination of Slovak educated people from various positions in the public life and economic and cultural downgrading of the Slovak people finds on many pages of this book a confirmation by an eyewitness, who r e mained communist in spite of everything- that has happened to him. The book deserves to be translated into English. In style and form it is a report rather than history, but its sincerity, first-hand knowledge of the occupation and of the leaders of today's CzechoSlovakia make it an interesting document of our times and of the problems of Communism. I.;ubomir Liptak, Slovensko v 20. storoci ( Slovakia in the Twentieth Century). Vydavatel'stvo politickej literatury (Bratislava, 1968) 366 p. Samo Falt'an, Slovenska otcizka v ceskoslovensku (The Slovak Question in Czechoslovakia) , Vydavatel'stvo politickej literatury. ( Bratislava, 1968), 352 p. These two books by Slovak " Marxist" historians deal with Slo- vakia in the twentieth century. This period also attracted historians in the West (R. Seton-Watson, C. A. Macartney and Taylor in England , G. L. Oddo and Kurt Glaser in the United States) and as a result we now have several interpretation of modern Slovak history. Needless to say that there are at least three different interpretations by Slovaks themselves: 1) the Slovak patriotic school 2) the Czecho-Slovak school and 3) the marxist school. In English and other foreign languages, the first school is represented by the works of F . Hru sovsky, J . A. Mikus, J . M. Kirschbaum, Francis Vnuk, F . f>urcanskf, S. Glejdura, etc. The Czechoslovak interpretation can be found in Milan Hodza's book "Federation in Central Europe" and in J. Lettrich's "Modern History of Slovakia". The Marxist interpretation is limited to Slovak and other Slavic publications except for a few articles or summaries in English or French. Both books under review were written by the younger school of communist historians and published after the short "thaw" of last years. Therefore, in contents and language, they are quite different from books and publications produced right after the War and during the "cult of personality" period when according to Slovak marxist historians themselves: " . .. the historiography was brought to the edge of isolation because of the extreme servility of some historians to the deformations of the fifties . . . and the historians were allowed to write until recently bloodless phrases . .. and shells without contents which could not satisfy anybody, but made many people angry and hu �SLOVAKIA miliated the whole nation ... " (Nove slovo, Oct. 31, 1968). Neither Liptak's nor Falt'an's book is completely free of bias and prejudice, especially towards the Hlinka's Populist Party, but in certain respects these two books shed more objective light on the Slovak struggle for freedom and equal status with the Czechs than for instance Lettrich's book and writings by the majority of Czech intellectuals in the free world. Liptak showed some independence of judgment even before 1968 and published some studies on the period of the Slovak Republic which were close to objectivity. In his book, which also contains a sixpage English summary, he views Slovak politics from "marxist position", but he avoided misrepresentations and foul language which the communist historians used when they wrote about the Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party and the period of the Slovak Republic. The book is divided into five chapters: 1. Slovakia in Hungary; 2. Slovakia and the First World War; 3. Slovakia in Czechoslovakia -Gains and lost battles; 4. Slovakia and the Second World War; 5. On the threshold of the Present Times. For Liptak "the period of the Slovak Republic is of great importance for the emancipation of Slovak politics and national movement not only for the necessity to build many national institutions . . . The political regime of the Slovak Republic was authoritative. It was a certain compromise between the ideal of the authoritarian corporative state advocated by the state president Dr. Jozef Tiso, a state built on the principles of the social doctrine of the catholic church and between the principles of "Slovak National Socialism" striving to 199 copy the German model supported by the so-called gardistic wing in the government, by fascist organizations of the German minority in Slovakia and by representatives of Germany. Originally in comparison with other dictatorships of that time and in that part of Europe rather "liberal", the regime of the Slovak Republic gradually became stricter by pressure from outside and by its own self-development. As interesting as the chapter on the period of the Slovak Republic is Liptak's analysis of the period following the Second World War. No doubt, in interpreting the policies of the Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party and judging the regime of the Slovak Republic, Liptak is not free of prejudice and many of his interpretations and conclusions are far from being objective. His negative stand towards the period is of the same intensity as his positive and favourable stand towards the period 1945•1968, though he is at times critical and open-minded. He acknowledges that the access of the communists to power in February 1948 "had pernicious effects on Slovak autonomy". He also admits that one of the reasons for accepting the "Stalinist model" and for its "extraordinary hardness and long lasting" was "the combination of this totalitarian dictatorship with the attempt of the definite liquidation of the "Slovak question" in Czecho-Slovakia by political, physical, moral and ideal destruction of real and potential representatives of Slovak national and political thought. This can be proved by many campaigns against Slovak "bourgeois nationalists", numerous pogroms against Slovak intellectuals, the falsification of national history, tradition etc." Liptak also deals with the terror �200 SLOVAKIA and trials in Slovakia and comes to the conclusion that "the so-called "deformations" were not incidental but belonged to the system "like voting to parliamentarism"." He admits that "the power was gradually, but rather quickly concentrated from "majority to the nation" into the hands of the communists and from them into the hands of a handful of governors dependent on a foreign, non-Slovak power and a whole hierarchy of their sub-ordinates." The last chapter deals with the attempts of Slovak communists to change the system since 1963 and to give Communism a "human face. " From a communist historian it is not a bad book on Slovakia. Falt'an's book "The Slovak Question in Czechoslovakia" is focused on the Slovak problem in its ideological, economic and cultural context. Being a communist ideologist rather than a historian, he presents an analysis from the Communist point of view. Falt'an admits, as many younger Slovak communists did during the past few years, that the Communist Party of CzechoSlovakia did not have either a clear idea or a firm stand with regard to the Slovak problem. He condemns the Czech policy and ideology which attempted to deny to Slovaks their national and cultural identity and using all the power of the state tried to prove that Slovaks were but a part of a nonexistent "Czechoslovak" - in the last analysis-of a Czech nation. On the other hand, he looks with the eyes of an orthodox communist on the H1inka's Populist Party, which was involved in a fierce struggle against the "Czechoslovakist" ideology and discrimination with which Prague treated Slovakia between 1918-1938, but which was especially opposed to Communism. Being opposed to both Slovak autonomism as presented by the Hlinka Party and the Czechoslovak parties supported by a small portion of Slovak intelligentsia, handsomely paid for their services, Falt'an uses all his marxist education in dialecticts to prove that only Communist Party had the right approach and finally came with the right solution of the Slovak problem. The Hlinka's Populist Party achieved for Slovakia a federal autonomy in 1938 and for 6 years more independence and international recognition than Slovaks ever had in their long history. But the Communists were not in power and the statehood was achieved with the help of the German Reich and therefore for Falt'an this period was the "dark age" for the Slovak people. To accept help, even occupation , from Moscow, and to impose a regime of terror on the Slovak people which had nothing in common with their traditions, seems to be for Falt'an the right and the only progressive solution of the Slovak question. At the end of his book he condemns certain "errors and deformations" of the Communist Party, but the final impression of the book is that only the Communists have the medicine, and while German interference is to be condemned and those who were in power during the Slovak Republic were "traitors and collaborationists", Moscow's interference and those who obediently do what Moscow dictates, are the true Slovak patriots and representatives of the aspirations of the Slovak people. It is this "leitmotiv" of Falt'an's book which makes it a partisan ·· pamphlet rather than a historical essay. He undoubtedly is familiar with the intricacies of the Slovak question and puts the blame on �SLOVAKIA the right persons or political parties for not solving but aggravating the economic and cultural problems of Slovakia in the inter-war period, but his fanatic belief in Communism does not allow his to judge objectively the role of the Hlinka's Populist Party and even less the importance of the Slovak Republic. He condemns the Hlinka's Populist Party for achieving statehood for Slovakia in spite of his own statement that "statehood as an expression of national freedom nobody can reject and qualify as a treason on the nation" (p. 106). CzechoSlovakia was founded with the help of France and restored by the armies of the Soviet Union, which imposed her system on Slovakia. This is apparently all right with Falt'an, but receiving help from Germany and adjusting to German pressure was an unforgettable crime. Yet, even this book is more objective and written with less abu sive language than previous writings of Slovak Communist historians (Danas, Kramer, Holotik) on this subject. Its value is also enhanced by a number of documents related to the Slovak problem in Czecho-Slovakia. SLOVAK ALMANACS 1969 Literarny Almanach Slov aka v Amerike, edited by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Ph.D., published by Slovak v Amerike weekly newspaper, Middletown, Pa. 17057, 190 pp. Text exclusively in Slovak~anguage. Eight decades are spanned in the life of Slovak v Amerike, oldest Slovak newspaper in America, 201 since its first edition on December 21 , 1889 in Plymouth, Pa. The late Konsto culen compiled a history of the periodical that first moved to Phoenixville, Pa, and then in 1891 to New York City. There it was published as a weekly, a daily, semi-weekly and semi-monthly at various times until it was purchased and moved to Chicago in 1951. In 1958 Philip A. Hrobak became the publisher in Middletown, Pa. and upon his death in 1964 Dr. Jozef Pauco, Ph .D. assumed its publication. Dr. Andrej Kubina discusses the position of the Slovak language among Slavic tongues. Frantisek Vnuk reviews the national economy of Slovakia under the communist regime from 1945 to 1964. Dr. Imrich Kruzliak, Ph.D. hails the centennial of his Alma Mater, the Gymnasium in Klastor pod Znievom. He pays tribute to Dr. Frantisek Hrusovsky, Ph.D. as an outstanding educator and historian. Dr. Hrusovsky was director of the college from 1931 to 1945. A Slovak dictionary dated 1648 was discovered by Msgr. Postenyi of Slovakia, according to a feature article by Fr. B. Koltner, O.F.M. Slovak folk art (in clay products, ceramics, glass, stone, metal, wicker basket weawing, wood, textiles, leather, embroidery, plastics, architecture , clothes) and Slovak folklore (songs, ballads, dances, plays. fables, legends, and proverbs) are reviewed by Milka Rechtorisova. Gorazd Zvonicky's poems are featured . A memorable Memorandum of the Slovaks in exile is recalled by I. S. Kysucky. The de claration of September 23, 1946 in Aurolzmiinster, Austria, was addressed to the Slovak League in America with an appeal for finan- �202 SLOVAKIA cial aid and support to migrate to Kalendtir Jednota, 1969, Vol. 72. America. Edited by Joseph C. Krajsa. Pubby First Catholic Slovak lished F. Barcin's short play, Dr. Jozef Union (Prva Katolicka Slovenska Mistrik's article on Maritain's deJednota), Cleveland, 0., 232 pp., fense of the Faith, New Currents exclusively in Slovak language. in Catholic theology by the Very Rev. T. J . Zubek, O.F.M., S.T.n: , Dedication of the 72nd edition Msgr. Rekem's article on the Glagolitic alphabet, Jan Okal's com- of the annual to Jan Sabol, the mentary on an address by Father executive secretary of the Jednota Jan Lach, Marian 2iar's and A. for the past four decades, who Murin's poems, Slovak nationalism bears the proud title ( deservedly by Stefan Glejdura , Slovak culture of 'Mr. Jednota' introduces a at home and abroad by. Dr. Jozef series of reminiscenses by Msgr. Kirschbaum, The American Spirit M. K. Mlynarovic, a famous octoby Msgr. M. K. Mlynarovic, Pavo! genarian in the Slovak world. Dr. Hrtus Jurina's pair of short Kirschbaum compares the Salzburg sketches, Short stories by G. Zvo- meeting of President Tiso and Gernicky and Peter Klas, K. Strmen's man representatives in 1940 with poem, M. 2iar's vignette from life, Dubcek's fateful conference with Jan Doransky's observations from Soviet bigwigs at Cierna nad Tisou Expo 67 in Montreal, Sloboda's and last summer before the blitz inVetva's poems, a number of Dr. vasion of Czecho-Slovakia. Commemoration of the centenDilong's anecdotes, poems by M. Gerdelan and J . Doransky and a nial of a historic Slovak college short story by Michael Gerdelan (Gymnasium) in KlMtor pod Zniegive us a collection of literary con- vom recalls the era of Magyar optributions that further enrich Slo- pression of the Slovaks and cites vak library. Many of them are the achievements of the venerable gems of lasting value. The thumb- educational institution in Slovakia. The papal encyclical, "Humanae nail biographical sketches of imVitae" is explained by the Very portant personalities in Slovak world are undoubtedly of import- Rev. T. J. Zubek, O.F.M., S.T.D. Dr. ance as data for future reference. Imrich Kruzliak, Ph.D. notes the Their value is enhanced in the centennial of Bishop Stefan Moylight of the unfortunate failure ses, great Slovak patriotic prelate in the past to record such invalu- of the 19th century. Archbishop Eduard Necsey, who able information . died last summer after two decades Appreciation of this and other of his troubled episcopate in Nitra, annuals depends largely upon one's Slovakia, is eulogized by Dr. Pavo! reading knowledge of the Slovak Benuska. A number of poems by language, but a true scholar who J. Dragos-Alzbetincan are scattered wishes to capture the spirit and throughout the volume appropriessence of the Slovak nation's ately illustrated by photographs of genuine character must know the leading Slovak personalities. language well. Otherwise, he can-Contributions by Rev. Augustin not fully understand his subject Zan, Jan E. Bor, Rev. Jozef Figura, and therefore cannot hope to pur- S.D.B., Frantisek Sujansky, I. S. sue his studies adequately, parti- Kysucky and Rev. Karol Niznancularly in Slovak literature.-A. P. sky, S.D.B. deal with religious sub- �SLOVAKIA jects, the final days of World War II in Japan, Slovak Christmas customs, the varied experiences of Vajansky with gypsies in Slovakia, and Father Niznansky's treatise on the ancient philosophies of India respectively. Mother M . Emerencia Petrasek, SS.C.M. rates a tribute by Dr. Jozef Pauco, Ph.D. for her Slovak publications on the teaching of the Slovak language and her many articles that have appeared in our American Slovak newspapers and periodicals the past quarter of a century. Msgr. John Rekem , S. T. D. of Winnipeg, Canada, praises the work of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville, Pa. for their contributions to Slovak liturgical si nging in our churches and schools. Rev. Stefan Sencik, S. J., S. T. D. , of Galt, Ontario, Jozef Spetko and Peter Klas contribute stories on assorted subjects. A number of short poems by Marian Ziar are included. Msgr. Mlynarovic evaluates the work of the Slovak Catholic Federation (of which he was national president for many years) and visualizes its important work in the future as a dynamic American Slovak Society. Vincent Drobniak paints a word-picture despicting the history of the United States from 1776 to 1969. The history (accompanied by pictures) of St. Martha's Slovak Catholic parish founded by Jednota members in Leechburg, Pa. 60 years ago is timely contribution of Vincent Cibik, one of the founders. Frantisek Vnuk of Australia continues his prolific series of writings on Slovak political fortunes (and misfortunes) by hailing Dubcek as 'a decent communist.' Approximately 900 S 1 ova k priests, the Slovak religious com- 203 munities of men and women are listed. The records are generally reliable but can stand revision. On the other hand, the listing of our Slovak professionals and businessmen is wholly inadequate and needs a complete overhauling. This require much correspondence but an assignment to this work will bring good results. At the end of this annual the list of Slovak Catholic publications is up-to-date and correct in every detail. That they exist proves there are still thousands of our fellow Slovaks who consider writing and reading in the Slovak language vital to their interests in their family , social, religious and national lifu. A.P. Narodny kalendar, 1969. Published by the Narodny Slovensky Spolok, 516 Court Place, Pittsburgh, Pa. Edited by Jan Mihal, in the Slovak language, and the Almanac in English as a supplement, Vol. 77. The former on 121 pages and the later comprises 71 pages, including 22 pages of advertising. Jim Pankuch, the president of the National Slovak Society, leads off the series of articles in the 1969 edition of the NSS "Narodny Kalendar" by a review of events relating to the organization in the previous year. He includes his impressions of a visit to Slovakia in 1967. Among the highlights of his tour of the country were his visit to Stefanik's grave at Bradlo and the birthplace of Peter V. Rovnianek ( the founder of the National Slovak Society) in Dolny Hricov. Ecumenism is the title of Dr. Peter P. metko's contribution. Albert Mamatey's World War I action in behalf of the Slovak nation's liberation from Magyar rule is �204 SLOVAKIA presented by Dr. V. E . Andie. The political testament of Dr. Milan Hodfa is treated by Dr. Jozef M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D., LL.D. Rev. Andrej Rolik recalls his visit to Slovakia in 1938. Peter Klas adds a literary note by his short story, the founding of Slavia in central Florida is recorded by Karol Belohlavek, Milos K. Mlynarovic contrubutes a short story and Rev. A. Rolik pays poetic tribute to him on the occasion of his 80th birthday. Jan Pankuch, Sr. (December 16, 1869--February 28, 1952) is honored on the centennial of his birth by Karol Belohlavek's biographical sketch. An encyclopedia-dictionary in English on the Slovak nation, its language, history, literature, tradition, etc. is proposed by D. V. E. Andie. Andrej Kalnik challenges Dr. Bartek's views on the time of the first arrival of the Slovaks on the Danube. Miloslav Slavik adds his short story. The first days of the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia pass in review as seen by Andrej Rolik. A number of important centennials of Slovak patriots are listed, namely, Gejza 2ebracky, a historian, Dr. Albert Skarvan, M. D., Rev. Eduard Sandorfi, a journalist and biologist, Ferko Skycak, Slovak member of diet in Budapest and co-founder of the Slovak People's Party, Dr. Jozef Janda , a canon and religious writer, Dr. A.Krchnak, M. D., active for many years in American Slovak circles, Rev. Stefan Ivicic, active in American Slovak life, Rev. Dr. I.:udovit Okanik, a canon and Slovak representative in the Hungarian diet in Budapest, Rev. Jan Malarik, Lutheran minister, an exponent of the One World State, Rev. Dr. Metod Bella, Lutheran pastor, Slovak representative in Budapest and late in Prague, Michal Bosak, American Slovak banker, fraternal leader, philanthropist and publisher. Peter Klas's short story, Debnarkin's tribute to General Stefanik on the current 50th anniversary of his tragic death, an article on Magyar revisionism, short stories by Slavik and Horsky, Dr. Hletko's view on Stefanik's mysterious death as witnessed by eye-witnesses, a tribute to Bishop Stefan Moyses, founder of the Matica Slovenska, and Rozalia Gona 's sketch on the gypsies and anecdotes complete an annual that is rich in content and a variety of subjects. The English edition presents the highlights in the life of the National Slovak Society in 1968. An article on cancer by Dr. Peter P. Hletko, M. D., an assortment of brief articles, a short story, several features by Mary B. Burns, Dr. Stephen Hletko's tribute to the late Pete Latzo, onetime welterweight boxing champion, and a number of pages of advertising complete the 77th edition of the NSS kalendar and almanac. Both the Slovak and English sections contain numerous pictures, photographs and illustrations that give an overall view of the activities of the organization's activities in addition to the valuable material on the Slovak nation's past, much of it by contemporaries. A . P. Jednota Annual FURDEK, 1969, in English; Edited by Joseph C. Krajsa, and published by the First Catholic Slovak Union, 3289 East 55th St., Cleveland, Ohio 44127, Vol. VIII, 207 pp. The 1969 Furdek edition features woman contributions: Sister M. Martina's composite picture of a �SLOVAKIA Slovak immigrant's early experiences, Maryagnes Krajsa's comparison of Andrej Hlinka, the orator, to Cicero, Sister M. Rosamund's history of Slovak drama and Sophia Zufa's short story. The Slovak nuns are members of the SS. Cyril and Methodius Community in Danville, Pa. Dr. Michael Simko's short story, Dan Tanzone's tribute to the Jednota, a continuing series of the biographical sketches with pictures of a panel of Slovak clergy, Attorney Stephen's picture of typpical Canadians, Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum's "Hlinka and the Pittsburgh Pact" and "Slovak Literature" , Monsignor John Rekems "Glagolitic Script" article, and a brief study of postal stamps of the Slovak Republic complete a modest volume that is illustrated by a number of models wearing native Slovak dress, scenes from Slovakia and a photo panel of scholarship winners in 1968. One more volume has been added to Slovak library. It is unpretentious but its contents give us additional knowledge of the Slovak nation, as well as a view of some of the activities among American Slovaks. Dr. Kirschbaum's article on Slovak literature is timely in view of his up-to-date listing of leading contemporary Slovak writers and poets. Highlights from Slovak history (important dates) from prehistoric days to 1969 are valuable milestones in tracing the Slovak nation's history from the beginning of civilization to modern times. The Furdek series is progressively becoming a rich source of material not only for the average reader but for students interested in pursuing their studies of the Slovaks in their homeland, or anywhere in the world . A. P. 205 SLOVAKS IN CAN ADA Joseph M. Kirschbaum Slovaks in Canada. Ontario, Canada, Canadian Ethnic Press Association, c1967, XV, 468 pp. Reviewed by Sister M. Yolanda Lederleitner, SS. C. M. and Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS. C. M . A historical survey of Slovaks living anywhere outside their native Slovakia must of necessity follow a certain pattern of development. For the benefit of uninformed readers, the opening of the work must be expository-a delineation of the historic background of the Slovak people and their position within a historic perspective. Then there logically follows a record of their uprooting within the scope of the given consideration, as well as their trials and tribulations in a new environment, an evaluation of what forces worked for or against them , and an assessment of their achievements in the new land . This may sound like a simple formula but it does not create an instant product. Only he who has set himself to the task of undertaking such a work can know the labor, the demands, the exhaustion, the research, the organization, and the judicious and artistic demands made upon the author. In his book SLOVAKS IN CANADA, Dr. Joseph M. Kirschbaum has effectively met this challenge. It took years of personal interviewing, reading, and traveling as well as collecting, evaluating, and interpreting data just to provide the historical source materials that comprise the substance of this work. It had to be a labor of love or it never would have been achiev- �206 SLOVAKIA ed. The actual writing of the his• tory was another assignment, one that is in a category of its own. It is a task that Dr. Kirschbaum has satisfied very successfully, for his book reads well. It shows a com• mand of style characterized by clearness and an even tone of interest. The publication itself was subsidized quite appropriately by the Centennial Commission within the centennial year of Canadian Con• federation, 1967. It appears under the imprint of the Canadian Ethnic Press Association of Ontario. Can• ada can justifiably take pride in sponsoring this book, for it con• tributes an interesting and valuable unit to the aggregate history of Canada. Exploring the book in logical order from beginning through mid• die and on to the end , one becomes fully informed not only about the history and life of the Slovak element in Canada but about the his• torical and cultural background of the Slovak nation as well. Such a succint survey is essential to a proper appreciation of the Slo• vaks in Canada-or in any other part of the world to which they were driven by economic need , political oppression, or a multi· plicity of other implacable forces . Dr. Kirschbaum's summary of Slovak history is not expansive, for it is not the core of this book, nevertheless it is surprising how rich and informative is this first part, covering only forty.four pages. The scholarship of the author is well attested in his con• sideration of the ethnic origin of the Slovaks and their multi.faceted historic picture-eultural, political, religious and economic. And it is not superficially sketchy or a hur• ried exposition, as if it were the treatment of a subsidiary matter. It is, rather, a balanced presenta• tion of essential data, prepared by a skilled and able writer, a per• ceptive historian, an experienced teacher•lecturer. Parts 2, 3, and 4 of SLOVAKS IN CANADA graphically and in interesting fashion traces the his• tory of Slovak immigration to Can-· ada, beginning with the earliest settlers who came to the Canadian West in 1880's not from continen• ta! Europe but rather from the United States, specifically from Pennsylvania , Montana, Ohio. It is of special interest to note that the first Slovaks came to Canada in res• ponse to solicitations which were made both in the U. S. and in central Europe to attract settlers since Canada's population increase was very unsatisfactory. The vast expanses of Canada had room for millions of people and the government took the initiative to attract new.comers to its land. In this re• spect, the coming of Slovaks to Canada differs from the coming of the Slovaks to U.S. , for immigration to the U.S. was not generally by solicitation. Adverse pressures of various kinds lent support to the inducements of agents who tried to interest Slovaks to leave Austria Hungary in favor of Canada an unknown but promising new home. Dr. Kirschbaum notes the flow of Slovak immigration to Canada in three general waves : 1) the years between 1885 and World War I-the pioneer stock, often an over• flow from American quota restrictions or persons solicited by agents ; 2) the post World War I interim (1921·1939)-young, stur• dy, enterprising immigrants who came equipped with better formal education and a more vital politi• cal alertness ; 3) the post World War II years-often political re• fugees, many of them from concen• �SLOVAKIA tration camps in Italy, Austria, Germany as well as asylum seeking political leaders and displaced persons. Apparently Joseph Bellon who arrived in 1878 was the first Slovak settler in Canada. He established himself in Toronto and started a wirework factory there. But the larger clusters of Slovak immigrants did not gravitate to the Toronto area. It was the hard mining region of Canada's Western provinces with their bleak and monotonous expanses and unmercifully severe winters that became the history-making center of early Slovak life in Canada. Naturally, the early immigrants arrived without benefit of luxury travel, without commodious motel accommodations, without ready investments from which to draw instant wealth. Although an aura of adventure and high romance colors most dreams of pioneering in virgin territory, the actual grubbing in deep recesses of nineteenth century anthracite mines was a matter for stark realism in their lives. Some were not able to withstand the cruelties of hard fate but others survived the difficulties and hoped for a better future. The later interests of these early settlers were extended to farming, dairying, railroad construction work and fruit growing. And each of these occupations had its own attendant trials associated with nature and the forces of nature in Canada. It is understandable that the lives of these Slovak pioneers were committed to great physical hardships but it must not be overlooked that they were subjected to social and psychological burdens too. A man can strain and work to relieve material want but to attain acceptance and achieve athome-ness among strangers, he is 207 dependent on more than his personal efforts and assets; · to a ce1tain extent, he is at the mercy of those others in his circle of social inter-relationship with whom he should form a varitable circlet of Jove and brotherhood. But the encompassing of acceptance-or even of understanding and tolerance-was not the experience of most alien elements that came to help build a new country to its stature of greatness in economic and historic dimensions. Humiliation, ridicule, and the grossest of abuses-prejudice and exploitation-were the adverse elements against which most of the helpless minority groups had to steel their souls in order to survive in a new milieu that tended to demoralize newcomers rather than to encourage them and offer them a new life. Instead of being gunwhipped , as it were , by these forces , the strangers in a strange land had to prove the innate greatness that was in them; they had to rise superior to adversity and turn it into an instrument that would work to their good. Constancy and endurance made for increased strength ; hurts and injustice borne without rancor or despair can teach men to be sympathetic in the face of suffering, to be just in the exercise of authority and power. Out of negative and destroying powers must be drawn positive good. The alternative would be defeat. The soul learns by enduring but, admittedly, it must be a great soul to endure profitably. And so it was with the Slovaks in Canada. They were not insensitive people; they were endowed with simplicity of heart and inured to much suffering at the hands of hostile powers that had lorded over them in their homeland. They �208 SLOVAKIA did not demand the impossible; they did not deceive themselves with dreams of unreality. They mined , they broke prairie, gradually they established themselves, had their children schooled , organized benefit societies , built churches, bettered themselves-and in the course of years, they arrived. The growth of beneficial and church organizations among Slovak immigrants in Canada comprises a hjstory of its own merits, yet Dr. Kirschbaum does not slight or gloss over this subject. As a matter of fact, although cursory references are made to it in the first four parts of the book as the subject matter under consideration may require. Part 5 touches upon the sociological and psychological stimuli that often lead to organization and then points out how the very basic needs of the time made such organization imperative here. Within the space of less than fifty pages, the author surveys the social and beneficial organizations of various types that were initiated or developed by the Slovaks of Canada. Religious organizations and the Slovak press in Canada are given some suitable consideration and discussion in the book though it is understandable that in a first book on the history of Slovaks in Canada, circumscribed to 468 pages, no area deserving of notice can be studied exhaustively. Some of the materials must be limited to basic data-gathering as an initial effort that may be researched and studied in depth in subsequent work. Yet let it be made clear that this observation in no way detracts from the merits of Dr. Kfrschbaum's deserving book. The unit of study on political refugees presents a documentation of Slovak history within the post- Munich Agreement years that is sometimes distorted or bungled by inept writers or uninformed reporers of historic matter. Of course, within the scope of this work, emphasis must properly lean toward Canada's attitudes toward and opportunities open to persons displaced from Slovakia seeking asylum and new life after the catastrophic upheavals of Communist take-over in Czecho-Slovakia. The logical development af historic topics presented by Dr. Kirschbaum leads to some insights into the integration of Slovaks into Canadian life and an evaluation of their cultural and scientific contribution to the country that permitted them to find new hope and new homes. Part 9 is a French resume of the book and forms a valuable addition inasmuch as it makes some of the information accessible to foreign researchers for whom English may be a handicap and inasmuch as interested Canadians who favor French may find in this section an account that will help them to appreciate their fellow-citizens of Slovak background who also contribute some of the glory of the great Canadian mosaic among nations of a free world. Of signal historic value are the twenty-four documents that follow the body of Dr. Kirschbaum's book. Further enrichment is also provided by the lengthy bibliography and the indispensable index of names and of subjects. We who are privileged to look upon the accomplished fact of a finished project presenting to the public the aches and the trials, the hopes and the promises, the opportunities and the fulfillment up to triumph, the gifts received and the gifts given , the moral as well as the material investments made �SLOVAKIA and the dividends garnered-we are grateful to Dr. Kirschbaum whose scholarly initiative and acumen together with his indefatigable industry and talent has made this book a reality. It deserves more than one reading since it is an informative and highly interesting account of Slovak life in a new world setting. 209 In all honesty, we must admit an undenied regret that the Slovaks in the U. S. have not produced a similar or parallel history of their own to match SLOVAKS IN CANADA while at the same time we cherish a justifiable pride in Dr. Kirschbaum because he has done a good work well. SLOVAKIA is published annually by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. One of the purposes of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. Subscription to Slovakia $3.00 per year m the r.S.A. - $4.00 elswhere. Send subscription to: SLOVAKIA 313 Ridge A venue Middletown, Pa. 17057 �210 SLOVAKIA OUR CONTRIBUTORS Joseph M. Kirschbaum. LL. D., Ph.D. - former diplomat, university professor, historian, author of several books, Toronto, Ontario. Peter P. Hletko, M. D. - former President of the Slovak League of America, fraternalist, newspaperman, publicist, lecturer. Stephen B. Roman, LL. D. - Canadian-Slovak Industrialist, lay leader of the Slovak Catholics of the Eastern rite in Canada. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D. (late) - former professor at Bratislava University, prominent Slovak historian and educator; first director of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, Ohio. Rev. Andrew Pier, 0. S. B., - newspaperman, teacher, and Director of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, Ohio. Andrew Kubina, LL. D. - publicist living in Switzerland. Fr. Bartholomew Koltner, 0 . F. M. - Franciscan Friar in Pittsburgh, Pa. Sr. M. Martina Tybor, SS. C. M. - teacher and author, Danville, Pa. Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. - newspaperman, publicist, author of several books; Secretary of the Slovak League of America. Francis Vnuk, M.A. - historian; professor, Institute of Technology, Adelaide, Australia. Rev. Jaroslav Vajda - poet; editor, This Day, St. Louis, Mo. �211 SLOVAKIA Contents Slovakia in the struggle for liberalization and federalization 3 of Czecho-Slovakia - J.M. Kirschbaum The Slovaks of Chicago - Dr. Peter P. Hletko - The Nation with a purpose The United States of America - - Stephen B. Roman, LL. D. - This is Slovakia - 64 Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D. - The oldest Slovak newspaper in America - O.S.B. - 74 Andrew Pier, 96 The place of Slovak among Slavic languages - Kubina, LL. D . - Andrew 99 The Slovak dictionary of 1648 - O.F. M. - 32 Fr. Bartholomew Keltner, 105 Slovak pioneers in America - Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. - 108 Fifty years of Communist party of Slovakia (1918-1968) - Francis Vnuk - 125 Current issues [Statement of the Slovak League of America (Dr. Peter P. Hletko, Joseph Pauco) - Slovaks will not give up (Rev. Jaroslav Vajda) - The New York declaration (Dr. Ferdinand :ourcansky, Dr. Joseph M. Resolution (Edward J. Behuncik, Kirschbaum) Joseph Pauco J - 179 As others see it - 188 J.M. Kirschbaum; Slovak Almanacs - A. P.; Slovaks in Canada - Sister M. Yolanda Lederleitner, SS. C. M. and Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS. C. M.) - 196 Book reviews (Books on Slovakia - ��PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA. � SLOVAKIA 179 CURRENT ISSUES STATEMENT OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Presented by Dr. Peter P. Hletko, Honorary President and a Democrat To the Democratic Platform Committee at the International Amphitheater on Friday, August 23 , 1968. Ladies and Gentlemen: Under authorization of our National President, Edward J. Behuncik, of Stratford, Connecticut, I was privileged to be invited to appear before your important body as official spokesman of this largest of Slovak-American civic and cultural organizations. I take this means to let our views be known to you. Our purpose is to request the Democratic Party to take a clear-cut stand on assistance for the people of Slovakia to obtain their status as an independent state or at least as a partner in the federated country of CzechoSlovakia, which up to now has never been a federated country since its founding. The principles which we recommend are equally applicable to all small nations, hence can be properly included in a statement of principles such as a Democratic Platform. It is especially fitting that we present our position not merely because of recent activity in cierna and Bratislava, both located in Slovakia, but also because we can give the Democratic Party and its next administration the opportunity to show all America and the world that the American people are behind and support the efforts of the Slovaks who, in a realistic sense, are emulating our founding fathers of the American Revolution. In the past, the position of The Slovak League of America, an American organization founded at Cleveland, Ohio, in May, 1907, was frequently misplaced or purposely misinterpreted. Not withstanding its long history of patriotic devotion to this great country with thousands of Slovak-Americans serving in the Armed Forces, even as far back as Lincoln's day, and continuing even to this moment at Viet Nam, Germany, and all around the world. �SLOVAKIA Even today, with Czecho-Slovakia being led for the first time in its history by a Slovak-not a Czech, as the news media picture him-the press continues to write about the doings of the Czechs only. The Czechs are one nationality, the Slovaks another. They have a combined country, but the Czechs hold the upper hand in CzechoSlovakia. The abbreviation of Czecho-Slovakia is not Czech, but note that the democratization has been underway only since Alexander Dubcek, a Slovak, came to power in January. He is not a Czech. So, Ladies and Gentlemen of the Committee, we want to ask that our Government, if and when led by a new administration, will give our Slovak compatriots and nextof-kin what is being given by our country and other great powers to other smaller and newer nations-statehood and membership in the family of nations. Moral support of the Slovak Nationalism may well accrue to our benefit if the Slovaks continue to push for democratization and federalization, thereby weakening the strangle hold of the Soviets in Eastern Europe. The Democratic Party has a golden opportunity as the Party of the People to come out strongly in support of the Slovak right to statehood. I am certain your capable draftsmen can combine our ideas with ideas presented here by other ethnic groups to make a strong and meaningful Plank which will add stature to the Platform, give solace to suffering peoples in small nations everywhere, and, not incidently but realistically, help elect a Democratic President. The Slovaks in America have strong societies and an influential press. Therefore, I urge you to embody a Plank as we have suggested. We will do our part thru our societies and our press. Hon. Everett McKinley Dirksen Chairman Platform Committee Republican Party Fountainbleau Hotel Miami Beach, Florida Recent events in Eastern Europe may well prove the Slovak nation, in the very heart of Europe, to be the tiny spark of moral, cultural, and patriotic dynamism which �SLOVAKIA 181 will help destroy the Iron Courtain. Democratization in Czecho-Slovakia was initiated by the Slovak intellectuals through whose efforts Slovak leader Alexander Dubcek emerge in power. Dubcek and his colleagues have already shown a more human approach to Slovakia's problems by pushing a federalization of two states-Slovak and Czech. They also evidence more liberal treatment of populace. The Slovak League of America, as a civic organization, signed in 1918 known Pittsburgh Pact in which supported a federated Czecho-Slovakia. Today we like to see a confederated Central Europe with Slovakia in it as a equal partner. Seek support for these noble ideal from your great party and urge the inclusion of our position and of other ethnic groups in your Platform. Sincerely yours, Joseph Pauco, Secretary Slovak League of America July 29, 1968 SLOVAKS WILL NOT GIVE UP Low-flying jets are buzzing Bratislava as I start to write this report. Tanks and military vehicles keep streaming into the city across the Danube bridge over the street beneath my window. Now and then the burst of machinegun fire punctuates the rhythmic cheers of the crowd demonstrating in safarik Square on the corner. What began as a month of intense study in Slovak language and culture at Comenius University in a freedomtasting city came to an abrupt halt with the sudden occupation of the country by Warsaw Pact forces. Linguists from 18 countries, including Iron Curtain satellites, were gathered in the dining hall. We were told that an attempt would be made to continue the institute. Lectures would have to be held in various corners of the dormitory, it was announced, rather than in the lecture hall now completely surrounded by Russian tanks and armored vehicles. All 105 of us made a feeble attempt to resume our language study. But the instructors and scholars were too upset to concentrate. We crowded into the lounge to watch the TV set and listen to intermittent radio bulletins. �182 SLOVAKIA The occupation began late at night. Most of us had gone to sleep after a long day of lectures and a tour. The few still awake at midnight attributed the steady rumble of military vehicles to possible unusually heavy traffic over the railroad track along the Danube. The airplane noise sounded like some special activity at the airport on the eastern outskirts of the city. At 3 o'clock in the morning my next-door roommate from Pittsburgh awoke me, saying: "Get up. The Russians have occupied Bratislava." We went to our windows on both sides of the dormitory, and there below us the streets were clogged with tanks and trucks. The vehicles could move no further, so their drivers got out to smoke. We ventured out of the building before daybreak to convince ourselves that the nightmare was really happening. There were no Russian stars identifying the vehiclesjust a while stripe down the hoods-but our attempts to converse with the drivers soon revealed that they could speak nothing but Russian. Most Slovaks (and Czechs) have had to study Russian as a second language. This year they were given a choice between Russian and English, and most chose English. Using their knowledge of the invader's tongue, the people of Bratislava questioned the Russians. Most of them seemed to be very young. "Why did you occupy our country?" they asked a teenage Russian. "To help the counter revolution," he answered. "Well, have you found it?" they asked. Unable to locate even one person who would welcome the occupiers, the soldiers had little to say. "We're under orders. That's why we're here." By noon every Russian tank and vehicle was painted or chalk-marked with a swastika (some inside Russian stars) , slogans of loyalty to Dubcek and Svoboda, and "Go Home" signs in Slovak and Russian. Radio and TV stations called for a show of loyalty to the captive government in the form of a work stoppage for 2 minutes at noon and the blowing of whistles and horns. The mood of the populace seemed to have been welded �SLOVAKIA 183 by the noon-hour display of support. Down the street from the square came about 50 students. A crowd rapidly gathered behind them and soon filled the square, each corner of which was occupied by a tank. Streets leading to the square were lined with tanks parked diagonally, ready to pull out toward the square if necessary. At noon the Russian military vehicles were still moving into the city over the bridge and through safarik Square. Now they were completely stopped by the mass of nearly 1,000 people refusing to let them through. Civilian traffic was let through the mob by the police, but the police did not lift a finger to open a path for the Russian vehicles. The people cheered their police for this support. They laughed and applauded as the crowd took one of the police and kept throwing him into the air, a gesture of friendship he enjoyed immensely. Russian drivers, unable to push through the mob, eventually decided to make a U-turn and drive back over the bridge. Again, cheers from the crowd. After nearly half an hour of such diversion an armored truck came down the center of the bridge and pushed against the unyielding wall of human flesh. Determined not to play games, the crew fired the large millimeter guns of the armored car into the air, and the crowd fell back. The truck went through the crowd, and then turned back and drove into the crowd from behind, its guns firing warning volleys into the sky. As young people trew sticks and rocks at the armored car, machine guns went into action, strafing over the heads of the crowd. When the level reached about six inches above our heads, most of us ran for cover or fell to the street. As we ran, we could see the flags fall to the street. We heard afterward that two young men had been killed. Later the demonstrators reassembled in the square, drawing more bullets. This time the gunfire killed a 17-yearold girl student standing on the steps of the university administration building just behind a posted tank and anti-aircraft gun. As we were leaving the city an hour before the 8 o'clock curfew, we read the inscription a bold student had chiseled into the stone pillar of the building: "Here the Russians �184 SLOVAKIA killed a 17-year-old Slovak girl." At the base of the column lay a bouquet of flowers and a scarf the girl had worn. About 30 feet above that inscription there remained another that had already been painted on the stone face of the building before we arrived: "To be lorded over is evil, but to lord it over others is worse." The occupying forces would have done well to learn to read this expression of a united nation's will. If there had been aloofness toward the Russian "com:rades" before, the mood was now one of open disdain. "The Germans weren't as bad as this," said one of the professors. "We knew at least that they were our enemies; but these people pretended to be our friends." I asked what they would do. One said what many repeated: "We would rather die than return to the conditions before January (1968, when Dubcek began his liberalization)." As we were encouraged to flee for our own safety-for we still had a free place to go to-the people inspired us with their faith and courage. The Slovak border guards, who were still in charge of customs when we left, greeted us with smiles. They carried our luggage to the Austrian border gate. There they had a last word for us: "Tell your people we will not give up." Rev. Jaroslav Vajda, Editor of This Day THE NEW YORK DECLARATION The Slovak Liberation Council, gathered in the Americana Hotel , New York, N.Y., on October 27, 1968 in order to discuss the situation of the Slovak Nation within the Czecho-Slovak Republic in general, and under the Soviet occupation in par.ticular, has agreed upon the following statement: On May 30, 1918 the Slovak League of America on the one hand , and the Czech National Alliance with the Union of Czech Catholics on the other hand signed a document which has become known in history as the Pittsburgh Pact. It was an agreement sponsoring liberation of the Central-European lands of their members' origin. It dealit with constitutional relations to be established between these two Slav nations in the prospective Czecho-Slovak Republic. T. G. Masaryk, Chairman of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, recognized by the �SLOVAKIA 185 Allied Powers as the Czecho-Slovak Revolutionary Government, in Paris, future President of Czecho-Slovakia, had produced the draft thereof and signed it. The Pact stipulated that Slovakia would have in the new State her own administration, i.e., her own legislative, executive and judiciary branch of Government, while Foreign Affairs, Defence, Currency and Communications were supposed to be matters reserved to a common federal Government. Details of this pre-constitutional arrangement were left to be worked out, under the responsibility of the leaders of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, by the future freely elected Parliam ent of Czecho-Slovakia. As President, T. G. Masaryk ignored the commitments taken over with respect to Slovakia. A highly centralized Government was arbitrarily set up in Pflague by methods which were a mockery of a parli amentarian procedure. The self-appointed Revolutionary Government had selected, without elections a Revolutionary Assembly of 270 members, O•f whom 229 were Czechs and 41 Slovaks. This body then confirmed that self-appointed Government in office, and on February 29, 1920 adopted a unitary Constitution proposed by that Government. In that fundamental law of the new State the very name of Slovakia disappeared since the Czecho-Slova kia of the Pa,ris Peace Treaties was replaced by a linguistic barbarism, i e., Czechoslovakia. Consequently, in the period to follow, Slovakia's political destinies had not been shaped by the Slovak peo,ple, but by the Czech majority of the Prague Parliamerut. Moreover, in pursuit of a "Great Czechia" dream, the Prague Government had, before 1938, practiced denationalization and a carefully planned genocide on the Slovak nation through its persistent effort a-t cultural and linguistic assimilation thereof, and an outright persecution of the Slovaks for their national feelings. Since during all that period the Czechs had rejected either a federative reform of the State, or an autonomous status for Slovakia, the Slovaks did not see another al,ternative than to proclaim, on March 14, 1939, the Slovak Republic. With respect to economy, Slovakia was down graded to an agricultural h interland for the Czech lands, a provider of cheap raw materials and cheap labor for the Czech monopolistic industry. Regardless of what Czech and Communist historians might have affirmed after World War II, the Slovak Republic was not abandoned by a decision of the Slovak people ; it was occupied and suppressed by the Soviet Army as a consequence of the Benes-Stalin Agreement of December 12, 1943. After the restoration of Czecho-Slovakia in 1945, hundreds of thousands of Slovakia's inhabitants were resettled in the Sude<tenland of Bohemia. There, they were exposed in the name of the international solidarity of the proletariat, to the same denationalization policy as they had been befOJ"e 1938 in the name of an artifical "Czechoslovak" nation. �186 SLOVAKIA The integration of Czecho-Slovakia into the Soviet bloc as a consequence of the Trea,ty concluded in 1943 by E. Benes and J. V. Stalin, proved to be a tragic mistake. The present occupation of Czecho-Slovakia by the Soviet Union is to a great extend the result of that fatal move. For much as we condemn this brutal Soviet intervention, the primary responsibiliity for it rests upon the shoulders of those who had sold out Czecho-Slovakia's sovereignty to that Eurasiatic power. Since the Czech leadership has failed in the Czecho-Slovakia first from an aggressive policy of from that of the Soviet Union, the Slovak Liberation that the Czech statesmanship has lost its credit and its raison d' etre. past to secure Germany, then Council believes Czecho-Slovakia The Slovak Liberation Council follows with increased attention the present developments in Czecho-Slovakia and Slovakia's effort for self-expression, self-government and identity. It takes a positive attitude toward this natural trend. Yet, it is convinced that the federalization of Czecho-Slovakia comes fifty years too late . Taking into consideration all what precedes, we reaffirm our hopes for a better future of Slovakia in the following points: 1. The Slovaks are, in Central Europe, an ethnic unit that has attributes Political Science considers as constitutive of a nathe all tion: their own history, their terriitory, their language and culture, their sociological and ethnographic individuality. 2. AHer many decades of self-frustration , first within the Kingdom of Hungary, then in Czecho-Slovakia, the Slovaks are not any more willing to live in the indignity of being ruled from outside, of being politically, economically, and culturally exploited by their neighbors. In this period of decolonization in Africa and Asia, of tribal and is land states, they, too, aspire to bemoce a sovereign polirtical unit, i.e., to exercise their right to self-determinatio n . This right has been recognized to every nation in the Charter of the United Nations, in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 as well as in the subsequent Pacts of the United Nations on Civil and Political Rights. 2nd on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 1966. Consequently, they feel entitled to their o-wn statehood and their own democratic institutions. 3. In this International Year of Human Rights, we believe that the future existence of Slovakia can properly be secured only in a closer European Federartion, or-until this becomes a reality-in a free partnership of Central-Europea n nations, partnership , based on the principles of equality. Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky, President, Executive Committee Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum, President, The Assembly �SLOVAKIA 187 RESOLUTION We, Slovak Americans, representing the overwhelming maj-ority of organized Americans of Slovak descent and joining with representatives of Slovak organizations of Canada and Western Europe, gathered at the Americana Hotel in New York City, the home of the United Nations, on this 27th day of October, 1968, solemnly resolve: 1 Our cultural and civic aspirations are the very same aspirations as those of the American people2 Our eleven hundred year old Christian tradition will continue to inspire and hopefully insure the free and democratic future of our kin and brethren of sad and occupied Slovakia3 As we support our federal, state and municipal authorities, we seek the support of these same sources of power to obtain for Slovakia the freedom we are so fortunate to enjoy here is our beloved United States4 With confidence in the strength of a just and peaceful world, we solicite the support-moral, intellectual, civic and governmental-of all peace loving peoples in our protests against the treacherous oppression of the Slovak people by the brutal Soviet occupation5 We commend to the United Nations organization the cause of basic Human Rights for the Slovak nation on this 20th anniversary of the laudable Declaration of Human Rights which that world organization enacted in 19486 We believe that eventual free elections in Slovakia will best express the will of the Slovak people and confidently believe that the Slovak nation will best decide her futurefor her own best interest-as an independent nation-if only given the opportunity to do so. 7 Finally, we wish these sentiments to be made widelyknown and hereby authorize the distribution of this resolution to be made to local, state, national and international authorities everywhere. Accepted unanimously by the attending members of this historic Manifestation of the Slovak organizations meeting under the auspices of The Slovak League of America. Edward J. Behuneik, President Joseph Pauco, Secretary �SLOVAKIA 188 AS OTHERS SEE IT Dear Fellow Americans of Slo- the rights of all citizens as set vale Descent: forth in the Constitution, and as I have followed the recent sup- guaranteed under the order and pression of the Slovak and Czech justice of law. The Challenges are enormous peoples by the Soviet-led invasion with great sadness. During a tragi- but they are not impossible. With cally brief period of social reform, your support we can translate our the peoples of this small but gal- ideals into living reality. I pledge lant country were able to assert myself to these ends. With very best wishes, themselves and to proceed w i t h Sincerely, the selection of their own leaders and their own path of government. Richard Nixon These natural aspirations, common to men everywhere, have b e e n New York, October 27, 1968 cruelly dashed under the heavy boot of the Soviet Union . As you reflect this evening in It gives me great pleasure to the triumphs and tragedies that address myself to you Americans have befallen the Slovak people of Slovak descent. Within the you will also realize that all Amer- borders of these United States ica, and all free men throughout your number is close to two milthe world, share your pride, your lion. Your culture and traditions concern and your indignation. It proudly fostered in Slovakia and is a bold testimony to freedom brought to this new land, and that the spirit of the S I o v a k seeded, have become part of our people, with whom you i;hare a American heritage. Your appreciacommon her i t a g e, cannot be tion and love of America is excrushed by tank or by edict. emplified by your sense of dedicaMy message is not only to the tion and patriotism dating to the two million Slovak people who are United States' fight for independcitizens of the United States. My ence. The very same independence message is to all the Slovak people and freedom so fervently sought everywhere, a people who for in Slovakia. more than 1,000 years have never No other nation of immigrants hesitated to stand up to the ag- purports to be so humble and at gressor. I pledge to you that the the same time aggravates in ANixon Administration will be dedi- merica's conscience a love of God, cated to peace. Peace at home. country and home. It is therefore And peace abroad. In our intense- of little wonder that your mother ly practical pursuit of the vision country of Slovakia has in the past of freedom we will strive for a 1000 years never waned from her strong new America. An America fight for selfdetermination . . . rewhich will flourish in the sun of gardless of the strength of the a true prosperity, rather t h a n oppressor . .. or the toll to be paystumble in the dark of inflation. ed. This struggle is particularly An America which will reaffirm courageous considering the victo- �SLOVAKIA ries attained were few and shortlived. If it is of any consolation, Slovakia and her people have been victorious in winning the respect of free men the world over. The time is now for these free men and nations to help others in attaining the same. I have already expressed this position publicly when I said that "We wish every people to be free to determine for itself its own form of Government. " America and its leaders must recognize the existence of Slovakia as a nation of four and one half million people with their own language and culture. - Message from Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller, delivered June 28, 1968. Dear Mr. E. J . Behuncik: 189 the long Christian tradition of the Slovaks. To you personally, my congratulations on the high honor Slovak Americans have bestowed on one of Connecticut's Sons - Sincerely John Dempsey, Governor of Connecticut, October 25, 1968 Despite the language of the Pittsburgh Pact, and despite the hopes of the Slovak people for national autonomy within a federa tive framework, the Slovaks have had to stuggle within Czecho-Slovakia for their national freedom. This struggle finally led to the secession of Slovakia from CzechoSlovakia in 1939 and the formation of an independent state of Slovakia until 1945, when Slovakia returned to Czecho-Slovak government. The struggle of the Slovaks for full recognition has definitely contributed to the new liberal climate of the country. In a recent article in the U. S. Information Agency's journal, Problems of Communism, the editor made this observation: The Slovaks have long considered themselves the disfranchised of the two major ethnic groups that comprise this small Central European country, and their struggle against the oppressive practices of the government in Prague, first inspired by specifically national grievances, has over the years become both the symbol and the substance of the overall struggle against the authoritarianism of the Novotny regime. The editor concludes that Slovak nationalism is "a force that more than any other has contributed to the spectacular debacle of Czechoslovak Stalinism." - Senator Rich- Please accept and extend to your associates and members my personal as we,Jl as official greetings at your manifestation. All Connecticut is appreciative of the great contributions made by the Slovak immigrants as well as Slovak Americans to the betterment of the civic, educational, cultural, economic and spiritual life in all parts of our great State. We are all hopeful that the current tragic era will soon pass and that Slovakia will be able to take her rightful place in the international family of peaceful nations. In the meantime please know that we would welcome to Connecticut all escapees from Slovakia who care to come to us just as we welcomed the Hungarian, Ukrainian, Polish and other God fearing, peace loving escapees from Soviet brutality and aggression. I am confident your manifesta- ard S. Schweiker, Congressional tion will be another landmark in Record, May 20, 1968. �190 SLOVAKIA Dear Citizens of Slovak Descent: As Mayor of The City of New York, I am honored to extend greeting to the Slovak League as well as all Slovak Americans. Your forebearers who settled here more than 80 years ago have contributed notably to the culture and economy of this City and nation. Your contributions are more than a page in this City's history. You must obviously be proud of these accomplishments as well as the heroic stand of your brothers in Slovakia who with only knuckles and spirit resisted the steel of Soviet tanks. However, tyrany cannot contain the Slovak's strong desire for freedom and self-determination. As you are proud of this spirit, so I, John Lindsay, am proud to be your Mayor. - John V. Lindsay, Mayor, October 25, 1968. It is in Slovakia- the autonomyminded eastern region of the country- that the Russians and their allies are encountering the greatest resistance to the occupation. The Moscow radio charged last week that Soviet soldiers were being fired upon in Slovakia. Bratislava newspapers reported that the Soviet Union was violating the Moscow agreement's clause on non-interference in internal affairs by arresting Slovaks. Prague also complained to the Soviet authorities last week over incidents in Slovakia involving Hungarian occupation troops. - The New York Times, September 4, 1968. "Why do Paris and Prague have their beautiful architecture?" the Slovak asked rhetorically, then answered his question. "Because of us. Because of our moutains. We stopped all the invaders here." He ran through an impressive list of tribes and nations that would have overrun the West but for the Slovaks and their fellow fighters in an arc ranging vaguely and variously from southern Poland down to Montenegro. He continued: " And in our times of greatest cruelty we had our most lyrical poetry." The Slovaks, with their national hero Janosik, the mountain Robin Hood, are romantics and proud of it. They contrast themselves with the more stolid Czechs at every possible opportunity. It was this romanticism, combined with some historical peculiarities, that made the Slovaks the leaders in Czecho-Slovakia's liberalization that began in 1962-1963. Several leading Slovak Communists had been condemned as "bourgeois nationalists" in the 1950's and imprisoned or executed. Those condemned were some of the most humane of any of the Communist 1 e a d e rs-including Vladimir Clementis, one of the intellectuals who founded the Slovak DAV nationalist and artistic movement in the 1920's- a Communist who did not hesitate to denounce the Stalin-Hitler pact and the Soviet invasion of Finland. Those who ran the Slovak party thereafter were a different breed altogether; crude, ruthless, and perhaps the greatest sin in the eyes of the intensely nationalistic Slovaks - servile to Prague. In 1962, then, the Slovaks began a campaign, first in party commissions, and later in public journals, to secure the rehabilitation of the wronged Slovak leaders, and retribution for those guilty of the purges. Middle-level Slovak party officials and Slovak Communist intellectuals, working closely at this �SLOVAKIA point, did succeed in getting partial rehabilitations. Even more important politically, they maneuvered party chief Antonin Novotny into dropping two of the chief villains of the piece, Slovak party first secretary Karel Bacilek and Czechoslovak Premier Viliam Siroky. 191 and Czechs grew more acute in the mid-1960's as well. Under Communist rule Prague had poured investments into the industtial development of Slovakia , but these diminished as the first crash programs ended and particularly as economic reform introduced greater rationality in investments as in other spheres in 1967. This meant that the Slovaks no longer had the same economic incentive to fall in with Prague's directives on other matters. The final grievance of the Slovaks against Prague-and it was far from a minor one-was Mr. Novotny himself. He had been a high party official when the Slovak leaders had been purged and had later put every stumbling block in the way of their final rehabilitation. Moreover, he made no attempt to mask his dislike of the Slovaks, and on occasion went out of his way to insult them. All of these issues worked together to keep the Slovaks in the lead in demanding changes in the old Novotny system and, as Mr. Novotny's position eroded, a change in the leader himself. It was Mr. Dubcek who precipitated the attack on Mr. Novotny last fall, and the solid Slovak opposition to the old leader was easily one of the most important forces in the antiNovotny-coalition that finally deposed him . That the Slovaks ended up in the vanguard of reform was ironic, for the Slovaks are the traditional conservatives of Czecho-Slovakia Elizabeth Pond, The Christian Science Monitor, September 24, 1968. If subsequent changes did not go anywhere near as far as many of the Slovak intellectuals hoped, still the resultant party shuffle put men in control of the Slovak party (including that newcomer as Slovak party first secretary, Alexander Dubcek) who would pursue Slovak interests rather than simply carry out Mr. Novotny's orders. By 1964, with Slovak party officials satisfied with the personnel changes for the time being and not eager to upset a system they were benefitting from , the Slovak intellectuals suddenly found themselves without the support of these officials, in their further bids for reform. Being Slovak romantics, however, they pushed ahead with more daring than their Czech colleagues, and the weekly of the Slovak Writers' Union, Kulturny 2ivot, became the leading forum for progressives from the whole country. And the Slovaks did remain united on such issue as seeking revision in the historical interpretation of the 19th-century father of Slovak nationalism , I.!udovit Stur. If this issue did not directly promote reform, it at least kept Slovak agitation alive. And the whole nationalist movement emboldened the Slovaks, politicians included , to press in 1966 for constitutional changes that would give the Slovaks more autonomy from Prague. Ten million Czechs and 4½ milEconomic issues between Slovaks lion Slovaks are · twin nations now �192 SLOVAKIA with equal status and rights in a joint federal state. The deed was finally done, after the promise of 50 years ago when the independent Czecho-Slovak republic was founded, by the signing Oct. 30, 1968 of the new constitutional law on federation. The law was adopted by the National Assembly a few days previously. It was signed at a ceremony in Bratislava, the Slovak capital, by President Svoboda, on the anniversary of a meeting in a little Slovak village in the Carpathians in 1918. At that meeting-in Turciansky Svlity Martin-the Slovak leaders of the day proclaimed their attachment to a single Czecho-Slovak state and committed the "land of the Slovaks" as part of its common territory. They did so after the promise of equality given by Tomas Masaryk, who became the new republic's first President, to the Slovak community in America prior to his return to Prague in 1918. Between the two world wars, however, "unification" was a halfhearted process which brought some gains to Slovakia, but felt it economically far behind the Czech lands and with a sense of inferiority as the "junior partner" dominated and ruled by the Czechs in Prague. The first government program after World War II sought to put things right. Slovakia was given a substantial degree of autonomy under its own National Council and other local institutions. But, after 1948, as the new Communist regime lapsed into the Stalinist "personal power" system under dictator Antonin Novotny, Slovak autonomy was quickly reduced , and finally abolished altogether. Slovak protests and national feeling were condemned as "bourgeois nationalism"; and not only the economic neglect but the resentment aroused by the Prague leader's unconcealed hostility toward the Slovaks Jed to a crisis between the two nations which was a major contributory factor to the political shake-up brought about at Eric the end of last year. B our n e, The Christian Science Monitor, October 31 , 1968. Mr. Husak has been one of the principal architects of the plan for a federalized state with semiautonomous local powers for the four million Slovaks and the ten million Czechs. Czecho-Slovakia is divided between the two ethnic and language groups much the way Belgium is between French-speaking Walloons and Dutch-speaking Flemings. The Slovak leader was born in January, 1913, at Bratislava. During World War II he became a leading member of the underground Communist movement in Slovakia and fought with the Partisans against the Nazis. In 1944 he became a member of the Presidium of the Slovak party and its vice chairman. In the immediate postwar years he was chairman of the Slovak Board of Commissioners, a position used until the Communist takeover of the country in 1948 to try to subvert the majority Democratic party. A year after the coup he was elected to the national party's Central Committee and later became head of the Slovak office for church affairs. In 1950 began his slow decline as Stalinism tightened its grip. He lost his party posts and was accused of being a bourgeois nation- �SLOVAKIA alist. In 1954 he was brought to trial for alleged bourgeois offenses and for "antistate activities" and was sentenced to life imprisonment. Six years later he was released and in June 1963, his party membership was restored. While awaiting complete rehabilitation, which came in December, 1963, he wrote a history of the Slovak uprising during the war. When Mr. Dubcek replaced Mr. Novotny, Mr. Husak was one of the first to call for complete democratization. Since January, 1968 he has been seen occasionally by Western newsmen at press conferences. Those who have watched him say he has shown a logical mind and has demonstrated an impressive mastery of his subject. A conservative Slovak patriot and intellectual, Mr. Husak is known for his toughness. "No one ," he said recently, "can determine for another nation the political representatives of that nation." A short, stout man with bushy, graying hair and small tight lips, his half-rimmed glasses give him the look of a severe teacher about ready to discipline his students. The New York Times , September 5, 1968. On the most immediate level, the Czechs and the Slovaks could not fail to rejoice at the withdrawal of scores of thousands of Warsaw Pact troops from their soil. But at the same time, by reminding them they are now committed by treaty to play host indefinitely to a sizable Russian occupation army, the sight of the departing units only served to impress upon the Czechs and Slovaks to the degree of their 193 new servitude to Moscow. And that realization was particularly poignant for the 4.4 million inhabitants of Slovakia (map ) since it came at a moment when, ostensibly, they were about to acquire more independence than they have ever before enjoyed. After a tour of occupied Slovakia, Newsweek's Eastern European bureau chief Alan Tillier cabled the following report on the current mood in the smaller of the two states that make up the Czecho-Slovak Republic: Shortly after the 'Red Army moved into Slovakia, Russian garrison commanders ordered the local citizens to remove all antiSoviet graffiti from their walls. But on a side street of the sprawling Slovakian capital of Bratislava, a slogan somehow overlooked in the great clean-up still survives. Scrawled across a wall in bold, 4foot letters is the admonition: "Slovaci, nedajme sa" ("Slovaks, stand firm " ). In the two months since the invasion, the Slovaks have done exactly that. Despite a long Slovak tradition of friendship toward Russia, local radio stations greeted the occupation with clarion calls for passive resistance-and their calls were heeded. Slovak newspapers editors continued to use the forbidden word "occupation" so consistently that some of them had to be fired at Russian insistence. And when one Soviet commander, resorting to diplomacy, challenged the local soccer team to a game, both the team and its supporters repeatedly refused to show up. LOYAL: Most important of all , Gustav Husak, the tough, chainsmoking boss of the Slovakian Communist Party, has remained unflinchingly loyal to the regime of Alexander Dubcek (who is himself a Slovak). And Husak's ex- �194 SLOVAKIA ample has been followed by his countrymen on every political level. One village leader, when asked by Soviet officers to point out the counter-revolutionaries among the 1,400 farmers and peasants in his area, could scarcely contain himself. "I told them," he recalls, "that there were none, that the country had progressed more in the past eight months under Dubcek than in the last twenty years-and that we wanted them off our land." In a sense, none of this was surprising, for resistance to foreign domination is deeply ingrained in the fabric of Slovakian life. A lovely land of rugged mountains and forests filled with deer, wild boar and partridge. Slovakia has been the pawn of stronger neighbors ever since it fell under Hungarian mastery in the tenth century. Even after World War I, when it joined the neighboring lands of Bohemia and Moravia-Silesia to form the Czecho-Slovak Republic, Slovakia, to a degree, simply changed one set of foreign rulers for another. Politically, the emotional Slovaks were treated as second-class citizens by the more phlegmatic-and more sophisticated-Czechs. INSULTS: Up to the moment he was ousted from power in January, in fact, longtime Czech Communist boss Antonin Novotny was openly disdainful of the Slovaks. He denigrated their culture. He discriminated against them in staffing government ministries and overseas diplomatic posts. In private, his references to them were personally insulting. And economically, Novotny stinted when it came to investing in Slovakia-with the result that the predominantly agricultural area continued to lag far behind its industrialized neighbors. Even after Novotny's ouster, moreover, this discriminatory state of affairs persisted. "We have a Slovak national council," one apparatchik told me , "but what can it do?" Then he answered his own question: "Determine the size of parks and issue hunting licences." Now at last, however, the Slovaks are about to become more independent of Prague. - Newsweek, November 4, 1968. When the Communists took power, Slovakia's national interests suffered even more. The reason was the traditional weakness of the Communists in Slovakia, which is largely rural. Since they had no strong support, Slovak Communist leaders leaned more on Prague. If they showed too much independence, the national Communist leadership stepped in quickly with charges of bourgeois nationalism. Dismissal, imprisonment and even execution was the result. - Donald Shanor, Pittsburgh Press, August 13, 1968. The Slovaks consider themselves the first people in central Europe to have their own state. Federation with the Czechs came in 1918. Slovaks feel the Czechs have tried to dominate the nation ever since. Detroit Free Press, Oct. 11, 1968. The time: early evening. The place: a half-empty, dimly lit bar in the Slovakian capital of Bratislava. Enter a squad of young Russia n soldiers, each with a burp gun slung over his shoulder. Within seconds, the warm hum of voices �SLOVAKIA fades away to stony silence. Nervously, the Russians invite everyone t0 "have a drink on us." Without a word, the natives stare at the ceiling. Furious at the snub, one of the intruders unslings his gun, levels it at the patrons and orders them to drink. The Slovaks hesitate. Then, one by one, they silently raise their glasses to their lips. Moments later, muttering angrily to each other about "ingratitude," the Russians stalk out of the bar. Newsweek, October 7, 1968. Despite efforts of the present liberal communist regime in Czecho-Slovakia to reverse some of the effects of the antireligious measures of the previous Stalinistline officials, progress is slow in improving the lot of some 9,000 men and women Religious. Reports received from CzechoSlovakia state that some government officials are seeking to repair the injustices done to many Religious when their orders were dissolved in 1950 and they were forced into civilian occupations. For the most part, these Religious are still forced to work as street car conductors, street cleaners, masons and public toilet cleaners. Many now are too old to do any work. In 1950, when their Religious houses were closed, many of them were jailed without trial or forced to do military service or labor as road builders and miners. A few years ago nuns were pressed into caring for the aged and sick, but their wages are con- 195 siderably below those of others doing similar work, even though the Religious must also care for older members of their communities no longer able to engage in any gainful employment. (NC News Service) There is no end of the complaints of the quarrelsome and high-spirited Slovaks against the " power-hungry Schweiks" of Prague. The era of knuckling under is finished . o more can whispered curses be heard in the cafes of Bratislava and the wine cellars of Modra. For the last three years, at least, the papers have been printing these, grievances openly. The best Slovak writers save their choicest phrases for this purpose. The major criticism is that centralist Prague deliberately and cruelly stripped the Slovakian Communists of-power in two stages. First, in July 1948 when the Prague Party Presidium summarily ordered the dissolution of the separate Slovakian Communist Party organization. Second, in the early fifties when the Stalinist purge trials decimated Bratislava's Communist elite. The Foreign Minister, Vladimir Clementis, went to the gallows and the top Slovakian functionaries -Gustav Husak, the region's political leader, Laco Novomesky and Ladislav Holdos, the poets-ended up in prison for years. Who bore responsibility for these juridical atrocities? None other than Comrade Novotny! - ATLAS, Vol. 15, No. 5. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA stands for honesty, intergrity, industry and justice in government. �196 SLOVAKIA BOOK REVIEWS BOOKS ON SLOVAKIA Reviewed by J.M. KIRSCHBAUM Frarn;ois D'Orcival, Le Danube etait noir-La cause de la Slovaquie independante - (The Danube Was Black-The Cause of the Independent Slovakia), Editions de la Table Ronde, 1968, 304 p. maps, bib!. Since 1917, when Prof. E . Denis of the Sorbonne wrote the first book in French on Slovaks, there were no French historians who would have shown an interest in Slovakia. Czechoslovakia or, in its original spelling, Czecho-Slovakia, was conceived and born in Paris and French intellectuals in the inter-war period adopted Czech views and fully supported Prague's policy. Since Slovakia was considered-on the insistence of Praguean internal problem, French diplomats, historians and journalists treated or neglected it accordingly until 1939. In that year France recognized the Slovak Republic, proclaimed on March 14, 1939, first de facto by appointing a consul general in Bratislava and later also de jure. Slovakia and Slovaks became better known in France and had not the Second World War erupted in the fall of 1939, there certainly would have been books on Slovaks and Slovakia by French authors. The post-war period being again unfavourable to Slovaks under the Czech rule until last year, when Alexander Dubcek caught the imagination of the West, the second book by a French historian appeared only in 1968. The series in which this book was published is called "L'histoire contemporaine revue et corrigee" ( Contemporary history -revised and corrected) and the contents prove that it is a revised and corrected version of what West-European historians and publicists published on Slovaks and Slovakia since 1945. The author seems to be not only well informed, but he also looks with rare objectivity at the struggle of the Slovak people for justice and equality in Czecho-Slovakia and, when this proved futile, for self-government. The book covers fifty years of Slovak history. It begins with the founding of Czecho-Slovakia, but it is the period of the Slovak Republic which the author analyzed in detail and put the events into right historical perspective. There are many valuable quotations data in this book. However, the author did not use the conventional historical method, indicating sources in footnotes or at the end of chapters, and therefore the book reads as a historical novel rather than a history book. While this method is not very much in use on the American continent, in France this kind of political literature has a long tradition. The value of the book lies especially in the fact that the author was not affraid to inteprete the struggle of the Slovak people for autonomy within Czecho-Slovakia and the years of the Slovak Republic without the usual bias common to specialists in Eastern Europe, who view the Slovak problem �SLOVAKIA through Czech eyes. The main events, like the " affair Tuka", the role of the Slovak Protestants, favoured by Czechs against the Catholic majority, the Proclamation of Slovakia's independence, the struggle of President Tiso with extremists and Germans, the communist uprising and the revenge of Czechs, communists and Slovak "Czechoslovaks" on Tiso and Slovak Catholics, are put in this book in a new light for Western readers. Many quotations in the book indicate that the author is acquainted not only with diplomatic documents related to this period but also with Slovak newspapers and periodicals. He also seems to know the basic literature on Slovakia in English, listed in his bibliography. Those who read French will find this book a valuable source of information on Slovakia and a new look at the relations between the Czechs and Slovaks. The cause of Slovakia's independence found in the book for the first time an ob jective interpretation by a French writer. Ladislav Mi\acko, Die siebente Erkenntnis und AnNacht klage eines Kommunisten (The Seventh Night - Confession and Accusation of a Communist) , Verlag Fritz Molden , (WienMtinchen-Ztirich, 1968) p. 262. The brutal occupation of the "most faithful satellite"-CzechoSlovakia-by Moscow and her allies created the strongest reaction among writers, journalists and university students. The first two groups being a privileged class, were until 1963 more than loyal upporters of the Stalinist regime. In Slovakia, some of them even turned their pen against their best 197 friends and accused them of " bourgeois nationalism", but since 1963 they were in the forefront of the opposition and de-Stalinization movement. During the first 8 months of the liberalization movement, headed by Alexander Dubcek, they led the struggle for freedom of speech. for a "human face of communism" and rehabilitation of those who suffered under Novotny's regime. In some instances they were dreaming and gave to their dreams of a free , happy socialist Slovakia a poetic, visionary expression. The occupation destroyed during one night everything they believed in and dreamed about. The disillusion could not be more gloomy and many of them expressed it in verses or prose in periodicals like Kulturny zivot and ove slovo or in the daily press. Ladislav Mi\acko, who made a name for himself abroad by his Belated Reports and The Taste of Power in which he denounced the excesses of terror and injustice under Novotny's regime, expressed his disillusion, unhappiness and disappointment in this book. HP fled from Bratislava to Vienna after spending seven nights under the Russian, Hungarian and Bul garian occupation of Slovakia, and with fresh memories and in cruel disappointment he wrote his "confession and accusation". The book is fascinating reading and an interesting document on the occupation of Bratislava, as well as on the crisis which the occupation created in the minds of Slovak communist intellectuals. Mnacko reviews night by night the whole period of Communist rule in Czecho-Slovakia, paints an interesting picture of the leading politicians and their behaviour, confesses his belief in and admiration for the Russians and Communism , �198 SLOVAKIA and with deep bitterness condemns the Russians, because they destroyed his life-dream. Since Mnacko belonged not only to the privileged communist class, but was also one of the pundits of the regime, who had all doors open to the hi<ghest f u n c ,t i on a r i es, his book has a highly documentary value. Many Western specialists in Eastern Europe will find in the book an answer to the question which did not seem clear to them or which they saw through thE' eyes of official propaganda or the writings of some Czech exiled politicians. Especially the persecution in Slovakia during Novotny's regime, the systematic elimination of Slovak educated people from various positions in the public life and economic and cultural downgrading of the Slovak people finds on many pages of this book a confirmation by an eyewitness, who r e mained communist in spite of everything- that has happened to him. The book deserves to be translated into English. In style and form it is a report rather than history, but its sincerity, first-hand knowledge of the occupation and of the leaders of today's CzechoSlovakia make it an interesting document of our times and of the problems of Communism. I.;ubomir Liptak, Slovensko v 20. storoci ( Slovakia in the Twentieth Century). Vydavatel'stvo politickej literatury (Bratislava, 1968) 366 p. Samo Falt'an, Slovenska otcizka v ceskoslovensku (The Slovak Question in Czechoslovakia) , Vydavatel'stvo politickej literatury. ( Bratislava, 1968), 352 p. These two books by Slovak " Marxist" historians deal with Slo- vakia in the twentieth century. This period also attracted historians in the West (R. Seton-Watson, C. A. Macartney and Taylor in England , G. L. Oddo and Kurt Glaser in the United States) and as a result we now have several interpretation of modern Slovak history. Needless to say that there are at least three different interpretations by Slovaks themselves: 1) the Slovak patriotic school 2) the Czecho-Slovak school and 3) the marxist school. In English and other foreign languages, the first school is represented by the works of F . Hru sovsky, J . A. Mikus, J . M. Kirschbaum, Francis Vnuk, F . f>urcanskf, S. Glejdura, etc. The Czechoslovak interpretation can be found in Milan Hodza's book "Federation in Central Europe" and in J. Lettrich's "Modern History of Slovakia". The Marxist interpretation is limited to Slovak and other Slavic publications except for a few articles or summaries in English or French. Both books under review were written by the younger school of communist historians and published after the short "thaw" of last years. Therefore, in contents and language, they are quite different from books and publications produced right after the War and during the "cult of personality" period when according to Slovak marxist historians themselves: " . .. the historiography was brought to the edge of isolation because of the extreme servility of some historians to the deformations of the fifties . . . and the historians were allowed to write until recently bloodless phrases . .. and shells without contents which could not satisfy anybody, but made many people angry and hu �SLOVAKIA miliated the whole nation ... " (Nove slovo, Oct. 31, 1968). Neither Liptak's nor Falt'an's book is completely free of bias and prejudice, especially towards the Hlinka's Populist Party, but in certain respects these two books shed more objective light on the Slovak struggle for freedom and equal status with the Czechs than for instance Lettrich's book and writings by the majority of Czech intellectuals in the free world. Liptak showed some independence of judgment even before 1968 and published some studies on the period of the Slovak Republic which were close to objectivity. In his book, which also contains a sixpage English summary, he views Slovak politics from "marxist position", but he avoided misrepresentations and foul language which the communist historians used when they wrote about the Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party and the period of the Slovak Republic. The book is divided into five chapters: 1. Slovakia in Hungary; 2. Slovakia and the First World War; 3. Slovakia in Czechoslovakia -Gains and lost battles; 4. Slovakia and the Second World War; 5. On the threshold of the Present Times. For Liptak "the period of the Slovak Republic is of great importance for the emancipation of Slovak politics and national movement not only for the necessity to build many national institutions . . . The political regime of the Slovak Republic was authoritative. It was a certain compromise between the ideal of the authoritarian corporative state advocated by the state president Dr. Jozef Tiso, a state built on the principles of the social doctrine of the catholic church and between the principles of "Slovak National Socialism" striving to 199 copy the German model supported by the so-called gardistic wing in the government, by fascist organizations of the German minority in Slovakia and by representatives of Germany. Originally in comparison with other dictatorships of that time and in that part of Europe rather "liberal", the regime of the Slovak Republic gradually became stricter by pressure from outside and by its own self-development. As interesting as the chapter on the period of the Slovak Republic is Liptak's analysis of the period following the Second World War. No doubt, in interpreting the policies of the Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party and judging the regime of the Slovak Republic, Liptak is not free of prejudice and many of his interpretations and conclusions are far from being objective. His negative stand towards the period is of the same intensity as his positive and favourable stand towards the period 1945•1968, though he is at times critical and open-minded. He acknowledges that the access of the communists to power in February 1948 "had pernicious effects on Slovak autonomy". He also admits that one of the reasons for accepting the "Stalinist model" and for its "extraordinary hardness and long lasting" was "the combination of this totalitarian dictatorship with the attempt of the definite liquidation of the "Slovak question" in Czecho-Slovakia by political, physical, moral and ideal destruction of real and potential representatives of Slovak national and political thought. This can be proved by many campaigns against Slovak "bourgeois nationalists", numerous pogroms against Slovak intellectuals, the falsification of national history, tradition etc." Liptak also deals with the terror �200 SLOVAKIA and trials in Slovakia and comes to the conclusion that "the so-called "deformations" were not incidental but belonged to the system "like voting to parliamentarism"." He admits that "the power was gradually, but rather quickly concentrated from "majority to the nation" into the hands of the communists and from them into the hands of a handful of governors dependent on a foreign, non-Slovak power and a whole hierarchy of their sub-ordinates." The last chapter deals with the attempts of Slovak communists to change the system since 1963 and to give Communism a "human face. " From a communist historian it is not a bad book on Slovakia. Falt'an's book "The Slovak Question in Czechoslovakia" is focused on the Slovak problem in its ideological, economic and cultural context. Being a communist ideologist rather than a historian, he presents an analysis from the Communist point of view. Falt'an admits, as many younger Slovak communists did during the past few years, that the Communist Party of CzechoSlovakia did not have either a clear idea or a firm stand with regard to the Slovak problem. He condemns the Czech policy and ideology which attempted to deny to Slovaks their national and cultural identity and using all the power of the state tried to prove that Slovaks were but a part of a nonexistent "Czechoslovak" - in the last analysis-of a Czech nation. On the other hand, he looks with the eyes of an orthodox communist on the H1inka's Populist Party, which was involved in a fierce struggle against the "Czechoslovakist" ideology and discrimination with which Prague treated Slovakia between 1918-1938, but which was especially opposed to Communism. Being opposed to both Slovak autonomism as presented by the Hlinka Party and the Czechoslovak parties supported by a small portion of Slovak intelligentsia, handsomely paid for their services, Falt'an uses all his marxist education in dialecticts to prove that only Communist Party had the right approach and finally came with the right solution of the Slovak problem. The Hlinka's Populist Party achieved for Slovakia a federal autonomy in 1938 and for 6 years more independence and international recognition than Slovaks ever had in their long history. But the Communists were not in power and the statehood was achieved with the help of the German Reich and therefore for Falt'an this period was the "dark age" for the Slovak people. To accept help, even occupation , from Moscow, and to impose a regime of terror on the Slovak people which had nothing in common with their traditions, seems to be for Falt'an the right and the only progressive solution of the Slovak question. At the end of his book he condemns certain "errors and deformations" of the Communist Party, but the final impression of the book is that only the Communists have the medicine, and while German interference is to be condemned and those who were in power during the Slovak Republic were "traitors and collaborationists", Moscow's interference and those who obediently do what Moscow dictates, are the true Slovak patriots and representatives of the aspirations of the Slovak people. It is this "leitmotiv" of Falt'an's book which makes it a partisan ·· pamphlet rather than a historical essay. He undoubtedly is familiar with the intricacies of the Slovak question and puts the blame on �SLOVAKIA the right persons or political parties for not solving but aggravating the economic and cultural problems of Slovakia in the inter-war period, but his fanatic belief in Communism does not allow his to judge objectively the role of the Hlinka's Populist Party and even less the importance of the Slovak Republic. He condemns the Hlinka's Populist Party for achieving statehood for Slovakia in spite of his own statement that "statehood as an expression of national freedom nobody can reject and qualify as a treason on the nation" (p. 106). CzechoSlovakia was founded with the help of France and restored by the armies of the Soviet Union, which imposed her system on Slovakia. This is apparently all right with Falt'an, but receiving help from Germany and adjusting to German pressure was an unforgettable crime. Yet, even this book is more objective and written with less abu sive language than previous writings of Slovak Communist historians (Danas, Kramer, Holotik) on this subject. Its value is also enhanced by a number of documents related to the Slovak problem in Czecho-Slovakia. SLOVAK ALMANACS 1969 Literarny Almanach Slov aka v Amerike, edited by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Ph.D., published by Slovak v Amerike weekly newspaper, Middletown, Pa. 17057, 190 pp. Text exclusively in Slovak~anguage. Eight decades are spanned in the life of Slovak v Amerike, oldest Slovak newspaper in America, 201 since its first edition on December 21 , 1889 in Plymouth, Pa. The late Konsto culen compiled a history of the periodical that first moved to Phoenixville, Pa, and then in 1891 to New York City. There it was published as a weekly, a daily, semi-weekly and semi-monthly at various times until it was purchased and moved to Chicago in 1951. In 1958 Philip A. Hrobak became the publisher in Middletown, Pa. and upon his death in 1964 Dr. Jozef Pauco, Ph .D. assumed its publication. Dr. Andrej Kubina discusses the position of the Slovak language among Slavic tongues. Frantisek Vnuk reviews the national economy of Slovakia under the communist regime from 1945 to 1964. Dr. Imrich Kruzliak, Ph.D. hails the centennial of his Alma Mater, the Gymnasium in Klastor pod Znievom. He pays tribute to Dr. Frantisek Hrusovsky, Ph.D. as an outstanding educator and historian. Dr. Hrusovsky was director of the college from 1931 to 1945. A Slovak dictionary dated 1648 was discovered by Msgr. Postenyi of Slovakia, according to a feature article by Fr. B. Koltner, O.F.M. Slovak folk art (in clay products, ceramics, glass, stone, metal, wicker basket weawing, wood, textiles, leather, embroidery, plastics, architecture , clothes) and Slovak folklore (songs, ballads, dances, plays. fables, legends, and proverbs) are reviewed by Milka Rechtorisova. Gorazd Zvonicky's poems are featured . A memorable Memorandum of the Slovaks in exile is recalled by I. S. Kysucky. The de claration of September 23, 1946 in Aurolzmiinster, Austria, was addressed to the Slovak League in America with an appeal for finan- �202 SLOVAKIA cial aid and support to migrate to Kalendtir Jednota, 1969, Vol. 72. America. Edited by Joseph C. Krajsa. Pubby First Catholic Slovak lished F. Barcin's short play, Dr. Jozef Union (Prva Katolicka Slovenska Mistrik's article on Maritain's deJednota), Cleveland, 0., 232 pp., fense of the Faith, New Currents exclusively in Slovak language. in Catholic theology by the Very Rev. T. J . Zubek, O.F.M., S.T.n: , Dedication of the 72nd edition Msgr. Rekem's article on the Glagolitic alphabet, Jan Okal's com- of the annual to Jan Sabol, the mentary on an address by Father executive secretary of the Jednota Jan Lach, Marian 2iar's and A. for the past four decades, who Murin's poems, Slovak nationalism bears the proud title ( deservedly by Stefan Glejdura , Slovak culture of 'Mr. Jednota' introduces a at home and abroad by. Dr. Jozef series of reminiscenses by Msgr. Kirschbaum, The American Spirit M. K. Mlynarovic, a famous octoby Msgr. M. K. Mlynarovic, Pavo! genarian in the Slovak world. Dr. Hrtus Jurina's pair of short Kirschbaum compares the Salzburg sketches, Short stories by G. Zvo- meeting of President Tiso and Gernicky and Peter Klas, K. Strmen's man representatives in 1940 with poem, M. 2iar's vignette from life, Dubcek's fateful conference with Jan Doransky's observations from Soviet bigwigs at Cierna nad Tisou Expo 67 in Montreal, Sloboda's and last summer before the blitz inVetva's poems, a number of Dr. vasion of Czecho-Slovakia. Commemoration of the centenDilong's anecdotes, poems by M. Gerdelan and J . Doransky and a nial of a historic Slovak college short story by Michael Gerdelan (Gymnasium) in KlMtor pod Zniegive us a collection of literary con- vom recalls the era of Magyar optributions that further enrich Slo- pression of the Slovaks and cites vak library. Many of them are the achievements of the venerable gems of lasting value. The thumb- educational institution in Slovakia. The papal encyclical, "Humanae nail biographical sketches of imVitae" is explained by the Very portant personalities in Slovak world are undoubtedly of import- Rev. T. J. Zubek, O.F.M., S.T.D. Dr. ance as data for future reference. Imrich Kruzliak, Ph.D. notes the Their value is enhanced in the centennial of Bishop Stefan Moylight of the unfortunate failure ses, great Slovak patriotic prelate in the past to record such invalu- of the 19th century. Archbishop Eduard Necsey, who able information . died last summer after two decades Appreciation of this and other of his troubled episcopate in Nitra, annuals depends largely upon one's Slovakia, is eulogized by Dr. Pavo! reading knowledge of the Slovak Benuska. A number of poems by language, but a true scholar who J. Dragos-Alzbetincan are scattered wishes to capture the spirit and throughout the volume appropriessence of the Slovak nation's ately illustrated by photographs of genuine character must know the leading Slovak personalities. language well. Otherwise, he can-Contributions by Rev. Augustin not fully understand his subject Zan, Jan E. Bor, Rev. Jozef Figura, and therefore cannot hope to pur- S.D.B., Frantisek Sujansky, I. S. sue his studies adequately, parti- Kysucky and Rev. Karol Niznancularly in Slovak literature.-A. P. sky, S.D.B. deal with religious sub- �SLOVAKIA jects, the final days of World War II in Japan, Slovak Christmas customs, the varied experiences of Vajansky with gypsies in Slovakia, and Father Niznansky's treatise on the ancient philosophies of India respectively. Mother M . Emerencia Petrasek, SS.C.M. rates a tribute by Dr. Jozef Pauco, Ph.D. for her Slovak publications on the teaching of the Slovak language and her many articles that have appeared in our American Slovak newspapers and periodicals the past quarter of a century. Msgr. John Rekem , S. T. D. of Winnipeg, Canada, praises the work of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville, Pa. for their contributions to Slovak liturgical si nging in our churches and schools. Rev. Stefan Sencik, S. J., S. T. D. , of Galt, Ontario, Jozef Spetko and Peter Klas contribute stories on assorted subjects. A number of short poems by Marian Ziar are included. Msgr. Mlynarovic evaluates the work of the Slovak Catholic Federation (of which he was national president for many years) and visualizes its important work in the future as a dynamic American Slovak Society. Vincent Drobniak paints a word-picture despicting the history of the United States from 1776 to 1969. The history (accompanied by pictures) of St. Martha's Slovak Catholic parish founded by Jednota members in Leechburg, Pa. 60 years ago is timely contribution of Vincent Cibik, one of the founders. Frantisek Vnuk of Australia continues his prolific series of writings on Slovak political fortunes (and misfortunes) by hailing Dubcek as 'a decent communist.' Approximately 900 S 1 ova k priests, the Slovak religious com- 203 munities of men and women are listed. The records are generally reliable but can stand revision. On the other hand, the listing of our Slovak professionals and businessmen is wholly inadequate and needs a complete overhauling. This require much correspondence but an assignment to this work will bring good results. At the end of this annual the list of Slovak Catholic publications is up-to-date and correct in every detail. That they exist proves there are still thousands of our fellow Slovaks who consider writing and reading in the Slovak language vital to their interests in their family , social, religious and national lifu. A.P. Narodny kalendar, 1969. Published by the Narodny Slovensky Spolok, 516 Court Place, Pittsburgh, Pa. Edited by Jan Mihal, in the Slovak language, and the Almanac in English as a supplement, Vol. 77. The former on 121 pages and the later comprises 71 pages, including 22 pages of advertising. Jim Pankuch, the president of the National Slovak Society, leads off the series of articles in the 1969 edition of the NSS "Narodny Kalendar" by a review of events relating to the organization in the previous year. He includes his impressions of a visit to Slovakia in 1967. Among the highlights of his tour of the country were his visit to Stefanik's grave at Bradlo and the birthplace of Peter V. Rovnianek ( the founder of the National Slovak Society) in Dolny Hricov. Ecumenism is the title of Dr. Peter P. metko's contribution. Albert Mamatey's World War I action in behalf of the Slovak nation's liberation from Magyar rule is �204 SLOVAKIA presented by Dr. V. E . Andie. The political testament of Dr. Milan Hodfa is treated by Dr. Jozef M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D., LL.D. Rev. Andrej Rolik recalls his visit to Slovakia in 1938. Peter Klas adds a literary note by his short story, the founding of Slavia in central Florida is recorded by Karol Belohlavek, Milos K. Mlynarovic contrubutes a short story and Rev. A. Rolik pays poetic tribute to him on the occasion of his 80th birthday. Jan Pankuch, Sr. (December 16, 1869--February 28, 1952) is honored on the centennial of his birth by Karol Belohlavek's biographical sketch. An encyclopedia-dictionary in English on the Slovak nation, its language, history, literature, tradition, etc. is proposed by D. V. E. Andie. Andrej Kalnik challenges Dr. Bartek's views on the time of the first arrival of the Slovaks on the Danube. Miloslav Slavik adds his short story. The first days of the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia pass in review as seen by Andrej Rolik. A number of important centennials of Slovak patriots are listed, namely, Gejza 2ebracky, a historian, Dr. Albert Skarvan, M. D., Rev. Eduard Sandorfi, a journalist and biologist, Ferko Skycak, Slovak member of diet in Budapest and co-founder of the Slovak People's Party, Dr. Jozef Janda , a canon and religious writer, Dr. A.Krchnak, M. D., active for many years in American Slovak circles, Rev. Stefan Ivicic, active in American Slovak life, Rev. Dr. I.:udovit Okanik, a canon and Slovak representative in the Hungarian diet in Budapest, Rev. Jan Malarik, Lutheran minister, an exponent of the One World State, Rev. Dr. Metod Bella, Lutheran pastor, Slovak representative in Budapest and late in Prague, Michal Bosak, American Slovak banker, fraternal leader, philanthropist and publisher. Peter Klas's short story, Debnarkin's tribute to General Stefanik on the current 50th anniversary of his tragic death, an article on Magyar revisionism, short stories by Slavik and Horsky, Dr. Hletko's view on Stefanik's mysterious death as witnessed by eye-witnesses, a tribute to Bishop Stefan Moyses, founder of the Matica Slovenska, and Rozalia Gona 's sketch on the gypsies and anecdotes complete an annual that is rich in content and a variety of subjects. The English edition presents the highlights in the life of the National Slovak Society in 1968. An article on cancer by Dr. Peter P. Hletko, M. D., an assortment of brief articles, a short story, several features by Mary B. Burns, Dr. Stephen Hletko's tribute to the late Pete Latzo, onetime welterweight boxing champion, and a number of pages of advertising complete the 77th edition of the NSS kalendar and almanac. Both the Slovak and English sections contain numerous pictures, photographs and illustrations that give an overall view of the activities of the organization's activities in addition to the valuable material on the Slovak nation's past, much of it by contemporaries. A . P. Jednota Annual FURDEK, 1969, in English; Edited by Joseph C. Krajsa, and published by the First Catholic Slovak Union, 3289 East 55th St., Cleveland, Ohio 44127, Vol. VIII, 207 pp. The 1969 Furdek edition features woman contributions: Sister M. Martina's composite picture of a �SLOVAKIA Slovak immigrant's early experiences, Maryagnes Krajsa's comparison of Andrej Hlinka, the orator, to Cicero, Sister M. Rosamund's history of Slovak drama and Sophia Zufa's short story. The Slovak nuns are members of the SS. Cyril and Methodius Community in Danville, Pa. Dr. Michael Simko's short story, Dan Tanzone's tribute to the Jednota, a continuing series of the biographical sketches with pictures of a panel of Slovak clergy, Attorney Stephen's picture of typpical Canadians, Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum's "Hlinka and the Pittsburgh Pact" and "Slovak Literature" , Monsignor John Rekems "Glagolitic Script" article, and a brief study of postal stamps of the Slovak Republic complete a modest volume that is illustrated by a number of models wearing native Slovak dress, scenes from Slovakia and a photo panel of scholarship winners in 1968. One more volume has been added to Slovak library. It is unpretentious but its contents give us additional knowledge of the Slovak nation, as well as a view of some of the activities among American Slovaks. Dr. Kirschbaum's article on Slovak literature is timely in view of his up-to-date listing of leading contemporary Slovak writers and poets. Highlights from Slovak history (important dates) from prehistoric days to 1969 are valuable milestones in tracing the Slovak nation's history from the beginning of civilization to modern times. The Furdek series is progressively becoming a rich source of material not only for the average reader but for students interested in pursuing their studies of the Slovaks in their homeland, or anywhere in the world . A. P. 205 SLOVAKS IN CAN ADA Joseph M. Kirschbaum Slovaks in Canada. Ontario, Canada, Canadian Ethnic Press Association, c1967, XV, 468 pp. Reviewed by Sister M. Yolanda Lederleitner, SS. C. M. and Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS. C. M . A historical survey of Slovaks living anywhere outside their native Slovakia must of necessity follow a certain pattern of development. For the benefit of uninformed readers, the opening of the work must be expository-a delineation of the historic background of the Slovak people and their position within a historic perspective. Then there logically follows a record of their uprooting within the scope of the given consideration, as well as their trials and tribulations in a new environment, an evaluation of what forces worked for or against them , and an assessment of their achievements in the new land . This may sound like a simple formula but it does not create an instant product. Only he who has set himself to the task of undertaking such a work can know the labor, the demands, the exhaustion, the research, the organization, and the judicious and artistic demands made upon the author. In his book SLOVAKS IN CANADA, Dr. Joseph M. Kirschbaum has effectively met this challenge. It took years of personal interviewing, reading, and traveling as well as collecting, evaluating, and interpreting data just to provide the historical source materials that comprise the substance of this work. It had to be a labor of love or it never would have been achiev- �206 SLOVAKIA ed. The actual writing of the his• tory was another assignment, one that is in a category of its own. It is a task that Dr. Kirschbaum has satisfied very successfully, for his book reads well. It shows a com• mand of style characterized by clearness and an even tone of interest. The publication itself was subsidized quite appropriately by the Centennial Commission within the centennial year of Canadian Con• federation, 1967. It appears under the imprint of the Canadian Ethnic Press Association of Ontario. Can• ada can justifiably take pride in sponsoring this book, for it con• tributes an interesting and valuable unit to the aggregate history of Canada. Exploring the book in logical order from beginning through mid• die and on to the end , one becomes fully informed not only about the history and life of the Slovak element in Canada but about the his• torical and cultural background of the Slovak nation as well. Such a succint survey is essential to a proper appreciation of the Slo• vaks in Canada-or in any other part of the world to which they were driven by economic need , political oppression, or a multi· plicity of other implacable forces . Dr. Kirschbaum's summary of Slovak history is not expansive, for it is not the core of this book, nevertheless it is surprising how rich and informative is this first part, covering only forty.four pages. The scholarship of the author is well attested in his con• sideration of the ethnic origin of the Slovaks and their multi.faceted historic picture-eultural, political, religious and economic. And it is not superficially sketchy or a hur• ried exposition, as if it were the treatment of a subsidiary matter. It is, rather, a balanced presenta• tion of essential data, prepared by a skilled and able writer, a per• ceptive historian, an experienced teacher•lecturer. Parts 2, 3, and 4 of SLOVAKS IN CANADA graphically and in interesting fashion traces the his• tory of Slovak immigration to Can-· ada, beginning with the earliest settlers who came to the Canadian West in 1880's not from continen• ta! Europe but rather from the United States, specifically from Pennsylvania , Montana, Ohio. It is of special interest to note that the first Slovaks came to Canada in res• ponse to solicitations which were made both in the U. S. and in central Europe to attract settlers since Canada's population increase was very unsatisfactory. The vast expanses of Canada had room for millions of people and the government took the initiative to attract new.comers to its land. In this re• spect, the coming of Slovaks to Canada differs from the coming of the Slovaks to U.S. , for immigration to the U.S. was not generally by solicitation. Adverse pressures of various kinds lent support to the inducements of agents who tried to interest Slovaks to leave Austria Hungary in favor of Canada an unknown but promising new home. Dr. Kirschbaum notes the flow of Slovak immigration to Canada in three general waves : 1) the years between 1885 and World War I-the pioneer stock, often an over• flow from American quota restrictions or persons solicited by agents ; 2) the post World War I interim (1921·1939)-young, stur• dy, enterprising immigrants who came equipped with better formal education and a more vital politi• cal alertness ; 3) the post World War II years-often political re• fugees, many of them from concen• �SLOVAKIA tration camps in Italy, Austria, Germany as well as asylum seeking political leaders and displaced persons. Apparently Joseph Bellon who arrived in 1878 was the first Slovak settler in Canada. He established himself in Toronto and started a wirework factory there. But the larger clusters of Slovak immigrants did not gravitate to the Toronto area. It was the hard mining region of Canada's Western provinces with their bleak and monotonous expanses and unmercifully severe winters that became the history-making center of early Slovak life in Canada. Naturally, the early immigrants arrived without benefit of luxury travel, without commodious motel accommodations, without ready investments from which to draw instant wealth. Although an aura of adventure and high romance colors most dreams of pioneering in virgin territory, the actual grubbing in deep recesses of nineteenth century anthracite mines was a matter for stark realism in their lives. Some were not able to withstand the cruelties of hard fate but others survived the difficulties and hoped for a better future. The later interests of these early settlers were extended to farming, dairying, railroad construction work and fruit growing. And each of these occupations had its own attendant trials associated with nature and the forces of nature in Canada. It is understandable that the lives of these Slovak pioneers were committed to great physical hardships but it must not be overlooked that they were subjected to social and psychological burdens too. A man can strain and work to relieve material want but to attain acceptance and achieve athome-ness among strangers, he is 207 dependent on more than his personal efforts and assets; · to a ce1tain extent, he is at the mercy of those others in his circle of social inter-relationship with whom he should form a varitable circlet of Jove and brotherhood. But the encompassing of acceptance-or even of understanding and tolerance-was not the experience of most alien elements that came to help build a new country to its stature of greatness in economic and historic dimensions. Humiliation, ridicule, and the grossest of abuses-prejudice and exploitation-were the adverse elements against which most of the helpless minority groups had to steel their souls in order to survive in a new milieu that tended to demoralize newcomers rather than to encourage them and offer them a new life. Instead of being gunwhipped , as it were , by these forces , the strangers in a strange land had to prove the innate greatness that was in them; they had to rise superior to adversity and turn it into an instrument that would work to their good. Constancy and endurance made for increased strength ; hurts and injustice borne without rancor or despair can teach men to be sympathetic in the face of suffering, to be just in the exercise of authority and power. Out of negative and destroying powers must be drawn positive good. The alternative would be defeat. The soul learns by enduring but, admittedly, it must be a great soul to endure profitably. And so it was with the Slovaks in Canada. They were not insensitive people; they were endowed with simplicity of heart and inured to much suffering at the hands of hostile powers that had lorded over them in their homeland. They �208 SLOVAKIA did not demand the impossible; they did not deceive themselves with dreams of unreality. They mined , they broke prairie, gradually they established themselves, had their children schooled , organized benefit societies , built churches, bettered themselves-and in the course of years, they arrived. The growth of beneficial and church organizations among Slovak immigrants in Canada comprises a hjstory of its own merits, yet Dr. Kirschbaum does not slight or gloss over this subject. As a matter of fact, although cursory references are made to it in the first four parts of the book as the subject matter under consideration may require. Part 5 touches upon the sociological and psychological stimuli that often lead to organization and then points out how the very basic needs of the time made such organization imperative here. Within the space of less than fifty pages, the author surveys the social and beneficial organizations of various types that were initiated or developed by the Slovaks of Canada. Religious organizations and the Slovak press in Canada are given some suitable consideration and discussion in the book though it is understandable that in a first book on the history of Slovaks in Canada, circumscribed to 468 pages, no area deserving of notice can be studied exhaustively. Some of the materials must be limited to basic data-gathering as an initial effort that may be researched and studied in depth in subsequent work. Yet let it be made clear that this observation in no way detracts from the merits of Dr. Kfrschbaum's deserving book. The unit of study on political refugees presents a documentation of Slovak history within the post- Munich Agreement years that is sometimes distorted or bungled by inept writers or uninformed reporers of historic matter. Of course, within the scope of this work, emphasis must properly lean toward Canada's attitudes toward and opportunities open to persons displaced from Slovakia seeking asylum and new life after the catastrophic upheavals of Communist take-over in Czecho-Slovakia. The logical development af historic topics presented by Dr. Kirschbaum leads to some insights into the integration of Slovaks into Canadian life and an evaluation of their cultural and scientific contribution to the country that permitted them to find new hope and new homes. Part 9 is a French resume of the book and forms a valuable addition inasmuch as it makes some of the information accessible to foreign researchers for whom English may be a handicap and inasmuch as interested Canadians who favor French may find in this section an account that will help them to appreciate their fellow-citizens of Slovak background who also contribute some of the glory of the great Canadian mosaic among nations of a free world. Of signal historic value are the twenty-four documents that follow the body of Dr. Kirschbaum's book. Further enrichment is also provided by the lengthy bibliography and the indispensable index of names and of subjects. We who are privileged to look upon the accomplished fact of a finished project presenting to the public the aches and the trials, the hopes and the promises, the opportunities and the fulfillment up to triumph, the gifts received and the gifts given , the moral as well as the material investments made �SLOVAKIA and the dividends garnered-we are grateful to Dr. Kirschbaum whose scholarly initiative and acumen together with his indefatigable industry and talent has made this book a reality. It deserves more than one reading since it is an informative and highly interesting account of Slovak life in a new world setting. 209 In all honesty, we must admit an undenied regret that the Slovaks in the U. S. have not produced a similar or parallel history of their own to match SLOVAKS IN CANADA while at the same time we cherish a justifiable pride in Dr. Kirschbaum because he has done a good work well. SLOVAKIA is published annually by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. One of the purposes of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. Subscription to Slovakia $3.00 per year m the r.S.A. - $4.00 elswhere. Send subscription to: SLOVAKIA 313 Ridge A venue Middletown, Pa. 17057 �210 SLOVAKIA OUR CONTRIBUTORS Joseph M. Kirschbaum. LL. D., Ph.D. - former diplomat, university professor, historian, author of several books, Toronto, Ontario. Peter P. Hletko, M. D. - former President of the Slovak League of America, fraternalist, newspaperman, publicist, lecturer. Stephen B. Roman, LL. D. - Canadian-Slovak Industrialist, lay leader of the Slovak Catholics of the Eastern rite in Canada. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D. (late) - former professor at Bratislava University, prominent Slovak historian and educator; first director of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, Ohio. Rev. Andrew Pier, 0. S. B., - newspaperman, teacher, and Director of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, Ohio. Andrew Kubina, LL. D. - publicist living in Switzerland. Fr. Bartholomew Koltner, 0 . F. M. - Franciscan Friar in Pittsburgh, Pa. Sr. M. Martina Tybor, SS. C. M. - teacher and author, Danville, Pa. Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. - newspaperman, publicist, author of several books; Secretary of the Slovak League of America. Francis Vnuk, M.A. - historian; professor, Institute of Technology, Adelaide, Australia. Rev. Jaroslav Vajda - poet; editor, This Day, St. Louis, Mo. �211 SLOVAKIA Contents Slovakia in the struggle for liberalization and federalization 3 of Czecho-Slovakia - J.M. Kirschbaum The Slovaks of Chicago - Dr. Peter P. Hletko - The Nation with a purpose The United States of America - - Stephen B. Roman, LL. D. - This is Slovakia - 64 Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D. - The oldest Slovak newspaper in America - O.S.B. - 74 Andrew Pier, 96 The place of Slovak among Slavic languages - Kubina, LL. D . - Andrew 99 The Slovak dictionary of 1648 - O.F. M. - 32 Fr. Bartholomew Keltner, 105 Slovak pioneers in America - Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. - 108 Fifty years of Communist party of Slovakia (1918-1968) - Francis Vnuk - 125 Current issues [Statement of the Slovak League of America (Dr. Peter P. Hletko, Joseph Pauco) - Slovaks will not give up (Rev. Jaroslav Vajda) - The New York declaration (Dr. Ferdinand :ourcansky, Dr. Joseph M. Resolution (Edward J. Behuncik, Kirschbaum) Joseph Pauco J - 179 As others see it - 188 J.M. Kirschbaum; Slovak Almanacs - A. P.; Slovaks in Canada - Sister M. Yolanda Lederleitner, SS. C. M. and Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS. C. M.) - 196 Book reviews (Books on Slovakia - ��PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1969, Vol. 19 Description An account of the resource Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 179 CURRENT ISSUES STATEMENT OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Presented by Dr. Peter P. Hletko, Honorary President and a Democrat To the Democratic Platform Committee at the International Amphitheater on Friday, August 23 , 1968. Ladies and Gentlemen: Under authorization of our National President, Edward J. Behuncik, of Stratford, Connecticut, I was privileged to be invited to appear before your important body as official spokesman of this largest of Slovak-American civic and cultural organizations. I take this means to let our views be known to you. Our purpose is to request the Democratic Party to take a clear-cut stand on assistance for the people of Slovakia to obtain their status as an independent state or at least as a partner in the federated country of CzechoSlovakia, which up to now has never been a federated country since its founding. The principles which we recommend are equally applicable to all small nations, hence can be properly included in a statement of principles such as a Democratic Platform. It is especially fitting that we present our position not merely because of recent activity in cierna and Bratislava, both located in Slovakia, but also because we can give the Democratic Party and its next administration the opportunity to show all America and the world that the American people are behind and support the efforts of the Slovaks who, in a realistic sense, are emulating our founding fathers of the American Revolution. In the past, the position of The Slovak League of America, an American organization founded at Cleveland, Ohio, in May, 1907, was frequently misplaced or purposely misinterpreted. Not withstanding its long history of patriotic devotion to this great country with thousands of Slovak-Americans serving in the Armed Forces, even as far back as Lincoln's day, and continuing even to this moment at Viet Nam, Germany, and all around the world. SLOVAKIA Even today, with Czecho-Slovakia being led for the first time in its history by a Slovak-not a Czech, as the news media picture him-the press continues to write about the doings of the Czechs only. The Czechs are one nationality, the Slovaks another. They have a combined country, but the Czechs hold the upper hand in CzechoSlovakia. The abbreviation of Czecho-Slovakia is not Czech, but note that the democratization has been underway only since Alexander Dubcek, a Slovak, came to power in January. He is not a Czech. So, Ladies and Gentlemen of the Committee, we want to ask that our Government, if and when led by a new administration, will give our Slovak compatriots and nextof-kin what is being given by our country and other great powers to other smaller and newer nations-statehood and membership in the family of nations. Moral support of the Slovak Nationalism may well accrue to our benefit if the Slovaks continue to push for democratization and federalization, thereby weakening the strangle hold of the Soviets in Eastern Europe. The Democratic Party has a golden opportunity as the Party of the People to come out strongly in support of the Slovak right to statehood. I am certain your capable draftsmen can combine our ideas with ideas presented here by other ethnic groups to make a strong and meaningful Plank which will add stature to the Platform, give solace to suffering peoples in small nations everywhere, and, not incidently but realistically, help elect a Democratic President. The Slovaks in America have strong societies and an influential press. Therefore, I urge you to embody a Plank as we have suggested. We will do our part thru our societies and our press. Hon. Everett McKinley Dirksen Chairman Platform Committee Republican Party Fountainbleau Hotel Miami Beach, Florida Recent events in Eastern Europe may well prove the Slovak nation, in the very heart of Europe, to be the tiny spark of moral, cultural, and patriotic dynamism which SLOVAKIA 181 will help destroy the Iron Courtain. Democratization in Czecho-Slovakia was initiated by the Slovak intellectuals through whose efforts Slovak leader Alexander Dubcek emerge in power. Dubcek and his colleagues have already shown a more human approach to Slovakia's problems by pushing a federalization of two states-Slovak and Czech. They also evidence more liberal treatment of populace. The Slovak League of America, as a civic organization, signed in 1918 known Pittsburgh Pact in which supported a federated Czecho-Slovakia. Today we like to see a confederated Central Europe with Slovakia in it as a equal partner. Seek support for these noble ideal from your great party and urge the inclusion of our position and of other ethnic groups in your Platform. Sincerely yours, Joseph Pauco, Secretary Slovak League of America July 29, 1968 SLOVAKS WILL NOT GIVE UP Low-flying jets are buzzing Bratislava as I start to write this report. Tanks and military vehicles keep streaming into the city across the Danube bridge over the street beneath my window. Now and then the burst of machinegun fire punctuates the rhythmic cheers of the crowd demonstrating in safarik Square on the corner. What began as a month of intense study in Slovak language and culture at Comenius University in a freedomtasting city came to an abrupt halt with the sudden occupation of the country by Warsaw Pact forces. Linguists from 18 countries, including Iron Curtain satellites, were gathered in the dining hall. We were told that an attempt would be made to continue the institute. Lectures would have to be held in various corners of the dormitory, it was announced, rather than in the lecture hall now completely surrounded by Russian tanks and armored vehicles. All 105 of us made a feeble attempt to resume our language study. But the instructors and scholars were too upset to concentrate. We crowded into the lounge to watch the TV set and listen to intermittent radio bulletins. 182 SLOVAKIA The occupation began late at night. Most of us had gone to sleep after a long day of lectures and a tour. The few still awake at midnight attributed the steady rumble of military vehicles to possible unusually heavy traffic over the railroad track along the Danube. The airplane noise sounded like some special activity at the airport on the eastern outskirts of the city. At 3 o'clock in the morning my next-door roommate from Pittsburgh awoke me, saying: "Get up. The Russians have occupied Bratislava." We went to our windows on both sides of the dormitory, and there below us the streets were clogged with tanks and trucks. The vehicles could move no further, so their drivers got out to smoke. We ventured out of the building before daybreak to convince ourselves that the nightmare was really happening. There were no Russian stars identifying the vehiclesjust a while stripe down the hoods-but our attempts to converse with the drivers soon revealed that they could speak nothing but Russian. Most Slovaks (and Czechs) have had to study Russian as a second language. This year they were given a choice between Russian and English, and most chose English. Using their knowledge of the invader's tongue, the people of Bratislava questioned the Russians. Most of them seemed to be very young. "Why did you occupy our country?" they asked a teenage Russian. "To help the counter revolution," he answered. "Well, have you found it?" they asked. Unable to locate even one person who would welcome the occupiers, the soldiers had little to say. "We're under orders. That's why we're here." By noon every Russian tank and vehicle was painted or chalk-marked with a swastika (some inside Russian stars) , slogans of loyalty to Dubcek and Svoboda, and "Go Home" signs in Slovak and Russian. Radio and TV stations called for a show of loyalty to the captive government in the form of a work stoppage for 2 minutes at noon and the blowing of whistles and horns. The mood of the populace seemed to have been welded SLOVAKIA 183 by the noon-hour display of support. Down the street from the square came about 50 students. A crowd rapidly gathered behind them and soon filled the square, each corner of which was occupied by a tank. Streets leading to the square were lined with tanks parked diagonally, ready to pull out toward the square if necessary. At noon the Russian military vehicles were still moving into the city over the bridge and through safarik Square. Now they were completely stopped by the mass of nearly 1,000 people refusing to let them through. Civilian traffic was let through the mob by the police, but the police did not lift a finger to open a path for the Russian vehicles. The people cheered their police for this support. They laughed and applauded as the crowd took one of the police and kept throwing him into the air, a gesture of friendship he enjoyed immensely. Russian drivers, unable to push through the mob, eventually decided to make a U-turn and drive back over the bridge. Again, cheers from the crowd. After nearly half an hour of such diversion an armored truck came down the center of the bridge and pushed against the unyielding wall of human flesh. Determined not to play games, the crew fired the large millimeter guns of the armored car into the air, and the crowd fell back. The truck went through the crowd, and then turned back and drove into the crowd from behind, its guns firing warning volleys into the sky. As young people trew sticks and rocks at the armored car, machine guns went into action, strafing over the heads of the crowd. When the level reached about six inches above our heads, most of us ran for cover or fell to the street. As we ran, we could see the flags fall to the street. We heard afterward that two young men had been killed. Later the demonstrators reassembled in the square, drawing more bullets. This time the gunfire killed a 17-yearold girl student standing on the steps of the university administration building just behind a posted tank and anti-aircraft gun. As we were leaving the city an hour before the 8 o'clock curfew, we read the inscription a bold student had chiseled into the stone pillar of the building: "Here the Russians 184 SLOVAKIA killed a 17-year-old Slovak girl." At the base of the column lay a bouquet of flowers and a scarf the girl had worn. About 30 feet above that inscription there remained another that had already been painted on the stone face of the building before we arrived: "To be lorded over is evil, but to lord it over others is worse." The occupying forces would have done well to learn to read this expression of a united nation's will. If there had been aloofness toward the Russian "com:rades" before, the mood was now one of open disdain. "The Germans weren't as bad as this," said one of the professors. "We knew at least that they were our enemies; but these people pretended to be our friends." I asked what they would do. One said what many repeated: "We would rather die than return to the conditions before January (1968, when Dubcek began his liberalization)." As we were encouraged to flee for our own safety-for we still had a free place to go to-the people inspired us with their faith and courage. The Slovak border guards, who were still in charge of customs when we left, greeted us with smiles. They carried our luggage to the Austrian border gate. There they had a last word for us: "Tell your people we will not give up." Rev. Jaroslav Vajda, Editor of This Day THE NEW YORK DECLARATION The Slovak Liberation Council, gathered in the Americana Hotel , New York, N.Y., on October 27, 1968 in order to discuss the situation of the Slovak Nation within the Czecho-Slovak Republic in general, and under the Soviet occupation in par.ticular, has agreed upon the following statement: On May 30, 1918 the Slovak League of America on the one hand , and the Czech National Alliance with the Union of Czech Catholics on the other hand signed a document which has become known in history as the Pittsburgh Pact. It was an agreement sponsoring liberation of the Central-European lands of their members' origin. It dealit with constitutional relations to be established between these two Slav nations in the prospective Czecho-Slovak Republic. T. G. Masaryk, Chairman of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, recognized by the SLOVAKIA 185 Allied Powers as the Czecho-Slovak Revolutionary Government, in Paris, future President of Czecho-Slovakia, had produced the draft thereof and signed it. The Pact stipulated that Slovakia would have in the new State her own administration, i.e., her own legislative, executive and judiciary branch of Government, while Foreign Affairs, Defence, Currency and Communications were supposed to be matters reserved to a common federal Government. Details of this pre-constitutional arrangement were left to be worked out, under the responsibility of the leaders of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, by the future freely elected Parliam ent of Czecho-Slovakia. As President, T. G. Masaryk ignored the commitments taken over with respect to Slovakia. A highly centralized Government was arbitrarily set up in Pflague by methods which were a mockery of a parli amentarian procedure. The self-appointed Revolutionary Government had selected, without elections a Revolutionary Assembly of 270 members, O•f whom 229 were Czechs and 41 Slovaks. This body then confirmed that self-appointed Government in office, and on February 29, 1920 adopted a unitary Constitution proposed by that Government. In that fundamental law of the new State the very name of Slovakia disappeared since the Czecho-Slova kia of the Pa,ris Peace Treaties was replaced by a linguistic barbarism, i e., Czechoslovakia. Consequently, in the period to follow, Slovakia's political destinies had not been shaped by the Slovak peo,ple, but by the Czech majority of the Prague Parliamerut. Moreover, in pursuit of a "Great Czechia" dream, the Prague Government had, before 1938, practiced denationalization and a carefully planned genocide on the Slovak nation through its persistent effort a-t cultural and linguistic assimilation thereof, and an outright persecution of the Slovaks for their national feelings. Since during all that period the Czechs had rejected either a federative reform of the State, or an autonomous status for Slovakia, the Slovaks did not see another al,ternative than to proclaim, on March 14, 1939, the Slovak Republic. With respect to economy, Slovakia was down graded to an agricultural h interland for the Czech lands, a provider of cheap raw materials and cheap labor for the Czech monopolistic industry. Regardless of what Czech and Communist historians might have affirmed after World War II, the Slovak Republic was not abandoned by a decision of the Slovak people ; it was occupied and suppressed by the Soviet Army as a consequence of the Benes-Stalin Agreement of December 12, 1943. After the restoration of Czecho-Slovakia in 1945, hundreds of thousands of Slovakia's inhabitants were resettled in the Sude<tenland of Bohemia. There, they were exposed in the name of the international solidarity of the proletariat, to the same denationalization policy as they had been befOJ"e 1938 in the name of an artifical "Czechoslovak" nation. 186 SLOVAKIA The integration of Czecho-Slovakia into the Soviet bloc as a consequence of the Trea,ty concluded in 1943 by E. Benes and J. V. Stalin, proved to be a tragic mistake. The present occupation of Czecho-Slovakia by the Soviet Union is to a great extend the result of that fatal move. For much as we condemn this brutal Soviet intervention, the primary responsibiliity for it rests upon the shoulders of those who had sold out Czecho-Slovakia's sovereignty to that Eurasiatic power. Since the Czech leadership has failed in the Czecho-Slovakia first from an aggressive policy of from that of the Soviet Union, the Slovak Liberation that the Czech statesmanship has lost its credit and its raison d' etre. past to secure Germany, then Council believes Czecho-Slovakia The Slovak Liberation Council follows with increased attention the present developments in Czecho-Slovakia and Slovakia's effort for self-expression, self-government and identity. It takes a positive attitude toward this natural trend. Yet, it is convinced that the federalization of Czecho-Slovakia comes fifty years too late . Taking into consideration all what precedes, we reaffirm our hopes for a better future of Slovakia in the following points: 1. The Slovaks are, in Central Europe, an ethnic unit that has attributes Political Science considers as constitutive of a nathe all tion: their own history, their terriitory, their language and culture, their sociological and ethnographic individuality. 2. AHer many decades of self-frustration , first within the Kingdom of Hungary, then in Czecho-Slovakia, the Slovaks are not any more willing to live in the indignity of being ruled from outside, of being politically, economically, and culturally exploited by their neighbors. In this period of decolonization in Africa and Asia, of tribal and is land states, they, too, aspire to bemoce a sovereign polirtical unit, i.e., to exercise their right to self-determinatio n . This right has been recognized to every nation in the Charter of the United Nations, in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 as well as in the subsequent Pacts of the United Nations on Civil and Political Rights. 2nd on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 1966. Consequently, they feel entitled to their o-wn statehood and their own democratic institutions. 3. In this International Year of Human Rights, we believe that the future existence of Slovakia can properly be secured only in a closer European Federartion, or-until this becomes a reality-in a free partnership of Central-Europea n nations, partnership , based on the principles of equality. Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky, President, Executive Committee Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum, President, The Assembly SLOVAKIA 187 RESOLUTION We, Slovak Americans, representing the overwhelming maj-ority of organized Americans of Slovak descent and joining with representatives of Slovak organizations of Canada and Western Europe, gathered at the Americana Hotel in New York City, the home of the United Nations, on this 27th day of October, 1968, solemnly resolve: 1 Our cultural and civic aspirations are the very same aspirations as those of the American people2 Our eleven hundred year old Christian tradition will continue to inspire and hopefully insure the free and democratic future of our kin and brethren of sad and occupied Slovakia3 As we support our federal, state and municipal authorities, we seek the support of these same sources of power to obtain for Slovakia the freedom we are so fortunate to enjoy here is our beloved United States4 With confidence in the strength of a just and peaceful world, we solicite the support-moral, intellectual, civic and governmental-of all peace loving peoples in our protests against the treacherous oppression of the Slovak people by the brutal Soviet occupation5 We commend to the United Nations organization the cause of basic Human Rights for the Slovak nation on this 20th anniversary of the laudable Declaration of Human Rights which that world organization enacted in 19486 We believe that eventual free elections in Slovakia will best express the will of the Slovak people and confidently believe that the Slovak nation will best decide her futurefor her own best interest-as an independent nation-if only given the opportunity to do so. 7 Finally, we wish these sentiments to be made widelyknown and hereby authorize the distribution of this resolution to be made to local, state, national and international authorities everywhere. Accepted unanimously by the attending members of this historic Manifestation of the Slovak organizations meeting under the auspices of The Slovak League of America. Edward J. Behuneik, President Joseph Pauco, Secretary SLOVAKIA 188 AS OTHERS SEE IT Dear Fellow Americans of Slo- the rights of all citizens as set vale Descent: forth in the Constitution, and as I have followed the recent sup- guaranteed under the order and pression of the Slovak and Czech justice of law. The Challenges are enormous peoples by the Soviet-led invasion with great sadness. During a tragi- but they are not impossible. With cally brief period of social reform, your support we can translate our the peoples of this small but gal- ideals into living reality. I pledge lant country were able to assert myself to these ends. With very best wishes, themselves and to proceed w i t h Sincerely, the selection of their own leaders and their own path of government. Richard Nixon These natural aspirations, common to men everywhere, have b e e n New York, October 27, 1968 cruelly dashed under the heavy boot of the Soviet Union . As you reflect this evening in It gives me great pleasure to the triumphs and tragedies that address myself to you Americans have befallen the Slovak people of Slovak descent. Within the you will also realize that all Amer- borders of these United States ica, and all free men throughout your number is close to two milthe world, share your pride, your lion. Your culture and traditions concern and your indignation. It proudly fostered in Slovakia and is a bold testimony to freedom brought to this new land, and that the spirit of the S I o v a k seeded, have become part of our people, with whom you i;hare a American heritage. Your appreciacommon her i t a g e, cannot be tion and love of America is excrushed by tank or by edict. emplified by your sense of dedicaMy message is not only to the tion and patriotism dating to the two million Slovak people who are United States' fight for independcitizens of the United States. My ence. The very same independence message is to all the Slovak people and freedom so fervently sought everywhere, a people who for in Slovakia. more than 1,000 years have never No other nation of immigrants hesitated to stand up to the ag- purports to be so humble and at gressor. I pledge to you that the the same time aggravates in ANixon Administration will be dedi- merica's conscience a love of God, cated to peace. Peace at home. country and home. It is therefore And peace abroad. In our intense- of little wonder that your mother ly practical pursuit of the vision country of Slovakia has in the past of freedom we will strive for a 1000 years never waned from her strong new America. An America fight for selfdetermination . . . rewhich will flourish in the sun of gardless of the strength of the a true prosperity, rather t h a n oppressor . .. or the toll to be paystumble in the dark of inflation. ed. This struggle is particularly An America which will reaffirm courageous considering the victo- SLOVAKIA ries attained were few and shortlived. If it is of any consolation, Slovakia and her people have been victorious in winning the respect of free men the world over. The time is now for these free men and nations to help others in attaining the same. I have already expressed this position publicly when I said that "We wish every people to be free to determine for itself its own form of Government. " America and its leaders must recognize the existence of Slovakia as a nation of four and one half million people with their own language and culture. - Message from Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller, delivered June 28, 1968. Dear Mr. E. J . Behuncik: 189 the long Christian tradition of the Slovaks. To you personally, my congratulations on the high honor Slovak Americans have bestowed on one of Connecticut's Sons - Sincerely John Dempsey, Governor of Connecticut, October 25, 1968 Despite the language of the Pittsburgh Pact, and despite the hopes of the Slovak people for national autonomy within a federa tive framework, the Slovaks have had to stuggle within Czecho-Slovakia for their national freedom. This struggle finally led to the secession of Slovakia from CzechoSlovakia in 1939 and the formation of an independent state of Slovakia until 1945, when Slovakia returned to Czecho-Slovak government. The struggle of the Slovaks for full recognition has definitely contributed to the new liberal climate of the country. In a recent article in the U. S. Information Agency's journal, Problems of Communism, the editor made this observation: The Slovaks have long considered themselves the disfranchised of the two major ethnic groups that comprise this small Central European country, and their struggle against the oppressive practices of the government in Prague, first inspired by specifically national grievances, has over the years become both the symbol and the substance of the overall struggle against the authoritarianism of the Novotny regime. The editor concludes that Slovak nationalism is "a force that more than any other has contributed to the spectacular debacle of Czechoslovak Stalinism." - Senator Rich- Please accept and extend to your associates and members my personal as we,Jl as official greetings at your manifestation. All Connecticut is appreciative of the great contributions made by the Slovak immigrants as well as Slovak Americans to the betterment of the civic, educational, cultural, economic and spiritual life in all parts of our great State. We are all hopeful that the current tragic era will soon pass and that Slovakia will be able to take her rightful place in the international family of peaceful nations. In the meantime please know that we would welcome to Connecticut all escapees from Slovakia who care to come to us just as we welcomed the Hungarian, Ukrainian, Polish and other God fearing, peace loving escapees from Soviet brutality and aggression. I am confident your manifesta- ard S. Schweiker, Congressional tion will be another landmark in Record, May 20, 1968. 190 SLOVAKIA Dear Citizens of Slovak Descent: As Mayor of The City of New York, I am honored to extend greeting to the Slovak League as well as all Slovak Americans. Your forebearers who settled here more than 80 years ago have contributed notably to the culture and economy of this City and nation. Your contributions are more than a page in this City's history. You must obviously be proud of these accomplishments as well as the heroic stand of your brothers in Slovakia who with only knuckles and spirit resisted the steel of Soviet tanks. However, tyrany cannot contain the Slovak's strong desire for freedom and self-determination. As you are proud of this spirit, so I, John Lindsay, am proud to be your Mayor. - John V. Lindsay, Mayor, October 25, 1968. It is in Slovakia- the autonomyminded eastern region of the country- that the Russians and their allies are encountering the greatest resistance to the occupation. The Moscow radio charged last week that Soviet soldiers were being fired upon in Slovakia. Bratislava newspapers reported that the Soviet Union was violating the Moscow agreement's clause on non-interference in internal affairs by arresting Slovaks. Prague also complained to the Soviet authorities last week over incidents in Slovakia involving Hungarian occupation troops. - The New York Times, September 4, 1968. "Why do Paris and Prague have their beautiful architecture?" the Slovak asked rhetorically, then answered his question. "Because of us. Because of our moutains. We stopped all the invaders here." He ran through an impressive list of tribes and nations that would have overrun the West but for the Slovaks and their fellow fighters in an arc ranging vaguely and variously from southern Poland down to Montenegro. He continued: " And in our times of greatest cruelty we had our most lyrical poetry." The Slovaks, with their national hero Janosik, the mountain Robin Hood, are romantics and proud of it. They contrast themselves with the more stolid Czechs at every possible opportunity. It was this romanticism, combined with some historical peculiarities, that made the Slovaks the leaders in Czecho-Slovakia's liberalization that began in 1962-1963. Several leading Slovak Communists had been condemned as "bourgeois nationalists" in the 1950's and imprisoned or executed. Those condemned were some of the most humane of any of the Communist 1 e a d e rs-including Vladimir Clementis, one of the intellectuals who founded the Slovak DAV nationalist and artistic movement in the 1920's- a Communist who did not hesitate to denounce the Stalin-Hitler pact and the Soviet invasion of Finland. Those who ran the Slovak party thereafter were a different breed altogether; crude, ruthless, and perhaps the greatest sin in the eyes of the intensely nationalistic Slovaks - servile to Prague. In 1962, then, the Slovaks began a campaign, first in party commissions, and later in public journals, to secure the rehabilitation of the wronged Slovak leaders, and retribution for those guilty of the purges. Middle-level Slovak party officials and Slovak Communist intellectuals, working closely at this SLOVAKIA point, did succeed in getting partial rehabilitations. Even more important politically, they maneuvered party chief Antonin Novotny into dropping two of the chief villains of the piece, Slovak party first secretary Karel Bacilek and Czechoslovak Premier Viliam Siroky. 191 and Czechs grew more acute in the mid-1960's as well. Under Communist rule Prague had poured investments into the industtial development of Slovakia , but these diminished as the first crash programs ended and particularly as economic reform introduced greater rationality in investments as in other spheres in 1967. This meant that the Slovaks no longer had the same economic incentive to fall in with Prague's directives on other matters. The final grievance of the Slovaks against Prague-and it was far from a minor one-was Mr. Novotny himself. He had been a high party official when the Slovak leaders had been purged and had later put every stumbling block in the way of their final rehabilitation. Moreover, he made no attempt to mask his dislike of the Slovaks, and on occasion went out of his way to insult them. All of these issues worked together to keep the Slovaks in the lead in demanding changes in the old Novotny system and, as Mr. Novotny's position eroded, a change in the leader himself. It was Mr. Dubcek who precipitated the attack on Mr. Novotny last fall, and the solid Slovak opposition to the old leader was easily one of the most important forces in the antiNovotny-coalition that finally deposed him . That the Slovaks ended up in the vanguard of reform was ironic, for the Slovaks are the traditional conservatives of Czecho-Slovakia Elizabeth Pond, The Christian Science Monitor, September 24, 1968. If subsequent changes did not go anywhere near as far as many of the Slovak intellectuals hoped, still the resultant party shuffle put men in control of the Slovak party (including that newcomer as Slovak party first secretary, Alexander Dubcek) who would pursue Slovak interests rather than simply carry out Mr. Novotny's orders. By 1964, with Slovak party officials satisfied with the personnel changes for the time being and not eager to upset a system they were benefitting from , the Slovak intellectuals suddenly found themselves without the support of these officials, in their further bids for reform. Being Slovak romantics, however, they pushed ahead with more daring than their Czech colleagues, and the weekly of the Slovak Writers' Union, Kulturny 2ivot, became the leading forum for progressives from the whole country. And the Slovaks did remain united on such issue as seeking revision in the historical interpretation of the 19th-century father of Slovak nationalism , I.!udovit Stur. If this issue did not directly promote reform, it at least kept Slovak agitation alive. And the whole nationalist movement emboldened the Slovaks, politicians included , to press in 1966 for constitutional changes that would give the Slovaks more autonomy from Prague. Ten million Czechs and 4½ milEconomic issues between Slovaks lion Slovaks are · twin nations now 192 SLOVAKIA with equal status and rights in a joint federal state. The deed was finally done, after the promise of 50 years ago when the independent Czecho-Slovak republic was founded, by the signing Oct. 30, 1968 of the new constitutional law on federation. The law was adopted by the National Assembly a few days previously. It was signed at a ceremony in Bratislava, the Slovak capital, by President Svoboda, on the anniversary of a meeting in a little Slovak village in the Carpathians in 1918. At that meeting-in Turciansky Svlity Martin-the Slovak leaders of the day proclaimed their attachment to a single Czecho-Slovak state and committed the "land of the Slovaks" as part of its common territory. They did so after the promise of equality given by Tomas Masaryk, who became the new republic's first President, to the Slovak community in America prior to his return to Prague in 1918. Between the two world wars, however, "unification" was a halfhearted process which brought some gains to Slovakia, but felt it economically far behind the Czech lands and with a sense of inferiority as the "junior partner" dominated and ruled by the Czechs in Prague. The first government program after World War II sought to put things right. Slovakia was given a substantial degree of autonomy under its own National Council and other local institutions. But, after 1948, as the new Communist regime lapsed into the Stalinist "personal power" system under dictator Antonin Novotny, Slovak autonomy was quickly reduced , and finally abolished altogether. Slovak protests and national feeling were condemned as "bourgeois nationalism"; and not only the economic neglect but the resentment aroused by the Prague leader's unconcealed hostility toward the Slovaks Jed to a crisis between the two nations which was a major contributory factor to the political shake-up brought about at Eric the end of last year. B our n e, The Christian Science Monitor, October 31 , 1968. Mr. Husak has been one of the principal architects of the plan for a federalized state with semiautonomous local powers for the four million Slovaks and the ten million Czechs. Czecho-Slovakia is divided between the two ethnic and language groups much the way Belgium is between French-speaking Walloons and Dutch-speaking Flemings. The Slovak leader was born in January, 1913, at Bratislava. During World War II he became a leading member of the underground Communist movement in Slovakia and fought with the Partisans against the Nazis. In 1944 he became a member of the Presidium of the Slovak party and its vice chairman. In the immediate postwar years he was chairman of the Slovak Board of Commissioners, a position used until the Communist takeover of the country in 1948 to try to subvert the majority Democratic party. A year after the coup he was elected to the national party's Central Committee and later became head of the Slovak office for church affairs. In 1950 began his slow decline as Stalinism tightened its grip. He lost his party posts and was accused of being a bourgeois nation- SLOVAKIA alist. In 1954 he was brought to trial for alleged bourgeois offenses and for "antistate activities" and was sentenced to life imprisonment. Six years later he was released and in June 1963, his party membership was restored. While awaiting complete rehabilitation, which came in December, 1963, he wrote a history of the Slovak uprising during the war. When Mr. Dubcek replaced Mr. Novotny, Mr. Husak was one of the first to call for complete democratization. Since January, 1968 he has been seen occasionally by Western newsmen at press conferences. Those who have watched him say he has shown a logical mind and has demonstrated an impressive mastery of his subject. A conservative Slovak patriot and intellectual, Mr. Husak is known for his toughness. "No one ," he said recently, "can determine for another nation the political representatives of that nation." A short, stout man with bushy, graying hair and small tight lips, his half-rimmed glasses give him the look of a severe teacher about ready to discipline his students. The New York Times , September 5, 1968. On the most immediate level, the Czechs and the Slovaks could not fail to rejoice at the withdrawal of scores of thousands of Warsaw Pact troops from their soil. But at the same time, by reminding them they are now committed by treaty to play host indefinitely to a sizable Russian occupation army, the sight of the departing units only served to impress upon the Czechs and Slovaks to the degree of their 193 new servitude to Moscow. And that realization was particularly poignant for the 4.4 million inhabitants of Slovakia (map ) since it came at a moment when, ostensibly, they were about to acquire more independence than they have ever before enjoyed. After a tour of occupied Slovakia, Newsweek's Eastern European bureau chief Alan Tillier cabled the following report on the current mood in the smaller of the two states that make up the Czecho-Slovak Republic: Shortly after the 'Red Army moved into Slovakia, Russian garrison commanders ordered the local citizens to remove all antiSoviet graffiti from their walls. But on a side street of the sprawling Slovakian capital of Bratislava, a slogan somehow overlooked in the great clean-up still survives. Scrawled across a wall in bold, 4foot letters is the admonition: "Slovaci, nedajme sa" ("Slovaks, stand firm " ). In the two months since the invasion, the Slovaks have done exactly that. Despite a long Slovak tradition of friendship toward Russia, local radio stations greeted the occupation with clarion calls for passive resistance-and their calls were heeded. Slovak newspapers editors continued to use the forbidden word "occupation" so consistently that some of them had to be fired at Russian insistence. And when one Soviet commander, resorting to diplomacy, challenged the local soccer team to a game, both the team and its supporters repeatedly refused to show up. LOYAL: Most important of all , Gustav Husak, the tough, chainsmoking boss of the Slovakian Communist Party, has remained unflinchingly loyal to the regime of Alexander Dubcek (who is himself a Slovak). And Husak's ex- 194 SLOVAKIA ample has been followed by his countrymen on every political level. One village leader, when asked by Soviet officers to point out the counter-revolutionaries among the 1,400 farmers and peasants in his area, could scarcely contain himself. "I told them," he recalls, "that there were none, that the country had progressed more in the past eight months under Dubcek than in the last twenty years-and that we wanted them off our land." In a sense, none of this was surprising, for resistance to foreign domination is deeply ingrained in the fabric of Slovakian life. A lovely land of rugged mountains and forests filled with deer, wild boar and partridge. Slovakia has been the pawn of stronger neighbors ever since it fell under Hungarian mastery in the tenth century. Even after World War I, when it joined the neighboring lands of Bohemia and Moravia-Silesia to form the Czecho-Slovak Republic, Slovakia, to a degree, simply changed one set of foreign rulers for another. Politically, the emotional Slovaks were treated as second-class citizens by the more phlegmatic-and more sophisticated-Czechs. INSULTS: Up to the moment he was ousted from power in January, in fact, longtime Czech Communist boss Antonin Novotny was openly disdainful of the Slovaks. He denigrated their culture. He discriminated against them in staffing government ministries and overseas diplomatic posts. In private, his references to them were personally insulting. And economically, Novotny stinted when it came to investing in Slovakia-with the result that the predominantly agricultural area continued to lag far behind its industrialized neighbors. Even after Novotny's ouster, moreover, this discriminatory state of affairs persisted. "We have a Slovak national council," one apparatchik told me , "but what can it do?" Then he answered his own question: "Determine the size of parks and issue hunting licences." Now at last, however, the Slovaks are about to become more independent of Prague. - Newsweek, November 4, 1968. When the Communists took power, Slovakia's national interests suffered even more. The reason was the traditional weakness of the Communists in Slovakia, which is largely rural. Since they had no strong support, Slovak Communist leaders leaned more on Prague. If they showed too much independence, the national Communist leadership stepped in quickly with charges of bourgeois nationalism. Dismissal, imprisonment and even execution was the result. - Donald Shanor, Pittsburgh Press, August 13, 1968. The Slovaks consider themselves the first people in central Europe to have their own state. Federation with the Czechs came in 1918. Slovaks feel the Czechs have tried to dominate the nation ever since. Detroit Free Press, Oct. 11, 1968. The time: early evening. The place: a half-empty, dimly lit bar in the Slovakian capital of Bratislava. Enter a squad of young Russia n soldiers, each with a burp gun slung over his shoulder. Within seconds, the warm hum of voices SLOVAKIA fades away to stony silence. Nervously, the Russians invite everyone t0 "have a drink on us." Without a word, the natives stare at the ceiling. Furious at the snub, one of the intruders unslings his gun, levels it at the patrons and orders them to drink. The Slovaks hesitate. Then, one by one, they silently raise their glasses to their lips. Moments later, muttering angrily to each other about "ingratitude," the Russians stalk out of the bar. Newsweek, October 7, 1968. Despite efforts of the present liberal communist regime in Czecho-Slovakia to reverse some of the effects of the antireligious measures of the previous Stalinistline officials, progress is slow in improving the lot of some 9,000 men and women Religious. Reports received from CzechoSlovakia state that some government officials are seeking to repair the injustices done to many Religious when their orders were dissolved in 1950 and they were forced into civilian occupations. For the most part, these Religious are still forced to work as street car conductors, street cleaners, masons and public toilet cleaners. Many now are too old to do any work. In 1950, when their Religious houses were closed, many of them were jailed without trial or forced to do military service or labor as road builders and miners. A few years ago nuns were pressed into caring for the aged and sick, but their wages are con- 195 siderably below those of others doing similar work, even though the Religious must also care for older members of their communities no longer able to engage in any gainful employment. (NC News Service) There is no end of the complaints of the quarrelsome and high-spirited Slovaks against the " power-hungry Schweiks" of Prague. The era of knuckling under is finished . o more can whispered curses be heard in the cafes of Bratislava and the wine cellars of Modra. For the last three years, at least, the papers have been printing these, grievances openly. The best Slovak writers save their choicest phrases for this purpose. The major criticism is that centralist Prague deliberately and cruelly stripped the Slovakian Communists of-power in two stages. First, in July 1948 when the Prague Party Presidium summarily ordered the dissolution of the separate Slovakian Communist Party organization. Second, in the early fifties when the Stalinist purge trials decimated Bratislava's Communist elite. The Foreign Minister, Vladimir Clementis, went to the gallows and the top Slovakian functionaries -Gustav Husak, the region's political leader, Laco Novomesky and Ladislav Holdos, the poets-ended up in prison for years. Who bore responsibility for these juridical atrocities? None other than Comrade Novotny! - ATLAS, Vol. 15, No. 5. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA stands for honesty, intergrity, industry and justice in government. 196 SLOVAKIA BOOK REVIEWS BOOKS ON SLOVAKIA Reviewed by J.M. KIRSCHBAUM Frarn;ois D'Orcival, Le Danube etait noir-La cause de la Slovaquie independante - (The Danube Was Black-The Cause of the Independent Slovakia), Editions de la Table Ronde, 1968, 304 p. maps, bib!. Since 1917, when Prof. E . Denis of the Sorbonne wrote the first book in French on Slovaks, there were no French historians who would have shown an interest in Slovakia. Czechoslovakia or, in its original spelling, Czecho-Slovakia, was conceived and born in Paris and French intellectuals in the inter-war period adopted Czech views and fully supported Prague's policy. Since Slovakia was considered-on the insistence of Praguean internal problem, French diplomats, historians and journalists treated or neglected it accordingly until 1939. In that year France recognized the Slovak Republic, proclaimed on March 14, 1939, first de facto by appointing a consul general in Bratislava and later also de jure. Slovakia and Slovaks became better known in France and had not the Second World War erupted in the fall of 1939, there certainly would have been books on Slovaks and Slovakia by French authors. The post-war period being again unfavourable to Slovaks under the Czech rule until last year, when Alexander Dubcek caught the imagination of the West, the second book by a French historian appeared only in 1968. The series in which this book was published is called "L'histoire contemporaine revue et corrigee" ( Contemporary history -revised and corrected) and the contents prove that it is a revised and corrected version of what West-European historians and publicists published on Slovaks and Slovakia since 1945. The author seems to be not only well informed, but he also looks with rare objectivity at the struggle of the Slovak people for justice and equality in Czecho-Slovakia and, when this proved futile, for self-government. The book covers fifty years of Slovak history. It begins with the founding of Czecho-Slovakia, but it is the period of the Slovak Republic which the author analyzed in detail and put the events into right historical perspective. There are many valuable quotations data in this book. However, the author did not use the conventional historical method, indicating sources in footnotes or at the end of chapters, and therefore the book reads as a historical novel rather than a history book. While this method is not very much in use on the American continent, in France this kind of political literature has a long tradition. The value of the book lies especially in the fact that the author was not affraid to inteprete the struggle of the Slovak people for autonomy within Czecho-Slovakia and the years of the Slovak Republic without the usual bias common to specialists in Eastern Europe, who view the Slovak problem SLOVAKIA through Czech eyes. The main events, like the " affair Tuka", the role of the Slovak Protestants, favoured by Czechs against the Catholic majority, the Proclamation of Slovakia's independence, the struggle of President Tiso with extremists and Germans, the communist uprising and the revenge of Czechs, communists and Slovak "Czechoslovaks" on Tiso and Slovak Catholics, are put in this book in a new light for Western readers. Many quotations in the book indicate that the author is acquainted not only with diplomatic documents related to this period but also with Slovak newspapers and periodicals. He also seems to know the basic literature on Slovakia in English, listed in his bibliography. Those who read French will find this book a valuable source of information on Slovakia and a new look at the relations between the Czechs and Slovaks. The cause of Slovakia's independence found in the book for the first time an ob jective interpretation by a French writer. Ladislav Mi\acko, Die siebente Erkenntnis und AnNacht klage eines Kommunisten (The Seventh Night - Confession and Accusation of a Communist) , Verlag Fritz Molden , (WienMtinchen-Ztirich, 1968) p. 262. The brutal occupation of the "most faithful satellite"-CzechoSlovakia-by Moscow and her allies created the strongest reaction among writers, journalists and university students. The first two groups being a privileged class, were until 1963 more than loyal upporters of the Stalinist regime. In Slovakia, some of them even turned their pen against their best 197 friends and accused them of " bourgeois nationalism", but since 1963 they were in the forefront of the opposition and de-Stalinization movement. During the first 8 months of the liberalization movement, headed by Alexander Dubcek, they led the struggle for freedom of speech. for a "human face of communism" and rehabilitation of those who suffered under Novotny's regime. In some instances they were dreaming and gave to their dreams of a free , happy socialist Slovakia a poetic, visionary expression. The occupation destroyed during one night everything they believed in and dreamed about. The disillusion could not be more gloomy and many of them expressed it in verses or prose in periodicals like Kulturny zivot and ove slovo or in the daily press. Ladislav Mi\acko, who made a name for himself abroad by his Belated Reports and The Taste of Power in which he denounced the excesses of terror and injustice under Novotny's regime, expressed his disillusion, unhappiness and disappointment in this book. HP fled from Bratislava to Vienna after spending seven nights under the Russian, Hungarian and Bul garian occupation of Slovakia, and with fresh memories and in cruel disappointment he wrote his "confession and accusation". The book is fascinating reading and an interesting document on the occupation of Bratislava, as well as on the crisis which the occupation created in the minds of Slovak communist intellectuals. Mnacko reviews night by night the whole period of Communist rule in Czecho-Slovakia, paints an interesting picture of the leading politicians and their behaviour, confesses his belief in and admiration for the Russians and Communism , 198 SLOVAKIA and with deep bitterness condemns the Russians, because they destroyed his life-dream. Since Mnacko belonged not only to the privileged communist class, but was also one of the pundits of the regime, who had all doors open to the hi<ghest f u n c ,t i on a r i es, his book has a highly documentary value. Many Western specialists in Eastern Europe will find in the book an answer to the question which did not seem clear to them or which they saw through thE' eyes of official propaganda or the writings of some Czech exiled politicians. Especially the persecution in Slovakia during Novotny's regime, the systematic elimination of Slovak educated people from various positions in the public life and economic and cultural downgrading of the Slovak people finds on many pages of this book a confirmation by an eyewitness, who r e mained communist in spite of everything- that has happened to him. The book deserves to be translated into English. In style and form it is a report rather than history, but its sincerity, first-hand knowledge of the occupation and of the leaders of today's CzechoSlovakia make it an interesting document of our times and of the problems of Communism. I.;ubomir Liptak, Slovensko v 20. storoci ( Slovakia in the Twentieth Century). Vydavatel'stvo politickej literatury (Bratislava, 1968) 366 p. Samo Falt'an, Slovenska otcizka v ceskoslovensku (The Slovak Question in Czechoslovakia) , Vydavatel'stvo politickej literatury. ( Bratislava, 1968), 352 p. These two books by Slovak " Marxist" historians deal with Slo- vakia in the twentieth century. This period also attracted historians in the West (R. Seton-Watson, C. A. Macartney and Taylor in England , G. L. Oddo and Kurt Glaser in the United States) and as a result we now have several interpretation of modern Slovak history. Needless to say that there are at least three different interpretations by Slovaks themselves: 1) the Slovak patriotic school 2) the Czecho-Slovak school and 3) the marxist school. In English and other foreign languages, the first school is represented by the works of F . Hru sovsky, J . A. Mikus, J . M. Kirschbaum, Francis Vnuk, F . f>urcanskf, S. Glejdura, etc. The Czechoslovak interpretation can be found in Milan Hodza's book "Federation in Central Europe" and in J. Lettrich's "Modern History of Slovakia". The Marxist interpretation is limited to Slovak and other Slavic publications except for a few articles or summaries in English or French. Both books under review were written by the younger school of communist historians and published after the short "thaw" of last years. Therefore, in contents and language, they are quite different from books and publications produced right after the War and during the "cult of personality" period when according to Slovak marxist historians themselves: " . .. the historiography was brought to the edge of isolation because of the extreme servility of some historians to the deformations of the fifties . . . and the historians were allowed to write until recently bloodless phrases . .. and shells without contents which could not satisfy anybody, but made many people angry and hu SLOVAKIA miliated the whole nation ... " (Nove slovo, Oct. 31, 1968). Neither Liptak's nor Falt'an's book is completely free of bias and prejudice, especially towards the Hlinka's Populist Party, but in certain respects these two books shed more objective light on the Slovak struggle for freedom and equal status with the Czechs than for instance Lettrich's book and writings by the majority of Czech intellectuals in the free world. Liptak showed some independence of judgment even before 1968 and published some studies on the period of the Slovak Republic which were close to objectivity. In his book, which also contains a sixpage English summary, he views Slovak politics from "marxist position", but he avoided misrepresentations and foul language which the communist historians used when they wrote about the Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party and the period of the Slovak Republic. The book is divided into five chapters: 1. Slovakia in Hungary; 2. Slovakia and the First World War; 3. Slovakia in Czechoslovakia -Gains and lost battles; 4. Slovakia and the Second World War; 5. On the threshold of the Present Times. For Liptak "the period of the Slovak Republic is of great importance for the emancipation of Slovak politics and national movement not only for the necessity to build many national institutions . . . The political regime of the Slovak Republic was authoritative. It was a certain compromise between the ideal of the authoritarian corporative state advocated by the state president Dr. Jozef Tiso, a state built on the principles of the social doctrine of the catholic church and between the principles of "Slovak National Socialism" striving to 199 copy the German model supported by the so-called gardistic wing in the government, by fascist organizations of the German minority in Slovakia and by representatives of Germany. Originally in comparison with other dictatorships of that time and in that part of Europe rather "liberal", the regime of the Slovak Republic gradually became stricter by pressure from outside and by its own self-development. As interesting as the chapter on the period of the Slovak Republic is Liptak's analysis of the period following the Second World War. No doubt, in interpreting the policies of the Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party and judging the regime of the Slovak Republic, Liptak is not free of prejudice and many of his interpretations and conclusions are far from being objective. His negative stand towards the period is of the same intensity as his positive and favourable stand towards the period 1945•1968, though he is at times critical and open-minded. He acknowledges that the access of the communists to power in February 1948 "had pernicious effects on Slovak autonomy". He also admits that one of the reasons for accepting the "Stalinist model" and for its "extraordinary hardness and long lasting" was "the combination of this totalitarian dictatorship with the attempt of the definite liquidation of the "Slovak question" in Czecho-Slovakia by political, physical, moral and ideal destruction of real and potential representatives of Slovak national and political thought. This can be proved by many campaigns against Slovak "bourgeois nationalists", numerous pogroms against Slovak intellectuals, the falsification of national history, tradition etc." Liptak also deals with the terror 200 SLOVAKIA and trials in Slovakia and comes to the conclusion that "the so-called "deformations" were not incidental but belonged to the system "like voting to parliamentarism"." He admits that "the power was gradually, but rather quickly concentrated from "majority to the nation" into the hands of the communists and from them into the hands of a handful of governors dependent on a foreign, non-Slovak power and a whole hierarchy of their sub-ordinates." The last chapter deals with the attempts of Slovak communists to change the system since 1963 and to give Communism a "human face. " From a communist historian it is not a bad book on Slovakia. Falt'an's book "The Slovak Question in Czechoslovakia" is focused on the Slovak problem in its ideological, economic and cultural context. Being a communist ideologist rather than a historian, he presents an analysis from the Communist point of view. Falt'an admits, as many younger Slovak communists did during the past few years, that the Communist Party of CzechoSlovakia did not have either a clear idea or a firm stand with regard to the Slovak problem. He condemns the Czech policy and ideology which attempted to deny to Slovaks their national and cultural identity and using all the power of the state tried to prove that Slovaks were but a part of a nonexistent "Czechoslovak" - in the last analysis-of a Czech nation. On the other hand, he looks with the eyes of an orthodox communist on the H1inka's Populist Party, which was involved in a fierce struggle against the "Czechoslovakist" ideology and discrimination with which Prague treated Slovakia between 1918-1938, but which was especially opposed to Communism. Being opposed to both Slovak autonomism as presented by the Hlinka Party and the Czechoslovak parties supported by a small portion of Slovak intelligentsia, handsomely paid for their services, Falt'an uses all his marxist education in dialecticts to prove that only Communist Party had the right approach and finally came with the right solution of the Slovak problem. The Hlinka's Populist Party achieved for Slovakia a federal autonomy in 1938 and for 6 years more independence and international recognition than Slovaks ever had in their long history. But the Communists were not in power and the statehood was achieved with the help of the German Reich and therefore for Falt'an this period was the "dark age" for the Slovak people. To accept help, even occupation , from Moscow, and to impose a regime of terror on the Slovak people which had nothing in common with their traditions, seems to be for Falt'an the right and the only progressive solution of the Slovak question. At the end of his book he condemns certain "errors and deformations" of the Communist Party, but the final impression of the book is that only the Communists have the medicine, and while German interference is to be condemned and those who were in power during the Slovak Republic were "traitors and collaborationists", Moscow's interference and those who obediently do what Moscow dictates, are the true Slovak patriots and representatives of the aspirations of the Slovak people. It is this "leitmotiv" of Falt'an's book which makes it a partisan ·· pamphlet rather than a historical essay. He undoubtedly is familiar with the intricacies of the Slovak question and puts the blame on SLOVAKIA the right persons or political parties for not solving but aggravating the economic and cultural problems of Slovakia in the inter-war period, but his fanatic belief in Communism does not allow his to judge objectively the role of the Hlinka's Populist Party and even less the importance of the Slovak Republic. He condemns the Hlinka's Populist Party for achieving statehood for Slovakia in spite of his own statement that "statehood as an expression of national freedom nobody can reject and qualify as a treason on the nation" (p. 106). CzechoSlovakia was founded with the help of France and restored by the armies of the Soviet Union, which imposed her system on Slovakia. This is apparently all right with Falt'an, but receiving help from Germany and adjusting to German pressure was an unforgettable crime. Yet, even this book is more objective and written with less abu sive language than previous writings of Slovak Communist historians (Danas, Kramer, Holotik) on this subject. Its value is also enhanced by a number of documents related to the Slovak problem in Czecho-Slovakia. SLOVAK ALMANACS 1969 Literarny Almanach Slov aka v Amerike, edited by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Ph.D., published by Slovak v Amerike weekly newspaper, Middletown, Pa. 17057, 190 pp. Text exclusively in Slovak~anguage. Eight decades are spanned in the life of Slovak v Amerike, oldest Slovak newspaper in America, 201 since its first edition on December 21 , 1889 in Plymouth, Pa. The late Konsto culen compiled a history of the periodical that first moved to Phoenixville, Pa, and then in 1891 to New York City. There it was published as a weekly, a daily, semi-weekly and semi-monthly at various times until it was purchased and moved to Chicago in 1951. In 1958 Philip A. Hrobak became the publisher in Middletown, Pa. and upon his death in 1964 Dr. Jozef Pauco, Ph .D. assumed its publication. Dr. Andrej Kubina discusses the position of the Slovak language among Slavic tongues. Frantisek Vnuk reviews the national economy of Slovakia under the communist regime from 1945 to 1964. Dr. Imrich Kruzliak, Ph.D. hails the centennial of his Alma Mater, the Gymnasium in Klastor pod Znievom. He pays tribute to Dr. Frantisek Hrusovsky, Ph.D. as an outstanding educator and historian. Dr. Hrusovsky was director of the college from 1931 to 1945. A Slovak dictionary dated 1648 was discovered by Msgr. Postenyi of Slovakia, according to a feature article by Fr. B. Koltner, O.F.M. Slovak folk art (in clay products, ceramics, glass, stone, metal, wicker basket weawing, wood, textiles, leather, embroidery, plastics, architecture , clothes) and Slovak folklore (songs, ballads, dances, plays. fables, legends, and proverbs) are reviewed by Milka Rechtorisova. Gorazd Zvonicky's poems are featured . A memorable Memorandum of the Slovaks in exile is recalled by I. S. Kysucky. The de claration of September 23, 1946 in Aurolzmiinster, Austria, was addressed to the Slovak League in America with an appeal for finan- 202 SLOVAKIA cial aid and support to migrate to Kalendtir Jednota, 1969, Vol. 72. America. Edited by Joseph C. Krajsa. Pubby First Catholic Slovak lished F. Barcin's short play, Dr. Jozef Union (Prva Katolicka Slovenska Mistrik's article on Maritain's deJednota), Cleveland, 0., 232 pp., fense of the Faith, New Currents exclusively in Slovak language. in Catholic theology by the Very Rev. T. J . Zubek, O.F.M., S.T.n: , Dedication of the 72nd edition Msgr. Rekem's article on the Glagolitic alphabet, Jan Okal's com- of the annual to Jan Sabol, the mentary on an address by Father executive secretary of the Jednota Jan Lach, Marian 2iar's and A. for the past four decades, who Murin's poems, Slovak nationalism bears the proud title ( deservedly by Stefan Glejdura , Slovak culture of 'Mr. Jednota' introduces a at home and abroad by. Dr. Jozef series of reminiscenses by Msgr. Kirschbaum, The American Spirit M. K. Mlynarovic, a famous octoby Msgr. M. K. Mlynarovic, Pavo! genarian in the Slovak world. Dr. Hrtus Jurina's pair of short Kirschbaum compares the Salzburg sketches, Short stories by G. Zvo- meeting of President Tiso and Gernicky and Peter Klas, K. Strmen's man representatives in 1940 with poem, M. 2iar's vignette from life, Dubcek's fateful conference with Jan Doransky's observations from Soviet bigwigs at Cierna nad Tisou Expo 67 in Montreal, Sloboda's and last summer before the blitz inVetva's poems, a number of Dr. vasion of Czecho-Slovakia. Commemoration of the centenDilong's anecdotes, poems by M. Gerdelan and J . Doransky and a nial of a historic Slovak college short story by Michael Gerdelan (Gymnasium) in KlMtor pod Zniegive us a collection of literary con- vom recalls the era of Magyar optributions that further enrich Slo- pression of the Slovaks and cites vak library. Many of them are the achievements of the venerable gems of lasting value. The thumb- educational institution in Slovakia. The papal encyclical, "Humanae nail biographical sketches of imVitae" is explained by the Very portant personalities in Slovak world are undoubtedly of import- Rev. T. J. Zubek, O.F.M., S.T.D. Dr. ance as data for future reference. Imrich Kruzliak, Ph.D. notes the Their value is enhanced in the centennial of Bishop Stefan Moylight of the unfortunate failure ses, great Slovak patriotic prelate in the past to record such invalu- of the 19th century. Archbishop Eduard Necsey, who able information . died last summer after two decades Appreciation of this and other of his troubled episcopate in Nitra, annuals depends largely upon one's Slovakia, is eulogized by Dr. Pavo! reading knowledge of the Slovak Benuska. A number of poems by language, but a true scholar who J. Dragos-Alzbetincan are scattered wishes to capture the spirit and throughout the volume appropriessence of the Slovak nation's ately illustrated by photographs of genuine character must know the leading Slovak personalities. language well. Otherwise, he can-Contributions by Rev. Augustin not fully understand his subject Zan, Jan E. Bor, Rev. Jozef Figura, and therefore cannot hope to pur- S.D.B., Frantisek Sujansky, I. S. sue his studies adequately, parti- Kysucky and Rev. Karol Niznancularly in Slovak literature.-A. P. sky, S.D.B. deal with religious sub- SLOVAKIA jects, the final days of World War II in Japan, Slovak Christmas customs, the varied experiences of Vajansky with gypsies in Slovakia, and Father Niznansky's treatise on the ancient philosophies of India respectively. Mother M . Emerencia Petrasek, SS.C.M. rates a tribute by Dr. Jozef Pauco, Ph.D. for her Slovak publications on the teaching of the Slovak language and her many articles that have appeared in our American Slovak newspapers and periodicals the past quarter of a century. Msgr. John Rekem , S. T. D. of Winnipeg, Canada, praises the work of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville, Pa. for their contributions to Slovak liturgical si nging in our churches and schools. Rev. Stefan Sencik, S. J., S. T. D. , of Galt, Ontario, Jozef Spetko and Peter Klas contribute stories on assorted subjects. A number of short poems by Marian Ziar are included. Msgr. Mlynarovic evaluates the work of the Slovak Catholic Federation (of which he was national president for many years) and visualizes its important work in the future as a dynamic American Slovak Society. Vincent Drobniak paints a word-picture despicting the history of the United States from 1776 to 1969. The history (accompanied by pictures) of St. Martha's Slovak Catholic parish founded by Jednota members in Leechburg, Pa. 60 years ago is timely contribution of Vincent Cibik, one of the founders. Frantisek Vnuk of Australia continues his prolific series of writings on Slovak political fortunes (and misfortunes) by hailing Dubcek as 'a decent communist.' Approximately 900 S 1 ova k priests, the Slovak religious com- 203 munities of men and women are listed. The records are generally reliable but can stand revision. On the other hand, the listing of our Slovak professionals and businessmen is wholly inadequate and needs a complete overhauling. This require much correspondence but an assignment to this work will bring good results. At the end of this annual the list of Slovak Catholic publications is up-to-date and correct in every detail. That they exist proves there are still thousands of our fellow Slovaks who consider writing and reading in the Slovak language vital to their interests in their family , social, religious and national lifu. A.P. Narodny kalendar, 1969. Published by the Narodny Slovensky Spolok, 516 Court Place, Pittsburgh, Pa. Edited by Jan Mihal, in the Slovak language, and the Almanac in English as a supplement, Vol. 77. The former on 121 pages and the later comprises 71 pages, including 22 pages of advertising. Jim Pankuch, the president of the National Slovak Society, leads off the series of articles in the 1969 edition of the NSS "Narodny Kalendar" by a review of events relating to the organization in the previous year. He includes his impressions of a visit to Slovakia in 1967. Among the highlights of his tour of the country were his visit to Stefanik's grave at Bradlo and the birthplace of Peter V. Rovnianek ( the founder of the National Slovak Society) in Dolny Hricov. Ecumenism is the title of Dr. Peter P. metko's contribution. Albert Mamatey's World War I action in behalf of the Slovak nation's liberation from Magyar rule is 204 SLOVAKIA presented by Dr. V. E . Andie. The political testament of Dr. Milan Hodfa is treated by Dr. Jozef M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D., LL.D. Rev. Andrej Rolik recalls his visit to Slovakia in 1938. Peter Klas adds a literary note by his short story, the founding of Slavia in central Florida is recorded by Karol Belohlavek, Milos K. Mlynarovic contrubutes a short story and Rev. A. Rolik pays poetic tribute to him on the occasion of his 80th birthday. Jan Pankuch, Sr. (December 16, 1869--February 28, 1952) is honored on the centennial of his birth by Karol Belohlavek's biographical sketch. An encyclopedia-dictionary in English on the Slovak nation, its language, history, literature, tradition, etc. is proposed by D. V. E. Andie. Andrej Kalnik challenges Dr. Bartek's views on the time of the first arrival of the Slovaks on the Danube. Miloslav Slavik adds his short story. The first days of the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia pass in review as seen by Andrej Rolik. A number of important centennials of Slovak patriots are listed, namely, Gejza 2ebracky, a historian, Dr. Albert Skarvan, M. D., Rev. Eduard Sandorfi, a journalist and biologist, Ferko Skycak, Slovak member of diet in Budapest and co-founder of the Slovak People's Party, Dr. Jozef Janda , a canon and religious writer, Dr. A.Krchnak, M. D., active for many years in American Slovak circles, Rev. Stefan Ivicic, active in American Slovak life, Rev. Dr. I.:udovit Okanik, a canon and Slovak representative in the Hungarian diet in Budapest, Rev. Jan Malarik, Lutheran minister, an exponent of the One World State, Rev. Dr. Metod Bella, Lutheran pastor, Slovak representative in Budapest and late in Prague, Michal Bosak, American Slovak banker, fraternal leader, philanthropist and publisher. Peter Klas's short story, Debnarkin's tribute to General Stefanik on the current 50th anniversary of his tragic death, an article on Magyar revisionism, short stories by Slavik and Horsky, Dr. Hletko's view on Stefanik's mysterious death as witnessed by eye-witnesses, a tribute to Bishop Stefan Moyses, founder of the Matica Slovenska, and Rozalia Gona 's sketch on the gypsies and anecdotes complete an annual that is rich in content and a variety of subjects. The English edition presents the highlights in the life of the National Slovak Society in 1968. An article on cancer by Dr. Peter P. Hletko, M. D., an assortment of brief articles, a short story, several features by Mary B. Burns, Dr. Stephen Hletko's tribute to the late Pete Latzo, onetime welterweight boxing champion, and a number of pages of advertising complete the 77th edition of the NSS kalendar and almanac. Both the Slovak and English sections contain numerous pictures, photographs and illustrations that give an overall view of the activities of the organization's activities in addition to the valuable material on the Slovak nation's past, much of it by contemporaries. A . P. Jednota Annual FURDEK, 1969, in English; Edited by Joseph C. Krajsa, and published by the First Catholic Slovak Union, 3289 East 55th St., Cleveland, Ohio 44127, Vol. VIII, 207 pp. The 1969 Furdek edition features woman contributions: Sister M. Martina's composite picture of a SLOVAKIA Slovak immigrant's early experiences, Maryagnes Krajsa's comparison of Andrej Hlinka, the orator, to Cicero, Sister M. Rosamund's history of Slovak drama and Sophia Zufa's short story. The Slovak nuns are members of the SS. Cyril and Methodius Community in Danville, Pa. Dr. Michael Simko's short story, Dan Tanzone's tribute to the Jednota, a continuing series of the biographical sketches with pictures of a panel of Slovak clergy, Attorney Stephen's picture of typpical Canadians, Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum's "Hlinka and the Pittsburgh Pact" and "Slovak Literature" , Monsignor John Rekems "Glagolitic Script" article, and a brief study of postal stamps of the Slovak Republic complete a modest volume that is illustrated by a number of models wearing native Slovak dress, scenes from Slovakia and a photo panel of scholarship winners in 1968. One more volume has been added to Slovak library. It is unpretentious but its contents give us additional knowledge of the Slovak nation, as well as a view of some of the activities among American Slovaks. Dr. Kirschbaum's article on Slovak literature is timely in view of his up-to-date listing of leading contemporary Slovak writers and poets. Highlights from Slovak history (important dates) from prehistoric days to 1969 are valuable milestones in tracing the Slovak nation's history from the beginning of civilization to modern times. The Furdek series is progressively becoming a rich source of material not only for the average reader but for students interested in pursuing their studies of the Slovaks in their homeland, or anywhere in the world . A. P. 205 SLOVAKS IN CAN ADA Joseph M. Kirschbaum Slovaks in Canada. Ontario, Canada, Canadian Ethnic Press Association, c1967, XV, 468 pp. Reviewed by Sister M. Yolanda Lederleitner, SS. C. M. and Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS. C. M . A historical survey of Slovaks living anywhere outside their native Slovakia must of necessity follow a certain pattern of development. For the benefit of uninformed readers, the opening of the work must be expository-a delineation of the historic background of the Slovak people and their position within a historic perspective. Then there logically follows a record of their uprooting within the scope of the given consideration, as well as their trials and tribulations in a new environment, an evaluation of what forces worked for or against them , and an assessment of their achievements in the new land . This may sound like a simple formula but it does not create an instant product. Only he who has set himself to the task of undertaking such a work can know the labor, the demands, the exhaustion, the research, the organization, and the judicious and artistic demands made upon the author. In his book SLOVAKS IN CANADA, Dr. Joseph M. Kirschbaum has effectively met this challenge. It took years of personal interviewing, reading, and traveling as well as collecting, evaluating, and interpreting data just to provide the historical source materials that comprise the substance of this work. It had to be a labor of love or it never would have been achiev- 206 SLOVAKIA ed. The actual writing of the his• tory was another assignment, one that is in a category of its own. It is a task that Dr. Kirschbaum has satisfied very successfully, for his book reads well. It shows a com• mand of style characterized by clearness and an even tone of interest. The publication itself was subsidized quite appropriately by the Centennial Commission within the centennial year of Canadian Con• federation, 1967. It appears under the imprint of the Canadian Ethnic Press Association of Ontario. Can• ada can justifiably take pride in sponsoring this book, for it con• tributes an interesting and valuable unit to the aggregate history of Canada. Exploring the book in logical order from beginning through mid• die and on to the end , one becomes fully informed not only about the history and life of the Slovak element in Canada but about the his• torical and cultural background of the Slovak nation as well. Such a succint survey is essential to a proper appreciation of the Slo• vaks in Canada-or in any other part of the world to which they were driven by economic need , political oppression, or a multi· plicity of other implacable forces . Dr. Kirschbaum's summary of Slovak history is not expansive, for it is not the core of this book, nevertheless it is surprising how rich and informative is this first part, covering only forty.four pages. The scholarship of the author is well attested in his con• sideration of the ethnic origin of the Slovaks and their multi.faceted historic picture-eultural, political, religious and economic. And it is not superficially sketchy or a hur• ried exposition, as if it were the treatment of a subsidiary matter. It is, rather, a balanced presenta• tion of essential data, prepared by a skilled and able writer, a per• ceptive historian, an experienced teacher•lecturer. Parts 2, 3, and 4 of SLOVAKS IN CANADA graphically and in interesting fashion traces the his• tory of Slovak immigration to Can-· ada, beginning with the earliest settlers who came to the Canadian West in 1880's not from continen• ta! Europe but rather from the United States, specifically from Pennsylvania , Montana, Ohio. It is of special interest to note that the first Slovaks came to Canada in res• ponse to solicitations which were made both in the U. S. and in central Europe to attract settlers since Canada's population increase was very unsatisfactory. The vast expanses of Canada had room for millions of people and the government took the initiative to attract new.comers to its land. In this re• spect, the coming of Slovaks to Canada differs from the coming of the Slovaks to U.S. , for immigration to the U.S. was not generally by solicitation. Adverse pressures of various kinds lent support to the inducements of agents who tried to interest Slovaks to leave Austria Hungary in favor of Canada an unknown but promising new home. Dr. Kirschbaum notes the flow of Slovak immigration to Canada in three general waves : 1) the years between 1885 and World War I-the pioneer stock, often an over• flow from American quota restrictions or persons solicited by agents ; 2) the post World War I interim (1921·1939)-young, stur• dy, enterprising immigrants who came equipped with better formal education and a more vital politi• cal alertness ; 3) the post World War II years-often political re• fugees, many of them from concen• SLOVAKIA tration camps in Italy, Austria, Germany as well as asylum seeking political leaders and displaced persons. Apparently Joseph Bellon who arrived in 1878 was the first Slovak settler in Canada. He established himself in Toronto and started a wirework factory there. But the larger clusters of Slovak immigrants did not gravitate to the Toronto area. It was the hard mining region of Canada's Western provinces with their bleak and monotonous expanses and unmercifully severe winters that became the history-making center of early Slovak life in Canada. Naturally, the early immigrants arrived without benefit of luxury travel, without commodious motel accommodations, without ready investments from which to draw instant wealth. Although an aura of adventure and high romance colors most dreams of pioneering in virgin territory, the actual grubbing in deep recesses of nineteenth century anthracite mines was a matter for stark realism in their lives. Some were not able to withstand the cruelties of hard fate but others survived the difficulties and hoped for a better future. The later interests of these early settlers were extended to farming, dairying, railroad construction work and fruit growing. And each of these occupations had its own attendant trials associated with nature and the forces of nature in Canada. It is understandable that the lives of these Slovak pioneers were committed to great physical hardships but it must not be overlooked that they were subjected to social and psychological burdens too. A man can strain and work to relieve material want but to attain acceptance and achieve athome-ness among strangers, he is 207 dependent on more than his personal efforts and assets; · to a ce1tain extent, he is at the mercy of those others in his circle of social inter-relationship with whom he should form a varitable circlet of Jove and brotherhood. But the encompassing of acceptance-or even of understanding and tolerance-was not the experience of most alien elements that came to help build a new country to its stature of greatness in economic and historic dimensions. Humiliation, ridicule, and the grossest of abuses-prejudice and exploitation-were the adverse elements against which most of the helpless minority groups had to steel their souls in order to survive in a new milieu that tended to demoralize newcomers rather than to encourage them and offer them a new life. Instead of being gunwhipped , as it were , by these forces , the strangers in a strange land had to prove the innate greatness that was in them; they had to rise superior to adversity and turn it into an instrument that would work to their good. Constancy and endurance made for increased strength ; hurts and injustice borne without rancor or despair can teach men to be sympathetic in the face of suffering, to be just in the exercise of authority and power. Out of negative and destroying powers must be drawn positive good. The alternative would be defeat. The soul learns by enduring but, admittedly, it must be a great soul to endure profitably. And so it was with the Slovaks in Canada. They were not insensitive people; they were endowed with simplicity of heart and inured to much suffering at the hands of hostile powers that had lorded over them in their homeland. They 208 SLOVAKIA did not demand the impossible; they did not deceive themselves with dreams of unreality. They mined , they broke prairie, gradually they established themselves, had their children schooled , organized benefit societies , built churches, bettered themselves-and in the course of years, they arrived. The growth of beneficial and church organizations among Slovak immigrants in Canada comprises a hjstory of its own merits, yet Dr. Kirschbaum does not slight or gloss over this subject. As a matter of fact, although cursory references are made to it in the first four parts of the book as the subject matter under consideration may require. Part 5 touches upon the sociological and psychological stimuli that often lead to organization and then points out how the very basic needs of the time made such organization imperative here. Within the space of less than fifty pages, the author surveys the social and beneficial organizations of various types that were initiated or developed by the Slovaks of Canada. Religious organizations and the Slovak press in Canada are given some suitable consideration and discussion in the book though it is understandable that in a first book on the history of Slovaks in Canada, circumscribed to 468 pages, no area deserving of notice can be studied exhaustively. Some of the materials must be limited to basic data-gathering as an initial effort that may be researched and studied in depth in subsequent work. Yet let it be made clear that this observation in no way detracts from the merits of Dr. Kfrschbaum's deserving book. The unit of study on political refugees presents a documentation of Slovak history within the post- Munich Agreement years that is sometimes distorted or bungled by inept writers or uninformed reporers of historic matter. Of course, within the scope of this work, emphasis must properly lean toward Canada's attitudes toward and opportunities open to persons displaced from Slovakia seeking asylum and new life after the catastrophic upheavals of Communist take-over in Czecho-Slovakia. The logical development af historic topics presented by Dr. Kirschbaum leads to some insights into the integration of Slovaks into Canadian life and an evaluation of their cultural and scientific contribution to the country that permitted them to find new hope and new homes. Part 9 is a French resume of the book and forms a valuable addition inasmuch as it makes some of the information accessible to foreign researchers for whom English may be a handicap and inasmuch as interested Canadians who favor French may find in this section an account that will help them to appreciate their fellow-citizens of Slovak background who also contribute some of the glory of the great Canadian mosaic among nations of a free world. Of signal historic value are the twenty-four documents that follow the body of Dr. Kirschbaum's book. Further enrichment is also provided by the lengthy bibliography and the indispensable index of names and of subjects. We who are privileged to look upon the accomplished fact of a finished project presenting to the public the aches and the trials, the hopes and the promises, the opportunities and the fulfillment up to triumph, the gifts received and the gifts given , the moral as well as the material investments made SLOVAKIA and the dividends garnered-we are grateful to Dr. Kirschbaum whose scholarly initiative and acumen together with his indefatigable industry and talent has made this book a reality. It deserves more than one reading since it is an informative and highly interesting account of Slovak life in a new world setting. 209 In all honesty, we must admit an undenied regret that the Slovaks in the U. S. have not produced a similar or parallel history of their own to match SLOVAKS IN CANADA while at the same time we cherish a justifiable pride in Dr. Kirschbaum because he has done a good work well. SLOVAKIA is published annually by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. One of the purposes of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. Subscription to Slovakia $3.00 per year m the r.S.A. - $4.00 elswhere. Send subscription to: SLOVAKIA 313 Ridge A venue Middletown, Pa. 17057 210 SLOVAKIA OUR CONTRIBUTORS Joseph M. Kirschbaum. LL. D., Ph.D. - former diplomat, university professor, historian, author of several books, Toronto, Ontario. Peter P. Hletko, M. D. - former President of the Slovak League of America, fraternalist, newspaperman, publicist, lecturer. Stephen B. Roman, LL. D. - Canadian-Slovak Industrialist, lay leader of the Slovak Catholics of the Eastern rite in Canada. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D. (late) - former professor at Bratislava University, prominent Slovak historian and educator; first director of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, Ohio. Rev. Andrew Pier, 0. S. B., - newspaperman, teacher, and Director of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, Ohio. Andrew Kubina, LL. D. - publicist living in Switzerland. Fr. Bartholomew Koltner, 0 . F. M. - Franciscan Friar in Pittsburgh, Pa. Sr. M. Martina Tybor, SS. C. M. - teacher and author, Danville, Pa. Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. - newspaperman, publicist, author of several books; Secretary of the Slovak League of America. Francis Vnuk, M.A. - historian; professor, Institute of Technology, Adelaide, Australia. Rev. Jaroslav Vajda - poet; editor, This Day, St. Louis, Mo. 211 SLOVAKIA Contents Slovakia in the struggle for liberalization and federalization 3 of Czecho-Slovakia - J.M. Kirschbaum The Slovaks of Chicago - Dr. Peter P. Hletko - The Nation with a purpose The United States of America - - Stephen B. Roman, LL. D. - This is Slovakia - 64 Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D. - The oldest Slovak newspaper in America - O.S.B. - 74 Andrew Pier, 96 The place of Slovak among Slavic languages - Kubina, LL. D . - Andrew 99 The Slovak dictionary of 1648 - O.F. M. - 32 Fr. Bartholomew Keltner, 105 Slovak pioneers in America - Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. - 108 Fifty years of Communist party of Slovakia (1918-1968) - Francis Vnuk - 125 Current issues [Statement of the Slovak League of America (Dr. Peter P. Hletko, Joseph Pauco) - Slovaks will not give up (Rev. Jaroslav Vajda) - The New York declaration (Dr. Ferdinand :ourcansky, Dr. Joseph M. Resolution (Edward J. Behuncik, Kirschbaum) Joseph Pauco J - 179 As others see it - 188 J.M. Kirschbaum; Slovak Almanacs - A. P.; Slovaks in Canada - Sister M. Yolanda Lederleitner, SS. C. M. and Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS. C. M.) - 196 Book reviews (Books on Slovakia - PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 19 (No. 42) Description An account of the resource includes Current Issues; As Others See It; Book Reviews; Contributors Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/5d7d83191ff3756fa07719e9931ff0c6.pdf 0787d759935b60ff7d0ae7a59471c828 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 125 F. Vnuk: Fifty Years of Comn1unist Party of Slovakia (1918-1968) The first notable Slovak commentary on Communism was made by Marx's contemporary, :Cudovit stur. His assessment of Communism was an outright condemnation: "Communism, in spite of all efforts and false pretences to win for mankind its rights, only brings about its degradation, since it has no sound knowledge of mankind. Because of its insistence on principles which are impractical and unattainable Communism is one of the maddest figments ever originating in the human brain." 1 In the past forty years stur was much abused by the Slovak Communist intellectuals because of his alleged reactionary thinking. 2 Yet Stu.r's rejection of Communism seems to epitomize the Slovak attitude more fittingly than all the recent attempts by Communist historians to present Communism as a progressive ideology destined to uplift and enrich the Slovak nation. The inescapable geography which put Slovakia in Central Europe exposed the Slovaks to direct contact with political Communism as far back as 1918-19. Since then the Slovak nation has undergone the complete range of relations which can exist between a nation trying to assert its political identity and an aggressive ideology. These relations, full of drama, paradox and tragedy, are briefly outlined in this short history of the Communist Patry of Slovakia ( KSS). I. 1918-1921 The very beginning of the KSS is characteristic. The Party started its existence outside Slovakia, in Budapest. 1) In his major work, Slawentum imd die Welt der Zukunft, Quoted by D. Okali in Dav; spomienky a studie (Bratislava, 1965), p. 284. 2) e.g. L. Novomesky, in his pamphlet, Marx a slovensky narod (Mala kniznica Davu, 1933) and in his article, Karol Marx reviduje hist6riu Slovakov (Dav, 2/ 1933, pp. 18-19). �126 SLOVAKIA There in November 1918 Erno P6r, Minister for Foreign Propaganda in the Communist Government of Hungary, was entrusted by Bela Kun and Tibor Szamuely to organize the Slovak Communist Party as a section of the Communist Party of Hungary. 3 The Party conscripted into its ranks Slovak workers, apprentices and soldiers living in those days in defeated Hungary (particularly in Budapest, Ostrihom-Esztergom, Bekes-Csaba, etc. ). On March 27th, 1919 it began publication of its own daily, "Cervene noviny" (Red News ). 4 But the Party ran into difficulties when it had to find leaders for the conscripted Slovak proletarian masses. There was hardly a single Slovak of rank and stature to lend his name to the movement. Thus the reins were initially given into the hands of Jewish Socialist and Communist organizers in Budapest who could speak Slovak. To overcome this deficiency Bela Kun requested Lenin to send him some able Slovak Communist leaders from Russia, where a "Czecho-Slovak" Communist Party formed from the Czech and Slovak prisoners of war had been functioning since May 1918.5 But since there were no prominent Slovak personalities among these either, Lenin sent to Budapest the next best thing: the Czechs. Among these the most dynamic was one Antonin Janousek who arrived in Budapest in January 1919.6 After some disagreement with B. Kun (Janousek wanted to lead a Czecho-Slovak section; Kun and his advisors were strongly against it, seeing in it implicit recognition of the imperialistic policies of the Entente ) he 3 ) M. Vietor, Slovenska soviets/ca r epub lika (Bratislava, 1959), p. 53. 4) P. A. Toma, Slovak Soviet Repu blic of 1919 (The American Slavic and East European Review, 17/ 1958, p. 203 ). 5 ) D ej iny K SC (P raha, 1961 ), p. 17. 6) See: Z. Horeni, Antonin Jan ousek, predseda revolucnej v lady Slovenskej r epubliky rad (Bratislava, 1964). This accoun t of t he Slovak Soviet Republic is abstracted from the following books: K. A. Medvecky: Slovensk y prevrat I -IV (Trnava , 1930-31 ); Vpad bol'sevikov na Slov ensko ro ku 1919 (Trnava, 1936) : M. Vietor, Slovenskci soviet ska r epu bli ka 1919 (Bratislava, 1955); C. Holotik, 0 Slovenskej repub like rad r . 1919 (Historicky casopi s 2/ 1959); V. Kr al, lntervencni val ka cs. burzoazie proti mad'arske sovetske r epublice r . 1919 (Praha, 1954); K. Culen, 0 Slovenskej soviet ske j republike z ro ku 1919 (Kanadsky Slovak, May 19-June 9, 1956); P. A. Toma , Slovak Soviet Republic of 1919 (The American Slavic and East European Review, 17/ 1958, pp. 203-215 ). �SLOVAKIA 127 was made head of the Czech section of the Communist Party of Hungary on April 12, 1919. Towards the end of April the Slovak and the Czech sections were brought under common leadership but it was plainly stated that the Slovak section was to maintain its independence and individuality. There was never a Czecho-Slovak section of the Communist Party of Hungary. The most important .went in the life of this Slovak section was thf, proclamation of the Slovak Soviet Republic which lasted only two weeks but which has become a source of confused pride and political embarrassment to the contemporary Czech and Slovak socialist historiographers. On May 20th, 1919 the Hungarian Communist government, accusing the Czecho-Slovak armed forces of violation of the Paris Agreement, ordered its Red Army to invade Slovakia. Carried on the wave of proud Magyar national ism, humiliated by the 1918 defeat, the Magyar troops swept the southern and eastern plains of Slovakia. They took Lucenec on May 30th, Levice on June 1st, Nove Zamky on June 2nd, Kosice and Banska stiavnica on June 6th, Presov on June 8th, Bardejov on June 11th and penetrated as far into Central Slovakia as Zvolen. On June 3rd, 1919 "Oervene noviny" wrote exultantly: "The dictatorship of the proletariat is being established in Slovakia." The actual proclamation of the Slovak Soviet Republic took place at Presov on June 16th, 1919. It was ruled by the Provisional Revolutionary Executive Committee made up largely of Magyar-Jewish and Czech left-wingers. The only Slovak member of some significance was Stefan Stehlik. On June 20th, 1919 the Committee elected a Slovak Revolutionary governmem headed by Antonin Janousek. To T. G. Masaryk, who was residing in Prague as the elected President of Czecho-Slovakia, Janousek sent this challenging message: "We explicitly declare that from now on Slovakia belongs exclusively to the Slovak working class." 7 The donstitutional status of this short-lived Slovak Soviet Republic was obscure, but one thing was beyond doubt: it was violently anti-Czech and fiercely pro-Magyar. It aimed at the breaking up of Czecho-Slovakia and was 7) Quoted by. K. culen in Kanadsky Slovak (of May 26, 1956), p . 3. �128 SLOVAKIA openly and aggressively separatist. Both Kun and Lenin considered Czecho-Slovakia as a wilful creation of capitalist Powers and as a tool of imperialist policies in Central Europe. Czecho-Slovakia was alleged to deny the Slovak people "its inalienable right of self-determination" and the Communists in establishing the Slovak Soviet Republic were rectifying this injustice. 8 In spite of all its revolutionary zeal the Communistsponsored separatism did not strike roots among the Slovak masses. They were not only apathetic but manifestly hostile to the venture in which they saw only an ill-disguised attempt of the moribund Hungary to save its territorial integrity. The withdrawal of the Hungarian Red Army from Slovakia (June 28-July 4, 1919) spelled the inevitable end of both the Slovak Soviet Republic and the Slovak section of the Communist-Socialist Party of Hungary. The Slovak decision in 1918 to exchange their hopeless life tinder the Magyars for a hopeful life with the Czechs was final and irreversible. 9 But it was a decision fraught with problems and difficulties. Slovakia entered the newly formed Czecho-Slovakia as a land of poor peasants with practically no Slovak urban proletariat. The adherents and disseminators of the Socialist ideas were largely the German and Magyar ( or magyarized) workers who were as contemptuous of their Slovak comrades as Marx and Engels had been of the Czechs and Russians. This antipathy was 8) Stefan Stehlik wrote in Cervene noviny (of July 7, 1919) : " On Slovak soil, freed from imperialism, today there was created an independent Slovak Soviet Republic. The first impulsive action of the proletariat liberated from t he yoke of Czech imperialism was to realize the right of self-determination which is being exhorted by the oppressors with such a great glory; in reality however, it is being perverted by them . . . Slovak Soviet Republic turns its weapons ... against all who threaten this real unpe rverted democracy, this inallienable right of self-determination" (by which at that time they could have meant only the Prague Government). Quoted by P . A. Toma , op. cit. pp. 208-209. 9) The first years of the Slovak-Czech relationship and its reflection in Slovak political, social and economic life, are described at length in several authoritative works, e.g.: F . Peroutka, Budovani statu I -IV ( Praha 1933-36 ) ; J . Opocensky, Konec monarchie rakousko -tihorske ( Praha, 1928) . V. Chaloupecky, Zapas o Slovensko (Praha, 1930 ), I. Derer, siovensko v prevrate a po nom (Bratislava, 1924) ; K. Sidor, Andrej Hiinka 1864-1926 (Bratislava, 1936) . �SLOVAKIA 129 mutual and in their anti-Magyar feelings the leaders of the Slovak Social Democrats (Derer, Lehotsky, Markovic) were indistinguisha ble from their bourgeois counterparts (Hlinka, srobar, Hodza). Thus in the political sense the parties contesting the first post-war elections in Slovakia offered very much the same program. It was only in the field of social reform that they differed. Here the Social Democrats surpassed everybody in generosity, promising to implement many far-reaching social and economic measures. Their radical policies appealed to the people dissatisfied with the prevailing conditions. Thus in the general election of April, 1920 the Slovak people gave their votes to the Social Democratic Party led by Ivan Derer. 10 The Magyars and Germans of Slovakia who refused to join Derer's political platform founded a Social Democratic Party of their own. 11 After its electoral victory the Slovak Social Democratic Party lost much of its fighting spirit, adopted many right-wing policies of moderation and even passivity while the Magyar and German Social Democratic Party moved further to the left towards radicalism and turbulent activities. It was led by an able group of ruthless leaders (most of them Jews, several served as Commissars in the Hungarian Soviet Republic of Bela Kun) who were constantly harassing "the reformist Social Democratic government" of V. Tusar by fomenting strikes, unrests and other forms of trouble. 12 Their activities 13 became fatal to the Slovak Social Democratic Party which was rapidly sliding under Czech control and soon became identical with all the unpopular measures of the Government. The Slovak Social Democratic Party's inability to fulfil its pre-election promises or to prevent the economic ruination of Slovakia, and the subsequent wholesale unemploymen t, brought about a massive 10) The Social Democratic Party polled 510,341 out of 1,341,191 valid votes and obtained 23 deputies in the Prague National Assembly. 11) They received 108,546 votes and obtained 4 deputies. 12) J. Mlynarik, Robotnicke hn•itie na Slovensku roku 1920 (od parla• mentnych volieb do decembroveho genercilneho strajku). Historick)' casopis, I/ 1960, pp. 26-27) . 13) Their strongholds were four population centres in the Slovak-Magyar borderland: Bratislava, where the German-languag e, "Volksstimme" was published, Komarno, Gelnica and Ko~ice, where the Magyarlanguage, "Kassai Munkas", was published. �130 SLOVAKIA desertion of the rank anc'l file members within months after the election. 14 In the meantime the Magyar Social Democratic Party at Kosice joined (in May 1920) the Third International and invited the other proletarian parties of Slovakia to follow suit. This proclamation was eagerly listened to by many Social Democratic leaders dissatisfied with Derer's weak and inept leadership. 15 In September 1920 at the Party Congress at Turciansky Svaty Martin Derer failed to win a vote of confidence ( out of 132 delegates only 15 voted for him). Unwilling to accept defeat he proclaimed the handful of his followers to be the only true Slovaks and true Social Democrats by which he drove the dissidents into a coalition with the Magyar and German left-wing radicals. The fruits of this coalition ripened rapidly. On January 16-17, 1920 the left-wingers of the Slovak, Magyar and German Social Democracy, as well as the Jewish Poale Sion, met at ~ubochna and founded the Communist Party of Slovakia in everything but name. 16 It is interesting to look at the national composition of the delegates participating at this Congress. Out of 149 delegates with voting rights 88 were Slovaks, 36 Magyars, 15 Germans, 6 Ruthenes, 4 Jews. 17 The omission to register under its own name proved a very serious one for the future destinies of the KSS. Against 14 ) M. Strhan, Kriza priemyslu na Slov ensku v rokoch 1921-23 (Bratislava , 1960, pp. 15-80), J . Kramer, K dejinam priemyslu na Slovensku za prvej CSR (Bratislava, 1955). 15 ) ~- Holotik, Sjazd socialno-demokratickej strany (l'avice) na Slov ensku v januciri 1921 (Historicky casopis, 3/ 1963) , pp. 340-341. 16 ) 1921. Spomienky na vznik KS(: (Bratislava, 1962). The Czech dele gate at the Congress, I. Olbracht, requested the assembled repre- sentatives of the Slovak Left to postpone the adoption of the name " Communist Party of Slovakia" in order to be able to adopt the name " Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia" later on. See also Dejiny KS(: (Praha, 1961), pp. 165-166. 17 ) From the report of the voting commission, as quoted by M. Dzvonik 0 istom zakladajucom sjazde (Kulturny zivot, 7/ 1966, p. 6) . See also H. Gordon Skilling, The Formation of a Communist Party in Czechoslovakia (Slavic Review, 14/ 1955, p. 353). Skilling gives slightly different figures, viz. 92 Slovaks. However, it must be mentioned that these numbers are somewhat misleading, especially with regard to the Jews who were present in every national group, and the Magyars, many of whom were counted as Slovaks. �SLOVAKIA 131 the opposition of the Magyar delegates the Congress agreed to keep the question of the Party's name in abeyance. They decided to wait for developments in the Czech lands where the situation was ripening at a less r~pid rate. Finally at its XIVth Congress (in May 1921) the Czech Social Democratic Party formally accepted the ideological split in its ranks. Its left wing reconstituted itself as the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia ( KSc) immediately absorbing the Slovak section which, nameless and unaffiliated, had been waiting for four months for this moment.18 By this process the KSS lost its identity, becoming an anonymous partner in an unequal partnership. II. 1921-1929 The newly constituted KSC was from its beginning dominated by Czech-German leadership and looking largely after Czech national interest. Slovakia-because of the lack of native leading cadres-soon became a battlefield where the Czech and Magyar elements were fighting for influence . The Czechs were trying to woo the Slovak electorate by defending the existence of Czecho-Slovakia and the integrity of its territories. Already in September 1921 Klement Gottwald had become editor of a Slovak language Party paper, "Hlas l'udu" (People's Voice), and later in 1923 editor-inchief of another Commun.ist paper, "Pravda chudoby" (Poor Man's Truth). Other prominent Czech Party organizers who came to Slovakia in the early twenties included Karel Bacilek, Karel Schmidke and others. 19 While the Czechs concentrated mainly on the Slovak electorate, the Magyars tried to hold together a sizeable portion of the Magyar electorate by advocating revisionism, self-determination for ethnic minorities, etc. In the meantime Slovakia was becoming restive and in18) Dejiny KS(; (Praha , 1961) , pp. 170-172. While the Communist Party of Slovakia fused into the KSC smoothly and without murmur, the Communist Party of the Sudeten Germans (formed in March 1921 ) refused to amalgamate with the KSC . Its resistance was broken in November 1921 but only after Lenin's intervention. 19) Gottwald's activities in Slovakia, adorned with the socialist glamou;: of the cult era, are the object of a book by Z. Holotikova, Kl ement Gottwald na Slovensku v rokoch 1921-24 (Bratislava, 1953). Karel Schmidtke began to write his name as Karol Smidke only after 1945. �13l2 SLOVAKIA creasingly discontented with Czech administrative methods. economic and social discrimination and especially with the crude disregard of the Prague Government for the political aspirations of the Slovak natibn. The Slovaks were putting forward their demands for the promised autonomy but no one would listen. Even the KSC, dominated at the time by Czech nationalists, had only scorn for the Slovak demands. At its First Congress it declared: "Slovak autonomy is only a disguise to mask the tendencies aiming at the separation of the Slovak people from the cultural community and from national unity with the Czech nation." 20 This mistaken and unrealistic attitude was severely censured at the Fifth Congress of the Comintern in Moscow (June-July 1924) where the following resolution was adopted: 1. The Congress affirms that in Czecho-Slovakia there does not exist a single Czechoslovak nation and that the Czechoslovak state, in addition to the Czech nationality, consist of the following nationali ties: Slovak, German, Magyar, Ukrainian and Polish. 2. The Congress considers it necessary for the KSC, in connection with these national minorities, to proclaim and to follow the slogan of the right of a nation to self-determination, including the right to secession. In particular the KSC must support the struggle of the Slovaks for their independence and it must strive continuously to wrest this movement for independence out of the control of the nationalist bourgeoisie and to bring it into a common struggle of the working class against capitalism ... 21 For the Czech Communists it was a bitter pill to swallow. Under its impact the Czecho-Slovak delegation in Moscow was split into a majority and minority, the majori20) Protokol I. radneho sjezdu KSC (Praha, 1923 ), p. 14. In practice the KSC plainly demonstrated its Czechoslovakist and centralized tendencies. On January 1st, 1922 the KSC abolished the provincial Party structure in Slovakia, splitting the country into four regions directly subordinated to the Central Executive Committee in Prague. Shortly afterwards it abolished Slovak trade union organizations. Such moves seriously hindered the Party activities in Slovakia and antagonized many honest and sincere Slovak left-winge rs. These either left in disgust (like J . Schiffel, who returned to the U.S.A.) or were expelled as agents of the nationalist bourgeoisie (like Culen, Vercik and others ). 21) Pjatyj vsemirnyj kongress komunisticeskogo intenacionala, 17. ijuna - 8. ijttlia 1924 g. Stenografisceskij otcot, Cast' II. (Prilozenija) , ( Moskva, 1925 ), p. 129. �SLOVAKIA 133 ty refusing to accept the resolution of the Comintern. Among the ranks of the KSC the interference of the Comintern produced a serious crisis. The Second Congress of the KS(; was hurriedly convened in November 1924 to deal with the issue. The Congress met in the presence of a leading Comintern official, D. Z. Manuilskij. It was mainly due to his presence that the resolution issued at the end of the Congress proclaimed: "The Party cannot accept the bourgeois lie about the official Czechoslovak nation. By this ruse the Czech bourgeoisie wants to hide its colonial exploitation and bloody oppression of Ruthenia and Slovakia as well as other national minorities". 21 a But as it turned out even he was powerless to shake the dominating influence of the Czech nationalist right-wingers who in complete disregard of their own resolution continued in the old-style policies of ignoring the legitimate demands of the national minorities even within the Party.22 A dramatic development took place in March 1925. The Czech rightists and their arrogant attitude towards other nationalities, especially towards the Slovaks, were openly critized on the pages of "Pravda" by the Soviet expert on the nationalities problem, J. V. Stalin. Stalin saw the narrow-minded and selfish Czech nationalism as the roots of the right-wing deviationism in the KSC. He wrote: The Czechoslovak state is a state that marks the national victory of the Czechs. The Czechs have already acquired their national state as a dominant nation ... And it is here that we must look for the reason why the divergence between the Right and Left took place along national lines, why the Slovaks and the Germans (oppressed nations) are on the left flank, and the Czechs are on the opposite flank . .. Such division is quite understandable, if we bear in mind the above-mentioned specific national features of the Czechoslovak state and the dominant position of the Czechs.23 Stalin's arguments were further developed by D. Z. Manuilskij who quoted, among others, such flagrant examples of national discrimination as the composition of the Politburo of the KSC which consisted of seven Czechs 21a) Protokol II. fadneho sjezdu KSt, (Praha, 1925) , p. 8. 22) Dejiny KSt (Praha, 1961), pp. 213-216. 23) J. V. Stalin, Works (Moscow, 1954), Vol. VII., p. 61. See also H. Gordon Skilling, The Comintern and Czechoslovak Communism 1921-1929 (Slavic Review, 19/ 1960, pp. 238-239 ). �134 SLOVAKIA and two Germans but no Slovaks, Magyars, Poles or Ruthenes. 24 The elections in 1925 were the first real test of the Party's hold on the masses. On the whole the Party did not score badly: it emerged as the second strongest party in Czecho-Slovakia. In Slovakia the election results were a telling commentary on the existing situation. The Social Democratic Party practically disappeared (from 510,341 votes in 1920 to 60,581 votes in 1925). But its voters joined mainly the Hlinka People's Party which captured 489,027 votes (2 35,389 in 1920), i.e. 34.3 % of the Slovak electorate thus becoming the largest Slovak party.25 The Communist Party gained 198,212 votes in Slovakia but its support came mostly from the non-Slovak voters as can be seen from a closer look at the districts which voted for the Communists and at the men who were elected into the Parliament26 ( out of 8 deputies 3 were of Magyar nationality: Kopasz, Major and Steiner). The failure to capture the masses of the Slovak rural proletariat was openly admitted in Moscow and was attributed to the Party's omission to adopt the correct position towards the nationalities problem in Czecho-Slovakia and in particular towards the Slovaks: In Slovakia . .. under the influence of the revolution, in 1920 the peasant masses moved strongly to the left, but in the course of the last four years, owing to the passivity of the Communist P arty in the national question, 200,000 peasants passed from the Socialist 24) D. Z. Manuilskij, Uroki ceskogo krizisa, (Moskva, 1925) . It was the Politburo elected by the Central Committee at the IIIrd Party Congress (Sept. 1925) which consisted of: K. Gottwald, J . Hais, J . Haken ( President) , J . Harus, B. Jilek, A. Neurath, V. Stern, B. Smeral and A. Zapotocky. 25) Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka 1864-1926 ( Bratislava, 1936), pp. 535-538. 26) El•ectoral Corn. % % % d is trict vote of •totail :Mandates :.\1:agy ars German5 1. ove Zamky 2 20.0 61 ,577 62.3 6.8 2. Ko§ice 20.9 40,095 2 41.6 9.9 3. Trnava 28,606 13.9 2.3 1 1.8 4. Banska Bystrica 17,694 11.0 2.2 1 5.6 5. Turc. Sv. Martin 22,355 1 9.5 0.5 5.1 6. Lipt. Sv. Mikula§ 15,697 1 7.4 1.4 1.7 7. Prefov 6.2 12,206 2.6 0 0.7 �SLOVAKIA 135 Party into a party, which, although it is clerical, fight for the autonomy.27 In spite of the impressive overall election results the Party was torn internally by rival factions. After ridding itself of the right wing (Bubnik) a new struggle developed between the so-called "ultraleft" (B. Jilek and V. Bolen) and "centre" (B. t5meral, K. Kreibich, A. Zapotocky). 28 These ideological conflicts touched the Party's life in Slovakia only marginally and even then the Czech leaders of the KSc in Slovakia (K. Gottwald in particular) were supporting the "centre" aginst the "left". In Slovakia the burning issues were not of ideological but of political and economic character. The continuous closing down of factories and industrial plants, growing unemployment, agricultural crisis, emigration, etc. were leaving little time for ideological disputes. 29 After 1926, when the Hlinka People's Party decided to join the government benches, the Communists tried hard to be the spokesmen of the Slovak people against the political wrongs and social injustices of the Czech bourgeoisie. Complete independence of Slovakia was advocated, Czecho-Slovakia was denounced as the offspring of an imperialist war. 30 In January 1927 the Party 27) G. Volkov, Ugnetennaja Prikarpatskaja Rus (Krestjanskij International, 3-5/ 1926, p. 126). ( Quoted in G. D. Jackson's Comintern and Peasant) (London, 1966), p. 288. 28) Dejiny KS(: (Praha, 1961), pp. 249-269. 29) The economic situation of this period has been extensively studied by socialist historians, e. g. J . Mlynarik, Strajkove hnutie na Slovenska II. Zemerobotnici v obdobi 1919 az 1929 (Bratislava, 1961) ; P. Rapos, Priemysel Slovenska za kapitalizmu (Bratislava, 1957) ; J . Mlynarik, N ezamestnanost' na Slovensku (Bratislava, 1964) ; V. Plevza, K niektorym otazkam agrarnej krizy v rokoch 1924-34 na Slovensku (Historicky casopis, 2/ 1966, pp. 203-233); etc. 30) At this time the KSC in Slovakia at its National Conference at 2ilina (on July 25th, 1925) , launched, on Gottwald's instigation a massive campaign aimed at the expulsion of the Czechs from Slovakia. The battle-cry of the Communist propagandists became : " Vypracte Slovensko! " ( Clea;: out of Slovakia!) . The full wording of the slogan was, "Vypracte Slovensko od potlacovacieho aparatu ceskej burzoazie", according to V. Plevza (Historicky casopis, 4/ 1965, p. 510) and "Vypracte Slovensko od nasilnickeho aparatu", according to J. Kramer and .J. Mlynarik (Historicky casopis, 3/ 1965, p. 438). Though there was no doubt about Gottwald's authorship of this slogan, the blame for the embarrassing "mistake" was put later �136 SLOVAKIA convoked a regional conference at Plesivec where it attempted to lead a nation-wide protest against the industrial decline of Slovakia. 31 But all with little success. In February 1929 the Fifth Congress of the KSC met. It passed into Party history as the final battleground where the splinter-groups of the Party dissidents were defeated and the "true bolshevist nucleus" of the Party came out victorious. But in spite of the intense ideological wrangle the Slovak question did appear on the agenda. The Slovak cause was defend by none less than K. Gottwald ( who was to emerge as the new leader of the Party) proclaiming before the Congress: "The !Ind Congress of the KSC declared null and void the theses of the Ist Party Congress (i.e. concerning the unitary "Czechoslovak" nation) but this was in words only . . . The ratification of the First Party Congress theses was only on paper, a mere formality".31a By promising new corrective measures Gottwald (who--it should be remembered-in those days was acting for the Party in Slovakia and was the spokesman for the Slovaks) swayed the overwhelming majority of the Slovak section of the KSC to the side of the victorious "bolshevist on J. Vercik, "the agent of nationalist bourgeoisie" (e.g. M. Gosiorovsky, Slovensko a V. sjazd KS(; ( ceskoslovensky casopis historicky), 1/ 1954, p. 4-15) . While attacking the Czech bourgeoisie for its oppression of the Slovak masses, the KSC leaders did not relax their centralist hold on their Slovak comrades. At each Party Congress the Slovak delegates complained about this unsatisfactory state of affairs (See : Protokol III. fadneho sjezdu KSc [Praha, 1925] , pp. 41 and 73 ; Protokol IV. fadneho sjezdu KS(; [Praha, 1927], p. 33 ; Protokol V . f<idneho sjezdu KS(; [Praha, 1929] , pp. 40 and 50) , but in vain. This aspect of the Party history has been neglected by the socialist historians except a brief and restrained comment by J . Kramer and .J. Mlynarik, Revolucne hnutie a narodnostna ot<izka na Slovensku v dvadsiatych rokoch (Historicky casopis, 3/ 1965, pp. 423-443). For more recent writings on the theme see: Z. Holotikova, 0 rieseni narodnostnej otazky v KSc (Referat na konferencii Hist. ustavu SAV a ustavu dejin KSS, jun 1966) and J. Mlynarik, Dr. B. Smeml a slovensk<i n<irodnostn<i otazka v pociatkoch komunistickeho hnutia (Cs. casopis historicky, 5/ 1967, pp. 653-666 ). 31 ) J . Pleva, Vy znam Plesiveckej konferencie v januari 1927 (Bratislava, 1958) . According to Kramer and Mlynarik (loc. cit. , p. 442, footnote 32 ) the importance of this conference was disproportio n ately inflated because of Gottwald's participation at it. 31a) Protokol V. f<idneho sjezdu KS(; (Praha, 1929) , p. 12. �SLOVAK.IA 137 faction". 32 However, one point is worth noting: while the "bolshevist nucleus of the Party in Slovakia was made up of Bacilek, Siroky, Steiner, Urx" 33 (i.e. two Czechs and two Magyars), the dissidents ("nationalists and liquidators") who were expelled from the Party amidst a storm of abuse ( culen, Felcan, Vercik) were Slovaks. 34 III. 1929-1938 The internal struggle inside the Party was fought bitterly and not always behind closed doors . Inevitably it undermined the Party's image in the voters' eyes. In the 1929 elections it gained 152,242 votes ( 10.55 % ) in Slovakia, a considerable decline in voting strength when compared with the 1925 election results ( 13.41 % ) .35 Yet in Parliament the new "bolshevist cadres" displayed fierce and sanguinary pugnacity epitomized in the words of the new Party leader, K. Gottwald, addressed in December 1929 to the coalition benches: We are the revolutionary Party of Czechoslovak proletariat and in Moscow we have, indeed, our revolutionary General Staff. Yes we go to Moscow in order to learn. Would you like to know what we learn"! We go to Moscow to learn from the Russian bolsheviks how to break your necks. And you must admit that the Russian bolsheviks are very good at it.36 32) Z. Holotikova, Bol"sevizacny proces KS(; v rokoch 1924-29 (Historicky casopis 2/1957, pp. 204-210); M. Gosiorovsky, Slovensko a V. sjazd KS(; (Cs. casopis historicky, 1/ 1954, pp. 4-15). 33) Dejiny KS(; (Praha, 1961), p. 256. 34) Vercik, Mlynarik, Koren, etc. were branded as "nationalists" and expelled; Culen, Felcan, Kolarikova, etc. were branded as "liquidators" and expelled also. The latter were the authors of the so-called "Hlohovecke memorandum" (of December 1928) in which they requested the reorganization of the Party structure in Slovakia and complete freedom of action in specifically Slov~k matters. (See : Pravda of January 31, and February 7th, 1929). In 1930 the KSC finally consented to a limited decentralization and a Slovak province ("celoslovensky kraj") of the KS(; was instituted. S. Major (of Magyar nationality) and K. Bacilek (of Czech nationality) were put in charge. See: V. Plevza, Vytvorenie celoslovenskeho kraja a revolucne hnutie na Slovensku na zaciatku tridsiatych rokov (Historicky casopis, 2/ 1962, p. 184). 35) For an interesting statistical analysis of the 1929 election results see: R. V. Burks, The Dynamics of Communism in Eastern E urope (Princeton, N. J ., 1961 ), pp. 150-158 and 216-219. 36) K. Gottwald , Spisy I (Praha, 1953), p. 322. �138 SLOVAK.IA During the severe economic depression which swept the Western world in the late twenties and early thirties and which caused acute unemployment in Slovakia (some 250,000 in 1933) 37 the Communists organized hunger marches, protest meetings and strikes. A meeting in May 1931 at a small village in southern Slovakia, Kosuty, ended with a shooting fray resulting in the death of three demonstrators. The Party skilfully exploited the incident to advertize the social plight of rural workers in the Slovak countryside. 38 In the years 1929-33 the Communist press paid much attention to the political solution of the Slovak question and Slovak grievances were repeatedly aired on its pages. But as V. Kopecky confessed at the Vrth Party Congress (1931) it was more in the nature of lip service than anything else: "The decisions of the Vth Party Congress concerning the solution of the nationalities problem remained on paper only and in spite of repeated emphasizing of their importance by the central leadership of the Party there was no practical indication that we were fighting for the right of self-determination of the nations." 38a This national inequality was demonstrated even in the Party hierarchy. The higher Party ranks were-as beforean almost exclusive monopoly of the Czech and German comrades. The Presidium constituted at the Vrth Party 37) Pfehled ceskoslovenskych ilejin III (1918-1945) (Praha , 1960) , p. 325. The gravity of the situation is reflected in the emigration figures which were considerably greater for Slovakia (where only about 25 % of the total population lived) than for the Czech lands: Emigration from C-SR: from Slovakia: 1928 24,540 13,544 1929 30,715 19,401 1930 25,712 16,682 1931 9,567 4,527 1932 5,165 2,222 1933 4,735 3,099 38) The shooting at Kosuty has attracted unusually great attention from Communist propagandists and publicists, e.g. the pamphlet, Nyn·i je v Kosv,tech pofcidek a klid (1931); V. Plevza, Kosutska trag edia (Prispevky k dejinam KSC, 8/ 1959, pp. 91-107) ; E. Pauliny, Kosutske udalosti v maji 1931 (Bratislava-Martin, 1961) ; E. Kadnar, Krvave Kosuty ( Bratislava, 1963) . It is perhaps worthwhile to note that the inhabitants of Kosuty were of Magyar nationality and so was S. Major, the convicted instigator of the disturbance. 38a ) Protokol VI. fcidneho sjezdn KSC, (Praha , 1931), p. 143. �SLOVAKIA 139 Congress had only one representative from Slovakia among its 15 members. 39 This omission was quite a serious matter, because by the midthirties the Communist Party of Slovakia was already producing its own native leaders. The young Slovak Communist students who in 1924 grouped in Prague around the quarterly Oater monthly), "Dav" (1924-1937), were growing up in stature and outlook and were ready and eager to take over from the Czech, Magyar and Jewish spokesmen of the Slovak proletariat. 40 Unfortunately they were striving for power at a time when the Party was purging itself of intellectual and other non-proletarian ballast, so that their hopes and expectations were frustrated.41 Other important changes in the Party line were also in the offing. The Party was directed by the Comintern to adopt new attitudes to a number of political issues. Up to 1933 the Communists considered democracy (i.e. bourgeois democracy) and fascism as "the children of the same mother, the bourgeoisie". 42 Masaryk, Benes, Hlinka, Kramaf were all Fascists of the same brand as Hitler and Mussolini. But by the summer of 1933 Stalin realized that Hitler was a much greater evil. Looking for new allies Stalin selected two of the most likely states worried by the growing power of Hitler's Germany: France and CzechoSlovakia. The KSc was instructed to take a more positive stand towards the official Czech foreign and domestic 39) It was E. Fried of Magyar-Jewish origin. Accordind to H. G. Skilling the ethnic composition of the 60-member Central Committee was as follows: 37 Czechs, 10 Germans, 8 Slovaks (and Magyars ), 4 Ukrainians and 1 Pole. See : H. Gordon Skilling, Gottwald and the Bolshevisation of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia 1929-39 (Slavic Review, 20/ 1961, pp. 644-645) . The inadequate representation of Slovaks in the top P,0verning bodies of the Party apparatus (i.e. Presidium-Politburo and Secretariat-Orgburo) is statistically summed up in Appendix I. 40) These young Communist intellectuals of the early twenties had their hey-day in the late forties and met a tragic fate in the early fifties. In the years 1950-54 they became the victims of purges and their rehabilitation began ,mly in 1963. For a post-rehabilitation view of the Dav-group see: S. Drug, Dav a davisti (Bratislava, 1965). 41) V. Plevza, Prispevok o cinnosti davistov v revolucnom hnuti za predmnichovskej CSR (Historicky casopis, 1/1964), pp. 20-21. 42) K. Gottwald , Spisy IV (Praha, 1951) , p. 212. �140 SLOVAKIA policies. This, of course, meant that the Slovak guestion and the nationalities problem in general had to be played down and the Party soon nodded its appproval where only a few months ago it used to voice its sharp criticism. 43 The signing of the Soviet-Czecho-Slovak Treaty in May 1935 marked a milestone in the Party's policy. The Party put on a mask of loyal respectability and replaced its internationalism by a newly-discovered patriotism. It conveniently forgot its past hostilities to "the imperialist agent Benes" and supported him in the presidential election in December 1935. At the Seventh Congress of the KSc (April 1936) the Party took a firm position "to defend CzechoSlovakia against Hitler". It became a zealous exponent of the Popular Front against Fascism and reaction, and the Slovak grievances once so prominent in its program were now hardly mentioned. The militant cry for "self-determination including the right to secede" was now replaced with much softer demands voiced by Gottwald at the VIIth Party Congress: "The Party will strive to achieve the realization of minimal requirements for normal coexistence of all nationalities in Czecho-Slovakia by insisting on a democratic policy towards nationalities and on equal rights for all nations ( of Czecho-Slovakia) in all spheres of public life." 44 The approaching municipal elections made the Party somewhat wary and hurriedly it came forward with a "plan for the economic, social and cultural advancement of Slovakia" announced at Banska Bystrica in May 1937.45 But the plan did not excite anybody. It was unrealistic and was looked upon as one of the many grandiose schemes which the Party submitted with monotonous regularity year after 43) A somewhat confused picture of the situation can be found in V. Plevza's KSC a revolucne hnutie na Slovensku 1929-1 938 (Bratislava, 1965), pp. 237-420. 44 ) K. Gottwald, Spisy VIII (Bratislava, 1953) , p. 167. This phase of Party activities is discussed at length in a number of publications such as Na obranu republiky proti fasizmu a v ojne (Bratislava, 1955) ; M . Filo, Boj KSC na Slovensku na obranu republiky (Bratislava, 1960) ; I. Kolesar, Otazka obnovy demokracie a demokratickych prciv i slobod proti fasizmu ( od VII. kongresu Kominterny r . 1935 ) Sbornik FFUK, 10/ 1959, pp. 163-181). 45 ) Deji11y KSc (Praha, 1961) , p. 359. Also V . Siroky, Za st'astne Slove nsko v socialistickom Ceslcoslovensku (Bratislava, 1952). �141 SLOVAKIA year, knowing well that it would never be called upon to implement them. The turns and twists in the Party line could not pos• sibly impress the Slovak electorate. In the municipal elections (May 1938) the Party found itself deserted by its erstwhile supporters. Its advocacy of pro-Benes and antiautonomist policies46 estranged it from the Slovak voters, while its noisy denunciations of the revisionist claims by Hungary, Germany and Poland antagonized its non-Slovak voters. The overwhelming electoral defeat in Slovakia (in the Czech lands the Party maintained its support) alarmed the Slovak Party leaders who clearly read the writing on the wall. 47 And thus on the eve of Czecho-Slovakia's disintegration the Party attempted another somersault and tried to sponsor the autonomistic cause, even if it meant forming a common front with Hlinka's Party. But it was now too late. No party in Slovakia cared for partnership with the Communists and Hlinka's Party least of all. The speed with which events marched by-passed the Party altogether. 46) J. U§iak, Boj KS(: s Hlinkovou slovenskou l'udovou stranou a vplyv na masy v obdobi ndstupu fasizmu (Pfispevky k dejindm KSC, 5/ 1963, pp. 710-29). Also V. Plevza, KSC a revolucne hnutie na Slovensku 1929-1938 (Bratislava, 1965), pp. 462-474. 47 ) The Communist historians merely record the electoral defeat without going into details, without drawing any conclusion (e. g. Plevza, op. cit., p. 471 ). In many small towns the Communist vote virtually disappeared and in bigger towns it was severely reduced. On the whole the proportion of those who voted Communist dropped from 14% in 1935 to something like 8.9 % in 1938. No comprehensive results have been compiled so far; the Party historians carefully avoid this area. A brief glance at the election results in a few Slovak cities shows convincingly how the Party fared at the polls. (The results are compared with those of the Hlinka People's Party, the main beneficiary of the Communist loss. Figures are taken from Slovensky dennik of June 12, 1938): People's Party votes KSS votes Gain in% --19_3_5_[1938 ' ....Jl % _in--'l .... _L_o_s_s I _1_93_8__,_ 1 __,__1_93_5_ _ _ _T_o_w_n_ 2,493 I 44.3 j 1 8,133 5,640 45,7 2,399 1 2,856 i 5,255 Bratislava 333 I 37.91 910 1,243 88 13.5 554 Nove Mesto n / V I 642 44 I 607 I 563 I 1098 76 I 167 68.8 I 243 Snina 1 849 I 363 62.0I 586 4,658 2,098 I 2,560 55.0 Star11. !>ala I 1,064 1 ? 64 I ? Modra I 1,253 j ? 79 I ? Michalovce I 3,471 1 ? 777 I ? Trebgov (dist. ) I I I I I 1 �142 SLOVAKIA The collapse of Czecho-Slovakia found the Party's fortunes in Slovakia at their lowest ebb. This was openly acknowledged by the Party leadership in its report to the Executive of the Comintern in December 1938. With a remorseful self-criticism V. Siroky confessed: We Comm un ists represe nted in Slovakia the national interests of the Czech nation, while the Slovak national interests were furth er represented by Hlinka's Party ... Only at the last moment as the Czechoslovak crisis was reaching its climax did we put forward a demand for the democratic solution of the Slovak problem, i. e. the granting of full autonomy.48 IV. 1938-1944 The declaration of autonomy on October 6th, 1938 was shortly followed by the suppression of Party activities and in January 1939 the Party was disbanded. The Party leaders escaped abroad and with regard to Party leadership in Slovakia, it is interesting to note that the Slovak nationals, if they got away at all, fled mainly to the West (Valo, Clementis ), while the non-Slovak leaders sought their refuge in the Soviet Union (smidke, Bacilek, Major. Siroky went first to Paris, then to Moscow) .49 Drawing conclusions from the rejection of the Party policies by the Slovak people and facing the new situation fairly and squarely, the Comintern decided on the last and long-delayed step : it gave its approval to the founding of an independent ( albeit illegal) Communist Party of Slovakia ( in May 1939 ). 50 Its leadership was entrusted to three relatively minor and unknown functionaries: J. Duris, L. Benada, J. Osoha. Of these the ablest and most dynamic was Jan Osoha, a Czech by birth. The leadership faced a tremendous task of building a network of illegal cells from the fragments and remains of what once was a Party organization in Slovakia. Traditional Party strongholds went to Hungary by the Vienna Award of November 1938.50 a The 48 ) Deji~nii krizov atka (Bratislava, 1964), pp. 27-28. 49 ) Slovak Studies IV (Rome, 1964) , p. 30. 50) Dejiny KS(; (Praha, 1961 ), p. 399. 50a) Interesting evidence of the solid support the Party received from t he Magyar-speaking population of Slovakia can be found in the recently published bibliography, Zoznam komunistickych novin a casopisov marxi.stickej l' avice z rokov 1919-38 (Martin, 1961). The bibliography lists 125 separate newspapers and periodicals of which �SLOVAKIA 143 newly-acquired independence of Slovakia (in March 1939) was a powerful stabilizing factor on the political scene leaving very little scope for the subversive activities of the Communists.51 For the Communists the situation was further aggravated by the Nazi-Soviet Pact (August 1939), the Soviet participation in the Fourth partition of Poland and the Soviet recognition, both 'de facto' and 'de jure', of the independent Slovak state. Under the impact of these events the Slovak Communist leadership in the West (Paris) disintegrated.52 At home the Party leaders were even more confused and completely at a loss. The illegal handbills and propaganda pamphlets betray the prevalent mood of perplexity and obvious embarrassment of the underground Party organizers in their desperate attempts to explain away the things they could not comprehend. In the Soviet attitude towards the Slovak state they saw a sure sign of Soviet approval of the new geographicopolitical reorganization of Central Europe. In response to it they drew up, sometime in October 1939, a new political program, the key-note of which was: "The free and independent Soviet Slovakia." 53 This program became a dominant feature of all the illegal Communist activities in Slovakia up to 1944. It was only natural for an independent Party to sponsor such a policy in an independent state. But the scheme did not pass 71 were published in the Slovak language, 50 (i. e. 40 %) in Magyar, 3 in German and 1 in Ukrainian. 51) A. Huckova-Stvrtecka, cinnost' prveho ilegalneho Ostredneho vyboru KSS (Bratislava, 1959). 52) Clementis denounced the Nazi-Soviet pact for which he was expelled from the Pai ty, Siroky rapidly departed to Moscow and Valo retired into neutral passivity. About the impact of this infamous alliance on the Slovak (and Czech ) Communists in Paris, see Theo. I-I. Florin, S Vladom Clementisom v Parizi a v Lon.dyne (Dav, spomienky a studie, [Brati~ava, 1965), p. 467) . 53) Confiscated Communist propaganda handbills in the Archives of the German F'oreign Ministry, 56/ 38606-15. These documents help to pinpoint the beginning of the campaign for an independent Soviet Slovakia which was not later than in October 1939. At that time the Communists went to considerable trouble to explain that the Soviet Union had not exchanged Communism for the National Socialism of Hitler. �144 SLOVAKIA by unchallenged. The first to protest against this line was-as might have been expected-the illegal Communist Party in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia lead by Edo Urx who as a Party functionary had spent a number of years in Slovakia. The Party in the Protectorate continued to call itself the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia. It claimed to be the direct successor of the banned Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia and a parent organization of the Communist Party of Slovakia. It advocated the restoration of the pre-Munich Czecho-Slovakia and objected to any policy promulgation which was not consistent with its current Party line. The Slovaks on the other hand were rejecting any kind of affiliation and insisted on equality and independence. After prolonged disagreement the dispute was referred to Moscow for arbitration 54 and there Gottwald issued a ruling completely vindicating the stand of the Slovak Communists. He sent the following message to Urx (in March 1940): Your pre-war pattern of thinking must change. Behind the slogan "Restoration of Czecho-Slovakia" are hidden imperialistic and antiSoviet schemes . .. We expressly emphasize that our Party fully accepts the right of self-determination both for the Czechs and fo r the Slovaks. This right of self-detevmination implies the right to live in an independent state. We fight for the restoration of the national freedom and territorial independence of the Czechs. As far as the Slovaks are concerned we fight for the complete sovereignity of the present-day Slovak state. It is this struggle for the right of self-determination which differentiates our road from that of Benes a nd world imperialism. The relation between the Czechs and Slovaks stand now on a new footing. Slovak separatism plays today a different role. That is why we are giving up the old slogans concerning Slovakia.ss Encouraged by this message the Slovak Communists tried to outdo in nationalist zeal everybody including the official Slovak propaganda. The only criticism they received from Moscow was the advice not to stress too much the Soviet character of their "independent Soviet Slovakia" program.56 54 ) The dispute is summarized in D ejinna krizovatka (Bratislava, 1964) , pp. 63-88. 55) Deji nna krizovatka (Bratislava, 1964) , p. 61. 56 ) S. Falt'an, Ku Kral'ov ej recenzii trochu inak (Historicky casopis, 4/ 1966, p. 58S. �SLOVAKIA 145 The idea of national independence being at the root of the Party's illegal activities was not given up even when the Soviet Union gave its official recognition to Benes and his government then in exile in London. The clandestine journal, "Hlas l'udu" (Voice of the people ), commented on the resumption of diplomatic relations between Benes and the Kremlin: The pact between the Soviet Union and the Czecho-Slovak government in exile is not seen by the Communist Party of Slovakia as a pact with the government of a future state which has its established boundaries, its established regime. The (Czecho-Slovak) government in London was created without the participation and without the will of the working people in Slovakia . . . The question of an independent (Slovak) state, or autonomy, or federation with the fraternal Czech nation is now of secondary importance and it will be settled after the defeat and destruction of German imperialism.56a Slovak police and security organs who had infiltrated the illegal Communist organizations57 watched this development with keen interest. When the Soviet-German conflict broke out (June, 1941) the Slovak police within a few hours arrested all the members of the illegal Central Committee (except J. Osoha) and some 1,100 illegal Party activists. 58 Most of these were released from detention after three or four weeks and lost no time in regrouping and starting again. A new Central Committee was set up by J . Osoha and this in turn was broken up by the police in April 1942. J. Osoha again eluded the dragnet and at56a) Quoted by M. Gosiorovsky in Historicky casopis, No. 3/ 1968, p. 371. 57) In this connection it is worth quoting from a report of the German Minister to Slovakia, M. v. Killinger (of August 19th, 1940): "Die ... in die kommunistische Zellen geschickten Leute bewiihren sich sehr gut, so dass der Erfolg der Arbeit gesichert und alle Zellen der hier, wieder erstehenden kommunistischen Organisationen erfasst werden. Die inzwischen festgestellten kommunistische Funktioniire werden listenmiissig geftihrt und laufend ergiinzt" (2276/ 47987684). 58) German documents 610/ 248627. At this time the Russians parachuted into Slovakia V. Siroky and V. Skrabala. But they were discovered very soon after their arrival and put in prison where Siroky stayed until 1945. When in 1949 Siroky emerged as the most powerful man in Slovakia trusted by both Moscow and Prague, legendary stories were written about his underground and illegal activities which lasted-when all said and done-some fi ve weeks. �146 SLOVAKIA tempted to organize the third Central Committee of the KSS. But in July he was caught and imprisoned together with the other members of the Committee. 59 These police actions deprived the illegal Party organization in Slovakia of all its old leaders trained in the Stalinist mould of blind and unquestioning obedience. Continuity with the pre-war Party politics was thus broken and the way was cleared for new men to emerge at the top. As it happened they were almost without exception the younger generation of the Party intellectuals, recruited and groomed by Vlado Clemen tis ( then in London). They lacked the rugged working-class background but they possessed the self-assertive spirit of intense national pride. One of them, Stefan Bast'ovansky, tried to continue (against his better judgement) with the illegal activities in the old traditional style (handbills and pamphlets read by very few, incitement to sabotage obeyed by nobody) only to find himself in prison by May 1943.60 The leadership of the demoralized and decimated ranks now passed into the hands of G. Husak and L. Novomesky, who disagreed with those tactics and methods which were costing the Party so much and achieved nothing. As the men on the spot they proposed a more subtle and unorthodox approach which took into account the political and social conditions in Slovakia, the mentality and sentiments of the masses and the weakness of Slovak war-time administration. The Party really went underground and the outward signs of activities almost disappeared. Moscow, disturbed by the apparent lack of fighting spirit, decided to send to Slovakia two trusted emissaries to revive the dormant proletarian masses. They were K. smidke and K. Bacilek. Neither of them was Slovak but both had worked in Slovakia in the interwar period. smidke, the more experienced of the two, listened with interest to the suggestions of the Slovak intellectuals and to their amazement he agreed with them. 61 smidke set up a new Central Committee of the KSS 59) 0 . Krajnak, Protifasisticke hnutie na Slovensku. (Nova mys! , 8/ 1964, pp. 695-703); G. Husak, Svedectvo o SNP (Bratislava, 1964 ), pp. 33-36; Dejinna krizovatka (Bratislava, 1964) , pp. 122-126. 60) Dejinna krizovatka (Bratislava, 1964), p. 126. 61) G. Husak, Svedectvo o SNP (Bratislava, 1964) , pp. 51-56. �SLOVAKIA 147 (which included himself, Husak and Novomesky) re-established and revived the network of illegal Party organizations and directed their activities along a new and more realistic path. He entered into close collaboration with the bourgeois illegal groups (and, through them, with the army) and did not scruple to exploit to the full the nationalist sentiments and aspirations of the Slovaks. 62 The last thing was, of course, not an easy task, because in the meantime the Soviet Union had promised Benes to restore pre-Munich Czecho-Slovakia. And not only that. As revealed recently, Benes was given by Stalin, in December 1943, virtually a free hand in his dealings with the Slovaks. According to Fierlinger (Czecho-Slovak Ambassador in Moscow) Stalin allegedly told Benes "to keep the Slovaks firmly in hand.''62 a By these tactics of exploiting nationalistic feeling in the country and with the military defeat of Germany looming larger and closer every day, the Communists and their bourgeois allies were preparing an armed uprising in Slovakia. Their conspiratory efforts were partly frustrated by an untimely start, triggered off by Soviet partisans, which doomed the venture to failure. But while it lasted (August-October 1944) "the Slovak national uprising" (as this revolt became officially known after 1945) was a remarkable achievement in several respects. 63 Its effect on the future political development of Slovakia was to be farreaching and lasting. Right at the beginning of the uprising the Communist Party of Slovakia came into the open and published ( on September 2nd, 1944) its proclamation in which it implied that Slovakia--though a part of Czechoslovakia-would have a very broad autonomy which would include even a sepa62) Slovenske ruirodne povstanie 1944 (Bratislava 1965), pp. 191-221. 62a) J. Barto, Riesenie vzt'ahu cechov a Slovakov (Bratislava, 1968) . p. 11. 63) This event is by far the most written-about subject in modern Slovak history. For a critical review of bibliography on this theme see: F . Vnuk, Neuveritel'ne sprisahanie (Middletown, Pa., 1964) , pp. 181-191. Also S. Falt'an, Niektore otazky okolo hodnotenia SNP (Historicky casopis, 2/ 1964, pp. 161-185) . A complete bibliography of books and articles on the subject in 1963-64 was compiled by A. Kociska (Historicky casopis, 2/ 1965, pp. 309-328) . �148 SLOVAKIA rate army. 64 On September 9, 1944 the KSS began to publish the daily, "Pravda", proudly branded as "the official organ of the Communist Party of Slovakia".65 On September 17th, 1944 it arranged a joint Party Congress with the Social Democratic Party at which the Social Democratic Party merged into the KSS. It elected its own Central Committee with smidke as President, Husak and cech (Social Democrat) as Vice-Presidents. The Party displayed vigour and independence to a degree which both the Czech and the Soviet commissars found disquieting. The Czech Communists who were spending the war years in Moscow thought it necessary to reaffirm their primacy before it was too late and promptly dispatched to Slovakia two "experienced comrades", R. Slansky and J. sverma, to see that the Party line was correctly drawn and properly applied. After their arrival ( September 28th, 1944) the Slovak Communist leadership had to do as it was told. As a result there followed a great deal of retracting especially in those fields where exuberant nationalism had carried the home-grown leaders too far. The uprising revealed with startling clarity the secondary role and subordinate position to which the KSS was now relegated. In proclaiming their allegiance to the Czecho-Slovak Republic the Slovak Communists were negating the only positive asset of their political program so loudly advertised in 1939-44 under the slogan of an independent Soviet Slovakia. The blow was shattering not only to the Slovak people at large but also to the less doctrinaire Party members.66 In order to make the best of a bad job the Communists kept on assuring the people that the new Czecho-Slovak Republic would be incomparably better than the old one, 64) The proclamation persistently talks about " our Slovak (not Czechoslovak) army". For the full text of the document see: G. Husak, Svedectvo o SNP (Bratislava, 1964), pp. 257-258. 65) The daily, "Pravda", as it appeared during the uprising (September - October 1944) was recently reprinted and is available in a convenient form , Pravda v obdobi SNP (Bratislava, 1964) . 66) There were reports that workers at several places proclaimed a Slovak Soviet Republic (e.g. at Nemecke Pravno) ; in other places (Podbrezova) there was strong agitation for the proclamation of Soviet Slovakia. This unwillingness of the working class to return to a common state with the Czechs is most telling. �SLOVAKIA 149 that the excesses of the Czech administration would not be repeated, that the Slovak national individuality would be unquestionably accepted, etc. In other words they were posing as the guarantors of all those rights and achievements which the Hlinka People's Party had secured for the Slovak nation when declaring autonomy (October 1938). They openly advocated a federated Czecho-Slovakia.67 Unfortunately for them in 1944-45 the Slovaks were past the autonomy stage and were thinking in terms of state independence. Against the opposition of many Czech politicians, including Benes himself, the Slovak Communists succeeded in retrieving from the wreckage of the Slovak independence some of those prerequisites which gave post-war Slovakia a quasi-autonomous status.68 What is even more surprising, they were able to preserve their own independence. And thus one finds in post-war Czecho-Slovakia a somewhat anomalous situation. Alongside the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia there existed a Communist Party of Slovakia (with no regional equivalent in the Czech lands ) which to all intents and purposes was treated as a separate political party. As it happened it was a most expedient arrangement because it enabled the Communists in the critical post-war months (April 1945-May 1946) to have two Deputy Prime Ministers in the Provisional Government (instead of one) and almost twice as many ministers, parliamentarians, etc. as any other political party. V. 1945-1949 In the years 1945-6 the KSS was without doubt the most nationalistic party ever to enter the Slovak political scene. It was vehemently anti-German and anti-Magyar, and there seemed to be no limits to its nationalistic ex cesses. It lured into its camp Slovak voters by the promise of agrarian and wide-spread social reforms, it appealed 67) Thus spoke G. Husak at Kosice on February 28th, 1945: "We wan t to have a federated state ... in which each nation will be master in his own house."- See: G. Husak, Za narodnu a l'udovu demo kraciu (Kosice, 1945), p. 14. Also J. Jablonicky, Slovensko na prelome (Bratislava, 1965) , pp. 248-296. 68 ) Program prvej dorruicej vlady narodneho frontu cechov a Slovcikov (Kosice, 1945) . �150 SLOVAKIA to the nationalist and even the religious feeling of the people, it was willing to overlook anybody's past, no matter how compromising.69 Outwardly the KSS was united, but, as it transpired later, inside it was torn with internal jealousies which very soon decomposed its ranks and paralysed its strength as an independent political force. The old-guard leaders ( Siroky, Duris, etc.) who spent their war years in prison did not see eye to eye with the leadership which had been put together during the 1944 uprising (Husak, smidke, etc.). The Siroky-group intrigued against the smidke-Husakgroup and in their schemes they had the support of the Czech Communist leadership. In May 1945 at the joint session of both Party Presidia the Slovaks were compelled to adopt a common policy with their Czech comrades on all public issues of the day. The role of the KSS was defined as being "a part of a unitary KSC with a united leadership".70 In practice it meant a complete subjugation of the KSS to the dictatorial authority of the KSC. This was the end of the short-lived independence of the KSS (19391945). One of the first moves of Gottwald was to impose on the KSS a more amenable leadership to replace the smidkeHusak-group. In July 1945 Gottwald delegated Siroky to take over the Party affairs in Slovakia. 71 Siroky hurriedly convened a Party conference at Zilina (Aug. 11-12, 1945) where he was confirmed in his position as the Party President. Siroky saw to it that the top Party positions were filled with his men. Thus he had become, already in Aug. 1945, the undisputed authority in Party matters in Slovakia. "Siroky concentrated in his own hands and in the hands of his own group of collaborators in the apparatus of the KSS Central Committee factual decisions about Party 69) This is again another neglected chapter of the Party history. The nationalist excesses, especially against the Magyar minority, formed a part of the accusation levelled at the " bourgeois nationalists" in 1950-54. An oblique reference to the nationalist policies of the KSS has been made recently in the book of J. Zvara, A magyar nemzetisegi kerdes melogdasa Szlovakuiban (Bratislava, 1965), pp. 22-69. Also J . Jablonicky in Slovensko na prelome (Bratislava, 1965) pp . 396-409. 70) J. Barto, Riesenie vzt'ahu Cechov a Slovakov (Bratislava 1968) , p. 55. 71 ) ib., p. 99. �SLOVAKIA 151 policies, about the Party itself and about its leading cadres. These men were selected by Siroky himself according to his own personal likings", complained G. Husak recently. 72 Out of 9 men in the Party Presidium Husak identified these as the members of the Siroky group: Siroky, Duris, Bast'ovansky, Valachovic, Holdos. This leaves on the other side Husak, soltesz, smidke and Zupka. While acting as a strong man of the KSS, Siroky realized that he owed his position to the Czech Communists and consequently he was an ever-obedient executor of their wishes. In this way the policy of the KSS became divorced from the current needs and realities of the Slovaks. The policies of the KSc were designed to attract the Czech masses and paid very little attention to the Slovak national interests. The Party faced the first post-war electoral contest in a state of internal disunity, with a program which lacked conviction, realism and electoral appeal. Its only competitor for the allegiance of the Slovak electorate was the Democratic Party (heir and successor of the old Agrarian Party of M. Hodza) dominated almost exclusively by the Slovak Protestant bourgeoisie of proBenes sympathies. The Hlinka People's Party being banned, the Catholic section of the Slovak people ( the support of which was to decide the general election scheduled on May 26th, 1946) had no party of its own. To win these vital votes the leaders of the Democratic Party concluded an agreement with the representatives of the Slovak Catholics ("April Agreement") promising considerable concessions in exchange for the Catholic vote. 73 As a result of this solid backing of the Catholic majority the Democratic Party emerged victorious from the electoral contest polling 62.0 % of the total vote (999,622 votes), while the Communist Party gained only 30.4 % (489,596 votes), the remaining 7 ,6 % went to two minor parties or represented "white ticket" and informal votes. 74 While the electorate in the Czech lands overwhelmingly 72) G. Husak, Barnabitky a co im predchadzalo, in Nove slovo, No. 8/ 1968. 73) V. Precan, Slov ensky katolicizmus pred februarom 1948 (Bratislava , 1961), pp. 85-108. 74) Dejiny KSc (Praha, 1961), p . 504. �152 SLOVAKIA endorsed the Marxist policies 75 in Slovakia the Communist Party (which-it should be remembered-was already then a united party of both the Communist and the Social Democrats) came second best in what was actually a twoparty contest. This massive rejection of the Marxist policies led to deep soul-searching in the Central Committee in Prague and Bratislava. The Party now tempered (at least partly) its reckless nationalism and started to attack the Democratic Party for harbouring fascist and reactionary elements. 76 Though nominally both Communist and Democratic Parties were partners in the so-called United National Front they were soon fighting and abusing each other with fury and passion reminiscent of the interwar years. In spite of their electoral defeat the Communists, by clever and daring manipulation of their own and due to the ineptness, timidity and inexperience of the Democratic politicians were able to exert a decisive influence on the course of political events in Slovakia. They still retained the control of powerful organizations and pressure groups ( trade unions, farmers' organizations, partisans, etc.). Thus they were able to frustrate almost any attempt of the Democratic Party to honour its promises given to the Catholic voters.77 By their bullying tactics they brought about the estrangement between the leadership and membership of the Democratic Party. They accused many Democratic Party leaders of fascist conspiracy and subversive activity, demanded and got their removal from office and subsequent imprisonment (Kempny, Bugar, Stasko, Ursiny, etc.). Then in November 1947 they attacked the governmental positions of the Democratic Party, compelling it to give up 75) In the Czech lands the Communists received 38.9 % and the Social Democrats 15.8 % of the votes. The Marxist parties thus obtained 54.7 % . 76 ) M. Vartikova, Roky rozhodnutia. K dejiruim politickeho boja pred febriuirom 1948 (Bratislava, 1962); J . Lettrich, History of Modern Slovakia (New York, 1955), pp. 247-253. 77 ) They engineered-with the help of their Czech comrades and colleagues-the sentencing and execution of the former President of Slovakia, Dr. Jozef Tiso. By this they completely discredited the Democratic Party in the eyes of its voters, fully revealing its impotency and helplessness as a political force . See: F . Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso , President of the Slovak Repitblic (Sydney, 1967 ), pp. 37-40. �SLOVAKIA 153 its majority in such administrative bodies as the Slovak National Council, the Board of Commissioners, etc.78 By this victory the Communists effectively undermined the morale of the non-Communist forces and the stage was set for a complete take-over. The notorious 'coup d'etat', by which the Communists came to power in Czecho-Slovakia in February 1948, was largely a Czech affair. The resignation of the non-Communist ministers and the ensuing governmental crisis were confined to Prague. The confrontation was staged and the struggle was lost by the Czechs in the Czech lands. 79 As far as Slovakia was concerned there the issue was solved almost inaudibly in a matter of hours (long before the crisis was over in Prague). The Communist chairman of the Board of Commissioners, G. Husak, took over the main Post Office building in Bratislava on February 23rd, 1948 and was in complete control of all postal services, especially the vital telecommunication links between Bratislava and. Prague. To all Democratic Commissioners he dispatched letters of dismissal and to make sure that they took notice, he requested the Commissioner of the Interior, M. Feriencik (nominally a non-party member of the Board), to post police guards at their offices, to keep the "dismissed'' Commissioners out. 80 Then the Communists reconstituted a new Board allocating to themselves 10 (out of 15) positions, giving the remaining ones to their fellow-travellers.81 This moment signified the zenith of the KSS. What followed afterwards was a steeply descending road leading to the unenviable position of the next two decades(1948-68). 78 ) In the reconstructed Board of Commissioners the Democratic Party had to share the chairmanship with a Communist and its majority of nine on the Board of 15 Commissioners was reduced to a minor ity of six. 79) There are many accounts of this "parliamentary take-over" of governmental powers by the Communists. For the losing party's version see e.g. H. Ripka's Le Coup de Prague (Paris, 1949), for the winning-side versio n see e.g. J . Vesely's Kronika unorovych dnti 1948 (Praha, 1958) . 80) V. Vagassky, Komunisticka strana ceskoslovenska (New York, 1953roneoed) p. 8. 81) J. Lettrich, History of Modern Slovakia (New York, 1955), pp. 259-260. �li4 SLOVAKIA VI. 1948-1962 With the elimination of the non-Communist opposition there was no longer a need for two Communist Parties in one country. Steps towards the abolition of the KSS were taken on July 26th, 1948, when the Presidium of the KSc (consisting entirely of Czech Communists) decided: 1. The next meeting of the Central Committee of the KSS shall rule that the KSS ceases to exist as an independent party and become an integral part of the KSc. 2. The Party organization in Slovakia will still carry the name of KSS . 3. The Central Committee of the KSS shall be subordinated to the Central Committee of the KSc, it shall act according to its directives and it will implement the policy of the KSc in Slovakia. 82 This decision was proptly implemented on September 28, 1948 when the KSS, obeying the resolution of the Presidium of the KSc agreed to become "the territorial organization of the unitary KSC. 83 The merger was officially represented as a voluntary act mutually desired by both, and enthusiastically greeted by the Party press as such. But now it is admitted what has been generally known from the start that the Slovak Communists were most unwilling to give up their independence, to take up the status of an unprivileged minority destined to wait for the hand-outs of the senior and none-too-generous partner. Their fears were well justified but they could do nothing to prevent the inevitable. Thus they became the first victims of the renewed centralism with which the Communist rulers of Czecho-Slovakia were pursuing their new "socialist" policies. Gottwald, Kopecky and their accomplices, the authors and erstwhile advocates of Slovak selfgovernment, almost overnight forgot their earlier pledges. Robust and aggresive centralism was menacingly reflected in the new "Constitution of May 9th" (1948). In it the Slovaks were treated badly, 84 yet worse was still to come. 82) K. Kaplan, Utvcifeni genercilni linie vystavby socialismu v Ceskoslovensku (Pra ha, 1965) , p. 103. 83) Dejiny KSC (Praha, 1961) , p. 540. 84) While in 1945 the Commissioners were chosen by the Slovak National Council and responsible to it, in 1948 they were appointed by �SLOVAKIA 155 Most of those political and national rights which-as claimed by the KSS-were secured by the Slovak uprising in 1944 and saved by the victory of the working-class in 1948 were gradually removed one by one by the same people who once fought for them. With incredible, even gleeful, outward obedience the Slovak Communists were curtailing their own rights, restricting their own freedom of action. This subordinate relationship which now existed between the KSS and KSC was subsequently written into the Party Statutes for everybody to see. According to these approved rules "the KSS directs its activities by the decisions of the Congress of the KSC and the decisions of the Central Committee of the KSC ... The KSS convokes its congress after agreement with the Central Committee of the KSC ... The Central Committee of the KSS carries out the decisions of the Central Committee of the KSc and with the approval of the Central Committee of the KSC it solves the political and organizational Party questions in Slovakia". 85 Committed to these rules and bound by Party discipline the Communists in Slovakia ruthlessly applied the general Party line as drawn up in Prague by the Central Committee of the KSc, and including such unpopular measures as collectivization of farming, nationalization of all sectors of private enterprise, down to small shops and one-man businesses, wholesale purge of public life of all real and imaginary opponents of Communism, cruel persecution of the Catholic Church, its clergy and religious, victimization the Prague Government. The protective measures introduced in 1945 to safeguard the rights of the Slovak against the Czech majority were all removed in 1948. To pass or amend legislation a mere three-fifths majority of deputies was required. The Czech majority in the Parliament was always higher than this. (In 1954 there were only 98 Slovaks among 368 deputies). 85) The Statutes of the KSc , paragraphs 40, 42 and 47. See : Pravda of December 20th, 1952. Numerically the Party drew noticeably less strength from Slovakia than from the Czech lands. Shortly after the 1948 merger statistics were issued showing that in 1949 out of 2,311,066 members and candidates of the KSC only 236,432 were from Slovakia, i.e. 10.3%. ( Rude pravo of May 27th, 1950) . This disparity continued into the fiities and at the Tenth Congress of the KSC (1954) the Slovak delegates formed a 10,2% minority (Pravda of June 16th, 1954) . At that time 28% of the population lived in Slovakia. �156 SLOVAKIA of the intellectuals, adulation of Stalin and Gottwald, indiscriminate application of "superior Soviet methods" in all walks of life, etc.86 And when they did all these repugnant and hate-fometing tasks their Czech masters struck them with a wave of bloody purges. In the years 1949-54 (and especially after the Ninth Congress of the KSS in May 1950) the ranks of the Slovak Communists were decimated with a fury of terror which in its scope and horror surpassed all the blows ever inflicted by their class enemy. The purges form the most tragic and most neglected chapter in the history of the KSS.B 7 Within five years (1949-54) the KSS lost in purges seven out of 13 members of its Presidium (Clementis, Husak, Novomesky, ~midke, Bast'ovansky, Falt'an and Moskovic), some 30 % of its 60members Central Committee and thousands of Party members in diplomatic and administrative service, in the army, political bodies, institutions and other sectors of public life. They were removed from their posts amid the curses of their own comrades and comrades-in-arms and, having previously antagonized the masses of the Slovak people, they found themselves unpitied and friendless in their gravest hour. They were declared "enemies of the people", their work was debased, their publications banned, their past exorcised from the pages of the Party history.BB The principal guilt of which all the Slovak victims of the purges were accused was the unpardonable sin of "bourgeois nationalism", the very thing in which they were so much encouraged by their Czech comrades in 1945-6. It is generally not realized that the bulk of the victims of the 1949-54 purges were "bourgeois nationalists" (i.e. 86) In the writings of contemporary Communist historians all these measures were described as being socialist, progressive and to the benefit of the masses. Only now, after 15 years, some "mistakes" are being admitted for which the personality cult is blamed. 87) The purges were strictly taboo to the socialist historians until January 1968. Only in the field of literature a cautious attempt has been made to deal with this touchy subject, e. g. in Mnacko's Oneskorene reportaze, in Karvas's Jazva, etc. 88) More about the purges can be found in D. A. Schmidt's Anotomy of a Satelite ( Boston, 1952), in Vnuk's cistky - nezahojitel'ne rany KSS (Slovak v Amerike, November 9th,-30th, 1966); also Der Slansky-Prozess und seine Folgen (Recht im Ost und West, 5/ 1964, pp. 196-203. �SLOVAKIA 157 Slovaks) in Slovakia and "zionists" (i.e. Jews) in the Czech lands, though these two groups did not account for more than 13 ¼- of the KSc membership. It is no wonder then that the purges permanently poisoned the already strained Slovak-Czech relations beyond any hope of reconciliation. After the elimination of the Slovak element the Central Committee of the KSc entrusted the reins of the KSS to people of its own choice: Siroky, Bacilek, Duris, David, Dubcek, Rais, Branik, sefranek, Mauer, etc. As in the early twenties most of these were of non-Slovak origin ( Czechs and Jews) and a few of them were even Soviet citizens (David, Mauer). In March 1953 Stalin died and shortly after him K. Gottwald. The presidency of the Republic passed on to A. Zapotocky, while a well-known Slovakophobe, A. Novotny, became the first Party secretary. Novotny soon concentrated in his hands immense power and, assisted by V. Kopecky, was able to suppress all the liberalising tendencies of the post-Stalin thaw. 89 Having thus delayed destalinization which was sweeping through Poland, Hungary and the Soviet Union, Novotny paid increased attention to Slovakia where the dangers to his policies were greatest. In an attempt to subdue the passive resistance of the Slovaks and to break the nationalist spirit pulsating there in spite of purges, expulsions and bolshevist vigilance, Novotny further tightened the screw of Czech centralism. He introduced new administrative steps aimed at a more thorough control and reorganized the existing economic, cultural and social structure of the country. In this reorganization several Slovak industrial enterprises and cultural associations lost even their nominal independence and were integrated with their Czech counterparts into more compact "Czechoslovak" bodies.90 89) Kopecky's version of how the Party fought and defeated "revisionism" among the intellectuals is graphically, though one-sidedly, described in his book, CSR a KS(; (Praha, 1960), pp. 467-470. 90 ) These moves were allegedly designed for reasons of higher efficiency but the uneasy reluctance with which they were accepted in Slovakia indicates their insidious nature. Their implementation led to the dismissal of the President of the Slovak National Council, S. Sebesta, anct to renewed attacks on Slovak separatism by Bacilek, Kopecky, David, etc. �158 SLOVAKIA With regard to the Slovak political and administrative organs these were doomed to wither away by a devious method of ignoring their very existence. In spite of the fact that the Slovak regional organs were staffed by trusted Party members they were gradually reduced to complete inactivity. Though the Government was constitutionally obliged to appoint a Commissioner when new ministeries were created, this provision was, as a rule, ignored. 91 Under the mask of "Czechoslovak socialist patriotism" a new brand of undiluted Czech nationalism was superimposed on these centralist tendencies. Any opposition to this socialist Czechoslovakism was decried as bourgeois nationalism and one can see how often these accusations were levelled against the Slovaks after 1954.92 In an arrogant disregard of Slovak national aspirations the constitution which in May 1960 proclaimed CzechoSlovakia "a socialist country" further stripped the power of Slovakia's provincial government organs subordinating them completely to the Central Government. 93 This outrageous arrangement was presented as a final and satisfactory solution of the Slovak problem and the Party boasted in its official history that it had accomplished what the old capitalist system had found insoluble.94 However, the Slovak feelings about the situation are more aptly 91) E. Taborsk)', Communism in Czechoslov akia 1948-1960 (Princeton , N. J. , 1961), pp. 340-344. 92) V. ~iroky complained about it at the Tenth Congress of the KSS in April 1955; it was deplored in a leading article in Pravda of May 1st, 1956; in the aftermath of the Budapest revolt it was ruefully admitted "one of the weakest sectors of our ideological struggle is the struggle against bourgeois nationalism", Pravda of December 14th, 1956); in January 1958 it was violently denounced by K. Bacilek as having penetrated "into various fields of our cultural, political and scientific life, sports, state apparatus, economic organs, etc." Pravda of January 10th and 11th, 1958) ; again by K. Bacilek and V. Kopecky at the Eleventh Congress of the KSS in April 1958; etc. See also: Slovak Nationalism Revisited (Radio Free Europe Papers of November 11, 1965). 93) The Slovak Commissioners must "attend to further tasks in the economic and cultural construction of Slovakia to the extent determined by the central government" (Taborsky, Communism in Czechoslovakia 1948-1960 [Princeton, N. J., 1961], p. 339) . 94) Dejiny KS(; (Praha, 1961), pp. 697-698. �SLOVAKIA 159 summed up in the words of the former member of the Secretariat of the KSS and Party historian, M. Gosiorovsky: By the new adjustments of the Slovak national organs (which led to the aboli5hment of the Board of Commissioners, to the sub ordination of Slovak national offices directly to the Ministeries in Prague, etc.) the Slovak nation found itself in the position of the only nation in the entire Socialist camp which on its own ethnic territory lacked such organs of the Socialist governmental administration which would correspond to its development, its present living standard, its numerical strength and, above all, to its indispensability to become really and in every respect an equal partner with the brotherly Czech nation.95 VII. 1962-1967 Misruled and unrepresented, the Slovak Communists resented the continuos Czech interference, the Socialist brand of "Czechoslovakism" and above all the persistence of Stalinist methods and Stalinist leadership to which they were subjected. But there was little they could do about it while the Party was strong and enjoyed Krushchev's support. 96 But in 1961-62 the Party's grip on the overall control started to slacken. There were several factors which contributed to this: the stagnation of the country's economy, the Sino-Soviet dispute which now broke into the open, renewed attacks on Stalin at the XXIInd Soviet Party Congress (October 1961). In the ideological split the KSc had no choice but to side with Moscow. Thus circumstances compelled it to do more than pay lip service to the cause of destalinization. Destalinization finally reached Czecho-Slovakia in 1962-3 and its advent was symbolically ushered in by the demolition of the huge statue of Stalin overlooking Prague (November 1962). The year 1962, the year of the XIIth Congress of the KSC, was also a year of intense ferment, especially in 95) M. Gosiorovsky, K niektorym otazkam vzt'ahu cechov a siovakov v poiitike KSc, in Historicky casopis, No. 3/ 1968, p. 391. 96 Khrushchev's endorsement of the Party's Stalinist policies in 1957 was a very serious drawback for the opposing forces in the KSS who disliked Kopecky and Novotny's stiff measures against the Slovaks. Khrushchev on the occasion of his visit to Czecho-Slovakia declared (on July 11th, 1957): "The cause of Leninism in CzechoSlovakia is in good hands." (East Europe, 9/1957, p.41) . �160 SLOVAKIA Slovakia where the pent-up grievances gave rise to outspoken criticism of the excesses of the Stalinist era and of their perpetrators. The loudest critics of these abuses of naked power were the Slovak writers, journalists, scientists and other representatives of the intelligentsia. 97 The foremost task of destalinization was to rehabilitate the victims of the 1949-54 purges. Those bourgeois nationalists who were still alive were quietly released from prisons, but Novotny and his clique were most relucant to admit that the accusations of bourgeois nationalism were fabricated. Such an admission would make fabricators of Novotny, Siroky and most of the power-holders in CzechoSlovakia. Subjected to mounting pressure the Party allowed the released prisoners to apply for re-admission to Party membership. Many of them did and their applications for re-admission read like the most savage condemnation of Communist tyranny ever written. 98 These were widely cir97) The mouthpiece of the discontented and critical voice was the official organ of the Slovak Writers' Association , Kulturny zivot, which in 1963 published an impressive number of critical articles. An open forum at which many abuses and horrors of the past and of the present were exposed was the Conference of Slovak Writers in Bratislava (April 21-22nd, 1963). At the First Congress of the Association of Slovak Journalists (May 28-29th, 1963) the wrongs and injustices of the era were bitterly denounced by M. Hysko , who publicly attacked the then Prime Minister, V. Siroky, as the prime mover behind the false accusations of the "bourgeois nanationalist" comrades, (Pravda of June 3rd 1963). 98) Some of them (e.g. Husak's) found their way abroad, where extracts from them were pub!ished in the emigre press. For English translation of parts from Husak's application see: News Digest International (Sydney) 3/ 1966, pp. 55-57. In 1968 a large number of rehabilited Party officials (as well as many non-Party men ) described their experiences at the hands of their jailers. Husak's account was serialized in a weekly, Nove slovo, Holdos's in the daily, Smena, but the most graphic expose of the inhuman treatment to which the victims of the cult era were subjected is in E. Loebl's book Svedectvo o procese s vedenim protistatneho sprisahaneckeho centra na cele s Rudolfom Slanskym (Bratislava, 1968) . From among the non-Communist prisoners there is the account by playwright I. Stodola in Kulturny zivot and that of military officer D. Viest in Slovenske Pohl'ady. Different organizations and institutions started to publish grim statistics about the era of lawlessness. According to various calculations there were 160 death sentences in 1948-53. The Association of Anti-Fascist Fighters claimed that 30,000-40,000 of its members became victims �SLOVAKIA 161 culated in Slovakia and their impact was enormous. At one stage they caused an open rebellion against Czech rule. Novotny tried to counteract these outbursts of discontent and criticism but his voice was drowned in an ever-growing protest. 99 To save his own skin he had to sacrifice his most valuable accomplices (and the most hated men in Slovakia) namely K. Bacilek (in March 1963), and when that did not suffice, V. Siroky and J . Duris (in September 1963). Of course the situation was far more serious than could be rectified by the removal of a few compromised Party officials. The main culprit, A. Novotny, and his group weathered the storm of criticism by sheer perseverance and stubbornness and with Moscow's backing retained their monopoly of power. At the end of 1963 the situation in the KSS differed only very little from that before the XIIth Party Congress. The leadership of the KSS was entirely in the hands of Novotny's men, like Bil'ak, Chudik, Sabolcik, Lenart, salgovic, Barbirek, Dvorsky, Cvik, Daubner, etc. In his selection Novotny was particularly careful to pick for his service people whose only qualification was blind following of the official Party line.No person of independent views or strong personal conviction made his way up the Party ladder. The most pathetic group in the Slovak political scene were the rehabilitated bourgeois nationalists. Though exonerated from their alleged crimes and officially "fully of judical and political persecution. The unlawfully sentenced citizens even founded their own organization "K 231". But the most moving (and damning) indictment of the cruelty of the Communist regime was the Resolution of the members of various religious orders presented to the Ministry of Culture and Information on April 17, 1968. It was signed by 6,174 religious who spent altogether 32,016 years in prison. (See Katoiicke noviny, May 5, 1968). 99) Novotny replied to the criticism of the Slovak Communist intellectuals on June 12th, 1963 at Kosice. He defended Siroky, maintaining that the accusations of bourgeois nationalism were " substantially right" ( Prav da of June 13th, 1963). He sharply reprimanded and vilified two Slovak critics of his policies, M. Hysko and R. Kalisky, branding them as "irresponsible scribblers" (pisalkove ). R. Kalisky replied in kind and his long letter (of 30 pages) to "comrade President" lists a comprehensive catalogue of Czech wrongdoings towards the Slovaks. This letter was also widely read in Slovakia and heartily approved by all sections of the community. �162 SLOVAKIA rehabilitated" they still were doomed to remain in a political wilderness, hoping against hope for some miracle which would restore their earlier status. Their hopes could not have been realized without a major upheavel within the Party. They were, after all, striving and clamouring after positions which were held by their former judges and jailers, by men who had advanced literally over their "dead bodies". These men knew only too well to whom they owed their posts and what was expected of them in return. This state of affairs could not have been without impact on the Party's membership. Headed by uninspiring and subservient leaders, the KSS had become a living mockery of Lenin's conception of a Communist Party. The solution of the Slovak problem in 1962-67 advanced very little, if at all. The request of the Slovak intellectuals to federate Czecho-Slovakia according to the Soviet or Yugoslav model was rejected outright. 100 The Czechs were the dominant nation in a state "of two brotherly nations of equal rights" (as it is solemnly written in the 1960 Constitution) and continued to enjoy a disproportionately high number of prestige-bearing positions in the Party organs, State administration, diplomatic service, army, etc. The dissatisfaction in all strata of the Slovak community was there for everybody to see. If any concessions were made, these were only formal and completely unsatisfactory. Thus in 1964 the term "poverenik" (Commissioner), abolished in 1960, was reintroduced and in a common declaration of the Central Committee of both Parties (i.e. KS(:; and KSS) of May 7, 1964 it was announced that the Slovak National Council would participate "more fully" in all spheres of Slovak public life. 101 But there was no visible improvement, no advancement towards a fuller participation of regional organs in Slovakia's administration. In spite of all this crude nationalistic discrimination, in spite of obvious economic, political and cultural failures, 100) This proposal, the authorship of which is attributed to an erstwhile Party historian, M. Gosiorovsky, was rejected by Prague through its Slovak mouthpiece, M. Chudik (President of the Slovak National Council. According to Chudik the Slovak people did not wish any federation (Rude pravo of November 13th, 1965). 101 ) Za plnsie uplatnenie Slovenskej narodnej rady, (Bratislava, 1964). �SLOVAKIA 163 Novotny somehow managed to retain and even consolidate his personal power at the XIIIth Party Congress (MayJune, 1966). The Congress was a rather dull and uneventful affair: only those speakers were admitted who endorsed Novotny's policies. A lengthy and critical report on the economic situation and the much talked-about "new economic model" was to be delivered by Prof. 0. sik, but what finally emerged was a very mild substitute. The Central Committee elected a 10-man Party Presidium, in which there were three Slovaks (Dubcek, Lenart, Chudik). Among the Presidium candidates there were two more Slovaks ( Sabolcik and Sadovsky). The promised and expected reform which was to put Slovak-Czech relations on an entirely new basis did not materialize .102 VIII. 1967-1968 The situation had become unbearable by 1967. The forces of discontent were gathering momentum. Up to 1966-7 the main source of opposition to the Novotny regime was in Slovakia, where his treatment of the Slovak peoples and institutions provoked almost universal hatred. This resentment was gradually percolating into the all-state Party leadership. In 1967 Novotny's obstinacy to the "new economic model" caused further polarization of the leadership into the "dogmatists" and the "liberals". The economic reform could succeed only if coupled with decentralization and with a loosening of the tight dictatorial regime. Any relaxation on the political front immediately brought forward a demand for a thorough-going rehabilitation and undoing of the "mistakes of the cult era". The combined impact of these factors (i.e. the Slovak question, economy and uneasy liberalization) eventually led to the fall of A. Novotny. These grumblings came first to the attention of the outside world in June 1967, when the writers used their IVth Congress as a tribunal for a passionate denunciation 102) The Slovak writer, V. Mihalik ( member of the Central Committee of the KSS ) revealed (in Kulturny zivot 8/1966, p. 1) that the Party was preparing "an important document" aimed at the improvem1mt in Slovak-Czech relations. The document was to be tabled at the Thirteenth Congress of the KSc (May, 1966 ). Bu t it was not, and nothing has been heard about it since. �164 SLOVAKIA of naked power and for a bitter condemnation of the Party's performance in the last two decades. 103 The Party-always very sensitive to criticism-hit back hard in Oct. 1967. The principal culprits were expelled from the Party, dismissed from their professional posts, and their official journal, "Literarni noviny", was taken away from them. An attempt was made to exploit the existing difference between the Slovak and Czech writers and to play both groups against each other. But the Slovaks, at their meeting with the Slovak Party leaders on Oct. 16, 1967, briskly declined the honour of being the Party's favourites at the expense of their Czech colleagues. 104 Another indication of the stresses and strains at the top was the criticism at the plenary session of the Central Committee of the KSc in Sept. 1967 of the implementation of the new economic model. It was, perhaps, symptomatic that the Slovak Party Secretary, A. Dubcek, accused the government 9f discriminatory policies towards Slovakia. He charged that "the results for the first half of 1967 show that investments in Slovak industry totalled 21.9 1/r of the state investments and not 28 % as was laid in the directives of the XIIIth Party Congress". 105 The struggle for power was now on and manifested itself again at the Central Committee meeting in Oct. 1967, where the Slovak Party leaders in an unheard-of move demanded that Novotny abandon one of the two top functions he held (i.e. the First Party Secretary and the President of the State) . Novotny sensed the gravity of the 103) See IV. Sjezd Svazu ceskoslovenskych spisovatelti, Praha 27. - 29. cervna 1967, (Praha, 1968), especially the speeches by M. Kundera (pp. 22-27) , P . Kohout (pp. 39-43), A. J. Liehm (pp. 99-204) and, above all, that of L. Vaculik ( pp. 141-150). The Slovak writers played a rather passive role at this gathering and their over-all performance was to become a source of serious embarrassment in the subsequent months. A heated dispute about the action of some Slovak writers (Mihalik, Spitzer, Valek, Minac, Kostra, Matu~ka, Rosenbaum , Egri, Luknar, Ponican as well as 9 Czech writers) who in their letter supported the party's policies in the cultural sphere (pp. 157-159 ) eventually led (in December 1968) to the collapse of the Slovak Writers' Union. See M. Resutik Rozlomeny svaz in Nove slovo No. 1/ 1969, p. 11. 104 ) Svedectvi (Paris) No. 32-33 / 1968, pp. 89-116. 105 ) Pravda (Bratislava), Sept. 29, 1967. �SLOVAKIA 165 situation and in December he invited Brezhnev to come to Prague to bolster his position. But Brezhnev's visit (Dec. 8 )-if anything-made the situation worse . The next meeting of the Central Committee (Dec. 19-21, 1967) dealt Novotny the final blow and made his position untenable. At the following meeting of the Central Committee, a fortnight later, Novotny was finally voted out of office and replaced by Alexander Dubcek, who till then was considered N ovotny's man in Slovakia. Outside his native Slovakia Dubcek was a completely unknown personality .106 The key role-and this should be stressed again and again-in N ovotny's downfall was played by the Slovaks who found themselves in their socialist homeland economically exploited, nationally humiliated, culturally neglected and ruled as a colony by their Czech partners. Novotny, in his last speech as Party Secretary (New Year's speech, 1968) , tried to placate the Slovaks with the promise of a more generous economic consideration for Slovakia: " The need of nationwide industrial development must not obscure the important task of priority development of Slovakia which still has not reached the average economic level of the Czech regions". 107 But the offer was "too little too late". The new leadership of the KSc put the question of Slovakia as the number one problem to be tackled by them. Prague radio said on Jan. 5, 1968: "The Central Committee took note of the fact that the government and the Presidium of the Slovak National Council will submit to the Party organs, on the basis of thorough situation analyses, specific proposals for perfecting their activities." The activities of the Slovak National Council being almost non-existent needed much more than perfecting. In his speech at the 20th anniversary of the Communist coup of February 1948, Dubcek spelt out the current difficulties which were troubling his leadership: "Many faults 106) For backgro und to Dubcek's personality see, e. g. F . Vnuk, Alexander Dubcek - tragedia poctiv eho komunistu in Kalendar Jednota 1969 (Middletown, Pa. , 1968), pp. 173-181. Also T. Szulc, A loo/c at Alexander Dubcek - the aparatchik who made a revoluti on in N . Y . Times (Weekly Review) , Jan. 12, 1969. 107) Pravda (Bratislava), Jan. 2, 1968. �166 SLOVAKIA have occured in internal Party life ... (where) the struggle between the progressive and conservative forces has not yet been concluded . . . ( There are) serious difficulties in the economy ... In our relations with the Slovak national organs we must rectify what was wrongfully violated after 1960 and things must be rearranged in such a way as to bring them in line with the contemporary stage of development of the state as a whole." 108 After this admission from the highest Party official things in Slovakia started to happen. M. Chudik (member of the Presidium of the KSc), N ovotny's stooge in Slovakia who was acting as Chairman of the Slovak National Council, hurriedly submitted his resignation. But he was not to be allowed to bow out as gracefully as that; he was dismissed in ignominy instead, on March 14, 1968. Having discarded its incompetent boss the Slovak National Council immediately published a resolution demanding that CzechoSlovakia become a federation. A new constitution to replace the one of 1960 was to give full legislative power to the Slovak National Council in all except foreign affairs, defense and state finances. Slovakia was to have a separate government. 109 In March the so-called "Czecho-Slovak spring" really started and the whole country was undergoing radical changes. Novotny's Party apparatus was falling to pieces. There was the defection to the West of Major-General Jan sejna; the resignation of the Trade Unions leader Pastytik; the dismissal of Chudik; the removal from office of the Interior Minister Kudrna and Prosecutor-General Bartuska; the suicide of Deputy Defense Minister V. Janko and Vice-President of the Supreme Court J. Brest'ansky; ousting of the chief Party ideologue J. Hendrych and the fall from the Presidency of Novotny himself. All this happened in the space of four weeks and had tremendous impact on the people. These events necessitated a new reorganization of the Party and the government. The five-day session of the Central Committee of the KSc named a new Presidium on April 1, 1968, in which Slovakia was given the largest 108 ) Pravda (Bratislava) , Feb. 23 , 1968. 109) Pravda (Bratislava), March 15, 1968. �SLOVAKIA 167 representation ever : 4 in 11. 110 In the Secretariat there were 3 Slovaks out of 9 members (Dubcek-the First Secretary, Lenart, Sadovsky). On April 9 a new Cabinet was sworn in by Novotny's successor in the Presidency, General L. Svoboda. At the head of the new government stood 0. cernik. There were 5 deputy Prime Ministers and 23 Ministers. Here too the Slovaks were treated much more generously than ever before: 2 deputy Prime Ministers and 6 Ministers were from Slovakia. One of the deputy Prime Ministers was Gustav Husak, a rehabilitated Slovak "bourgeois nationalist". On April 10, 1968 the Party published its " Action Program",111 an ambitious document setting out " CzechoSlovakia's road towards socialism" and outlining the political and economic reforms by which it was to achieve one-party rule, mollified by the active participation of the non-party sections of the population. The Slovak question again figured prominently in the Program. A new symmetric federative arrangement of the state was proposed and the Slovaks were promised: 1. Slovak National Council and Council of Ministers (instead of the old Board of Commissioners), 2. Slovak national committees, 3. Autonomy in planning and budgeting for Slovakia, 4. State secretaries in those central ministerial departments where Ministers were Czechs, 5. Guarantee of Slovak rights against the Czech majority, 6. Adequate Slovak representation in the army, diplomatic service, etc. 112 In the less oppressive atmosphere of the day and in the absence of overt censorship public opinion soon started to exert pressure from below. This resulted first of all in the resignation or removal from the scene of those men who were closely linked with Novotny and his• dictatorial policies. To purge Novotny's followers from the Central llO ) They were Dubcek, Rigo, Bil'ak and Barbirek. Their nomina tion was accepted in Slovakia with some scepticism and their credentials as Slovaks were immediately questioned. It was pointed out that Rigo was a Gypsy, Bil'ak was a Ruthenian and Barbirek though born in Bratislava- was a Czech. And, of course, everybody knew that Dubcek had spent his childhood and adolescence (192438 ) in the Soviet Union. 111 ) A kcni Program KS(: pfijaty na p leruirni zasedani OV KS(: dne 5. du bna 1968, Praha 1968. ll 2 ) Akcni Program ...", pp. 27-28. �168 SLOVAKIA Committee of the KSc the masses demanded an extraordinary Party congress. Under the effect of ever-mounting pressure the Party leaders with some reluctance consented at last to convene it in September 1968. In Slovakia the burning question was that of federation. Obcession with this issue was so intense that little room was left for anything else. There was a minor controversy between two groups of Slovak intellectuals as to whether it was more correct to insist on federation before democratization or vice versa. This was, however, only a question of emphasis: the demand for federalization was almost unanimous. In the Czech lands the problem of federalization was hardly mentioned, and if at all, then not in a manner encouraging for the Slovaks. A public opinion poll revealed that 95 % of Slovaks were for federation and 90 ';c of Czechs against it. 113 The Czechs did not like to be reminded that federation was something the Slovaks were promised more than once in the past 50 years and hence long overdue. They preferred to dismiss the whole thing as an unrealistic and untimely affair of no concern to themselves. The famous "2000 words Manifesto" even suggested that in Slovakia the federation issue would be used as a shield by many old conservatives who would thus survive the democratization process: "Federation alone will not provide better living standards for either the Czechs or Slovaks, neither will it solve their economic and social problems. The rule of the Party-state bureaucracy may still survive especially in Slovakia, because there it could claim a victory in the fight by which greater freedom was gained (for the Slovaks) ."114 113) There were several surveys of public opinion on this issue. Obrana l'udu (June 1, 1968) cites the results of another survey, according to which the Slovaks were for federation "almost 100%", while in the Czech lands federation was favored by only 5% of those questioned! 114) For the full text of this Manifesto see Literarni Listy (June 27, 1968). The Soviet press called "2000 words" an "action program for the counter-revolution" (Literaturnaya Gazeta, July 10, 1968) , Dubcek deplored it as a "very serious obstacle to the further development of socialist democracy and society" (Rude pravo , June 29, 1968), S. Kodaj (Party official in East Slovakia) denounced it as "an open call for counter-revolution". In fact it was a call for pressure from below to get the Party to purge from �SLOVAKIA 169 This unkind remark in a document which so outraged the Soviet leaders and embarrassed the Communist leaders in Czecho-Slovakia, elicited a reply in the form of an open letter signed by over 200 Slovak intellectuals and intitled, "A word to the Czechs, and also Slovaks, who are worthy of it". In this response the Slovaks complained bitterly about the outrageous distortion of Slovak history by Czech officialdom ("From Shir's followers down to the men who led the uprising of 1944 nobody was good enough if he was a good Slovak first") and then defended their insistence on "federation without delay": "In today's democratization process the present inferior position of Slovakia is simply no longer tenable".11 5 No prominent political personality figured among those who signed the letter, yet the Czechs suspected that its instigator was Dr. Gustav Husak. The Deputy Prime Minister G. Husak was the most dynamic personality in the reactivated life of the KSS. 116 He re-emerged (after being sentenced to life inprisonment as a "bourgeois nationalist" in 1954) as a sworn enemy of Novotny and all his hangers-on in Slovakia. At the same time he was resolved to reassert as much an independent Slovak voice in the state and Party politics as possible. He still remained what he always had been, an orthodox and autocratic Communist at heart, but his hatred of Novotny put him in the one camp with the liberals. His uncompromising stand on immediate and comprehensive federalization assured him of a strong following in Slovakia. He was not even a member of the Central Committee of the KSS, yet his political influence in Slovakia was second to none. Early in July he swayed the regional Party conference in Bratislava to press for the KSS congress to be held in August 1968 (i.e. before the scheduled KSc Congress ) so that the Slovaks would come to the XIVth extraordinary Congress of the KSc with their own specific all positions of power the men who had been responsible for the country's political, economic, moral and cultural decline. For the English translation of the whole document see East Europe No. 8/ 1968, pp. 25-28. 115) Slovo cechom aj Slovakom sucim na slovo in Nove slovo, No. 11/ 1968, pp. 1-3. 116) For a short biography of G. Husak read F. Vnuk's O Husakovi zrwva a v iacej in Kalendcir Jednota 1968, (Middletown, Pa., 1967, pp. 87-98). �170 SLOVAKIA proposals ( already approved by the KSS Congress) of the federalization scheme. 117 The internal development in Czecho-Slovakia since January and especially since March 1968 was a cause of serious concern in the Soviet Union and neighbouring people's democracies. The events in Czecho-Slovakia were directly connected with the students' demonstrations in Poland which produced a crisis in the Polish Party leadership. Afraid of similar consequences in East Germany Ulbricht imposed a ban on the German-language newspaper from Czecho-Slovakia. The Ukrainian-language broadcast from Presov found keen listeners in the south-western part of the Soviet Union and caused uneasiness and discomfort to the Soviet Party leaders, to Ukrainian Party boss Shelest in particular. Dubcek and his colleagues were repeatedly summoned to Moscow, Dresden, Warsaw, while their counterparts from the other Socialist countries were arriving in Prague trying their best to stop the process which in Dubcek's eyes was democratic and humanizing, in theirs counter-revolutionary and revisionist. Then on July 15, 1968 the Central Committee of the KSc received a common letter from the "fraternal" Parties of the Soviet Union, Poland, East Germany, Hungary and Bulgaria. They found the situation in Czecho-Slovakia "absolutely unacceptable for a socialist country". The catalogue of errors and faults was long and comprehensive and reflected their own fears and apprehensions. Only one aspect of the post-January development in the country was condoned without disapproval: "We welcome the rectification in the relations between the Czechs and Slovaks on a sound basis of brotherly collaboration within the framework of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic". 118 The recipients of this "Warsaw letter" did not leave these accusations unanswered and refuted them one by one. In their written reply they stated emphatically: "We do not see any realistic reasons which would entitle you to assert that our present situation should be branded as counter-revolutionary."119 The Party Secretary Dubcek went 117) Pravda (Bratislava), July 7, 1968. 118) Prav da (Bratislava) , Special edition, July 18, 1968. 119) ib. �SLOVAKIA 171 on the air to reassure his countrymen (on July 18, 1968): "We do not want to abandon anything at all from our principles." The outcome of this correspondence was the confrontation between the 11-man Soviet Politburo and the entire 11-man KSc Presidium at cierna nad Tisou (July 29-Aug. 1, 1968), and afterwards the multilateral "comradely" meeting at Bratislava on Aug. 3. The official communique was inconclusive and the whole outcome of the conference was rather dubious. 120 Both participants ( i. e. the KSC on the one hand and the Communist Parties of the USSR, East Germany, Poland, Hungary and Bulgaria on the other) were convinced that they had successfully defended their own tenets of socialism. In a nationwide broadcast Dubcek again attempted to calm his fellow citizens: "You can be fully satisfied with the results and the spirit of the talks. We have kept our promises (i.e. not to deviate from the post-January course)." It sounded too good to be true. For the next 18 days Czecho-Slovakia lived in a fool's paradise, while the Red Army, under the pretext of largescale manoeuvres, was preparing the invasion of CzechoSlovakia. On Aug. 20-21, 1968, in defiance of their solemn promises to respect the national independence of every Socialist country, the Soviet-led Warsaw Pact forces of five Communist countries invaded Czecho-Slovakia and put a sudden end to the great democratization experiment. In this gesture of Cain-like brotherhood Communism displayed its fear of democratization, its abhorrence of freedom, its inability to satisfy even the most elementary of human desires. It demonstrated that Communism cannot be liberalized without ceasing to be Communism. During that fateful night of Aug. 20-21 the progressive leaders of the KSc were kidnapped and taken in chains to Russia. This high-handed action of the Socialist allies 121 provoked a loud and indignant outcry all over the world, and-most unexpectedly-a resolute condemnation by the majority of the world Communist Parties, including those of China, Yugoslavia, Rumania, France, Italy, Great Britain, 120) Pravda (Bratislava), Aug. 4, 1968. 121) A Chronology of Occupation in East Europe, No. 10/ 1968,pp. 38-46. �172 SLOVAKIA Australia, etc. But by far the most effective was the reaction the Soviets encountered in the occupied country. It is impossible to describe in detail the ingenious methods of the passive and less passive resistance by which the Slovaks and Czechs frustrated the occupiers' efforts to "normalize the situation". The invasion united the Czech and Slovak nation in their opposition to this cruel act. But it appears that there was much less unity of action in the Party ranks. The KSS refused to back unconditionally the activities of the KSc in the first post-invasion days. The XIVth extraordinary Congress of the KSc, scheduled for Sept. 9 was hurriedly convened and took place during the night of Aug. 22 under the very nose of the occupying troops in a big Prague factory ( cKD plant) . The delegates (1095 out of 1543 expected to attend) elected a new Committee of 144 members. Of these 118 were new members and only 26 belonged to the old Central Committee. The representation from Slovakia amounted to 42 members, an unprecedented proportion, and there were 8 Slovaks in the 28-man Presidium: Dubcek, Husak, Zrak, 1'azky, Sadovsky, Colotka, Turcek, Pavlenda, Samel (?). 122 This should have satisfied the Slovaks, but it did not. The Soviets denounced the XIVth Congress in the most violent terms and did their utmost to undo it. According to Western reports the secret protocol drawn-up at the conclusion of the Czechoslovak-Soviet "negotiations" (sit venia verbi) on Aug. 28, 1968 contained 14 demands, one of which asked for the invalidation of the XIVth congress . As it happened this was the first thing the Russians succeeded in obtaining. A key role in making this congress into an "unevent" was played by G. Husak who was one of the negotiators in Moscow. While he was abroad the extraordinary Congress of the KSS started ( on Aug. 26 ). Husak returned just in time to deliver his address on the last day of the session. In his speech he questioned the legality of the XIVth Congress of the KSc and advised the delegates to the KSS Congress to reverse their stand taken three days earlier and to disavow the XIVth extraordinary Congress of the KSc. Husak argued that at the XIVth congress the Slovak representatives to the Party 122) Prav da (Bratislava ), Special edition, Aug. 25, 1968. �SLOVAKIA 173 organs were elected "illegally" ... "undemocratically", that "out of 300 Slovak delegates selected to attend the congress proceedings only 4, later 22, and towards the end about 40 were present". 123 In complete disregard of the fact that it was the Russians who had prevented the Slovak delegates from participating at the Congress Husak addressed his indignant reproaches at those who elected him to the Party Presidium: "Nobody can impose on a sovereign nation and its party its will in a way we have witnessed, namely that a little group of people entrusted by nobody should determine the nation's political representation."124 Of course Husak's anger and fury would have been even greater if the XIVth Congress had failed to nominate him or some of his close associates to the position in the top Party hierarchy. His rhetoric was just a clumsy display of the heads-I-win-tails-you-lose tactics. In sharp contrast to the XIVth Congress of the KSC, the Congress of the KSS was allowed to proceed undisturbed. It was attended by 607 of the 638 choosen delegates. It elected a 131-man Central Committee and a 12-member Presidium composed of Husak, Bod'a, Falt'an, Harencar, Klokoc, Luptak, Novomesky, Pavlenda, Sadovsky, Sedlakova, 'l'azky and Zrak. The 7-man Secretariat consisted of G. Husak (First Secretary) , L. Abraham, B . Graca (ideological spokesman ) , V. Pavlenda, S . Sadovsky, J. Turcek and J . Zrak. This was an entirely new team personally hand-picked by Husak. All of Novotny's men and Husak's opponents were either ousted (Bil'ak, Sabolcik, Pecha, Riga, Kriz, Hruskovic, Dvorsky, etc.) or demoted to ordinary Central Committee membership (Janik, Barbirek, Zupka, etc.). In the resolution of the Congress the Plenum took a stand on a number of current issues created by the presence of Warsaw Pact troops in Slovakia, but the only problem it tackled with determination and vigour was that of federation. Husak said in his concluding address: "I recommend that we approve . . . our insistence on the federative rearangement of our state on the basis of principles outlined earlier and it should be enacted by Oct. 28 this year." 125 In the subsequent weeks the Slovak Communists pursued this 123 ) Pravda (Bratislava) , Aug. 30, 1968. 124) Smena, Aug. 30, 1968. 125) Pravda (Bratislava) , Aug. 30, 1968. �174 SLOVAKIA point of their program forcefully and relentlessly to its logical conclusion. The federation was indeed enacted on Oct. 27, 1968 and put into practice on Jan. 1, 1969. Today's Czecho-Slovakia consist of two Socialist republics, the Czech and the Slovak, with three governments, Czech, Slovak and Central. It can be said that federation is the only paragraph salvaged from the ambitious Action program of Dubcek's leadership. The draft of the new Party statutes was published for discussion early in April 1968 and it proposed that the Party too should be reorganized on federal lines. 126 It envisaged the Communist Party of the Czech lands and the Communist Party of Slovakia to deal with internal and domestic matters; for international representation and in matters which exceeded the limits of national competence there was to be a single representative of the two national parties, i. e. the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia. This proposition was politely forgotten after August, 1968; the Russians apparently did not like it. (Of course there were many other things the Russians would loathe to see in.practice, such as the new concept of democratic centralism, election of all party organs by secret ballot, limited terms of service on regional and national party committees, etc.). Thus whilst the KSS achieved a funda• mental alteration in the structure of the state, it was unable to adjust the structural pattern of the Party to fit the new political situation. The KSS is still without counterpart in the Czech lands 127 However, under Husak's new leadership the KSS has undergone a remarkable revival. In its relation to the KSc it has become more aggressive and self-assertive. The days of blind obedience of the Party line drawn up in Prague have been replaced by an avowed and dedicated service 126) Rude pravo, Supplement, Aug. 10, 1968. 127) At the plenary session of the Central Committee of the KSCS on Nov. 14-17, 1968 a substitute-counterwei ght to the Central Committee and Presidium of the KSS was set up: the so-called Party's Bureau for the Czech regions. It functions within the framework of the Central Committee of the KSCS, consists of 11 men and is headed by L. Strougal, assisted by two Secretaries (V. Hula and J . Kozel). The weekly journal "Tribuna" is its official organ. The only better known personality in the Bureau (beside L. Strougal) is the Prime-Minister Cernik. �SLOVAKIA 175 to the needs of the nation. At least that was what G. Husak proclaimed at the KSS Congress: "Let this Party rid itself of everything which is irresolute, everything which is opportunistic, let endure in it all that is firm, noble and prepared to struggle for the rights of this nation. 128 It remains to be seen to what extent the KSS will be able to realize this resolve. The strongman Husak was known to have made similar speeches in 1945-48, but after 1948 he was gradually silenced, removed from his Party posts and eventually imprisoned. So far he has succeeded in bringing about federalization of the state, but in the process he has antagonized a few influential groups in Slovakia (liberal writers, journalists, intellectuals) and the majority of the Czech population. He is being depicted in the Western press as a man who enjoys the trust of the Russians, as the man who annulled the XIVth Congress of the KSc, as the man who was instrumental in the removal of Smrkovsky, etc. 129 The conflict and dialectical contradictions between the Czechs and Slovaks are at present as acute as ever. Federation solved one old problem but generated at least a dozen new ones. The part played by the KSS in Slovak national history shows too much on the debit side and very little on the credit side. In the years 1948-67 the KSS was without doubt the most powerful single factor in shaping Slovakia's history. Yet in most instances it was a force which, with cynicism and arrogance, stood as a stumbling-block between the nation and its freedom, between the people and their political and cultural self-expression. In those years the KSS was just a tool of terror and intimidation wielded by a foreign oppressor over the Slovak masses. These things were openly stated in many sensational revelations 128) Smena, Aug. 30, 1968. A question can be asked at this point as to how much the Party membership will drop if it is going to rid itself of everything which is opportunistic and irresolute and retain only that which is firm and noble. In 1968, just before the Soviet invasion the Party had in Slovakia 220,000 organized members, i. e. less than 6% of the population. If Husiik's criteria are applied this number can only decrease. 129) See e.g. the article of L. Vlasic: Pohyb s cudnym pozadim in Nove slovo, No. 1/ 1969, pp. 3 and 14. Also Husiik's speech at the Plenary session of the Central Committee KSC-S (Rude pravo, Jan. 21 , 1969, p. 7) . �SLOVAKIA 176 which appeared in the censorship-free press during the March-August period of the Dubcek era. The new leadership of the KSS has repeatedly stated that the return of the old days is out of the question. Yet (apart from federation) one witnesses almost daily a gradual retreat from the gains and achievements of the liberalization process. The presence of Red Army units in the country (now sanctioned by a treaty) makes certain that the conditions imposed on the KSC leadership on Aug. 28, 1968 are being implemented. How-under these circumstances-will the KSS safeguard the interests of the nation? Time alone will tell. Appendix I. N umerical representation from Slovakia in the Central Committee. Presidium-Politburo and Secretariat-Orgburo of the KS(: (including candidates) in 1921-1968. Members in Members in Members in KSC. Seer. C. Committee KS(: Presid. Party Congress - -- Merger-Congress (1921) I 36 6 16.6 I. Congress ( 1923) I 26 5 19.4 II. Congress ( 1924) 50 6 12.0 52 III. Congress ( 1925) 6 11.5 52 IV. Congress ( 1927) 5 from Nov. 1928 I ? I ? 9/ V. Congress ( 1929) 52 1 4 7.7 4 7.8 51 VI. Congress (1931) 8 16.0 50 VII. Congress (1936) ? ? Exile KS(: (Mose., '38) ? ? ? Exile KS(: Paris, 1939) ? ? ? ? Exile KS(: (Mose., '43) Post-war KSC (Ko~ .• '45) I 21 10 47.7 VIII. Congress ( 1946 ) I 101 0 0.0 170? 32 18.8 from July 1948 108 22 20.2 IX. Congress ( 1949) 112 23 20.3 X. Congress (1954) 147 33 22.5 XI. Congress (1958) 147 30 20.4 XII. Congress ( 1962) 166 28 16.8 XIII. Congress ( 1966 ) ? ? ? from Jan. 1968 XIV. extraordinary ('68) I 144 42 29.2 1921-1968 ll485j 254 j 17.8 II I i I 12 8 9 9 11 15 17 10 12 7 3 7 7 14 18 21 11 15 12 15 19 28 270 I - -- - - 0 0.0 -- --0 0.0 -- --7 1 11.0 0 0.0 1 14.6 7 0 0.0 0 0.0 5 0 0.0 2 33.3 6 3 20.0 1 20.0 5 1 5.9 ? ? ? 1 10.0 4 1 8.3 1 25.0 0 0.0 No 1 33.3 Secretariat 0 0.0 2 28.6 0 0.0 0 0.0 elected 2 9.5 1 14.6 7 2 18.2 0 0.0 6 1 12.5 4 26.6 8 1 12.5 4 33.3 8 0 0.0 8 5 33.3 0 0.0 6 31.5 ? ? 8 28.6 41 j 15.2 jj 79 j 8 I 10.1 /I �SLOVAKIA 177 Append.ix II. The Leadership of the Communist Party of Slovakia (KSS) . (The office holders of the top Party positions in 1939-1969) A. ILLEGAL KSS. First Committee (March 1939-Aug. 1941): I;, Benada, J. Duris, J. Osoha. Second Committee (Sept. 1941- April 1942): 0. Krajnak, J . Osoha, V. Skrabala. Third Committee (June 1942- July 1942) : S. Dubcek, J. Lietavec, J. Osoha. Fourth Committee (July 1942- March 1943) : S. Bas t'ovansky, M. Hrusov- sky. Fifth Committee (Aug. 1943- Sept. 1944): G. Husak, L. Novomesky, K. Smidke. B. KSS IN POWER. M erger-Congress (Sept. 1944) President: K. Smidke. Vice-Presidents: G. Husak, J. Cech. Committee members : K. Bacilek, R. Balco, R. Blazovsky, F . cap, K. Dolinsky, D. Ertl, I. Frlicka, 0. Jelen, J. Lietavec, J . Mazur, L. Novomesky, J . Pull, J . Soltesz, M. Smida, J . Sziics, L. Viktorin. Nati onal Conference at Zilina (Aug. 1945) Presidium - President: V. Siroky. Vice-President: K. Smidke. Members : S. Bast'ovansky, J. :i'.>uris, L. Holdos, G. Husak, J . Soltesz, F . Zupka , M. Valachovic. Secretariat: K. Bacilek, S. Bast'ovansky, L. Holdos, E . FrR From Apr. 1946: K. Moskovic. IX Congress of the KSS (May 1950). Presidium - President: V. Siroky. First Secretary: S. Bast'ovansky. Members: K. Bacilek, I;. Benada, J. Branik, M. culen, J . :i'.>uris, M. Falt'an, K. Moskovic, J. Pull, S. Rais, E. Sykora, F . Zupka. Secretariat ( established in Oct. 1951) : V. Siroky, S. Bast'ovansky, J . Pull, K. Moskovic, M. Gosiorovsky. From Dec. 1951 also : P . David and I;. Benada. Xth Congress of the KSS (June 1953 ) . Presidium: K. Bacilek, I;. Benada, J . Branik, M. culen, P. David, M. Falt'an, J . Kriz, A. Michalicka, 0 . Pavlik, J . Pull, R. Strechaj , V. Siroky, F. Zupka. Secretariat: I;_ Benada, P . David, J . Kriz, A. Michalicka, J . Pull. ? Congress of the KSS (April 1955). Presidium: K. Bacilek, M. Bakula, I;. Benada, V. Daubner, P. David, 0. Jelen, P . Majling, R. Strechaj, J . Valo. Secretariat: K. Bacilek (First Secretary) , P . David, J . Kriz, A. Michalicka. �178 SLOVAKIA Extraordinary Con gress of the KSS (April 1957) . Presidium: K. Bacilek, ~- Benada, V. Daubner, P. David, M. Chudik, 0. Jelen , P. Majling, R. Strechaj, J . Valo. Xlth Congress of the KSS (May 1958). Presidium: K. Bacilek, ~- Benada, V. Daubner, P. David, M. Chudik, 0. Jelen , J . Kriz, P. Majling, J . Valo. Secretariat: K. Bacilek (First Secretary) , P. David, F . Dvorsky, J. Kriz, J . Lenart. Xllth Party Congress (Nov. 1962). Presidium: K. Bacilek, ~- Benada, V. Bil'ak, V. Daubner, P. David , M. Chudik, J . Lenart, M. Sabolcik. Secretariat: K. Bacilek (First Secretary till April 1963, when replaced by A. Dubcek) , V. Bil'ak, F . Dvorsky, J . Kriz, J. Lenart. Xlllth Congress of the KSS (May 1966). Presidium: F . Barbirek, V. Bil'ak, V. Daubner, A. Dubcek, H. :t'.lurkovic, M. Chudik, J . Janik, J. Lorine, M . Sabolcik. From Jan. 1968 also M. Hruskovic, R. Harencar, M. Pecho. Secretariat: A. Dubcek (First Secretary till Jan. 1968, when replaced by V. Bil'ak), J . Janik, M . Sabolcik, J. Zrak. XIVth Extraordinary Congress of the KSS (Aug. 1968). Presidium: G. Husak, K. Bod'a, S. Falt'an, R. Harencar, 0. Klokoc, s. Luptak, L . Novomesky, V. Pavlenda, s. Sadovsky, M. Sedlakova, A. 1'azky, J . Zrak. Secretariat: G. Husak (First Secretary), L. Abraham, B. Graca, V. Pavlenda, S. Sadovsky, J. Turcek, J. Zrak. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA as a Christian and democratic organization, is resolutely against the domination and exploitation of the Slovak nation by any other nation or political state; the Slovaks did not want to be ruled over by the Magyars and, today, do not want to be subservient to the Czech nation. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is a CULTURAL and CIVIC organization of Americans of Slovak descent. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA wants to help Americans of Slovak descent in American political life, in business or professions, in social standing, and along educational lines. � SLOVAKIA 125 F. Vnuk: Fifty Years of Comn1unist Party of Slovakia (1918-1968) The first notable Slovak commentary on Communism was made by Marx's contemporary, :Cudovit stur. His assessment of Communism was an outright condemnation: "Communism, in spite of all efforts and false pretences to win for mankind its rights, only brings about its degradation, since it has no sound knowledge of mankind. Because of its insistence on principles which are impractical and unattainable Communism is one of the maddest figments ever originating in the human brain." 1 In the past forty years stur was much abused by the Slovak Communist intellectuals because of his alleged reactionary thinking. 2 Yet Stu.r's rejection of Communism seems to epitomize the Slovak attitude more fittingly than all the recent attempts by Communist historians to present Communism as a progressive ideology destined to uplift and enrich the Slovak nation. The inescapable geography which put Slovakia in Central Europe exposed the Slovaks to direct contact with political Communism as far back as 1918-19. Since then the Slovak nation has undergone the complete range of relations which can exist between a nation trying to assert its political identity and an aggressive ideology. These relations, full of drama, paradox and tragedy, are briefly outlined in this short history of the Communist Patry of Slovakia ( KSS). I. 1918-1921 The very beginning of the KSS is characteristic. The Party started its existence outside Slovakia, in Budapest. 1) In his major work, Slawentum imd die Welt der Zukunft, Quoted by D. Okali in Dav; spomienky a studie (Bratislava, 1965), p. 284. 2) e.g. L. Novomesky, in his pamphlet, Marx a slovensky narod (Mala kniznica Davu, 1933) and in his article, Karol Marx reviduje hist6riu Slovakov (Dav, 2/ 1933, pp. 18-19). �126 SLOVAKIA There in November 1918 Erno P6r, Minister for Foreign Propaganda in the Communist Government of Hungary, was entrusted by Bela Kun and Tibor Szamuely to organize the Slovak Communist Party as a section of the Communist Party of Hungary. 3 The Party conscripted into its ranks Slovak workers, apprentices and soldiers living in those days in defeated Hungary (particularly in Budapest, Ostrihom-Esztergom, Bekes-Csaba, etc. ). On March 27th, 1919 it began publication of its own daily, "Cervene noviny" (Red News ). 4 But the Party ran into difficulties when it had to find leaders for the conscripted Slovak proletarian masses. There was hardly a single Slovak of rank and stature to lend his name to the movement. Thus the reins were initially given into the hands of Jewish Socialist and Communist organizers in Budapest who could speak Slovak. To overcome this deficiency Bela Kun requested Lenin to send him some able Slovak Communist leaders from Russia, where a "Czecho-Slovak" Communist Party formed from the Czech and Slovak prisoners of war had been functioning since May 1918.5 But since there were no prominent Slovak personalities among these either, Lenin sent to Budapest the next best thing: the Czechs. Among these the most dynamic was one Antonin Janousek who arrived in Budapest in January 1919.6 After some disagreement with B. Kun (Janousek wanted to lead a Czecho-Slovak section; Kun and his advisors were strongly against it, seeing in it implicit recognition of the imperialistic policies of the Entente ) he 3 ) M. Vietor, Slovenska soviets/ca r epub lika (Bratislava, 1959), p. 53. 4) P. A. Toma, Slovak Soviet Repu blic of 1919 (The American Slavic and East European Review, 17/ 1958, p. 203 ). 5 ) D ej iny K SC (P raha, 1961 ), p. 17. 6) See: Z. Horeni, Antonin Jan ousek, predseda revolucnej v lady Slovenskej r epubliky rad (Bratislava, 1964). This accoun t of t he Slovak Soviet Republic is abstracted from the following books: K. A. Medvecky: Slovensk y prevrat I -IV (Trnava , 1930-31 ); Vpad bol'sevikov na Slov ensko ro ku 1919 (Trnava, 1936) : M. Vietor, Slovenskci soviet ska r epu bli ka 1919 (Bratislava, 1955); C. Holotik, 0 Slovenskej repub like rad r . 1919 (Historicky casopi s 2/ 1959); V. Kr al, lntervencni val ka cs. burzoazie proti mad'arske sovetske r epublice r . 1919 (Praha, 1954); K. Culen, 0 Slovenskej soviet ske j republike z ro ku 1919 (Kanadsky Slovak, May 19-June 9, 1956); P. A. Toma , Slovak Soviet Republic of 1919 (The American Slavic and East European Review, 17/ 1958, pp. 203-215 ). �SLOVAKIA 127 was made head of the Czech section of the Communist Party of Hungary on April 12, 1919. Towards the end of April the Slovak and the Czech sections were brought under common leadership but it was plainly stated that the Slovak section was to maintain its independence and individuality. There was never a Czecho-Slovak section of the Communist Party of Hungary. The most important .went in the life of this Slovak section was thf, proclamation of the Slovak Soviet Republic which lasted only two weeks but which has become a source of confused pride and political embarrassment to the contemporary Czech and Slovak socialist historiographers. On May 20th, 1919 the Hungarian Communist government, accusing the Czecho-Slovak armed forces of violation of the Paris Agreement, ordered its Red Army to invade Slovakia. Carried on the wave of proud Magyar national ism, humiliated by the 1918 defeat, the Magyar troops swept the southern and eastern plains of Slovakia. They took Lucenec on May 30th, Levice on June 1st, Nove Zamky on June 2nd, Kosice and Banska stiavnica on June 6th, Presov on June 8th, Bardejov on June 11th and penetrated as far into Central Slovakia as Zvolen. On June 3rd, 1919 "Oervene noviny" wrote exultantly: "The dictatorship of the proletariat is being established in Slovakia." The actual proclamation of the Slovak Soviet Republic took place at Presov on June 16th, 1919. It was ruled by the Provisional Revolutionary Executive Committee made up largely of Magyar-Jewish and Czech left-wingers. The only Slovak member of some significance was Stefan Stehlik. On June 20th, 1919 the Committee elected a Slovak Revolutionary governmem headed by Antonin Janousek. To T. G. Masaryk, who was residing in Prague as the elected President of Czecho-Slovakia, Janousek sent this challenging message: "We explicitly declare that from now on Slovakia belongs exclusively to the Slovak working class." 7 The donstitutional status of this short-lived Slovak Soviet Republic was obscure, but one thing was beyond doubt: it was violently anti-Czech and fiercely pro-Magyar. It aimed at the breaking up of Czecho-Slovakia and was 7) Quoted by. K. culen in Kanadsky Slovak (of May 26, 1956), p . 3. �128 SLOVAKIA openly and aggressively separatist. Both Kun and Lenin considered Czecho-Slovakia as a wilful creation of capitalist Powers and as a tool of imperialist policies in Central Europe. Czecho-Slovakia was alleged to deny the Slovak people "its inalienable right of self-determination" and the Communists in establishing the Slovak Soviet Republic were rectifying this injustice. 8 In spite of all its revolutionary zeal the Communistsponsored separatism did not strike roots among the Slovak masses. They were not only apathetic but manifestly hostile to the venture in which they saw only an ill-disguised attempt of the moribund Hungary to save its territorial integrity. The withdrawal of the Hungarian Red Army from Slovakia (June 28-July 4, 1919) spelled the inevitable end of both the Slovak Soviet Republic and the Slovak section of the Communist-Socialist Party of Hungary. The Slovak decision in 1918 to exchange their hopeless life tinder the Magyars for a hopeful life with the Czechs was final and irreversible. 9 But it was a decision fraught with problems and difficulties. Slovakia entered the newly formed Czecho-Slovakia as a land of poor peasants with practically no Slovak urban proletariat. The adherents and disseminators of the Socialist ideas were largely the German and Magyar ( or magyarized) workers who were as contemptuous of their Slovak comrades as Marx and Engels had been of the Czechs and Russians. This antipathy was 8) Stefan Stehlik wrote in Cervene noviny (of July 7, 1919) : " On Slovak soil, freed from imperialism, today there was created an independent Slovak Soviet Republic. The first impulsive action of the proletariat liberated from t he yoke of Czech imperialism was to realize the right of self-determination which is being exhorted by the oppressors with such a great glory; in reality however, it is being perverted by them . . . Slovak Soviet Republic turns its weapons ... against all who threaten this real unpe rverted democracy, this inallienable right of self-determination" (by which at that time they could have meant only the Prague Government). Quoted by P . A. Toma , op. cit. pp. 208-209. 9) The first years of the Slovak-Czech relationship and its reflection in Slovak political, social and economic life, are described at length in several authoritative works, e.g.: F . Peroutka, Budovani statu I -IV ( Praha 1933-36 ) ; J . Opocensky, Konec monarchie rakousko -tihorske ( Praha, 1928) . V. Chaloupecky, Zapas o Slovensko (Praha, 1930 ), I. Derer, siovensko v prevrate a po nom (Bratislava, 1924) ; K. Sidor, Andrej Hiinka 1864-1926 (Bratislava, 1936) . �SLOVAKIA 129 mutual and in their anti-Magyar feelings the leaders of the Slovak Social Democrats (Derer, Lehotsky, Markovic) were indistinguisha ble from their bourgeois counterparts (Hlinka, srobar, Hodza). Thus in the political sense the parties contesting the first post-war elections in Slovakia offered very much the same program. It was only in the field of social reform that they differed. Here the Social Democrats surpassed everybody in generosity, promising to implement many far-reaching social and economic measures. Their radical policies appealed to the people dissatisfied with the prevailing conditions. Thus in the general election of April, 1920 the Slovak people gave their votes to the Social Democratic Party led by Ivan Derer. 10 The Magyars and Germans of Slovakia who refused to join Derer's political platform founded a Social Democratic Party of their own. 11 After its electoral victory the Slovak Social Democratic Party lost much of its fighting spirit, adopted many right-wing policies of moderation and even passivity while the Magyar and German Social Democratic Party moved further to the left towards radicalism and turbulent activities. It was led by an able group of ruthless leaders (most of them Jews, several served as Commissars in the Hungarian Soviet Republic of Bela Kun) who were constantly harassing "the reformist Social Democratic government" of V. Tusar by fomenting strikes, unrests and other forms of trouble. 12 Their activities 13 became fatal to the Slovak Social Democratic Party which was rapidly sliding under Czech control and soon became identical with all the unpopular measures of the Government. The Slovak Social Democratic Party's inability to fulfil its pre-election promises or to prevent the economic ruination of Slovakia, and the subsequent wholesale unemploymen t, brought about a massive 10) The Social Democratic Party polled 510,341 out of 1,341,191 valid votes and obtained 23 deputies in the Prague National Assembly. 11) They received 108,546 votes and obtained 4 deputies. 12) J. Mlynarik, Robotnicke hn•itie na Slovensku roku 1920 (od parla• mentnych volieb do decembroveho genercilneho strajku). Historick)' casopis, I/ 1960, pp. 26-27) . 13) Their strongholds were four population centres in the Slovak-Magyar borderland: Bratislava, where the German-languag e, "Volksstimme" was published, Komarno, Gelnica and Ko~ice, where the Magyarlanguage, "Kassai Munkas", was published. �130 SLOVAKIA desertion of the rank anc'l file members within months after the election. 14 In the meantime the Magyar Social Democratic Party at Kosice joined (in May 1920) the Third International and invited the other proletarian parties of Slovakia to follow suit. This proclamation was eagerly listened to by many Social Democratic leaders dissatisfied with Derer's weak and inept leadership. 15 In September 1920 at the Party Congress at Turciansky Svaty Martin Derer failed to win a vote of confidence ( out of 132 delegates only 15 voted for him). Unwilling to accept defeat he proclaimed the handful of his followers to be the only true Slovaks and true Social Democrats by which he drove the dissidents into a coalition with the Magyar and German left-wing radicals. The fruits of this coalition ripened rapidly. On January 16-17, 1920 the left-wingers of the Slovak, Magyar and German Social Democracy, as well as the Jewish Poale Sion, met at ~ubochna and founded the Communist Party of Slovakia in everything but name. 16 It is interesting to look at the national composition of the delegates participating at this Congress. Out of 149 delegates with voting rights 88 were Slovaks, 36 Magyars, 15 Germans, 6 Ruthenes, 4 Jews. 17 The omission to register under its own name proved a very serious one for the future destinies of the KSS. Against 14 ) M. Strhan, Kriza priemyslu na Slov ensku v rokoch 1921-23 (Bratislava , 1960, pp. 15-80), J . Kramer, K dejinam priemyslu na Slovensku za prvej CSR (Bratislava, 1955). 15 ) ~- Holotik, Sjazd socialno-demokratickej strany (l'avice) na Slov ensku v januciri 1921 (Historicky casopis, 3/ 1963) , pp. 340-341. 16 ) 1921. Spomienky na vznik KS(: (Bratislava, 1962). The Czech dele gate at the Congress, I. Olbracht, requested the assembled repre- sentatives of the Slovak Left to postpone the adoption of the name " Communist Party of Slovakia" in order to be able to adopt the name " Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia" later on. See also Dejiny KS(: (Praha, 1961), pp. 165-166. 17 ) From the report of the voting commission, as quoted by M. Dzvonik 0 istom zakladajucom sjazde (Kulturny zivot, 7/ 1966, p. 6) . See also H. Gordon Skilling, The Formation of a Communist Party in Czechoslovakia (Slavic Review, 14/ 1955, p. 353). Skilling gives slightly different figures, viz. 92 Slovaks. However, it must be mentioned that these numbers are somewhat misleading, especially with regard to the Jews who were present in every national group, and the Magyars, many of whom were counted as Slovaks. �SLOVAKIA 131 the opposition of the Magyar delegates the Congress agreed to keep the question of the Party's name in abeyance. They decided to wait for developments in the Czech lands where the situation was ripening at a less r~pid rate. Finally at its XIVth Congress (in May 1921) the Czech Social Democratic Party formally accepted the ideological split in its ranks. Its left wing reconstituted itself as the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia ( KSc) immediately absorbing the Slovak section which, nameless and unaffiliated, had been waiting for four months for this moment.18 By this process the KSS lost its identity, becoming an anonymous partner in an unequal partnership. II. 1921-1929 The newly constituted KSC was from its beginning dominated by Czech-German leadership and looking largely after Czech national interest. Slovakia-because of the lack of native leading cadres-soon became a battlefield where the Czech and Magyar elements were fighting for influence . The Czechs were trying to woo the Slovak electorate by defending the existence of Czecho-Slovakia and the integrity of its territories. Already in September 1921 Klement Gottwald had become editor of a Slovak language Party paper, "Hlas l'udu" (People's Voice), and later in 1923 editor-inchief of another Commun.ist paper, "Pravda chudoby" (Poor Man's Truth). Other prominent Czech Party organizers who came to Slovakia in the early twenties included Karel Bacilek, Karel Schmidke and others. 19 While the Czechs concentrated mainly on the Slovak electorate, the Magyars tried to hold together a sizeable portion of the Magyar electorate by advocating revisionism, self-determination for ethnic minorities, etc. In the meantime Slovakia was becoming restive and in18) Dejiny KS(; (Praha , 1961) , pp. 170-172. While the Communist Party of Slovakia fused into the KSC smoothly and without murmur, the Communist Party of the Sudeten Germans (formed in March 1921 ) refused to amalgamate with the KSC . Its resistance was broken in November 1921 but only after Lenin's intervention. 19) Gottwald's activities in Slovakia, adorned with the socialist glamou;: of the cult era, are the object of a book by Z. Holotikova, Kl ement Gottwald na Slovensku v rokoch 1921-24 (Bratislava, 1953). Karel Schmidtke began to write his name as Karol Smidke only after 1945. �13l2 SLOVAKIA creasingly discontented with Czech administrative methods. economic and social discrimination and especially with the crude disregard of the Prague Government for the political aspirations of the Slovak natibn. The Slovaks were putting forward their demands for the promised autonomy but no one would listen. Even the KSC, dominated at the time by Czech nationalists, had only scorn for the Slovak demands. At its First Congress it declared: "Slovak autonomy is only a disguise to mask the tendencies aiming at the separation of the Slovak people from the cultural community and from national unity with the Czech nation." 20 This mistaken and unrealistic attitude was severely censured at the Fifth Congress of the Comintern in Moscow (June-July 1924) where the following resolution was adopted: 1. The Congress affirms that in Czecho-Slovakia there does not exist a single Czechoslovak nation and that the Czechoslovak state, in addition to the Czech nationality, consist of the following nationali ties: Slovak, German, Magyar, Ukrainian and Polish. 2. The Congress considers it necessary for the KSC, in connection with these national minorities, to proclaim and to follow the slogan of the right of a nation to self-determination, including the right to secession. In particular the KSC must support the struggle of the Slovaks for their independence and it must strive continuously to wrest this movement for independence out of the control of the nationalist bourgeoisie and to bring it into a common struggle of the working class against capitalism ... 21 For the Czech Communists it was a bitter pill to swallow. Under its impact the Czecho-Slovak delegation in Moscow was split into a majority and minority, the majori20) Protokol I. radneho sjezdu KSC (Praha, 1923 ), p. 14. In practice the KSC plainly demonstrated its Czechoslovakist and centralized tendencies. On January 1st, 1922 the KSC abolished the provincial Party structure in Slovakia, splitting the country into four regions directly subordinated to the Central Executive Committee in Prague. Shortly afterwards it abolished Slovak trade union organizations. Such moves seriously hindered the Party activities in Slovakia and antagonized many honest and sincere Slovak left-winge rs. These either left in disgust (like J . Schiffel, who returned to the U.S.A.) or were expelled as agents of the nationalist bourgeoisie (like Culen, Vercik and others ). 21) Pjatyj vsemirnyj kongress komunisticeskogo intenacionala, 17. ijuna - 8. ijttlia 1924 g. Stenografisceskij otcot, Cast' II. (Prilozenija) , ( Moskva, 1925 ), p. 129. �SLOVAKIA 133 ty refusing to accept the resolution of the Comintern. Among the ranks of the KSC the interference of the Comintern produced a serious crisis. The Second Congress of the KS(; was hurriedly convened in November 1924 to deal with the issue. The Congress met in the presence of a leading Comintern official, D. Z. Manuilskij. It was mainly due to his presence that the resolution issued at the end of the Congress proclaimed: "The Party cannot accept the bourgeois lie about the official Czechoslovak nation. By this ruse the Czech bourgeoisie wants to hide its colonial exploitation and bloody oppression of Ruthenia and Slovakia as well as other national minorities". 21 a But as it turned out even he was powerless to shake the dominating influence of the Czech nationalist right-wingers who in complete disregard of their own resolution continued in the old-style policies of ignoring the legitimate demands of the national minorities even within the Party.22 A dramatic development took place in March 1925. The Czech rightists and their arrogant attitude towards other nationalities, especially towards the Slovaks, were openly critized on the pages of "Pravda" by the Soviet expert on the nationalities problem, J. V. Stalin. Stalin saw the narrow-minded and selfish Czech nationalism as the roots of the right-wing deviationism in the KSC. He wrote: The Czechoslovak state is a state that marks the national victory of the Czechs. The Czechs have already acquired their national state as a dominant nation ... And it is here that we must look for the reason why the divergence between the Right and Left took place along national lines, why the Slovaks and the Germans (oppressed nations) are on the left flank, and the Czechs are on the opposite flank . .. Such division is quite understandable, if we bear in mind the above-mentioned specific national features of the Czechoslovak state and the dominant position of the Czechs.23 Stalin's arguments were further developed by D. Z. Manuilskij who quoted, among others, such flagrant examples of national discrimination as the composition of the Politburo of the KSC which consisted of seven Czechs 21a) Protokol II. fadneho sjezdu KSt, (Praha, 1925) , p. 8. 22) Dejiny KSt (Praha, 1961), pp. 213-216. 23) J. V. Stalin, Works (Moscow, 1954), Vol. VII., p. 61. See also H. Gordon Skilling, The Comintern and Czechoslovak Communism 1921-1929 (Slavic Review, 19/ 1960, pp. 238-239 ). �134 SLOVAKIA and two Germans but no Slovaks, Magyars, Poles or Ruthenes. 24 The elections in 1925 were the first real test of the Party's hold on the masses. On the whole the Party did not score badly: it emerged as the second strongest party in Czecho-Slovakia. In Slovakia the election results were a telling commentary on the existing situation. The Social Democratic Party practically disappeared (from 510,341 votes in 1920 to 60,581 votes in 1925). But its voters joined mainly the Hlinka People's Party which captured 489,027 votes (2 35,389 in 1920), i.e. 34.3 % of the Slovak electorate thus becoming the largest Slovak party.25 The Communist Party gained 198,212 votes in Slovakia but its support came mostly from the non-Slovak voters as can be seen from a closer look at the districts which voted for the Communists and at the men who were elected into the Parliament26 ( out of 8 deputies 3 were of Magyar nationality: Kopasz, Major and Steiner). The failure to capture the masses of the Slovak rural proletariat was openly admitted in Moscow and was attributed to the Party's omission to adopt the correct position towards the nationalities problem in Czecho-Slovakia and in particular towards the Slovaks: In Slovakia . .. under the influence of the revolution, in 1920 the peasant masses moved strongly to the left, but in the course of the last four years, owing to the passivity of the Communist P arty in the national question, 200,000 peasants passed from the Socialist 24) D. Z. Manuilskij, Uroki ceskogo krizisa, (Moskva, 1925) . It was the Politburo elected by the Central Committee at the IIIrd Party Congress (Sept. 1925) which consisted of: K. Gottwald, J . Hais, J . Haken ( President) , J . Harus, B. Jilek, A. Neurath, V. Stern, B. Smeral and A. Zapotocky. 25) Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka 1864-1926 ( Bratislava, 1936), pp. 535-538. 26) El•ectoral Corn. % % % d is trict vote of •totail :Mandates :.\1:agy ars German5 1. ove Zamky 2 20.0 61 ,577 62.3 6.8 2. Ko§ice 20.9 40,095 2 41.6 9.9 3. Trnava 28,606 13.9 2.3 1 1.8 4. Banska Bystrica 17,694 11.0 2.2 1 5.6 5. Turc. Sv. Martin 22,355 1 9.5 0.5 5.1 6. Lipt. Sv. Mikula§ 15,697 1 7.4 1.4 1.7 7. Prefov 6.2 12,206 2.6 0 0.7 �SLOVAKIA 135 Party into a party, which, although it is clerical, fight for the autonomy.27 In spite of the impressive overall election results the Party was torn internally by rival factions. After ridding itself of the right wing (Bubnik) a new struggle developed between the so-called "ultraleft" (B. Jilek and V. Bolen) and "centre" (B. t5meral, K. Kreibich, A. Zapotocky). 28 These ideological conflicts touched the Party's life in Slovakia only marginally and even then the Czech leaders of the KSc in Slovakia (K. Gottwald in particular) were supporting the "centre" aginst the "left". In Slovakia the burning issues were not of ideological but of political and economic character. The continuous closing down of factories and industrial plants, growing unemployment, agricultural crisis, emigration, etc. were leaving little time for ideological disputes. 29 After 1926, when the Hlinka People's Party decided to join the government benches, the Communists tried hard to be the spokesmen of the Slovak people against the political wrongs and social injustices of the Czech bourgeoisie. Complete independence of Slovakia was advocated, Czecho-Slovakia was denounced as the offspring of an imperialist war. 30 In January 1927 the Party 27) G. Volkov, Ugnetennaja Prikarpatskaja Rus (Krestjanskij International, 3-5/ 1926, p. 126). ( Quoted in G. D. Jackson's Comintern and Peasant) (London, 1966), p. 288. 28) Dejiny KS(: (Praha, 1961), pp. 249-269. 29) The economic situation of this period has been extensively studied by socialist historians, e. g. J . Mlynarik, Strajkove hnutie na Slovenska II. Zemerobotnici v obdobi 1919 az 1929 (Bratislava, 1961) ; P. Rapos, Priemysel Slovenska za kapitalizmu (Bratislava, 1957) ; J . Mlynarik, N ezamestnanost' na Slovensku (Bratislava, 1964) ; V. Plevza, K niektorym otazkam agrarnej krizy v rokoch 1924-34 na Slovensku (Historicky casopis, 2/ 1966, pp. 203-233); etc. 30) At this time the KSC in Slovakia at its National Conference at 2ilina (on July 25th, 1925) , launched, on Gottwald's instigation a massive campaign aimed at the expulsion of the Czechs from Slovakia. The battle-cry of the Communist propagandists became : " Vypracte Slovensko! " ( Clea;: out of Slovakia!) . The full wording of the slogan was, "Vypracte Slovensko od potlacovacieho aparatu ceskej burzoazie", according to V. Plevza (Historicky casopis, 4/ 1965, p. 510) and "Vypracte Slovensko od nasilnickeho aparatu", according to J. Kramer and .J. Mlynarik (Historicky casopis, 3/ 1965, p. 438). Though there was no doubt about Gottwald's authorship of this slogan, the blame for the embarrassing "mistake" was put later �136 SLOVAKIA convoked a regional conference at Plesivec where it attempted to lead a nation-wide protest against the industrial decline of Slovakia. 31 But all with little success. In February 1929 the Fifth Congress of the KSC met. It passed into Party history as the final battleground where the splinter-groups of the Party dissidents were defeated and the "true bolshevist nucleus" of the Party came out victorious. But in spite of the intense ideological wrangle the Slovak question did appear on the agenda. The Slovak cause was defend by none less than K. Gottwald ( who was to emerge as the new leader of the Party) proclaiming before the Congress: "The !Ind Congress of the KSC declared null and void the theses of the Ist Party Congress (i.e. concerning the unitary "Czechoslovak" nation) but this was in words only . . . The ratification of the First Party Congress theses was only on paper, a mere formality".31a By promising new corrective measures Gottwald (who--it should be remembered-in those days was acting for the Party in Slovakia and was the spokesman for the Slovaks) swayed the overwhelming majority of the Slovak section of the KSC to the side of the victorious "bolshevist on J. Vercik, "the agent of nationalist bourgeoisie" (e.g. M. Gosiorovsky, Slovensko a V. sjazd KS(; ( ceskoslovensky casopis historicky), 1/ 1954, p. 4-15) . While attacking the Czech bourgeoisie for its oppression of the Slovak masses, the KSC leaders did not relax their centralist hold on their Slovak comrades. At each Party Congress the Slovak delegates complained about this unsatisfactory state of affairs (See : Protokol III. fadneho sjezdu KSc [Praha, 1925] , pp. 41 and 73 ; Protokol IV. fadneho sjezdu KS(; [Praha, 1927], p. 33 ; Protokol V . f<idneho sjezdu KS(; [Praha, 1929] , pp. 40 and 50) , but in vain. This aspect of the Party history has been neglected by the socialist historians except a brief and restrained comment by J . Kramer and .J. Mlynarik, Revolucne hnutie a narodnostna ot<izka na Slovensku v dvadsiatych rokoch (Historicky casopis, 3/ 1965, pp. 423-443). For more recent writings on the theme see: Z. Holotikova, 0 rieseni narodnostnej otazky v KSc (Referat na konferencii Hist. ustavu SAV a ustavu dejin KSS, jun 1966) and J. Mlynarik, Dr. B. Smeml a slovensk<i n<irodnostn<i otazka v pociatkoch komunistickeho hnutia (Cs. casopis historicky, 5/ 1967, pp. 653-666 ). 31 ) J . Pleva, Vy znam Plesiveckej konferencie v januari 1927 (Bratislava, 1958) . According to Kramer and Mlynarik (loc. cit. , p. 442, footnote 32 ) the importance of this conference was disproportio n ately inflated because of Gottwald's participation at it. 31a) Protokol V. f<idneho sjezdu KS(; (Praha, 1929) , p. 12. �SLOVAK.IA 137 faction". 32 However, one point is worth noting: while the "bolshevist nucleus of the Party in Slovakia was made up of Bacilek, Siroky, Steiner, Urx" 33 (i.e. two Czechs and two Magyars), the dissidents ("nationalists and liquidators") who were expelled from the Party amidst a storm of abuse ( culen, Felcan, Vercik) were Slovaks. 34 III. 1929-1938 The internal struggle inside the Party was fought bitterly and not always behind closed doors . Inevitably it undermined the Party's image in the voters' eyes. In the 1929 elections it gained 152,242 votes ( 10.55 % ) in Slovakia, a considerable decline in voting strength when compared with the 1925 election results ( 13.41 % ) .35 Yet in Parliament the new "bolshevist cadres" displayed fierce and sanguinary pugnacity epitomized in the words of the new Party leader, K. Gottwald, addressed in December 1929 to the coalition benches: We are the revolutionary Party of Czechoslovak proletariat and in Moscow we have, indeed, our revolutionary General Staff. Yes we go to Moscow in order to learn. Would you like to know what we learn"! We go to Moscow to learn from the Russian bolsheviks how to break your necks. And you must admit that the Russian bolsheviks are very good at it.36 32) Z. Holotikova, Bol"sevizacny proces KS(; v rokoch 1924-29 (Historicky casopis 2/1957, pp. 204-210); M. Gosiorovsky, Slovensko a V. sjazd KS(; (Cs. casopis historicky, 1/ 1954, pp. 4-15). 33) Dejiny KS(; (Praha, 1961), p. 256. 34) Vercik, Mlynarik, Koren, etc. were branded as "nationalists" and expelled; Culen, Felcan, Kolarikova, etc. were branded as "liquidators" and expelled also. The latter were the authors of the so-called "Hlohovecke memorandum" (of December 1928) in which they requested the reorganization of the Party structure in Slovakia and complete freedom of action in specifically Slov~k matters. (See : Pravda of January 31, and February 7th, 1929). In 1930 the KSC finally consented to a limited decentralization and a Slovak province ("celoslovensky kraj") of the KS(; was instituted. S. Major (of Magyar nationality) and K. Bacilek (of Czech nationality) were put in charge. See: V. Plevza, Vytvorenie celoslovenskeho kraja a revolucne hnutie na Slovensku na zaciatku tridsiatych rokov (Historicky casopis, 2/ 1962, p. 184). 35) For an interesting statistical analysis of the 1929 election results see: R. V. Burks, The Dynamics of Communism in Eastern E urope (Princeton, N. J ., 1961 ), pp. 150-158 and 216-219. 36) K. Gottwald , Spisy I (Praha, 1953), p. 322. �138 SLOVAK.IA During the severe economic depression which swept the Western world in the late twenties and early thirties and which caused acute unemployment in Slovakia (some 250,000 in 1933) 37 the Communists organized hunger marches, protest meetings and strikes. A meeting in May 1931 at a small village in southern Slovakia, Kosuty, ended with a shooting fray resulting in the death of three demonstrators. The Party skilfully exploited the incident to advertize the social plight of rural workers in the Slovak countryside. 38 In the years 1929-33 the Communist press paid much attention to the political solution of the Slovak question and Slovak grievances were repeatedly aired on its pages. But as V. Kopecky confessed at the Vrth Party Congress (1931) it was more in the nature of lip service than anything else: "The decisions of the Vth Party Congress concerning the solution of the nationalities problem remained on paper only and in spite of repeated emphasizing of their importance by the central leadership of the Party there was no practical indication that we were fighting for the right of self-determination of the nations." 38a This national inequality was demonstrated even in the Party hierarchy. The higher Party ranks were-as beforean almost exclusive monopoly of the Czech and German comrades. The Presidium constituted at the Vrth Party 37) Pfehled ceskoslovenskych ilejin III (1918-1945) (Praha , 1960) , p. 325. The gravity of the situation is reflected in the emigration figures which were considerably greater for Slovakia (where only about 25 % of the total population lived) than for the Czech lands: Emigration from C-SR: from Slovakia: 1928 24,540 13,544 1929 30,715 19,401 1930 25,712 16,682 1931 9,567 4,527 1932 5,165 2,222 1933 4,735 3,099 38) The shooting at Kosuty has attracted unusually great attention from Communist propagandists and publicists, e.g. the pamphlet, Nyn·i je v Kosv,tech pofcidek a klid (1931); V. Plevza, Kosutska trag edia (Prispevky k dejinam KSC, 8/ 1959, pp. 91-107) ; E. Pauliny, Kosutske udalosti v maji 1931 (Bratislava-Martin, 1961) ; E. Kadnar, Krvave Kosuty ( Bratislava, 1963) . It is perhaps worthwhile to note that the inhabitants of Kosuty were of Magyar nationality and so was S. Major, the convicted instigator of the disturbance. 38a ) Protokol VI. fcidneho sjezdn KSC, (Praha , 1931), p. 143. �SLOVAKIA 139 Congress had only one representative from Slovakia among its 15 members. 39 This omission was quite a serious matter, because by the midthirties the Communist Party of Slovakia was already producing its own native leaders. The young Slovak Communist students who in 1924 grouped in Prague around the quarterly Oater monthly), "Dav" (1924-1937), were growing up in stature and outlook and were ready and eager to take over from the Czech, Magyar and Jewish spokesmen of the Slovak proletariat. 40 Unfortunately they were striving for power at a time when the Party was purging itself of intellectual and other non-proletarian ballast, so that their hopes and expectations were frustrated.41 Other important changes in the Party line were also in the offing. The Party was directed by the Comintern to adopt new attitudes to a number of political issues. Up to 1933 the Communists considered democracy (i.e. bourgeois democracy) and fascism as "the children of the same mother, the bourgeoisie". 42 Masaryk, Benes, Hlinka, Kramaf were all Fascists of the same brand as Hitler and Mussolini. But by the summer of 1933 Stalin realized that Hitler was a much greater evil. Looking for new allies Stalin selected two of the most likely states worried by the growing power of Hitler's Germany: France and CzechoSlovakia. The KSc was instructed to take a more positive stand towards the official Czech foreign and domestic 39) It was E. Fried of Magyar-Jewish origin. Accordind to H. G. Skilling the ethnic composition of the 60-member Central Committee was as follows: 37 Czechs, 10 Germans, 8 Slovaks (and Magyars ), 4 Ukrainians and 1 Pole. See : H. Gordon Skilling, Gottwald and the Bolshevisation of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia 1929-39 (Slavic Review, 20/ 1961, pp. 644-645) . The inadequate representation of Slovaks in the top P,0verning bodies of the Party apparatus (i.e. Presidium-Politburo and Secretariat-Orgburo) is statistically summed up in Appendix I. 40) These young Communist intellectuals of the early twenties had their hey-day in the late forties and met a tragic fate in the early fifties. In the years 1950-54 they became the victims of purges and their rehabilitation began ,mly in 1963. For a post-rehabilitation view of the Dav-group see: S. Drug, Dav a davisti (Bratislava, 1965). 41) V. Plevza, Prispevok o cinnosti davistov v revolucnom hnuti za predmnichovskej CSR (Historicky casopis, 1/1964), pp. 20-21. 42) K. Gottwald , Spisy IV (Praha, 1951) , p. 212. �140 SLOVAKIA policies. This, of course, meant that the Slovak guestion and the nationalities problem in general had to be played down and the Party soon nodded its appproval where only a few months ago it used to voice its sharp criticism. 43 The signing of the Soviet-Czecho-Slovak Treaty in May 1935 marked a milestone in the Party's policy. The Party put on a mask of loyal respectability and replaced its internationalism by a newly-discovered patriotism. It conveniently forgot its past hostilities to "the imperialist agent Benes" and supported him in the presidential election in December 1935. At the Seventh Congress of the KSc (April 1936) the Party took a firm position "to defend CzechoSlovakia against Hitler". It became a zealous exponent of the Popular Front against Fascism and reaction, and the Slovak grievances once so prominent in its program were now hardly mentioned. The militant cry for "self-determination including the right to secede" was now replaced with much softer demands voiced by Gottwald at the VIIth Party Congress: "The Party will strive to achieve the realization of minimal requirements for normal coexistence of all nationalities in Czecho-Slovakia by insisting on a democratic policy towards nationalities and on equal rights for all nations ( of Czecho-Slovakia) in all spheres of public life." 44 The approaching municipal elections made the Party somewhat wary and hurriedly it came forward with a "plan for the economic, social and cultural advancement of Slovakia" announced at Banska Bystrica in May 1937.45 But the plan did not excite anybody. It was unrealistic and was looked upon as one of the many grandiose schemes which the Party submitted with monotonous regularity year after 43) A somewhat confused picture of the situation can be found in V. Plevza's KSC a revolucne hnutie na Slovensku 1929-1 938 (Bratislava, 1965), pp. 237-420. 44 ) K. Gottwald, Spisy VIII (Bratislava, 1953) , p. 167. This phase of Party activities is discussed at length in a number of publications such as Na obranu republiky proti fasizmu a v ojne (Bratislava, 1955) ; M . Filo, Boj KSC na Slovensku na obranu republiky (Bratislava, 1960) ; I. Kolesar, Otazka obnovy demokracie a demokratickych prciv i slobod proti fasizmu ( od VII. kongresu Kominterny r . 1935 ) Sbornik FFUK, 10/ 1959, pp. 163-181). 45 ) Deji11y KSc (Praha, 1961) , p. 359. Also V . Siroky, Za st'astne Slove nsko v socialistickom Ceslcoslovensku (Bratislava, 1952). �141 SLOVAKIA year, knowing well that it would never be called upon to implement them. The turns and twists in the Party line could not pos• sibly impress the Slovak electorate. In the municipal elections (May 1938) the Party found itself deserted by its erstwhile supporters. Its advocacy of pro-Benes and antiautonomist policies46 estranged it from the Slovak voters, while its noisy denunciations of the revisionist claims by Hungary, Germany and Poland antagonized its non-Slovak voters. The overwhelming electoral defeat in Slovakia (in the Czech lands the Party maintained its support) alarmed the Slovak Party leaders who clearly read the writing on the wall. 47 And thus on the eve of Czecho-Slovakia's disintegration the Party attempted another somersault and tried to sponsor the autonomistic cause, even if it meant forming a common front with Hlinka's Party. But it was now too late. No party in Slovakia cared for partnership with the Communists and Hlinka's Party least of all. The speed with which events marched by-passed the Party altogether. 46) J. U§iak, Boj KS(: s Hlinkovou slovenskou l'udovou stranou a vplyv na masy v obdobi ndstupu fasizmu (Pfispevky k dejindm KSC, 5/ 1963, pp. 710-29). Also V. Plevza, KSC a revolucne hnutie na Slovensku 1929-1938 (Bratislava, 1965), pp. 462-474. 47 ) The Communist historians merely record the electoral defeat without going into details, without drawing any conclusion (e. g. Plevza, op. cit., p. 471 ). In many small towns the Communist vote virtually disappeared and in bigger towns it was severely reduced. On the whole the proportion of those who voted Communist dropped from 14% in 1935 to something like 8.9 % in 1938. No comprehensive results have been compiled so far; the Party historians carefully avoid this area. A brief glance at the election results in a few Slovak cities shows convincingly how the Party fared at the polls. (The results are compared with those of the Hlinka People's Party, the main beneficiary of the Communist loss. Figures are taken from Slovensky dennik of June 12, 1938): People's Party votes KSS votes Gain in% --19_3_5_[1938 ' ....Jl % _in--'l .... _L_o_s_s I _1_93_8__,_ 1 __,__1_93_5_ _ _ _T_o_w_n_ 2,493 I 44.3 j 1 8,133 5,640 45,7 2,399 1 2,856 i 5,255 Bratislava 333 I 37.91 910 1,243 88 13.5 554 Nove Mesto n / V I 642 44 I 607 I 563 I 1098 76 I 167 68.8 I 243 Snina 1 849 I 363 62.0I 586 4,658 2,098 I 2,560 55.0 Star11. !>ala I 1,064 1 ? 64 I ? Modra I 1,253 j ? 79 I ? Michalovce I 3,471 1 ? 777 I ? Trebgov (dist. ) I I I I I 1 �142 SLOVAKIA The collapse of Czecho-Slovakia found the Party's fortunes in Slovakia at their lowest ebb. This was openly acknowledged by the Party leadership in its report to the Executive of the Comintern in December 1938. With a remorseful self-criticism V. Siroky confessed: We Comm un ists represe nted in Slovakia the national interests of the Czech nation, while the Slovak national interests were furth er represented by Hlinka's Party ... Only at the last moment as the Czechoslovak crisis was reaching its climax did we put forward a demand for the democratic solution of the Slovak problem, i. e. the granting of full autonomy.48 IV. 1938-1944 The declaration of autonomy on October 6th, 1938 was shortly followed by the suppression of Party activities and in January 1939 the Party was disbanded. The Party leaders escaped abroad and with regard to Party leadership in Slovakia, it is interesting to note that the Slovak nationals, if they got away at all, fled mainly to the West (Valo, Clementis ), while the non-Slovak leaders sought their refuge in the Soviet Union (smidke, Bacilek, Major. Siroky went first to Paris, then to Moscow) .49 Drawing conclusions from the rejection of the Party policies by the Slovak people and facing the new situation fairly and squarely, the Comintern decided on the last and long-delayed step : it gave its approval to the founding of an independent ( albeit illegal) Communist Party of Slovakia ( in May 1939 ). 50 Its leadership was entrusted to three relatively minor and unknown functionaries: J. Duris, L. Benada, J. Osoha. Of these the ablest and most dynamic was Jan Osoha, a Czech by birth. The leadership faced a tremendous task of building a network of illegal cells from the fragments and remains of what once was a Party organization in Slovakia. Traditional Party strongholds went to Hungary by the Vienna Award of November 1938.50 a The 48 ) Deji~nii krizov atka (Bratislava, 1964), pp. 27-28. 49 ) Slovak Studies IV (Rome, 1964) , p. 30. 50) Dejiny KS(; (Praha, 1961 ), p. 399. 50a) Interesting evidence of the solid support the Party received from t he Magyar-speaking population of Slovakia can be found in the recently published bibliography, Zoznam komunistickych novin a casopisov marxi.stickej l' avice z rokov 1919-38 (Martin, 1961). The bibliography lists 125 separate newspapers and periodicals of which �SLOVAKIA 143 newly-acquired independence of Slovakia (in March 1939) was a powerful stabilizing factor on the political scene leaving very little scope for the subversive activities of the Communists.51 For the Communists the situation was further aggravated by the Nazi-Soviet Pact (August 1939), the Soviet participation in the Fourth partition of Poland and the Soviet recognition, both 'de facto' and 'de jure', of the independent Slovak state. Under the impact of these events the Slovak Communist leadership in the West (Paris) disintegrated.52 At home the Party leaders were even more confused and completely at a loss. The illegal handbills and propaganda pamphlets betray the prevalent mood of perplexity and obvious embarrassment of the underground Party organizers in their desperate attempts to explain away the things they could not comprehend. In the Soviet attitude towards the Slovak state they saw a sure sign of Soviet approval of the new geographicopolitical reorganization of Central Europe. In response to it they drew up, sometime in October 1939, a new political program, the key-note of which was: "The free and independent Soviet Slovakia." 53 This program became a dominant feature of all the illegal Communist activities in Slovakia up to 1944. It was only natural for an independent Party to sponsor such a policy in an independent state. But the scheme did not pass 71 were published in the Slovak language, 50 (i. e. 40 %) in Magyar, 3 in German and 1 in Ukrainian. 51) A. Huckova-Stvrtecka, cinnost' prveho ilegalneho Ostredneho vyboru KSS (Bratislava, 1959). 52) Clementis denounced the Nazi-Soviet pact for which he was expelled from the Pai ty, Siroky rapidly departed to Moscow and Valo retired into neutral passivity. About the impact of this infamous alliance on the Slovak (and Czech ) Communists in Paris, see Theo. I-I. Florin, S Vladom Clementisom v Parizi a v Lon.dyne (Dav, spomienky a studie, [Brati~ava, 1965), p. 467) . 53) Confiscated Communist propaganda handbills in the Archives of the German F'oreign Ministry, 56/ 38606-15. These documents help to pinpoint the beginning of the campaign for an independent Soviet Slovakia which was not later than in October 1939. At that time the Communists went to considerable trouble to explain that the Soviet Union had not exchanged Communism for the National Socialism of Hitler. �144 SLOVAKIA by unchallenged. The first to protest against this line was-as might have been expected-the illegal Communist Party in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia lead by Edo Urx who as a Party functionary had spent a number of years in Slovakia. The Party in the Protectorate continued to call itself the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia. It claimed to be the direct successor of the banned Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia and a parent organization of the Communist Party of Slovakia. It advocated the restoration of the pre-Munich Czecho-Slovakia and objected to any policy promulgation which was not consistent with its current Party line. The Slovaks on the other hand were rejecting any kind of affiliation and insisted on equality and independence. After prolonged disagreement the dispute was referred to Moscow for arbitration 54 and there Gottwald issued a ruling completely vindicating the stand of the Slovak Communists. He sent the following message to Urx (in March 1940): Your pre-war pattern of thinking must change. Behind the slogan "Restoration of Czecho-Slovakia" are hidden imperialistic and antiSoviet schemes . .. We expressly emphasize that our Party fully accepts the right of self-determination both for the Czechs and fo r the Slovaks. This right of self-detevmination implies the right to live in an independent state. We fight for the restoration of the national freedom and territorial independence of the Czechs. As far as the Slovaks are concerned we fight for the complete sovereignity of the present-day Slovak state. It is this struggle for the right of self-determination which differentiates our road from that of Benes a nd world imperialism. The relation between the Czechs and Slovaks stand now on a new footing. Slovak separatism plays today a different role. That is why we are giving up the old slogans concerning Slovakia.ss Encouraged by this message the Slovak Communists tried to outdo in nationalist zeal everybody including the official Slovak propaganda. The only criticism they received from Moscow was the advice not to stress too much the Soviet character of their "independent Soviet Slovakia" program.56 54 ) The dispute is summarized in D ejinna krizovatka (Bratislava, 1964) , pp. 63-88. 55) Deji nna krizovatka (Bratislava, 1964) , p. 61. 56 ) S. Falt'an, Ku Kral'ov ej recenzii trochu inak (Historicky casopis, 4/ 1966, p. 58S. �SLOVAKIA 145 The idea of national independence being at the root of the Party's illegal activities was not given up even when the Soviet Union gave its official recognition to Benes and his government then in exile in London. The clandestine journal, "Hlas l'udu" (Voice of the people ), commented on the resumption of diplomatic relations between Benes and the Kremlin: The pact between the Soviet Union and the Czecho-Slovak government in exile is not seen by the Communist Party of Slovakia as a pact with the government of a future state which has its established boundaries, its established regime. The (Czecho-Slovak) government in London was created without the participation and without the will of the working people in Slovakia . . . The question of an independent (Slovak) state, or autonomy, or federation with the fraternal Czech nation is now of secondary importance and it will be settled after the defeat and destruction of German imperialism.56a Slovak police and security organs who had infiltrated the illegal Communist organizations57 watched this development with keen interest. When the Soviet-German conflict broke out (June, 1941) the Slovak police within a few hours arrested all the members of the illegal Central Committee (except J. Osoha) and some 1,100 illegal Party activists. 58 Most of these were released from detention after three or four weeks and lost no time in regrouping and starting again. A new Central Committee was set up by J . Osoha and this in turn was broken up by the police in April 1942. J. Osoha again eluded the dragnet and at56a) Quoted by M. Gosiorovsky in Historicky casopis, No. 3/ 1968, p. 371. 57) In this connection it is worth quoting from a report of the German Minister to Slovakia, M. v. Killinger (of August 19th, 1940): "Die ... in die kommunistische Zellen geschickten Leute bewiihren sich sehr gut, so dass der Erfolg der Arbeit gesichert und alle Zellen der hier, wieder erstehenden kommunistischen Organisationen erfasst werden. Die inzwischen festgestellten kommunistische Funktioniire werden listenmiissig geftihrt und laufend ergiinzt" (2276/ 47987684). 58) German documents 610/ 248627. At this time the Russians parachuted into Slovakia V. Siroky and V. Skrabala. But they were discovered very soon after their arrival and put in prison where Siroky stayed until 1945. When in 1949 Siroky emerged as the most powerful man in Slovakia trusted by both Moscow and Prague, legendary stories were written about his underground and illegal activities which lasted-when all said and done-some fi ve weeks. �146 SLOVAKIA tempted to organize the third Central Committee of the KSS. But in July he was caught and imprisoned together with the other members of the Committee. 59 These police actions deprived the illegal Party organization in Slovakia of all its old leaders trained in the Stalinist mould of blind and unquestioning obedience. Continuity with the pre-war Party politics was thus broken and the way was cleared for new men to emerge at the top. As it happened they were almost without exception the younger generation of the Party intellectuals, recruited and groomed by Vlado Clemen tis ( then in London). They lacked the rugged working-class background but they possessed the self-assertive spirit of intense national pride. One of them, Stefan Bast'ovansky, tried to continue (against his better judgement) with the illegal activities in the old traditional style (handbills and pamphlets read by very few, incitement to sabotage obeyed by nobody) only to find himself in prison by May 1943.60 The leadership of the demoralized and decimated ranks now passed into the hands of G. Husak and L. Novomesky, who disagreed with those tactics and methods which were costing the Party so much and achieved nothing. As the men on the spot they proposed a more subtle and unorthodox approach which took into account the political and social conditions in Slovakia, the mentality and sentiments of the masses and the weakness of Slovak war-time administration. The Party really went underground and the outward signs of activities almost disappeared. Moscow, disturbed by the apparent lack of fighting spirit, decided to send to Slovakia two trusted emissaries to revive the dormant proletarian masses. They were K. smidke and K. Bacilek. Neither of them was Slovak but both had worked in Slovakia in the interwar period. smidke, the more experienced of the two, listened with interest to the suggestions of the Slovak intellectuals and to their amazement he agreed with them. 61 smidke set up a new Central Committee of the KSS 59) 0 . Krajnak, Protifasisticke hnutie na Slovensku. (Nova mys! , 8/ 1964, pp. 695-703); G. Husak, Svedectvo o SNP (Bratislava, 1964 ), pp. 33-36; Dejinna krizovatka (Bratislava, 1964) , pp. 122-126. 60) Dejinna krizovatka (Bratislava, 1964), p. 126. 61) G. Husak, Svedectvo o SNP (Bratislava, 1964) , pp. 51-56. �SLOVAKIA 147 (which included himself, Husak and Novomesky) re-established and revived the network of illegal Party organizations and directed their activities along a new and more realistic path. He entered into close collaboration with the bourgeois illegal groups (and, through them, with the army) and did not scruple to exploit to the full the nationalist sentiments and aspirations of the Slovaks. 62 The last thing was, of course, not an easy task, because in the meantime the Soviet Union had promised Benes to restore pre-Munich Czecho-Slovakia. And not only that. As revealed recently, Benes was given by Stalin, in December 1943, virtually a free hand in his dealings with the Slovaks. According to Fierlinger (Czecho-Slovak Ambassador in Moscow) Stalin allegedly told Benes "to keep the Slovaks firmly in hand.''62 a By these tactics of exploiting nationalistic feeling in the country and with the military defeat of Germany looming larger and closer every day, the Communists and their bourgeois allies were preparing an armed uprising in Slovakia. Their conspiratory efforts were partly frustrated by an untimely start, triggered off by Soviet partisans, which doomed the venture to failure. But while it lasted (August-October 1944) "the Slovak national uprising" (as this revolt became officially known after 1945) was a remarkable achievement in several respects. 63 Its effect on the future political development of Slovakia was to be farreaching and lasting. Right at the beginning of the uprising the Communist Party of Slovakia came into the open and published ( on September 2nd, 1944) its proclamation in which it implied that Slovakia--though a part of Czechoslovakia-would have a very broad autonomy which would include even a sepa62) Slovenske ruirodne povstanie 1944 (Bratislava 1965), pp. 191-221. 62a) J. Barto, Riesenie vzt'ahu cechov a Slovakov (Bratislava, 1968) . p. 11. 63) This event is by far the most written-about subject in modern Slovak history. For a critical review of bibliography on this theme see: F . Vnuk, Neuveritel'ne sprisahanie (Middletown, Pa., 1964) , pp. 181-191. Also S. Falt'an, Niektore otazky okolo hodnotenia SNP (Historicky casopis, 2/ 1964, pp. 161-185) . A complete bibliography of books and articles on the subject in 1963-64 was compiled by A. Kociska (Historicky casopis, 2/ 1965, pp. 309-328) . �148 SLOVAKIA rate army. 64 On September 9, 1944 the KSS began to publish the daily, "Pravda", proudly branded as "the official organ of the Communist Party of Slovakia".65 On September 17th, 1944 it arranged a joint Party Congress with the Social Democratic Party at which the Social Democratic Party merged into the KSS. It elected its own Central Committee with smidke as President, Husak and cech (Social Democrat) as Vice-Presidents. The Party displayed vigour and independence to a degree which both the Czech and the Soviet commissars found disquieting. The Czech Communists who were spending the war years in Moscow thought it necessary to reaffirm their primacy before it was too late and promptly dispatched to Slovakia two "experienced comrades", R. Slansky and J. sverma, to see that the Party line was correctly drawn and properly applied. After their arrival ( September 28th, 1944) the Slovak Communist leadership had to do as it was told. As a result there followed a great deal of retracting especially in those fields where exuberant nationalism had carried the home-grown leaders too far. The uprising revealed with startling clarity the secondary role and subordinate position to which the KSS was now relegated. In proclaiming their allegiance to the Czecho-Slovak Republic the Slovak Communists were negating the only positive asset of their political program so loudly advertised in 1939-44 under the slogan of an independent Soviet Slovakia. The blow was shattering not only to the Slovak people at large but also to the less doctrinaire Party members.66 In order to make the best of a bad job the Communists kept on assuring the people that the new Czecho-Slovak Republic would be incomparably better than the old one, 64) The proclamation persistently talks about " our Slovak (not Czechoslovak) army". For the full text of the document see: G. Husak, Svedectvo o SNP (Bratislava, 1964), pp. 257-258. 65) The daily, "Pravda", as it appeared during the uprising (September - October 1944) was recently reprinted and is available in a convenient form , Pravda v obdobi SNP (Bratislava, 1964) . 66) There were reports that workers at several places proclaimed a Slovak Soviet Republic (e.g. at Nemecke Pravno) ; in other places (Podbrezova) there was strong agitation for the proclamation of Soviet Slovakia. This unwillingness of the working class to return to a common state with the Czechs is most telling. �SLOVAKIA 149 that the excesses of the Czech administration would not be repeated, that the Slovak national individuality would be unquestionably accepted, etc. In other words they were posing as the guarantors of all those rights and achievements which the Hlinka People's Party had secured for the Slovak nation when declaring autonomy (October 1938). They openly advocated a federated Czecho-Slovakia.67 Unfortunately for them in 1944-45 the Slovaks were past the autonomy stage and were thinking in terms of state independence. Against the opposition of many Czech politicians, including Benes himself, the Slovak Communists succeeded in retrieving from the wreckage of the Slovak independence some of those prerequisites which gave post-war Slovakia a quasi-autonomous status.68 What is even more surprising, they were able to preserve their own independence. And thus one finds in post-war Czecho-Slovakia a somewhat anomalous situation. Alongside the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia there existed a Communist Party of Slovakia (with no regional equivalent in the Czech lands ) which to all intents and purposes was treated as a separate political party. As it happened it was a most expedient arrangement because it enabled the Communists in the critical post-war months (April 1945-May 1946) to have two Deputy Prime Ministers in the Provisional Government (instead of one) and almost twice as many ministers, parliamentarians, etc. as any other political party. V. 1945-1949 In the years 1945-6 the KSS was without doubt the most nationalistic party ever to enter the Slovak political scene. It was vehemently anti-German and anti-Magyar, and there seemed to be no limits to its nationalistic ex cesses. It lured into its camp Slovak voters by the promise of agrarian and wide-spread social reforms, it appealed 67) Thus spoke G. Husak at Kosice on February 28th, 1945: "We wan t to have a federated state ... in which each nation will be master in his own house."- See: G. Husak, Za narodnu a l'udovu demo kraciu (Kosice, 1945), p. 14. Also J. Jablonicky, Slovensko na prelome (Bratislava, 1965) , pp. 248-296. 68 ) Program prvej dorruicej vlady narodneho frontu cechov a Slovcikov (Kosice, 1945) . �150 SLOVAKIA to the nationalist and even the religious feeling of the people, it was willing to overlook anybody's past, no matter how compromising.69 Outwardly the KSS was united, but, as it transpired later, inside it was torn with internal jealousies which very soon decomposed its ranks and paralysed its strength as an independent political force. The old-guard leaders ( Siroky, Duris, etc.) who spent their war years in prison did not see eye to eye with the leadership which had been put together during the 1944 uprising (Husak, smidke, etc.). The Siroky-group intrigued against the smidke-Husakgroup and in their schemes they had the support of the Czech Communist leadership. In May 1945 at the joint session of both Party Presidia the Slovaks were compelled to adopt a common policy with their Czech comrades on all public issues of the day. The role of the KSS was defined as being "a part of a unitary KSC with a united leadership".70 In practice it meant a complete subjugation of the KSS to the dictatorial authority of the KSC. This was the end of the short-lived independence of the KSS (19391945). One of the first moves of Gottwald was to impose on the KSS a more amenable leadership to replace the smidkeHusak-group. In July 1945 Gottwald delegated Siroky to take over the Party affairs in Slovakia. 71 Siroky hurriedly convened a Party conference at Zilina (Aug. 11-12, 1945) where he was confirmed in his position as the Party President. Siroky saw to it that the top Party positions were filled with his men. Thus he had become, already in Aug. 1945, the undisputed authority in Party matters in Slovakia. "Siroky concentrated in his own hands and in the hands of his own group of collaborators in the apparatus of the KSS Central Committee factual decisions about Party 69) This is again another neglected chapter of the Party history. The nationalist excesses, especially against the Magyar minority, formed a part of the accusation levelled at the " bourgeois nationalists" in 1950-54. An oblique reference to the nationalist policies of the KSS has been made recently in the book of J. Zvara, A magyar nemzetisegi kerdes melogdasa Szlovakuiban (Bratislava, 1965), pp. 22-69. Also J . Jablonicky in Slovensko na prelome (Bratislava, 1965) pp . 396-409. 70) J. Barto, Riesenie vzt'ahu Cechov a Slovakov (Bratislava 1968) , p. 55. 71 ) ib., p. 99. �SLOVAKIA 151 policies, about the Party itself and about its leading cadres. These men were selected by Siroky himself according to his own personal likings", complained G. Husak recently. 72 Out of 9 men in the Party Presidium Husak identified these as the members of the Siroky group: Siroky, Duris, Bast'ovansky, Valachovic, Holdos. This leaves on the other side Husak, soltesz, smidke and Zupka. While acting as a strong man of the KSS, Siroky realized that he owed his position to the Czech Communists and consequently he was an ever-obedient executor of their wishes. In this way the policy of the KSS became divorced from the current needs and realities of the Slovaks. The policies of the KSc were designed to attract the Czech masses and paid very little attention to the Slovak national interests. The Party faced the first post-war electoral contest in a state of internal disunity, with a program which lacked conviction, realism and electoral appeal. Its only competitor for the allegiance of the Slovak electorate was the Democratic Party (heir and successor of the old Agrarian Party of M. Hodza) dominated almost exclusively by the Slovak Protestant bourgeoisie of proBenes sympathies. The Hlinka People's Party being banned, the Catholic section of the Slovak people ( the support of which was to decide the general election scheduled on May 26th, 1946) had no party of its own. To win these vital votes the leaders of the Democratic Party concluded an agreement with the representatives of the Slovak Catholics ("April Agreement") promising considerable concessions in exchange for the Catholic vote. 73 As a result of this solid backing of the Catholic majority the Democratic Party emerged victorious from the electoral contest polling 62.0 % of the total vote (999,622 votes), while the Communist Party gained only 30.4 % (489,596 votes), the remaining 7 ,6 % went to two minor parties or represented "white ticket" and informal votes. 74 While the electorate in the Czech lands overwhelmingly 72) G. Husak, Barnabitky a co im predchadzalo, in Nove slovo, No. 8/ 1968. 73) V. Precan, Slov ensky katolicizmus pred februarom 1948 (Bratislava , 1961), pp. 85-108. 74) Dejiny KSc (Praha, 1961), p . 504. �152 SLOVAKIA endorsed the Marxist policies 75 in Slovakia the Communist Party (which-it should be remembered-was already then a united party of both the Communist and the Social Democrats) came second best in what was actually a twoparty contest. This massive rejection of the Marxist policies led to deep soul-searching in the Central Committee in Prague and Bratislava. The Party now tempered (at least partly) its reckless nationalism and started to attack the Democratic Party for harbouring fascist and reactionary elements. 76 Though nominally both Communist and Democratic Parties were partners in the so-called United National Front they were soon fighting and abusing each other with fury and passion reminiscent of the interwar years. In spite of their electoral defeat the Communists, by clever and daring manipulation of their own and due to the ineptness, timidity and inexperience of the Democratic politicians were able to exert a decisive influence on the course of political events in Slovakia. They still retained the control of powerful organizations and pressure groups ( trade unions, farmers' organizations, partisans, etc.). Thus they were able to frustrate almost any attempt of the Democratic Party to honour its promises given to the Catholic voters.77 By their bullying tactics they brought about the estrangement between the leadership and membership of the Democratic Party. They accused many Democratic Party leaders of fascist conspiracy and subversive activity, demanded and got their removal from office and subsequent imprisonment (Kempny, Bugar, Stasko, Ursiny, etc.). Then in November 1947 they attacked the governmental positions of the Democratic Party, compelling it to give up 75) In the Czech lands the Communists received 38.9 % and the Social Democrats 15.8 % of the votes. The Marxist parties thus obtained 54.7 % . 76 ) M. Vartikova, Roky rozhodnutia. K dejiruim politickeho boja pred febriuirom 1948 (Bratislava, 1962); J . Lettrich, History of Modern Slovakia (New York, 1955), pp. 247-253. 77 ) They engineered-with the help of their Czech comrades and colleagues-the sentencing and execution of the former President of Slovakia, Dr. Jozef Tiso. By this they completely discredited the Democratic Party in the eyes of its voters, fully revealing its impotency and helplessness as a political force . See: F . Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso , President of the Slovak Repitblic (Sydney, 1967 ), pp. 37-40. �SLOVAKIA 153 its majority in such administrative bodies as the Slovak National Council, the Board of Commissioners, etc.78 By this victory the Communists effectively undermined the morale of the non-Communist forces and the stage was set for a complete take-over. The notorious 'coup d'etat', by which the Communists came to power in Czecho-Slovakia in February 1948, was largely a Czech affair. The resignation of the non-Communist ministers and the ensuing governmental crisis were confined to Prague. The confrontation was staged and the struggle was lost by the Czechs in the Czech lands. 79 As far as Slovakia was concerned there the issue was solved almost inaudibly in a matter of hours (long before the crisis was over in Prague). The Communist chairman of the Board of Commissioners, G. Husak, took over the main Post Office building in Bratislava on February 23rd, 1948 and was in complete control of all postal services, especially the vital telecommunication links between Bratislava and. Prague. To all Democratic Commissioners he dispatched letters of dismissal and to make sure that they took notice, he requested the Commissioner of the Interior, M. Feriencik (nominally a non-party member of the Board), to post police guards at their offices, to keep the "dismissed'' Commissioners out. 80 Then the Communists reconstituted a new Board allocating to themselves 10 (out of 15) positions, giving the remaining ones to their fellow-travellers.81 This moment signified the zenith of the KSS. What followed afterwards was a steeply descending road leading to the unenviable position of the next two decades(1948-68). 78 ) In the reconstructed Board of Commissioners the Democratic Party had to share the chairmanship with a Communist and its majority of nine on the Board of 15 Commissioners was reduced to a minor ity of six. 79) There are many accounts of this "parliamentary take-over" of governmental powers by the Communists. For the losing party's version see e.g. H. Ripka's Le Coup de Prague (Paris, 1949), for the winning-side versio n see e.g. J . Vesely's Kronika unorovych dnti 1948 (Praha, 1958) . 80) V. Vagassky, Komunisticka strana ceskoslovenska (New York, 1953roneoed) p. 8. 81) J. Lettrich, History of Modern Slovakia (New York, 1955), pp. 259-260. �li4 SLOVAKIA VI. 1948-1962 With the elimination of the non-Communist opposition there was no longer a need for two Communist Parties in one country. Steps towards the abolition of the KSS were taken on July 26th, 1948, when the Presidium of the KSc (consisting entirely of Czech Communists) decided: 1. The next meeting of the Central Committee of the KSS shall rule that the KSS ceases to exist as an independent party and become an integral part of the KSc. 2. The Party organization in Slovakia will still carry the name of KSS . 3. The Central Committee of the KSS shall be subordinated to the Central Committee of the KSc, it shall act according to its directives and it will implement the policy of the KSc in Slovakia. 82 This decision was proptly implemented on September 28, 1948 when the KSS, obeying the resolution of the Presidium of the KSc agreed to become "the territorial organization of the unitary KSC. 83 The merger was officially represented as a voluntary act mutually desired by both, and enthusiastically greeted by the Party press as such. But now it is admitted what has been generally known from the start that the Slovak Communists were most unwilling to give up their independence, to take up the status of an unprivileged minority destined to wait for the hand-outs of the senior and none-too-generous partner. Their fears were well justified but they could do nothing to prevent the inevitable. Thus they became the first victims of the renewed centralism with which the Communist rulers of Czecho-Slovakia were pursuing their new "socialist" policies. Gottwald, Kopecky and their accomplices, the authors and erstwhile advocates of Slovak selfgovernment, almost overnight forgot their earlier pledges. Robust and aggresive centralism was menacingly reflected in the new "Constitution of May 9th" (1948). In it the Slovaks were treated badly, 84 yet worse was still to come. 82) K. Kaplan, Utvcifeni genercilni linie vystavby socialismu v Ceskoslovensku (Pra ha, 1965) , p. 103. 83) Dejiny KSC (Praha, 1961) , p. 540. 84) While in 1945 the Commissioners were chosen by the Slovak National Council and responsible to it, in 1948 they were appointed by �SLOVAKIA 155 Most of those political and national rights which-as claimed by the KSS-were secured by the Slovak uprising in 1944 and saved by the victory of the working-class in 1948 were gradually removed one by one by the same people who once fought for them. With incredible, even gleeful, outward obedience the Slovak Communists were curtailing their own rights, restricting their own freedom of action. This subordinate relationship which now existed between the KSS and KSC was subsequently written into the Party Statutes for everybody to see. According to these approved rules "the KSS directs its activities by the decisions of the Congress of the KSC and the decisions of the Central Committee of the KSC ... The KSS convokes its congress after agreement with the Central Committee of the KSC ... The Central Committee of the KSS carries out the decisions of the Central Committee of the KSc and with the approval of the Central Committee of the KSC it solves the political and organizational Party questions in Slovakia". 85 Committed to these rules and bound by Party discipline the Communists in Slovakia ruthlessly applied the general Party line as drawn up in Prague by the Central Committee of the KSc, and including such unpopular measures as collectivization of farming, nationalization of all sectors of private enterprise, down to small shops and one-man businesses, wholesale purge of public life of all real and imaginary opponents of Communism, cruel persecution of the Catholic Church, its clergy and religious, victimization the Prague Government. The protective measures introduced in 1945 to safeguard the rights of the Slovak against the Czech majority were all removed in 1948. To pass or amend legislation a mere three-fifths majority of deputies was required. The Czech majority in the Parliament was always higher than this. (In 1954 there were only 98 Slovaks among 368 deputies). 85) The Statutes of the KSc , paragraphs 40, 42 and 47. See : Pravda of December 20th, 1952. Numerically the Party drew noticeably less strength from Slovakia than from the Czech lands. Shortly after the 1948 merger statistics were issued showing that in 1949 out of 2,311,066 members and candidates of the KSC only 236,432 were from Slovakia, i.e. 10.3%. ( Rude pravo of May 27th, 1950) . This disparity continued into the fiities and at the Tenth Congress of the KSC (1954) the Slovak delegates formed a 10,2% minority (Pravda of June 16th, 1954) . At that time 28% of the population lived in Slovakia. �156 SLOVAKIA of the intellectuals, adulation of Stalin and Gottwald, indiscriminate application of "superior Soviet methods" in all walks of life, etc.86 And when they did all these repugnant and hate-fometing tasks their Czech masters struck them with a wave of bloody purges. In the years 1949-54 (and especially after the Ninth Congress of the KSS in May 1950) the ranks of the Slovak Communists were decimated with a fury of terror which in its scope and horror surpassed all the blows ever inflicted by their class enemy. The purges form the most tragic and most neglected chapter in the history of the KSS.B 7 Within five years (1949-54) the KSS lost in purges seven out of 13 members of its Presidium (Clementis, Husak, Novomesky, ~midke, Bast'ovansky, Falt'an and Moskovic), some 30 % of its 60members Central Committee and thousands of Party members in diplomatic and administrative service, in the army, political bodies, institutions and other sectors of public life. They were removed from their posts amid the curses of their own comrades and comrades-in-arms and, having previously antagonized the masses of the Slovak people, they found themselves unpitied and friendless in their gravest hour. They were declared "enemies of the people", their work was debased, their publications banned, their past exorcised from the pages of the Party history.BB The principal guilt of which all the Slovak victims of the purges were accused was the unpardonable sin of "bourgeois nationalism", the very thing in which they were so much encouraged by their Czech comrades in 1945-6. It is generally not realized that the bulk of the victims of the 1949-54 purges were "bourgeois nationalists" (i.e. 86) In the writings of contemporary Communist historians all these measures were described as being socialist, progressive and to the benefit of the masses. Only now, after 15 years, some "mistakes" are being admitted for which the personality cult is blamed. 87) The purges were strictly taboo to the socialist historians until January 1968. Only in the field of literature a cautious attempt has been made to deal with this touchy subject, e. g. in Mnacko's Oneskorene reportaze, in Karvas's Jazva, etc. 88) More about the purges can be found in D. A. Schmidt's Anotomy of a Satelite ( Boston, 1952), in Vnuk's cistky - nezahojitel'ne rany KSS (Slovak v Amerike, November 9th,-30th, 1966); also Der Slansky-Prozess und seine Folgen (Recht im Ost und West, 5/ 1964, pp. 196-203. �SLOVAKIA 157 Slovaks) in Slovakia and "zionists" (i.e. Jews) in the Czech lands, though these two groups did not account for more than 13 ¼- of the KSc membership. It is no wonder then that the purges permanently poisoned the already strained Slovak-Czech relations beyond any hope of reconciliation. After the elimination of the Slovak element the Central Committee of the KSc entrusted the reins of the KSS to people of its own choice: Siroky, Bacilek, Duris, David, Dubcek, Rais, Branik, sefranek, Mauer, etc. As in the early twenties most of these were of non-Slovak origin ( Czechs and Jews) and a few of them were even Soviet citizens (David, Mauer). In March 1953 Stalin died and shortly after him K. Gottwald. The presidency of the Republic passed on to A. Zapotocky, while a well-known Slovakophobe, A. Novotny, became the first Party secretary. Novotny soon concentrated in his hands immense power and, assisted by V. Kopecky, was able to suppress all the liberalising tendencies of the post-Stalin thaw. 89 Having thus delayed destalinization which was sweeping through Poland, Hungary and the Soviet Union, Novotny paid increased attention to Slovakia where the dangers to his policies were greatest. In an attempt to subdue the passive resistance of the Slovaks and to break the nationalist spirit pulsating there in spite of purges, expulsions and bolshevist vigilance, Novotny further tightened the screw of Czech centralism. He introduced new administrative steps aimed at a more thorough control and reorganized the existing economic, cultural and social structure of the country. In this reorganization several Slovak industrial enterprises and cultural associations lost even their nominal independence and were integrated with their Czech counterparts into more compact "Czechoslovak" bodies.90 89) Kopecky's version of how the Party fought and defeated "revisionism" among the intellectuals is graphically, though one-sidedly, described in his book, CSR a KS(; (Praha, 1960), pp. 467-470. 90 ) These moves were allegedly designed for reasons of higher efficiency but the uneasy reluctance with which they were accepted in Slovakia indicates their insidious nature. Their implementation led to the dismissal of the President of the Slovak National Council, S. Sebesta, anct to renewed attacks on Slovak separatism by Bacilek, Kopecky, David, etc. �158 SLOVAKIA With regard to the Slovak political and administrative organs these were doomed to wither away by a devious method of ignoring their very existence. In spite of the fact that the Slovak regional organs were staffed by trusted Party members they were gradually reduced to complete inactivity. Though the Government was constitutionally obliged to appoint a Commissioner when new ministeries were created, this provision was, as a rule, ignored. 91 Under the mask of "Czechoslovak socialist patriotism" a new brand of undiluted Czech nationalism was superimposed on these centralist tendencies. Any opposition to this socialist Czechoslovakism was decried as bourgeois nationalism and one can see how often these accusations were levelled against the Slovaks after 1954.92 In an arrogant disregard of Slovak national aspirations the constitution which in May 1960 proclaimed CzechoSlovakia "a socialist country" further stripped the power of Slovakia's provincial government organs subordinating them completely to the Central Government. 93 This outrageous arrangement was presented as a final and satisfactory solution of the Slovak problem and the Party boasted in its official history that it had accomplished what the old capitalist system had found insoluble.94 However, the Slovak feelings about the situation are more aptly 91) E. Taborsk)', Communism in Czechoslov akia 1948-1960 (Princeton , N. J. , 1961), pp. 340-344. 92) V. ~iroky complained about it at the Tenth Congress of the KSS in April 1955; it was deplored in a leading article in Pravda of May 1st, 1956; in the aftermath of the Budapest revolt it was ruefully admitted "one of the weakest sectors of our ideological struggle is the struggle against bourgeois nationalism", Pravda of December 14th, 1956); in January 1958 it was violently denounced by K. Bacilek as having penetrated "into various fields of our cultural, political and scientific life, sports, state apparatus, economic organs, etc." Pravda of January 10th and 11th, 1958) ; again by K. Bacilek and V. Kopecky at the Eleventh Congress of the KSS in April 1958; etc. See also: Slovak Nationalism Revisited (Radio Free Europe Papers of November 11, 1965). 93) The Slovak Commissioners must "attend to further tasks in the economic and cultural construction of Slovakia to the extent determined by the central government" (Taborsky, Communism in Czechoslovakia 1948-1960 [Princeton, N. J., 1961], p. 339) . 94) Dejiny KS(; (Praha, 1961), pp. 697-698. �SLOVAKIA 159 summed up in the words of the former member of the Secretariat of the KSS and Party historian, M. Gosiorovsky: By the new adjustments of the Slovak national organs (which led to the aboli5hment of the Board of Commissioners, to the sub ordination of Slovak national offices directly to the Ministeries in Prague, etc.) the Slovak nation found itself in the position of the only nation in the entire Socialist camp which on its own ethnic territory lacked such organs of the Socialist governmental administration which would correspond to its development, its present living standard, its numerical strength and, above all, to its indispensability to become really and in every respect an equal partner with the brotherly Czech nation.95 VII. 1962-1967 Misruled and unrepresented, the Slovak Communists resented the continuos Czech interference, the Socialist brand of "Czechoslovakism" and above all the persistence of Stalinist methods and Stalinist leadership to which they were subjected. But there was little they could do about it while the Party was strong and enjoyed Krushchev's support. 96 But in 1961-62 the Party's grip on the overall control started to slacken. There were several factors which contributed to this: the stagnation of the country's economy, the Sino-Soviet dispute which now broke into the open, renewed attacks on Stalin at the XXIInd Soviet Party Congress (October 1961). In the ideological split the KSc had no choice but to side with Moscow. Thus circumstances compelled it to do more than pay lip service to the cause of destalinization. Destalinization finally reached Czecho-Slovakia in 1962-3 and its advent was symbolically ushered in by the demolition of the huge statue of Stalin overlooking Prague (November 1962). The year 1962, the year of the XIIth Congress of the KSC, was also a year of intense ferment, especially in 95) M. Gosiorovsky, K niektorym otazkam vzt'ahu cechov a siovakov v poiitike KSc, in Historicky casopis, No. 3/ 1968, p. 391. 96 Khrushchev's endorsement of the Party's Stalinist policies in 1957 was a very serious drawback for the opposing forces in the KSS who disliked Kopecky and Novotny's stiff measures against the Slovaks. Khrushchev on the occasion of his visit to Czecho-Slovakia declared (on July 11th, 1957): "The cause of Leninism in CzechoSlovakia is in good hands." (East Europe, 9/1957, p.41) . �160 SLOVAKIA Slovakia where the pent-up grievances gave rise to outspoken criticism of the excesses of the Stalinist era and of their perpetrators. The loudest critics of these abuses of naked power were the Slovak writers, journalists, scientists and other representatives of the intelligentsia. 97 The foremost task of destalinization was to rehabilitate the victims of the 1949-54 purges. Those bourgeois nationalists who were still alive were quietly released from prisons, but Novotny and his clique were most relucant to admit that the accusations of bourgeois nationalism were fabricated. Such an admission would make fabricators of Novotny, Siroky and most of the power-holders in CzechoSlovakia. Subjected to mounting pressure the Party allowed the released prisoners to apply for re-admission to Party membership. Many of them did and their applications for re-admission read like the most savage condemnation of Communist tyranny ever written. 98 These were widely cir97) The mouthpiece of the discontented and critical voice was the official organ of the Slovak Writers' Association , Kulturny zivot, which in 1963 published an impressive number of critical articles. An open forum at which many abuses and horrors of the past and of the present were exposed was the Conference of Slovak Writers in Bratislava (April 21-22nd, 1963). At the First Congress of the Association of Slovak Journalists (May 28-29th, 1963) the wrongs and injustices of the era were bitterly denounced by M. Hysko , who publicly attacked the then Prime Minister, V. Siroky, as the prime mover behind the false accusations of the "bourgeois nanationalist" comrades, (Pravda of June 3rd 1963). 98) Some of them (e.g. Husak's) found their way abroad, where extracts from them were pub!ished in the emigre press. For English translation of parts from Husak's application see: News Digest International (Sydney) 3/ 1966, pp. 55-57. In 1968 a large number of rehabilited Party officials (as well as many non-Party men ) described their experiences at the hands of their jailers. Husak's account was serialized in a weekly, Nove slovo, Holdos's in the daily, Smena, but the most graphic expose of the inhuman treatment to which the victims of the cult era were subjected is in E. Loebl's book Svedectvo o procese s vedenim protistatneho sprisahaneckeho centra na cele s Rudolfom Slanskym (Bratislava, 1968) . From among the non-Communist prisoners there is the account by playwright I. Stodola in Kulturny zivot and that of military officer D. Viest in Slovenske Pohl'ady. Different organizations and institutions started to publish grim statistics about the era of lawlessness. According to various calculations there were 160 death sentences in 1948-53. The Association of Anti-Fascist Fighters claimed that 30,000-40,000 of its members became victims �SLOVAKIA 161 culated in Slovakia and their impact was enormous. At one stage they caused an open rebellion against Czech rule. Novotny tried to counteract these outbursts of discontent and criticism but his voice was drowned in an ever-growing protest. 99 To save his own skin he had to sacrifice his most valuable accomplices (and the most hated men in Slovakia) namely K. Bacilek (in March 1963), and when that did not suffice, V. Siroky and J . Duris (in September 1963). Of course the situation was far more serious than could be rectified by the removal of a few compromised Party officials. The main culprit, A. Novotny, and his group weathered the storm of criticism by sheer perseverance and stubbornness and with Moscow's backing retained their monopoly of power. At the end of 1963 the situation in the KSS differed only very little from that before the XIIth Party Congress. The leadership of the KSS was entirely in the hands of Novotny's men, like Bil'ak, Chudik, Sabolcik, Lenart, salgovic, Barbirek, Dvorsky, Cvik, Daubner, etc. In his selection Novotny was particularly careful to pick for his service people whose only qualification was blind following of the official Party line.No person of independent views or strong personal conviction made his way up the Party ladder. The most pathetic group in the Slovak political scene were the rehabilitated bourgeois nationalists. Though exonerated from their alleged crimes and officially "fully of judical and political persecution. The unlawfully sentenced citizens even founded their own organization "K 231". But the most moving (and damning) indictment of the cruelty of the Communist regime was the Resolution of the members of various religious orders presented to the Ministry of Culture and Information on April 17, 1968. It was signed by 6,174 religious who spent altogether 32,016 years in prison. (See Katoiicke noviny, May 5, 1968). 99) Novotny replied to the criticism of the Slovak Communist intellectuals on June 12th, 1963 at Kosice. He defended Siroky, maintaining that the accusations of bourgeois nationalism were " substantially right" ( Prav da of June 13th, 1963). He sharply reprimanded and vilified two Slovak critics of his policies, M. Hysko and R. Kalisky, branding them as "irresponsible scribblers" (pisalkove ). R. Kalisky replied in kind and his long letter (of 30 pages) to "comrade President" lists a comprehensive catalogue of Czech wrongdoings towards the Slovaks. This letter was also widely read in Slovakia and heartily approved by all sections of the community. �162 SLOVAKIA rehabilitated" they still were doomed to remain in a political wilderness, hoping against hope for some miracle which would restore their earlier status. Their hopes could not have been realized without a major upheavel within the Party. They were, after all, striving and clamouring after positions which were held by their former judges and jailers, by men who had advanced literally over their "dead bodies". These men knew only too well to whom they owed their posts and what was expected of them in return. This state of affairs could not have been without impact on the Party's membership. Headed by uninspiring and subservient leaders, the KSS had become a living mockery of Lenin's conception of a Communist Party. The solution of the Slovak problem in 1962-67 advanced very little, if at all. The request of the Slovak intellectuals to federate Czecho-Slovakia according to the Soviet or Yugoslav model was rejected outright. 100 The Czechs were the dominant nation in a state "of two brotherly nations of equal rights" (as it is solemnly written in the 1960 Constitution) and continued to enjoy a disproportionately high number of prestige-bearing positions in the Party organs, State administration, diplomatic service, army, etc. The dissatisfaction in all strata of the Slovak community was there for everybody to see. If any concessions were made, these were only formal and completely unsatisfactory. Thus in 1964 the term "poverenik" (Commissioner), abolished in 1960, was reintroduced and in a common declaration of the Central Committee of both Parties (i.e. KS(:; and KSS) of May 7, 1964 it was announced that the Slovak National Council would participate "more fully" in all spheres of Slovak public life. 101 But there was no visible improvement, no advancement towards a fuller participation of regional organs in Slovakia's administration. In spite of all this crude nationalistic discrimination, in spite of obvious economic, political and cultural failures, 100) This proposal, the authorship of which is attributed to an erstwhile Party historian, M. Gosiorovsky, was rejected by Prague through its Slovak mouthpiece, M. Chudik (President of the Slovak National Council. According to Chudik the Slovak people did not wish any federation (Rude pravo of November 13th, 1965). 101 ) Za plnsie uplatnenie Slovenskej narodnej rady, (Bratislava, 1964). �SLOVAKIA 163 Novotny somehow managed to retain and even consolidate his personal power at the XIIIth Party Congress (MayJune, 1966). The Congress was a rather dull and uneventful affair: only those speakers were admitted who endorsed Novotny's policies. A lengthy and critical report on the economic situation and the much talked-about "new economic model" was to be delivered by Prof. 0. sik, but what finally emerged was a very mild substitute. The Central Committee elected a 10-man Party Presidium, in which there were three Slovaks (Dubcek, Lenart, Chudik). Among the Presidium candidates there were two more Slovaks ( Sabolcik and Sadovsky). The promised and expected reform which was to put Slovak-Czech relations on an entirely new basis did not materialize .102 VIII. 1967-1968 The situation had become unbearable by 1967. The forces of discontent were gathering momentum. Up to 1966-7 the main source of opposition to the Novotny regime was in Slovakia, where his treatment of the Slovak peoples and institutions provoked almost universal hatred. This resentment was gradually percolating into the all-state Party leadership. In 1967 Novotny's obstinacy to the "new economic model" caused further polarization of the leadership into the "dogmatists" and the "liberals". The economic reform could succeed only if coupled with decentralization and with a loosening of the tight dictatorial regime. Any relaxation on the political front immediately brought forward a demand for a thorough-going rehabilitation and undoing of the "mistakes of the cult era". The combined impact of these factors (i.e. the Slovak question, economy and uneasy liberalization) eventually led to the fall of A. Novotny. These grumblings came first to the attention of the outside world in June 1967, when the writers used their IVth Congress as a tribunal for a passionate denunciation 102) The Slovak writer, V. Mihalik ( member of the Central Committee of the KSS ) revealed (in Kulturny zivot 8/1966, p. 1) that the Party was preparing "an important document" aimed at the improvem1mt in Slovak-Czech relations. The document was to be tabled at the Thirteenth Congress of the KSc (May, 1966 ). Bu t it was not, and nothing has been heard about it since. �164 SLOVAKIA of naked power and for a bitter condemnation of the Party's performance in the last two decades. 103 The Party-always very sensitive to criticism-hit back hard in Oct. 1967. The principal culprits were expelled from the Party, dismissed from their professional posts, and their official journal, "Literarni noviny", was taken away from them. An attempt was made to exploit the existing difference between the Slovak and Czech writers and to play both groups against each other. But the Slovaks, at their meeting with the Slovak Party leaders on Oct. 16, 1967, briskly declined the honour of being the Party's favourites at the expense of their Czech colleagues. 104 Another indication of the stresses and strains at the top was the criticism at the plenary session of the Central Committee of the KSc in Sept. 1967 of the implementation of the new economic model. It was, perhaps, symptomatic that the Slovak Party Secretary, A. Dubcek, accused the government 9f discriminatory policies towards Slovakia. He charged that "the results for the first half of 1967 show that investments in Slovak industry totalled 21.9 1/r of the state investments and not 28 % as was laid in the directives of the XIIIth Party Congress". 105 The struggle for power was now on and manifested itself again at the Central Committee meeting in Oct. 1967, where the Slovak Party leaders in an unheard-of move demanded that Novotny abandon one of the two top functions he held (i.e. the First Party Secretary and the President of the State) . Novotny sensed the gravity of the 103) See IV. Sjezd Svazu ceskoslovenskych spisovatelti, Praha 27. - 29. cervna 1967, (Praha, 1968), especially the speeches by M. Kundera (pp. 22-27) , P . Kohout (pp. 39-43), A. J. Liehm (pp. 99-204) and, above all, that of L. Vaculik ( pp. 141-150). The Slovak writers played a rather passive role at this gathering and their over-all performance was to become a source of serious embarrassment in the subsequent months. A heated dispute about the action of some Slovak writers (Mihalik, Spitzer, Valek, Minac, Kostra, Matu~ka, Rosenbaum , Egri, Luknar, Ponican as well as 9 Czech writers) who in their letter supported the party's policies in the cultural sphere (pp. 157-159 ) eventually led (in December 1968) to the collapse of the Slovak Writers' Union. See M. Resutik Rozlomeny svaz in Nove slovo No. 1/ 1969, p. 11. 104 ) Svedectvi (Paris) No. 32-33 / 1968, pp. 89-116. 105 ) Pravda (Bratislava), Sept. 29, 1967. �SLOVAKIA 165 situation and in December he invited Brezhnev to come to Prague to bolster his position. But Brezhnev's visit (Dec. 8 )-if anything-made the situation worse . The next meeting of the Central Committee (Dec. 19-21, 1967) dealt Novotny the final blow and made his position untenable. At the following meeting of the Central Committee, a fortnight later, Novotny was finally voted out of office and replaced by Alexander Dubcek, who till then was considered N ovotny's man in Slovakia. Outside his native Slovakia Dubcek was a completely unknown personality .106 The key role-and this should be stressed again and again-in N ovotny's downfall was played by the Slovaks who found themselves in their socialist homeland economically exploited, nationally humiliated, culturally neglected and ruled as a colony by their Czech partners. Novotny, in his last speech as Party Secretary (New Year's speech, 1968) , tried to placate the Slovaks with the promise of a more generous economic consideration for Slovakia: " The need of nationwide industrial development must not obscure the important task of priority development of Slovakia which still has not reached the average economic level of the Czech regions". 107 But the offer was "too little too late". The new leadership of the KSc put the question of Slovakia as the number one problem to be tackled by them. Prague radio said on Jan. 5, 1968: "The Central Committee took note of the fact that the government and the Presidium of the Slovak National Council will submit to the Party organs, on the basis of thorough situation analyses, specific proposals for perfecting their activities." The activities of the Slovak National Council being almost non-existent needed much more than perfecting. In his speech at the 20th anniversary of the Communist coup of February 1948, Dubcek spelt out the current difficulties which were troubling his leadership: "Many faults 106) For backgro und to Dubcek's personality see, e. g. F . Vnuk, Alexander Dubcek - tragedia poctiv eho komunistu in Kalendar Jednota 1969 (Middletown, Pa. , 1968), pp. 173-181. Also T. Szulc, A loo/c at Alexander Dubcek - the aparatchik who made a revoluti on in N . Y . Times (Weekly Review) , Jan. 12, 1969. 107) Pravda (Bratislava), Jan. 2, 1968. �166 SLOVAKIA have occured in internal Party life ... (where) the struggle between the progressive and conservative forces has not yet been concluded . . . ( There are) serious difficulties in the economy ... In our relations with the Slovak national organs we must rectify what was wrongfully violated after 1960 and things must be rearranged in such a way as to bring them in line with the contemporary stage of development of the state as a whole." 108 After this admission from the highest Party official things in Slovakia started to happen. M. Chudik (member of the Presidium of the KSc), N ovotny's stooge in Slovakia who was acting as Chairman of the Slovak National Council, hurriedly submitted his resignation. But he was not to be allowed to bow out as gracefully as that; he was dismissed in ignominy instead, on March 14, 1968. Having discarded its incompetent boss the Slovak National Council immediately published a resolution demanding that CzechoSlovakia become a federation. A new constitution to replace the one of 1960 was to give full legislative power to the Slovak National Council in all except foreign affairs, defense and state finances. Slovakia was to have a separate government. 109 In March the so-called "Czecho-Slovak spring" really started and the whole country was undergoing radical changes. Novotny's Party apparatus was falling to pieces. There was the defection to the West of Major-General Jan sejna; the resignation of the Trade Unions leader Pastytik; the dismissal of Chudik; the removal from office of the Interior Minister Kudrna and Prosecutor-General Bartuska; the suicide of Deputy Defense Minister V. Janko and Vice-President of the Supreme Court J. Brest'ansky; ousting of the chief Party ideologue J. Hendrych and the fall from the Presidency of Novotny himself. All this happened in the space of four weeks and had tremendous impact on the people. These events necessitated a new reorganization of the Party and the government. The five-day session of the Central Committee of the KSc named a new Presidium on April 1, 1968, in which Slovakia was given the largest 108 ) Pravda (Bratislava) , Feb. 23 , 1968. 109) Pravda (Bratislava), March 15, 1968. �SLOVAKIA 167 representation ever : 4 in 11. 110 In the Secretariat there were 3 Slovaks out of 9 members (Dubcek-the First Secretary, Lenart, Sadovsky). On April 9 a new Cabinet was sworn in by Novotny's successor in the Presidency, General L. Svoboda. At the head of the new government stood 0. cernik. There were 5 deputy Prime Ministers and 23 Ministers. Here too the Slovaks were treated much more generously than ever before: 2 deputy Prime Ministers and 6 Ministers were from Slovakia. One of the deputy Prime Ministers was Gustav Husak, a rehabilitated Slovak "bourgeois nationalist". On April 10, 1968 the Party published its " Action Program",111 an ambitious document setting out " CzechoSlovakia's road towards socialism" and outlining the political and economic reforms by which it was to achieve one-party rule, mollified by the active participation of the non-party sections of the population. The Slovak question again figured prominently in the Program. A new symmetric federative arrangement of the state was proposed and the Slovaks were promised: 1. Slovak National Council and Council of Ministers (instead of the old Board of Commissioners), 2. Slovak national committees, 3. Autonomy in planning and budgeting for Slovakia, 4. State secretaries in those central ministerial departments where Ministers were Czechs, 5. Guarantee of Slovak rights against the Czech majority, 6. Adequate Slovak representation in the army, diplomatic service, etc. 112 In the less oppressive atmosphere of the day and in the absence of overt censorship public opinion soon started to exert pressure from below. This resulted first of all in the resignation or removal from the scene of those men who were closely linked with Novotny and his• dictatorial policies. To purge Novotny's followers from the Central llO ) They were Dubcek, Rigo, Bil'ak and Barbirek. Their nomina tion was accepted in Slovakia with some scepticism and their credentials as Slovaks were immediately questioned. It was pointed out that Rigo was a Gypsy, Bil'ak was a Ruthenian and Barbirek though born in Bratislava- was a Czech. And, of course, everybody knew that Dubcek had spent his childhood and adolescence (192438 ) in the Soviet Union. 111 ) A kcni Program KS(: pfijaty na p leruirni zasedani OV KS(: dne 5. du bna 1968, Praha 1968. ll 2 ) Akcni Program ...", pp. 27-28. �168 SLOVAKIA Committee of the KSc the masses demanded an extraordinary Party congress. Under the effect of ever-mounting pressure the Party leaders with some reluctance consented at last to convene it in September 1968. In Slovakia the burning question was that of federation. Obcession with this issue was so intense that little room was left for anything else. There was a minor controversy between two groups of Slovak intellectuals as to whether it was more correct to insist on federation before democratization or vice versa. This was, however, only a question of emphasis: the demand for federalization was almost unanimous. In the Czech lands the problem of federalization was hardly mentioned, and if at all, then not in a manner encouraging for the Slovaks. A public opinion poll revealed that 95 % of Slovaks were for federation and 90 ';c of Czechs against it. 113 The Czechs did not like to be reminded that federation was something the Slovaks were promised more than once in the past 50 years and hence long overdue. They preferred to dismiss the whole thing as an unrealistic and untimely affair of no concern to themselves. The famous "2000 words Manifesto" even suggested that in Slovakia the federation issue would be used as a shield by many old conservatives who would thus survive the democratization process: "Federation alone will not provide better living standards for either the Czechs or Slovaks, neither will it solve their economic and social problems. The rule of the Party-state bureaucracy may still survive especially in Slovakia, because there it could claim a victory in the fight by which greater freedom was gained (for the Slovaks) ."114 113) There were several surveys of public opinion on this issue. Obrana l'udu (June 1, 1968) cites the results of another survey, according to which the Slovaks were for federation "almost 100%", while in the Czech lands federation was favored by only 5% of those questioned! 114) For the full text of this Manifesto see Literarni Listy (June 27, 1968). The Soviet press called "2000 words" an "action program for the counter-revolution" (Literaturnaya Gazeta, July 10, 1968) , Dubcek deplored it as a "very serious obstacle to the further development of socialist democracy and society" (Rude pravo , June 29, 1968), S. Kodaj (Party official in East Slovakia) denounced it as "an open call for counter-revolution". In fact it was a call for pressure from below to get the Party to purge from �SLOVAKIA 169 This unkind remark in a document which so outraged the Soviet leaders and embarrassed the Communist leaders in Czecho-Slovakia, elicited a reply in the form of an open letter signed by over 200 Slovak intellectuals and intitled, "A word to the Czechs, and also Slovaks, who are worthy of it". In this response the Slovaks complained bitterly about the outrageous distortion of Slovak history by Czech officialdom ("From Shir's followers down to the men who led the uprising of 1944 nobody was good enough if he was a good Slovak first") and then defended their insistence on "federation without delay": "In today's democratization process the present inferior position of Slovakia is simply no longer tenable".11 5 No prominent political personality figured among those who signed the letter, yet the Czechs suspected that its instigator was Dr. Gustav Husak. The Deputy Prime Minister G. Husak was the most dynamic personality in the reactivated life of the KSS. 116 He re-emerged (after being sentenced to life inprisonment as a "bourgeois nationalist" in 1954) as a sworn enemy of Novotny and all his hangers-on in Slovakia. At the same time he was resolved to reassert as much an independent Slovak voice in the state and Party politics as possible. He still remained what he always had been, an orthodox and autocratic Communist at heart, but his hatred of Novotny put him in the one camp with the liberals. His uncompromising stand on immediate and comprehensive federalization assured him of a strong following in Slovakia. He was not even a member of the Central Committee of the KSS, yet his political influence in Slovakia was second to none. Early in July he swayed the regional Party conference in Bratislava to press for the KSS congress to be held in August 1968 (i.e. before the scheduled KSc Congress ) so that the Slovaks would come to the XIVth extraordinary Congress of the KSc with their own specific all positions of power the men who had been responsible for the country's political, economic, moral and cultural decline. For the English translation of the whole document see East Europe No. 8/ 1968, pp. 25-28. 115) Slovo cechom aj Slovakom sucim na slovo in Nove slovo, No. 11/ 1968, pp. 1-3. 116) For a short biography of G. Husak read F. Vnuk's O Husakovi zrwva a v iacej in Kalendcir Jednota 1968, (Middletown, Pa., 1967, pp. 87-98). �170 SLOVAKIA proposals ( already approved by the KSS Congress) of the federalization scheme. 117 The internal development in Czecho-Slovakia since January and especially since March 1968 was a cause of serious concern in the Soviet Union and neighbouring people's democracies. The events in Czecho-Slovakia were directly connected with the students' demonstrations in Poland which produced a crisis in the Polish Party leadership. Afraid of similar consequences in East Germany Ulbricht imposed a ban on the German-language newspaper from Czecho-Slovakia. The Ukrainian-language broadcast from Presov found keen listeners in the south-western part of the Soviet Union and caused uneasiness and discomfort to the Soviet Party leaders, to Ukrainian Party boss Shelest in particular. Dubcek and his colleagues were repeatedly summoned to Moscow, Dresden, Warsaw, while their counterparts from the other Socialist countries were arriving in Prague trying their best to stop the process which in Dubcek's eyes was democratic and humanizing, in theirs counter-revolutionary and revisionist. Then on July 15, 1968 the Central Committee of the KSc received a common letter from the "fraternal" Parties of the Soviet Union, Poland, East Germany, Hungary and Bulgaria. They found the situation in Czecho-Slovakia "absolutely unacceptable for a socialist country". The catalogue of errors and faults was long and comprehensive and reflected their own fears and apprehensions. Only one aspect of the post-January development in the country was condoned without disapproval: "We welcome the rectification in the relations between the Czechs and Slovaks on a sound basis of brotherly collaboration within the framework of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic". 118 The recipients of this "Warsaw letter" did not leave these accusations unanswered and refuted them one by one. In their written reply they stated emphatically: "We do not see any realistic reasons which would entitle you to assert that our present situation should be branded as counter-revolutionary."119 The Party Secretary Dubcek went 117) Pravda (Bratislava), July 7, 1968. 118) Prav da (Bratislava) , Special edition, July 18, 1968. 119) ib. �SLOVAKIA 171 on the air to reassure his countrymen (on July 18, 1968): "We do not want to abandon anything at all from our principles." The outcome of this correspondence was the confrontation between the 11-man Soviet Politburo and the entire 11-man KSc Presidium at cierna nad Tisou (July 29-Aug. 1, 1968), and afterwards the multilateral "comradely" meeting at Bratislava on Aug. 3. The official communique was inconclusive and the whole outcome of the conference was rather dubious. 120 Both participants ( i. e. the KSC on the one hand and the Communist Parties of the USSR, East Germany, Poland, Hungary and Bulgaria on the other) were convinced that they had successfully defended their own tenets of socialism. In a nationwide broadcast Dubcek again attempted to calm his fellow citizens: "You can be fully satisfied with the results and the spirit of the talks. We have kept our promises (i.e. not to deviate from the post-January course)." It sounded too good to be true. For the next 18 days Czecho-Slovakia lived in a fool's paradise, while the Red Army, under the pretext of largescale manoeuvres, was preparing the invasion of CzechoSlovakia. On Aug. 20-21, 1968, in defiance of their solemn promises to respect the national independence of every Socialist country, the Soviet-led Warsaw Pact forces of five Communist countries invaded Czecho-Slovakia and put a sudden end to the great democratization experiment. In this gesture of Cain-like brotherhood Communism displayed its fear of democratization, its abhorrence of freedom, its inability to satisfy even the most elementary of human desires. It demonstrated that Communism cannot be liberalized without ceasing to be Communism. During that fateful night of Aug. 20-21 the progressive leaders of the KSc were kidnapped and taken in chains to Russia. This high-handed action of the Socialist allies 121 provoked a loud and indignant outcry all over the world, and-most unexpectedly-a resolute condemnation by the majority of the world Communist Parties, including those of China, Yugoslavia, Rumania, France, Italy, Great Britain, 120) Pravda (Bratislava), Aug. 4, 1968. 121) A Chronology of Occupation in East Europe, No. 10/ 1968,pp. 38-46. �172 SLOVAKIA Australia, etc. But by far the most effective was the reaction the Soviets encountered in the occupied country. It is impossible to describe in detail the ingenious methods of the passive and less passive resistance by which the Slovaks and Czechs frustrated the occupiers' efforts to "normalize the situation". The invasion united the Czech and Slovak nation in their opposition to this cruel act. But it appears that there was much less unity of action in the Party ranks. The KSS refused to back unconditionally the activities of the KSc in the first post-invasion days. The XIVth extraordinary Congress of the KSc, scheduled for Sept. 9 was hurriedly convened and took place during the night of Aug. 22 under the very nose of the occupying troops in a big Prague factory ( cKD plant) . The delegates (1095 out of 1543 expected to attend) elected a new Committee of 144 members. Of these 118 were new members and only 26 belonged to the old Central Committee. The representation from Slovakia amounted to 42 members, an unprecedented proportion, and there were 8 Slovaks in the 28-man Presidium: Dubcek, Husak, Zrak, 1'azky, Sadovsky, Colotka, Turcek, Pavlenda, Samel (?). 122 This should have satisfied the Slovaks, but it did not. The Soviets denounced the XIVth Congress in the most violent terms and did their utmost to undo it. According to Western reports the secret protocol drawn-up at the conclusion of the Czechoslovak-Soviet "negotiations" (sit venia verbi) on Aug. 28, 1968 contained 14 demands, one of which asked for the invalidation of the XIVth congress . As it happened this was the first thing the Russians succeeded in obtaining. A key role in making this congress into an "unevent" was played by G. Husak who was one of the negotiators in Moscow. While he was abroad the extraordinary Congress of the KSS started ( on Aug. 26 ). Husak returned just in time to deliver his address on the last day of the session. In his speech he questioned the legality of the XIVth Congress of the KSc and advised the delegates to the KSS Congress to reverse their stand taken three days earlier and to disavow the XIVth extraordinary Congress of the KSc. Husak argued that at the XIVth congress the Slovak representatives to the Party 122) Prav da (Bratislava ), Special edition, Aug. 25, 1968. �SLOVAKIA 173 organs were elected "illegally" ... "undemocratically", that "out of 300 Slovak delegates selected to attend the congress proceedings only 4, later 22, and towards the end about 40 were present". 123 In complete disregard of the fact that it was the Russians who had prevented the Slovak delegates from participating at the Congress Husak addressed his indignant reproaches at those who elected him to the Party Presidium: "Nobody can impose on a sovereign nation and its party its will in a way we have witnessed, namely that a little group of people entrusted by nobody should determine the nation's political representation."124 Of course Husak's anger and fury would have been even greater if the XIVth Congress had failed to nominate him or some of his close associates to the position in the top Party hierarchy. His rhetoric was just a clumsy display of the heads-I-win-tails-you-lose tactics. In sharp contrast to the XIVth Congress of the KSC, the Congress of the KSS was allowed to proceed undisturbed. It was attended by 607 of the 638 choosen delegates. It elected a 131-man Central Committee and a 12-member Presidium composed of Husak, Bod'a, Falt'an, Harencar, Klokoc, Luptak, Novomesky, Pavlenda, Sadovsky, Sedlakova, 'l'azky and Zrak. The 7-man Secretariat consisted of G. Husak (First Secretary) , L. Abraham, B . Graca (ideological spokesman ) , V. Pavlenda, S . Sadovsky, J. Turcek and J . Zrak. This was an entirely new team personally hand-picked by Husak. All of Novotny's men and Husak's opponents were either ousted (Bil'ak, Sabolcik, Pecha, Riga, Kriz, Hruskovic, Dvorsky, etc.) or demoted to ordinary Central Committee membership (Janik, Barbirek, Zupka, etc.). In the resolution of the Congress the Plenum took a stand on a number of current issues created by the presence of Warsaw Pact troops in Slovakia, but the only problem it tackled with determination and vigour was that of federation. Husak said in his concluding address: "I recommend that we approve . . . our insistence on the federative rearangement of our state on the basis of principles outlined earlier and it should be enacted by Oct. 28 this year." 125 In the subsequent weeks the Slovak Communists pursued this 123 ) Pravda (Bratislava) , Aug. 30, 1968. 124) Smena, Aug. 30, 1968. 125) Pravda (Bratislava) , Aug. 30, 1968. �174 SLOVAKIA point of their program forcefully and relentlessly to its logical conclusion. The federation was indeed enacted on Oct. 27, 1968 and put into practice on Jan. 1, 1969. Today's Czecho-Slovakia consist of two Socialist republics, the Czech and the Slovak, with three governments, Czech, Slovak and Central. It can be said that federation is the only paragraph salvaged from the ambitious Action program of Dubcek's leadership. The draft of the new Party statutes was published for discussion early in April 1968 and it proposed that the Party too should be reorganized on federal lines. 126 It envisaged the Communist Party of the Czech lands and the Communist Party of Slovakia to deal with internal and domestic matters; for international representation and in matters which exceeded the limits of national competence there was to be a single representative of the two national parties, i. e. the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia. This proposition was politely forgotten after August, 1968; the Russians apparently did not like it. (Of course there were many other things the Russians would loathe to see in.practice, such as the new concept of democratic centralism, election of all party organs by secret ballot, limited terms of service on regional and national party committees, etc.). Thus whilst the KSS achieved a funda• mental alteration in the structure of the state, it was unable to adjust the structural pattern of the Party to fit the new political situation. The KSS is still without counterpart in the Czech lands 127 However, under Husak's new leadership the KSS has undergone a remarkable revival. In its relation to the KSc it has become more aggressive and self-assertive. The days of blind obedience of the Party line drawn up in Prague have been replaced by an avowed and dedicated service 126) Rude pravo, Supplement, Aug. 10, 1968. 127) At the plenary session of the Central Committee of the KSCS on Nov. 14-17, 1968 a substitute-counterwei ght to the Central Committee and Presidium of the KSS was set up: the so-called Party's Bureau for the Czech regions. It functions within the framework of the Central Committee of the KSCS, consists of 11 men and is headed by L. Strougal, assisted by two Secretaries (V. Hula and J . Kozel). The weekly journal "Tribuna" is its official organ. The only better known personality in the Bureau (beside L. Strougal) is the Prime-Minister Cernik. �SLOVAKIA 175 to the needs of the nation. At least that was what G. Husak proclaimed at the KSS Congress: "Let this Party rid itself of everything which is irresolute, everything which is opportunistic, let endure in it all that is firm, noble and prepared to struggle for the rights of this nation. 128 It remains to be seen to what extent the KSS will be able to realize this resolve. The strongman Husak was known to have made similar speeches in 1945-48, but after 1948 he was gradually silenced, removed from his Party posts and eventually imprisoned. So far he has succeeded in bringing about federalization of the state, but in the process he has antagonized a few influential groups in Slovakia (liberal writers, journalists, intellectuals) and the majority of the Czech population. He is being depicted in the Western press as a man who enjoys the trust of the Russians, as the man who annulled the XIVth Congress of the KSc, as the man who was instrumental in the removal of Smrkovsky, etc. 129 The conflict and dialectical contradictions between the Czechs and Slovaks are at present as acute as ever. Federation solved one old problem but generated at least a dozen new ones. The part played by the KSS in Slovak national history shows too much on the debit side and very little on the credit side. In the years 1948-67 the KSS was without doubt the most powerful single factor in shaping Slovakia's history. Yet in most instances it was a force which, with cynicism and arrogance, stood as a stumbling-block between the nation and its freedom, between the people and their political and cultural self-expression. In those years the KSS was just a tool of terror and intimidation wielded by a foreign oppressor over the Slovak masses. These things were openly stated in many sensational revelations 128) Smena, Aug. 30, 1968. A question can be asked at this point as to how much the Party membership will drop if it is going to rid itself of everything which is opportunistic and irresolute and retain only that which is firm and noble. In 1968, just before the Soviet invasion the Party had in Slovakia 220,000 organized members, i. e. less than 6% of the population. If Husiik's criteria are applied this number can only decrease. 129) See e.g. the article of L. Vlasic: Pohyb s cudnym pozadim in Nove slovo, No. 1/ 1969, pp. 3 and 14. Also Husiik's speech at the Plenary session of the Central Committee KSC-S (Rude pravo, Jan. 21 , 1969, p. 7) . �SLOVAKIA 176 which appeared in the censorship-free press during the March-August period of the Dubcek era. The new leadership of the KSS has repeatedly stated that the return of the old days is out of the question. Yet (apart from federation) one witnesses almost daily a gradual retreat from the gains and achievements of the liberalization process. The presence of Red Army units in the country (now sanctioned by a treaty) makes certain that the conditions imposed on the KSC leadership on Aug. 28, 1968 are being implemented. How-under these circumstances-will the KSS safeguard the interests of the nation? Time alone will tell. Appendix I. N umerical representation from Slovakia in the Central Committee. Presidium-Politburo and Secretariat-Orgburo of the KS(: (including candidates) in 1921-1968. Members in Members in Members in KSC. Seer. C. Committee KS(: Presid. Party Congress - -- Merger-Congress (1921) I 36 6 16.6 I. Congress ( 1923) I 26 5 19.4 II. Congress ( 1924) 50 6 12.0 52 III. Congress ( 1925) 6 11.5 52 IV. Congress ( 1927) 5 from Nov. 1928 I ? I ? 9/ V. Congress ( 1929) 52 1 4 7.7 4 7.8 51 VI. Congress (1931) 8 16.0 50 VII. Congress (1936) ? ? Exile KS(: (Mose., '38) ? ? ? Exile KS(: Paris, 1939) ? ? ? ? Exile KS(: (Mose., '43) Post-war KSC (Ko~ .• '45) I 21 10 47.7 VIII. Congress ( 1946 ) I 101 0 0.0 170? 32 18.8 from July 1948 108 22 20.2 IX. Congress ( 1949) 112 23 20.3 X. Congress (1954) 147 33 22.5 XI. Congress (1958) 147 30 20.4 XII. Congress ( 1962) 166 28 16.8 XIII. Congress ( 1966 ) ? ? ? from Jan. 1968 XIV. extraordinary ('68) I 144 42 29.2 1921-1968 ll485j 254 j 17.8 II I i I 12 8 9 9 11 15 17 10 12 7 3 7 7 14 18 21 11 15 12 15 19 28 270 I - -- - - 0 0.0 -- --0 0.0 -- --7 1 11.0 0 0.0 1 14.6 7 0 0.0 0 0.0 5 0 0.0 2 33.3 6 3 20.0 1 20.0 5 1 5.9 ? ? ? 1 10.0 4 1 8.3 1 25.0 0 0.0 No 1 33.3 Secretariat 0 0.0 2 28.6 0 0.0 0 0.0 elected 2 9.5 1 14.6 7 2 18.2 0 0.0 6 1 12.5 4 26.6 8 1 12.5 4 33.3 8 0 0.0 8 5 33.3 0 0.0 6 31.5 ? ? 8 28.6 41 j 15.2 jj 79 j 8 I 10.1 /I �SLOVAKIA 177 Append.ix II. The Leadership of the Communist Party of Slovakia (KSS) . (The office holders of the top Party positions in 1939-1969) A. ILLEGAL KSS. First Committee (March 1939-Aug. 1941): I;, Benada, J. Duris, J. Osoha. Second Committee (Sept. 1941- April 1942): 0. Krajnak, J . Osoha, V. Skrabala. Third Committee (June 1942- July 1942) : S. Dubcek, J. Lietavec, J. Osoha. Fourth Committee (July 1942- March 1943) : S. Bas t'ovansky, M. Hrusov- sky. Fifth Committee (Aug. 1943- Sept. 1944): G. Husak, L. Novomesky, K. Smidke. B. KSS IN POWER. M erger-Congress (Sept. 1944) President: K. Smidke. Vice-Presidents: G. Husak, J. Cech. Committee members : K. Bacilek, R. Balco, R. Blazovsky, F . cap, K. Dolinsky, D. Ertl, I. Frlicka, 0. Jelen, J. Lietavec, J . Mazur, L. Novomesky, J . Pull, J . Soltesz, M. Smida, J . Sziics, L. Viktorin. Nati onal Conference at Zilina (Aug. 1945) Presidium - President: V. Siroky. Vice-President: K. Smidke. Members : S. Bast'ovansky, J. :i'.>uris, L. Holdos, G. Husak, J . Soltesz, F . Zupka , M. Valachovic. Secretariat: K. Bacilek, S. Bast'ovansky, L. Holdos, E . FrR From Apr. 1946: K. Moskovic. IX Congress of the KSS (May 1950). Presidium - President: V. Siroky. First Secretary: S. Bast'ovansky. Members: K. Bacilek, I;. Benada, J. Branik, M. culen, J . :i'.>uris, M. Falt'an, K. Moskovic, J. Pull, S. Rais, E. Sykora, F . Zupka. Secretariat ( established in Oct. 1951) : V. Siroky, S. Bast'ovansky, J . Pull, K. Moskovic, M. Gosiorovsky. From Dec. 1951 also : P . David and I;. Benada. Xth Congress of the KSS (June 1953 ) . Presidium: K. Bacilek, I;. Benada, J . Branik, M. culen, P. David, M. Falt'an, J . Kriz, A. Michalicka, 0 . Pavlik, J . Pull, R. Strechaj , V. Siroky, F. Zupka. Secretariat: I;_ Benada, P . David, J . Kriz, A. Michalicka, J . Pull. ? Congress of the KSS (April 1955). Presidium: K. Bacilek, M. Bakula, I;. Benada, V. Daubner, P. David, 0. Jelen, P . Majling, R. Strechaj, J . Valo. Secretariat: K. Bacilek (First Secretary) , P . David, J . Kriz, A. Michalicka. �178 SLOVAKIA Extraordinary Con gress of the KSS (April 1957) . Presidium: K. Bacilek, ~- Benada, V. Daubner, P. David, M. Chudik, 0. Jelen , P. Majling, R. Strechaj, J . Valo. Xlth Congress of the KSS (May 1958). Presidium: K. Bacilek, ~- Benada, V. Daubner, P. David, M. Chudik, 0. Jelen , J . Kriz, P. Majling, J . Valo. Secretariat: K. Bacilek (First Secretary) , P. David, F . Dvorsky, J. Kriz, J . Lenart. Xllth Party Congress (Nov. 1962). Presidium: K. Bacilek, ~- Benada, V. Bil'ak, V. Daubner, P. David , M. Chudik, J . Lenart, M. Sabolcik. Secretariat: K. Bacilek (First Secretary till April 1963, when replaced by A. Dubcek) , V. Bil'ak, F . Dvorsky, J . Kriz, J. Lenart. Xlllth Congress of the KSS (May 1966). Presidium: F . Barbirek, V. Bil'ak, V. Daubner, A. Dubcek, H. :t'.lurkovic, M. Chudik, J . Janik, J. Lorine, M . Sabolcik. From Jan. 1968 also M. Hruskovic, R. Harencar, M. Pecho. Secretariat: A. Dubcek (First Secretary till Jan. 1968, when replaced by V. Bil'ak), J . Janik, M . Sabolcik, J. Zrak. XIVth Extraordinary Congress of the KSS (Aug. 1968). Presidium: G. Husak, K. Bod'a, S. Falt'an, R. Harencar, 0. Klokoc, s. Luptak, L . Novomesky, V. Pavlenda, s. Sadovsky, M. Sedlakova, A. 1'azky, J . Zrak. Secretariat: G. Husak (First Secretary), L. Abraham, B. Graca, V. Pavlenda, S. Sadovsky, J. Turcek, J. Zrak. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA as a Christian and democratic organization, is resolutely against the domination and exploitation of the Slovak nation by any other nation or political state; the Slovaks did not want to be ruled over by the Magyars and, today, do not want to be subservient to the Czech nation. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is a CULTURAL and CIVIC organization of Americans of Slovak descent. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA wants to help Americans of Slovak descent in American political life, in business or professions, in social standing, and along educational lines. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1969, Vol. 19 Description An account of the resource Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 125 F. Vnuk: Fifty Years of Comn1unist Party of Slovakia (1918-1968) The first notable Slovak commentary on Communism was made by Marx's contemporary, :Cudovit stur. His assessment of Communism was an outright condemnation: "Communism, in spite of all efforts and false pretences to win for mankind its rights, only brings about its degradation, since it has no sound knowledge of mankind. Because of its insistence on principles which are impractical and unattainable Communism is one of the maddest figments ever originating in the human brain." 1 In the past forty years stur was much abused by the Slovak Communist intellectuals because of his alleged reactionary thinking. 2 Yet Stu.r's rejection of Communism seems to epitomize the Slovak attitude more fittingly than all the recent attempts by Communist historians to present Communism as a progressive ideology destined to uplift and enrich the Slovak nation. The inescapable geography which put Slovakia in Central Europe exposed the Slovaks to direct contact with political Communism as far back as 1918-19. Since then the Slovak nation has undergone the complete range of relations which can exist between a nation trying to assert its political identity and an aggressive ideology. These relations, full of drama, paradox and tragedy, are briefly outlined in this short history of the Communist Patry of Slovakia ( KSS). I. 1918-1921 The very beginning of the KSS is characteristic. The Party started its existence outside Slovakia, in Budapest. 1) In his major work, Slawentum imd die Welt der Zukunft, Quoted by D. Okali in Dav; spomienky a studie (Bratislava, 1965), p. 284. 2) e.g. L. Novomesky, in his pamphlet, Marx a slovensky narod (Mala kniznica Davu, 1933) and in his article, Karol Marx reviduje hist6riu Slovakov (Dav, 2/ 1933, pp. 18-19). 126 SLOVAKIA There in November 1918 Erno P6r, Minister for Foreign Propaganda in the Communist Government of Hungary, was entrusted by Bela Kun and Tibor Szamuely to organize the Slovak Communist Party as a section of the Communist Party of Hungary. 3 The Party conscripted into its ranks Slovak workers, apprentices and soldiers living in those days in defeated Hungary (particularly in Budapest, Ostrihom-Esztergom, Bekes-Csaba, etc. ). On March 27th, 1919 it began publication of its own daily, "Cervene noviny" (Red News ). 4 But the Party ran into difficulties when it had to find leaders for the conscripted Slovak proletarian masses. There was hardly a single Slovak of rank and stature to lend his name to the movement. Thus the reins were initially given into the hands of Jewish Socialist and Communist organizers in Budapest who could speak Slovak. To overcome this deficiency Bela Kun requested Lenin to send him some able Slovak Communist leaders from Russia, where a "Czecho-Slovak" Communist Party formed from the Czech and Slovak prisoners of war had been functioning since May 1918.5 But since there were no prominent Slovak personalities among these either, Lenin sent to Budapest the next best thing: the Czechs. Among these the most dynamic was one Antonin Janousek who arrived in Budapest in January 1919.6 After some disagreement with B. Kun (Janousek wanted to lead a Czecho-Slovak section; Kun and his advisors were strongly against it, seeing in it implicit recognition of the imperialistic policies of the Entente ) he 3 ) M. Vietor, Slovenska soviets/ca r epub lika (Bratislava, 1959), p. 53. 4) P. A. Toma, Slovak Soviet Repu blic of 1919 (The American Slavic and East European Review, 17/ 1958, p. 203 ). 5 ) D ej iny K SC (P raha, 1961 ), p. 17. 6) See: Z. Horeni, Antonin Jan ousek, predseda revolucnej v lady Slovenskej r epubliky rad (Bratislava, 1964). This accoun t of t he Slovak Soviet Republic is abstracted from the following books: K. A. Medvecky: Slovensk y prevrat I -IV (Trnava , 1930-31 ); Vpad bol'sevikov na Slov ensko ro ku 1919 (Trnava, 1936) : M. Vietor, Slovenskci soviet ska r epu bli ka 1919 (Bratislava, 1955); C. Holotik, 0 Slovenskej repub like rad r . 1919 (Historicky casopi s 2/ 1959); V. Kr al, lntervencni val ka cs. burzoazie proti mad'arske sovetske r epublice r . 1919 (Praha, 1954); K. Culen, 0 Slovenskej soviet ske j republike z ro ku 1919 (Kanadsky Slovak, May 19-June 9, 1956); P. A. Toma , Slovak Soviet Republic of 1919 (The American Slavic and East European Review, 17/ 1958, pp. 203-215 ). SLOVAKIA 127 was made head of the Czech section of the Communist Party of Hungary on April 12, 1919. Towards the end of April the Slovak and the Czech sections were brought under common leadership but it was plainly stated that the Slovak section was to maintain its independence and individuality. There was never a Czecho-Slovak section of the Communist Party of Hungary. The most important .went in the life of this Slovak section was thf, proclamation of the Slovak Soviet Republic which lasted only two weeks but which has become a source of confused pride and political embarrassment to the contemporary Czech and Slovak socialist historiographers. On May 20th, 1919 the Hungarian Communist government, accusing the Czecho-Slovak armed forces of violation of the Paris Agreement, ordered its Red Army to invade Slovakia. Carried on the wave of proud Magyar national ism, humiliated by the 1918 defeat, the Magyar troops swept the southern and eastern plains of Slovakia. They took Lucenec on May 30th, Levice on June 1st, Nove Zamky on June 2nd, Kosice and Banska stiavnica on June 6th, Presov on June 8th, Bardejov on June 11th and penetrated as far into Central Slovakia as Zvolen. On June 3rd, 1919 "Oervene noviny" wrote exultantly: "The dictatorship of the proletariat is being established in Slovakia." The actual proclamation of the Slovak Soviet Republic took place at Presov on June 16th, 1919. It was ruled by the Provisional Revolutionary Executive Committee made up largely of Magyar-Jewish and Czech left-wingers. The only Slovak member of some significance was Stefan Stehlik. On June 20th, 1919 the Committee elected a Slovak Revolutionary governmem headed by Antonin Janousek. To T. G. Masaryk, who was residing in Prague as the elected President of Czecho-Slovakia, Janousek sent this challenging message: "We explicitly declare that from now on Slovakia belongs exclusively to the Slovak working class." 7 The donstitutional status of this short-lived Slovak Soviet Republic was obscure, but one thing was beyond doubt: it was violently anti-Czech and fiercely pro-Magyar. It aimed at the breaking up of Czecho-Slovakia and was 7) Quoted by. K. culen in Kanadsky Slovak (of May 26, 1956), p . 3. 128 SLOVAKIA openly and aggressively separatist. Both Kun and Lenin considered Czecho-Slovakia as a wilful creation of capitalist Powers and as a tool of imperialist policies in Central Europe. Czecho-Slovakia was alleged to deny the Slovak people "its inalienable right of self-determination" and the Communists in establishing the Slovak Soviet Republic were rectifying this injustice. 8 In spite of all its revolutionary zeal the Communistsponsored separatism did not strike roots among the Slovak masses. They were not only apathetic but manifestly hostile to the venture in which they saw only an ill-disguised attempt of the moribund Hungary to save its territorial integrity. The withdrawal of the Hungarian Red Army from Slovakia (June 28-July 4, 1919) spelled the inevitable end of both the Slovak Soviet Republic and the Slovak section of the Communist-Socialist Party of Hungary. The Slovak decision in 1918 to exchange their hopeless life tinder the Magyars for a hopeful life with the Czechs was final and irreversible. 9 But it was a decision fraught with problems and difficulties. Slovakia entered the newly formed Czecho-Slovakia as a land of poor peasants with practically no Slovak urban proletariat. The adherents and disseminators of the Socialist ideas were largely the German and Magyar ( or magyarized) workers who were as contemptuous of their Slovak comrades as Marx and Engels had been of the Czechs and Russians. This antipathy was 8) Stefan Stehlik wrote in Cervene noviny (of July 7, 1919) : " On Slovak soil, freed from imperialism, today there was created an independent Slovak Soviet Republic. The first impulsive action of the proletariat liberated from t he yoke of Czech imperialism was to realize the right of self-determination which is being exhorted by the oppressors with such a great glory; in reality however, it is being perverted by them . . . Slovak Soviet Republic turns its weapons ... against all who threaten this real unpe rverted democracy, this inallienable right of self-determination" (by which at that time they could have meant only the Prague Government). Quoted by P . A. Toma , op. cit. pp. 208-209. 9) The first years of the Slovak-Czech relationship and its reflection in Slovak political, social and economic life, are described at length in several authoritative works, e.g.: F . Peroutka, Budovani statu I -IV ( Praha 1933-36 ) ; J . Opocensky, Konec monarchie rakousko -tihorske ( Praha, 1928) . V. Chaloupecky, Zapas o Slovensko (Praha, 1930 ), I. Derer, siovensko v prevrate a po nom (Bratislava, 1924) ; K. Sidor, Andrej Hiinka 1864-1926 (Bratislava, 1936) . SLOVAKIA 129 mutual and in their anti-Magyar feelings the leaders of the Slovak Social Democrats (Derer, Lehotsky, Markovic) were indistinguisha ble from their bourgeois counterparts (Hlinka, srobar, Hodza). Thus in the political sense the parties contesting the first post-war elections in Slovakia offered very much the same program. It was only in the field of social reform that they differed. Here the Social Democrats surpassed everybody in generosity, promising to implement many far-reaching social and economic measures. Their radical policies appealed to the people dissatisfied with the prevailing conditions. Thus in the general election of April, 1920 the Slovak people gave their votes to the Social Democratic Party led by Ivan Derer. 10 The Magyars and Germans of Slovakia who refused to join Derer's political platform founded a Social Democratic Party of their own. 11 After its electoral victory the Slovak Social Democratic Party lost much of its fighting spirit, adopted many right-wing policies of moderation and even passivity while the Magyar and German Social Democratic Party moved further to the left towards radicalism and turbulent activities. It was led by an able group of ruthless leaders (most of them Jews, several served as Commissars in the Hungarian Soviet Republic of Bela Kun) who were constantly harassing "the reformist Social Democratic government" of V. Tusar by fomenting strikes, unrests and other forms of trouble. 12 Their activities 13 became fatal to the Slovak Social Democratic Party which was rapidly sliding under Czech control and soon became identical with all the unpopular measures of the Government. The Slovak Social Democratic Party's inability to fulfil its pre-election promises or to prevent the economic ruination of Slovakia, and the subsequent wholesale unemploymen t, brought about a massive 10) The Social Democratic Party polled 510,341 out of 1,341,191 valid votes and obtained 23 deputies in the Prague National Assembly. 11) They received 108,546 votes and obtained 4 deputies. 12) J. Mlynarik, Robotnicke hn•itie na Slovensku roku 1920 (od parla• mentnych volieb do decembroveho genercilneho strajku). Historick)' casopis, I/ 1960, pp. 26-27) . 13) Their strongholds were four population centres in the Slovak-Magyar borderland: Bratislava, where the German-languag e, "Volksstimme" was published, Komarno, Gelnica and Ko~ice, where the Magyarlanguage, "Kassai Munkas", was published. 130 SLOVAKIA desertion of the rank anc'l file members within months after the election. 14 In the meantime the Magyar Social Democratic Party at Kosice joined (in May 1920) the Third International and invited the other proletarian parties of Slovakia to follow suit. This proclamation was eagerly listened to by many Social Democratic leaders dissatisfied with Derer's weak and inept leadership. 15 In September 1920 at the Party Congress at Turciansky Svaty Martin Derer failed to win a vote of confidence ( out of 132 delegates only 15 voted for him). Unwilling to accept defeat he proclaimed the handful of his followers to be the only true Slovaks and true Social Democrats by which he drove the dissidents into a coalition with the Magyar and German left-wing radicals. The fruits of this coalition ripened rapidly. On January 16-17, 1920 the left-wingers of the Slovak, Magyar and German Social Democracy, as well as the Jewish Poale Sion, met at ~ubochna and founded the Communist Party of Slovakia in everything but name. 16 It is interesting to look at the national composition of the delegates participating at this Congress. Out of 149 delegates with voting rights 88 were Slovaks, 36 Magyars, 15 Germans, 6 Ruthenes, 4 Jews. 17 The omission to register under its own name proved a very serious one for the future destinies of the KSS. Against 14 ) M. Strhan, Kriza priemyslu na Slov ensku v rokoch 1921-23 (Bratislava , 1960, pp. 15-80), J . Kramer, K dejinam priemyslu na Slovensku za prvej CSR (Bratislava, 1955). 15 ) ~- Holotik, Sjazd socialno-demokratickej strany (l'avice) na Slov ensku v januciri 1921 (Historicky casopis, 3/ 1963) , pp. 340-341. 16 ) 1921. Spomienky na vznik KS(: (Bratislava, 1962). The Czech dele gate at the Congress, I. Olbracht, requested the assembled repre- sentatives of the Slovak Left to postpone the adoption of the name " Communist Party of Slovakia" in order to be able to adopt the name " Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia" later on. See also Dejiny KS(: (Praha, 1961), pp. 165-166. 17 ) From the report of the voting commission, as quoted by M. Dzvonik 0 istom zakladajucom sjazde (Kulturny zivot, 7/ 1966, p. 6) . See also H. Gordon Skilling, The Formation of a Communist Party in Czechoslovakia (Slavic Review, 14/ 1955, p. 353). Skilling gives slightly different figures, viz. 92 Slovaks. However, it must be mentioned that these numbers are somewhat misleading, especially with regard to the Jews who were present in every national group, and the Magyars, many of whom were counted as Slovaks. SLOVAKIA 131 the opposition of the Magyar delegates the Congress agreed to keep the question of the Party's name in abeyance. They decided to wait for developments in the Czech lands where the situation was ripening at a less r~pid rate. Finally at its XIVth Congress (in May 1921) the Czech Social Democratic Party formally accepted the ideological split in its ranks. Its left wing reconstituted itself as the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia ( KSc) immediately absorbing the Slovak section which, nameless and unaffiliated, had been waiting for four months for this moment.18 By this process the KSS lost its identity, becoming an anonymous partner in an unequal partnership. II. 1921-1929 The newly constituted KSC was from its beginning dominated by Czech-German leadership and looking largely after Czech national interest. Slovakia-because of the lack of native leading cadres-soon became a battlefield where the Czech and Magyar elements were fighting for influence . The Czechs were trying to woo the Slovak electorate by defending the existence of Czecho-Slovakia and the integrity of its territories. Already in September 1921 Klement Gottwald had become editor of a Slovak language Party paper, "Hlas l'udu" (People's Voice), and later in 1923 editor-inchief of another Commun.ist paper, "Pravda chudoby" (Poor Man's Truth). Other prominent Czech Party organizers who came to Slovakia in the early twenties included Karel Bacilek, Karel Schmidke and others. 19 While the Czechs concentrated mainly on the Slovak electorate, the Magyars tried to hold together a sizeable portion of the Magyar electorate by advocating revisionism, self-determination for ethnic minorities, etc. In the meantime Slovakia was becoming restive and in18) Dejiny KS(; (Praha , 1961) , pp. 170-172. While the Communist Party of Slovakia fused into the KSC smoothly and without murmur, the Communist Party of the Sudeten Germans (formed in March 1921 ) refused to amalgamate with the KSC . Its resistance was broken in November 1921 but only after Lenin's intervention. 19) Gottwald's activities in Slovakia, adorned with the socialist glamou;: of the cult era, are the object of a book by Z. Holotikova, Kl ement Gottwald na Slovensku v rokoch 1921-24 (Bratislava, 1953). Karel Schmidtke began to write his name as Karol Smidke only after 1945. 13l2 SLOVAKIA creasingly discontented with Czech administrative methods. economic and social discrimination and especially with the crude disregard of the Prague Government for the political aspirations of the Slovak natibn. The Slovaks were putting forward their demands for the promised autonomy but no one would listen. Even the KSC, dominated at the time by Czech nationalists, had only scorn for the Slovak demands. At its First Congress it declared: "Slovak autonomy is only a disguise to mask the tendencies aiming at the separation of the Slovak people from the cultural community and from national unity with the Czech nation." 20 This mistaken and unrealistic attitude was severely censured at the Fifth Congress of the Comintern in Moscow (June-July 1924) where the following resolution was adopted: 1. The Congress affirms that in Czecho-Slovakia there does not exist a single Czechoslovak nation and that the Czechoslovak state, in addition to the Czech nationality, consist of the following nationali ties: Slovak, German, Magyar, Ukrainian and Polish. 2. The Congress considers it necessary for the KSC, in connection with these national minorities, to proclaim and to follow the slogan of the right of a nation to self-determination, including the right to secession. In particular the KSC must support the struggle of the Slovaks for their independence and it must strive continuously to wrest this movement for independence out of the control of the nationalist bourgeoisie and to bring it into a common struggle of the working class against capitalism ... 21 For the Czech Communists it was a bitter pill to swallow. Under its impact the Czecho-Slovak delegation in Moscow was split into a majority and minority, the majori20) Protokol I. radneho sjezdu KSC (Praha, 1923 ), p. 14. In practice the KSC plainly demonstrated its Czechoslovakist and centralized tendencies. On January 1st, 1922 the KSC abolished the provincial Party structure in Slovakia, splitting the country into four regions directly subordinated to the Central Executive Committee in Prague. Shortly afterwards it abolished Slovak trade union organizations. Such moves seriously hindered the Party activities in Slovakia and antagonized many honest and sincere Slovak left-winge rs. These either left in disgust (like J . Schiffel, who returned to the U.S.A.) or were expelled as agents of the nationalist bourgeoisie (like Culen, Vercik and others ). 21) Pjatyj vsemirnyj kongress komunisticeskogo intenacionala, 17. ijuna - 8. ijttlia 1924 g. Stenografisceskij otcot, Cast' II. (Prilozenija) , ( Moskva, 1925 ), p. 129. SLOVAKIA 133 ty refusing to accept the resolution of the Comintern. Among the ranks of the KSC the interference of the Comintern produced a serious crisis. The Second Congress of the KS(; was hurriedly convened in November 1924 to deal with the issue. The Congress met in the presence of a leading Comintern official, D. Z. Manuilskij. It was mainly due to his presence that the resolution issued at the end of the Congress proclaimed: "The Party cannot accept the bourgeois lie about the official Czechoslovak nation. By this ruse the Czech bourgeoisie wants to hide its colonial exploitation and bloody oppression of Ruthenia and Slovakia as well as other national minorities". 21 a But as it turned out even he was powerless to shake the dominating influence of the Czech nationalist right-wingers who in complete disregard of their own resolution continued in the old-style policies of ignoring the legitimate demands of the national minorities even within the Party.22 A dramatic development took place in March 1925. The Czech rightists and their arrogant attitude towards other nationalities, especially towards the Slovaks, were openly critized on the pages of "Pravda" by the Soviet expert on the nationalities problem, J. V. Stalin. Stalin saw the narrow-minded and selfish Czech nationalism as the roots of the right-wing deviationism in the KSC. He wrote: The Czechoslovak state is a state that marks the national victory of the Czechs. The Czechs have already acquired their national state as a dominant nation ... And it is here that we must look for the reason why the divergence between the Right and Left took place along national lines, why the Slovaks and the Germans (oppressed nations) are on the left flank, and the Czechs are on the opposite flank . .. Such division is quite understandable, if we bear in mind the above-mentioned specific national features of the Czechoslovak state and the dominant position of the Czechs.23 Stalin's arguments were further developed by D. Z. Manuilskij who quoted, among others, such flagrant examples of national discrimination as the composition of the Politburo of the KSC which consisted of seven Czechs 21a) Protokol II. fadneho sjezdu KSt, (Praha, 1925) , p. 8. 22) Dejiny KSt (Praha, 1961), pp. 213-216. 23) J. V. Stalin, Works (Moscow, 1954), Vol. VII., p. 61. See also H. Gordon Skilling, The Comintern and Czechoslovak Communism 1921-1929 (Slavic Review, 19/ 1960, pp. 238-239 ). 134 SLOVAKIA and two Germans but no Slovaks, Magyars, Poles or Ruthenes. 24 The elections in 1925 were the first real test of the Party's hold on the masses. On the whole the Party did not score badly: it emerged as the second strongest party in Czecho-Slovakia. In Slovakia the election results were a telling commentary on the existing situation. The Social Democratic Party practically disappeared (from 510,341 votes in 1920 to 60,581 votes in 1925). But its voters joined mainly the Hlinka People's Party which captured 489,027 votes (2 35,389 in 1920), i.e. 34.3 % of the Slovak electorate thus becoming the largest Slovak party.25 The Communist Party gained 198,212 votes in Slovakia but its support came mostly from the non-Slovak voters as can be seen from a closer look at the districts which voted for the Communists and at the men who were elected into the Parliament26 ( out of 8 deputies 3 were of Magyar nationality: Kopasz, Major and Steiner). The failure to capture the masses of the Slovak rural proletariat was openly admitted in Moscow and was attributed to the Party's omission to adopt the correct position towards the nationalities problem in Czecho-Slovakia and in particular towards the Slovaks: In Slovakia . .. under the influence of the revolution, in 1920 the peasant masses moved strongly to the left, but in the course of the last four years, owing to the passivity of the Communist P arty in the national question, 200,000 peasants passed from the Socialist 24) D. Z. Manuilskij, Uroki ceskogo krizisa, (Moskva, 1925) . It was the Politburo elected by the Central Committee at the IIIrd Party Congress (Sept. 1925) which consisted of: K. Gottwald, J . Hais, J . Haken ( President) , J . Harus, B. Jilek, A. Neurath, V. Stern, B. Smeral and A. Zapotocky. 25) Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka 1864-1926 ( Bratislava, 1936), pp. 535-538. 26) El•ectoral Corn. % % % d is trict vote of •totail :Mandates :.\1:agy ars German5 1. ove Zamky 2 20.0 61 ,577 62.3 6.8 2. Ko§ice 20.9 40,095 2 41.6 9.9 3. Trnava 28,606 13.9 2.3 1 1.8 4. Banska Bystrica 17,694 11.0 2.2 1 5.6 5. Turc. Sv. Martin 22,355 1 9.5 0.5 5.1 6. Lipt. Sv. Mikula§ 15,697 1 7.4 1.4 1.7 7. Prefov 6.2 12,206 2.6 0 0.7 SLOVAKIA 135 Party into a party, which, although it is clerical, fight for the autonomy.27 In spite of the impressive overall election results the Party was torn internally by rival factions. After ridding itself of the right wing (Bubnik) a new struggle developed between the so-called "ultraleft" (B. Jilek and V. Bolen) and "centre" (B. t5meral, K. Kreibich, A. Zapotocky). 28 These ideological conflicts touched the Party's life in Slovakia only marginally and even then the Czech leaders of the KSc in Slovakia (K. Gottwald in particular) were supporting the "centre" aginst the "left". In Slovakia the burning issues were not of ideological but of political and economic character. The continuous closing down of factories and industrial plants, growing unemployment, agricultural crisis, emigration, etc. were leaving little time for ideological disputes. 29 After 1926, when the Hlinka People's Party decided to join the government benches, the Communists tried hard to be the spokesmen of the Slovak people against the political wrongs and social injustices of the Czech bourgeoisie. Complete independence of Slovakia was advocated, Czecho-Slovakia was denounced as the offspring of an imperialist war. 30 In January 1927 the Party 27) G. Volkov, Ugnetennaja Prikarpatskaja Rus (Krestjanskij International, 3-5/ 1926, p. 126). ( Quoted in G. D. Jackson's Comintern and Peasant) (London, 1966), p. 288. 28) Dejiny KS(: (Praha, 1961), pp. 249-269. 29) The economic situation of this period has been extensively studied by socialist historians, e. g. J . Mlynarik, Strajkove hnutie na Slovenska II. Zemerobotnici v obdobi 1919 az 1929 (Bratislava, 1961) ; P. Rapos, Priemysel Slovenska za kapitalizmu (Bratislava, 1957) ; J . Mlynarik, N ezamestnanost' na Slovensku (Bratislava, 1964) ; V. Plevza, K niektorym otazkam agrarnej krizy v rokoch 1924-34 na Slovensku (Historicky casopis, 2/ 1966, pp. 203-233); etc. 30) At this time the KSC in Slovakia at its National Conference at 2ilina (on July 25th, 1925) , launched, on Gottwald's instigation a massive campaign aimed at the expulsion of the Czechs from Slovakia. The battle-cry of the Communist propagandists became : " Vypracte Slovensko! " ( Clea;: out of Slovakia!) . The full wording of the slogan was, "Vypracte Slovensko od potlacovacieho aparatu ceskej burzoazie", according to V. Plevza (Historicky casopis, 4/ 1965, p. 510) and "Vypracte Slovensko od nasilnickeho aparatu", according to J. Kramer and .J. Mlynarik (Historicky casopis, 3/ 1965, p. 438). Though there was no doubt about Gottwald's authorship of this slogan, the blame for the embarrassing "mistake" was put later 136 SLOVAKIA convoked a regional conference at Plesivec where it attempted to lead a nation-wide protest against the industrial decline of Slovakia. 31 But all with little success. In February 1929 the Fifth Congress of the KSC met. It passed into Party history as the final battleground where the splinter-groups of the Party dissidents were defeated and the "true bolshevist nucleus" of the Party came out victorious. But in spite of the intense ideological wrangle the Slovak question did appear on the agenda. The Slovak cause was defend by none less than K. Gottwald ( who was to emerge as the new leader of the Party) proclaiming before the Congress: "The !Ind Congress of the KSC declared null and void the theses of the Ist Party Congress (i.e. concerning the unitary "Czechoslovak" nation) but this was in words only . . . The ratification of the First Party Congress theses was only on paper, a mere formality".31a By promising new corrective measures Gottwald (who--it should be remembered-in those days was acting for the Party in Slovakia and was the spokesman for the Slovaks) swayed the overwhelming majority of the Slovak section of the KSC to the side of the victorious "bolshevist on J. Vercik, "the agent of nationalist bourgeoisie" (e.g. M. Gosiorovsky, Slovensko a V. sjazd KS(; ( ceskoslovensky casopis historicky), 1/ 1954, p. 4-15) . While attacking the Czech bourgeoisie for its oppression of the Slovak masses, the KSC leaders did not relax their centralist hold on their Slovak comrades. At each Party Congress the Slovak delegates complained about this unsatisfactory state of affairs (See : Protokol III. fadneho sjezdu KSc [Praha, 1925] , pp. 41 and 73 ; Protokol IV. fadneho sjezdu KS(; [Praha, 1927], p. 33 ; Protokol V . f<idneho sjezdu KS(; [Praha, 1929] , pp. 40 and 50) , but in vain. This aspect of the Party history has been neglected by the socialist historians except a brief and restrained comment by J . Kramer and .J. Mlynarik, Revolucne hnutie a narodnostna ot<izka na Slovensku v dvadsiatych rokoch (Historicky casopis, 3/ 1965, pp. 423-443). For more recent writings on the theme see: Z. Holotikova, 0 rieseni narodnostnej otazky v KSc (Referat na konferencii Hist. ustavu SAV a ustavu dejin KSS, jun 1966) and J. Mlynarik, Dr. B. Smeml a slovensk<i n<irodnostn<i otazka v pociatkoch komunistickeho hnutia (Cs. casopis historicky, 5/ 1967, pp. 653-666 ). 31 ) J . Pleva, Vy znam Plesiveckej konferencie v januari 1927 (Bratislava, 1958) . According to Kramer and Mlynarik (loc. cit. , p. 442, footnote 32 ) the importance of this conference was disproportio n ately inflated because of Gottwald's participation at it. 31a) Protokol V. f<idneho sjezdu KS(; (Praha, 1929) , p. 12. SLOVAK.IA 137 faction". 32 However, one point is worth noting: while the "bolshevist nucleus of the Party in Slovakia was made up of Bacilek, Siroky, Steiner, Urx" 33 (i.e. two Czechs and two Magyars), the dissidents ("nationalists and liquidators") who were expelled from the Party amidst a storm of abuse ( culen, Felcan, Vercik) were Slovaks. 34 III. 1929-1938 The internal struggle inside the Party was fought bitterly and not always behind closed doors . Inevitably it undermined the Party's image in the voters' eyes. In the 1929 elections it gained 152,242 votes ( 10.55 % ) in Slovakia, a considerable decline in voting strength when compared with the 1925 election results ( 13.41 % ) .35 Yet in Parliament the new "bolshevist cadres" displayed fierce and sanguinary pugnacity epitomized in the words of the new Party leader, K. Gottwald, addressed in December 1929 to the coalition benches: We are the revolutionary Party of Czechoslovak proletariat and in Moscow we have, indeed, our revolutionary General Staff. Yes we go to Moscow in order to learn. Would you like to know what we learn"! We go to Moscow to learn from the Russian bolsheviks how to break your necks. And you must admit that the Russian bolsheviks are very good at it.36 32) Z. Holotikova, Bol"sevizacny proces KS(; v rokoch 1924-29 (Historicky casopis 2/1957, pp. 204-210); M. Gosiorovsky, Slovensko a V. sjazd KS(; (Cs. casopis historicky, 1/ 1954, pp. 4-15). 33) Dejiny KS(; (Praha, 1961), p. 256. 34) Vercik, Mlynarik, Koren, etc. were branded as "nationalists" and expelled; Culen, Felcan, Kolarikova, etc. were branded as "liquidators" and expelled also. The latter were the authors of the so-called "Hlohovecke memorandum" (of December 1928) in which they requested the reorganization of the Party structure in Slovakia and complete freedom of action in specifically Slov~k matters. (See : Pravda of January 31, and February 7th, 1929). In 1930 the KSC finally consented to a limited decentralization and a Slovak province ("celoslovensky kraj") of the KS(; was instituted. S. Major (of Magyar nationality) and K. Bacilek (of Czech nationality) were put in charge. See: V. Plevza, Vytvorenie celoslovenskeho kraja a revolucne hnutie na Slovensku na zaciatku tridsiatych rokov (Historicky casopis, 2/ 1962, p. 184). 35) For an interesting statistical analysis of the 1929 election results see: R. V. Burks, The Dynamics of Communism in Eastern E urope (Princeton, N. J ., 1961 ), pp. 150-158 and 216-219. 36) K. Gottwald , Spisy I (Praha, 1953), p. 322. 138 SLOVAK.IA During the severe economic depression which swept the Western world in the late twenties and early thirties and which caused acute unemployment in Slovakia (some 250,000 in 1933) 37 the Communists organized hunger marches, protest meetings and strikes. A meeting in May 1931 at a small village in southern Slovakia, Kosuty, ended with a shooting fray resulting in the death of three demonstrators. The Party skilfully exploited the incident to advertize the social plight of rural workers in the Slovak countryside. 38 In the years 1929-33 the Communist press paid much attention to the political solution of the Slovak question and Slovak grievances were repeatedly aired on its pages. But as V. Kopecky confessed at the Vrth Party Congress (1931) it was more in the nature of lip service than anything else: "The decisions of the Vth Party Congress concerning the solution of the nationalities problem remained on paper only and in spite of repeated emphasizing of their importance by the central leadership of the Party there was no practical indication that we were fighting for the right of self-determination of the nations." 38a This national inequality was demonstrated even in the Party hierarchy. The higher Party ranks were-as beforean almost exclusive monopoly of the Czech and German comrades. The Presidium constituted at the Vrth Party 37) Pfehled ceskoslovenskych ilejin III (1918-1945) (Praha , 1960) , p. 325. The gravity of the situation is reflected in the emigration figures which were considerably greater for Slovakia (where only about 25 % of the total population lived) than for the Czech lands: Emigration from C-SR: from Slovakia: 1928 24,540 13,544 1929 30,715 19,401 1930 25,712 16,682 1931 9,567 4,527 1932 5,165 2,222 1933 4,735 3,099 38) The shooting at Kosuty has attracted unusually great attention from Communist propagandists and publicists, e.g. the pamphlet, Nyn·i je v Kosv,tech pofcidek a klid (1931); V. Plevza, Kosutska trag edia (Prispevky k dejinam KSC, 8/ 1959, pp. 91-107) ; E. Pauliny, Kosutske udalosti v maji 1931 (Bratislava-Martin, 1961) ; E. Kadnar, Krvave Kosuty ( Bratislava, 1963) . It is perhaps worthwhile to note that the inhabitants of Kosuty were of Magyar nationality and so was S. Major, the convicted instigator of the disturbance. 38a ) Protokol VI. fcidneho sjezdn KSC, (Praha , 1931), p. 143. SLOVAKIA 139 Congress had only one representative from Slovakia among its 15 members. 39 This omission was quite a serious matter, because by the midthirties the Communist Party of Slovakia was already producing its own native leaders. The young Slovak Communist students who in 1924 grouped in Prague around the quarterly Oater monthly), "Dav" (1924-1937), were growing up in stature and outlook and were ready and eager to take over from the Czech, Magyar and Jewish spokesmen of the Slovak proletariat. 40 Unfortunately they were striving for power at a time when the Party was purging itself of intellectual and other non-proletarian ballast, so that their hopes and expectations were frustrated.41 Other important changes in the Party line were also in the offing. The Party was directed by the Comintern to adopt new attitudes to a number of political issues. Up to 1933 the Communists considered democracy (i.e. bourgeois democracy) and fascism as "the children of the same mother, the bourgeoisie". 42 Masaryk, Benes, Hlinka, Kramaf were all Fascists of the same brand as Hitler and Mussolini. But by the summer of 1933 Stalin realized that Hitler was a much greater evil. Looking for new allies Stalin selected two of the most likely states worried by the growing power of Hitler's Germany: France and CzechoSlovakia. The KSc was instructed to take a more positive stand towards the official Czech foreign and domestic 39) It was E. Fried of Magyar-Jewish origin. Accordind to H. G. Skilling the ethnic composition of the 60-member Central Committee was as follows: 37 Czechs, 10 Germans, 8 Slovaks (and Magyars ), 4 Ukrainians and 1 Pole. See : H. Gordon Skilling, Gottwald and the Bolshevisation of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia 1929-39 (Slavic Review, 20/ 1961, pp. 644-645) . The inadequate representation of Slovaks in the top P,0verning bodies of the Party apparatus (i.e. Presidium-Politburo and Secretariat-Orgburo) is statistically summed up in Appendix I. 40) These young Communist intellectuals of the early twenties had their hey-day in the late forties and met a tragic fate in the early fifties. In the years 1950-54 they became the victims of purges and their rehabilitation began ,mly in 1963. For a post-rehabilitation view of the Dav-group see: S. Drug, Dav a davisti (Bratislava, 1965). 41) V. Plevza, Prispevok o cinnosti davistov v revolucnom hnuti za predmnichovskej CSR (Historicky casopis, 1/1964), pp. 20-21. 42) K. Gottwald , Spisy IV (Praha, 1951) , p. 212. 140 SLOVAKIA policies. This, of course, meant that the Slovak guestion and the nationalities problem in general had to be played down and the Party soon nodded its appproval where only a few months ago it used to voice its sharp criticism. 43 The signing of the Soviet-Czecho-Slovak Treaty in May 1935 marked a milestone in the Party's policy. The Party put on a mask of loyal respectability and replaced its internationalism by a newly-discovered patriotism. It conveniently forgot its past hostilities to "the imperialist agent Benes" and supported him in the presidential election in December 1935. At the Seventh Congress of the KSc (April 1936) the Party took a firm position "to defend CzechoSlovakia against Hitler". It became a zealous exponent of the Popular Front against Fascism and reaction, and the Slovak grievances once so prominent in its program were now hardly mentioned. The militant cry for "self-determination including the right to secede" was now replaced with much softer demands voiced by Gottwald at the VIIth Party Congress: "The Party will strive to achieve the realization of minimal requirements for normal coexistence of all nationalities in Czecho-Slovakia by insisting on a democratic policy towards nationalities and on equal rights for all nations ( of Czecho-Slovakia) in all spheres of public life." 44 The approaching municipal elections made the Party somewhat wary and hurriedly it came forward with a "plan for the economic, social and cultural advancement of Slovakia" announced at Banska Bystrica in May 1937.45 But the plan did not excite anybody. It was unrealistic and was looked upon as one of the many grandiose schemes which the Party submitted with monotonous regularity year after 43) A somewhat confused picture of the situation can be found in V. Plevza's KSC a revolucne hnutie na Slovensku 1929-1 938 (Bratislava, 1965), pp. 237-420. 44 ) K. Gottwald, Spisy VIII (Bratislava, 1953) , p. 167. This phase of Party activities is discussed at length in a number of publications such as Na obranu republiky proti fasizmu a v ojne (Bratislava, 1955) ; M . Filo, Boj KSC na Slovensku na obranu republiky (Bratislava, 1960) ; I. Kolesar, Otazka obnovy demokracie a demokratickych prciv i slobod proti fasizmu ( od VII. kongresu Kominterny r . 1935 ) Sbornik FFUK, 10/ 1959, pp. 163-181). 45 ) Deji11y KSc (Praha, 1961) , p. 359. Also V . Siroky, Za st'astne Slove nsko v socialistickom Ceslcoslovensku (Bratislava, 1952). 141 SLOVAKIA year, knowing well that it would never be called upon to implement them. The turns and twists in the Party line could not pos• sibly impress the Slovak electorate. In the municipal elections (May 1938) the Party found itself deserted by its erstwhile supporters. Its advocacy of pro-Benes and antiautonomist policies46 estranged it from the Slovak voters, while its noisy denunciations of the revisionist claims by Hungary, Germany and Poland antagonized its non-Slovak voters. The overwhelming electoral defeat in Slovakia (in the Czech lands the Party maintained its support) alarmed the Slovak Party leaders who clearly read the writing on the wall. 47 And thus on the eve of Czecho-Slovakia's disintegration the Party attempted another somersault and tried to sponsor the autonomistic cause, even if it meant forming a common front with Hlinka's Party. But it was now too late. No party in Slovakia cared for partnership with the Communists and Hlinka's Party least of all. The speed with which events marched by-passed the Party altogether. 46) J. U§iak, Boj KS(: s Hlinkovou slovenskou l'udovou stranou a vplyv na masy v obdobi ndstupu fasizmu (Pfispevky k dejindm KSC, 5/ 1963, pp. 710-29). Also V. Plevza, KSC a revolucne hnutie na Slovensku 1929-1938 (Bratislava, 1965), pp. 462-474. 47 ) The Communist historians merely record the electoral defeat without going into details, without drawing any conclusion (e. g. Plevza, op. cit., p. 471 ). In many small towns the Communist vote virtually disappeared and in bigger towns it was severely reduced. On the whole the proportion of those who voted Communist dropped from 14% in 1935 to something like 8.9 % in 1938. No comprehensive results have been compiled so far; the Party historians carefully avoid this area. A brief glance at the election results in a few Slovak cities shows convincingly how the Party fared at the polls. (The results are compared with those of the Hlinka People's Party, the main beneficiary of the Communist loss. Figures are taken from Slovensky dennik of June 12, 1938): People's Party votes KSS votes Gain in% --19_3_5_[1938 ' ....Jl % _in--'l .... _L_o_s_s I _1_93_8__,_ 1 __,__1_93_5_ _ _ _T_o_w_n_ 2,493 I 44.3 j 1 8,133 5,640 45,7 2,399 1 2,856 i 5,255 Bratislava 333 I 37.91 910 1,243 88 13.5 554 Nove Mesto n / V I 642 44 I 607 I 563 I 1098 76 I 167 68.8 I 243 Snina 1 849 I 363 62.0I 586 4,658 2,098 I 2,560 55.0 Star11. !>ala I 1,064 1 ? 64 I ? Modra I 1,253 j ? 79 I ? Michalovce I 3,471 1 ? 777 I ? Trebgov (dist. ) I I I I I 1 142 SLOVAKIA The collapse of Czecho-Slovakia found the Party's fortunes in Slovakia at their lowest ebb. This was openly acknowledged by the Party leadership in its report to the Executive of the Comintern in December 1938. With a remorseful self-criticism V. Siroky confessed: We Comm un ists represe nted in Slovakia the national interests of the Czech nation, while the Slovak national interests were furth er represented by Hlinka's Party ... Only at the last moment as the Czechoslovak crisis was reaching its climax did we put forward a demand for the democratic solution of the Slovak problem, i. e. the granting of full autonomy.48 IV. 1938-1944 The declaration of autonomy on October 6th, 1938 was shortly followed by the suppression of Party activities and in January 1939 the Party was disbanded. The Party leaders escaped abroad and with regard to Party leadership in Slovakia, it is interesting to note that the Slovak nationals, if they got away at all, fled mainly to the West (Valo, Clementis ), while the non-Slovak leaders sought their refuge in the Soviet Union (smidke, Bacilek, Major. Siroky went first to Paris, then to Moscow) .49 Drawing conclusions from the rejection of the Party policies by the Slovak people and facing the new situation fairly and squarely, the Comintern decided on the last and long-delayed step : it gave its approval to the founding of an independent ( albeit illegal) Communist Party of Slovakia ( in May 1939 ). 50 Its leadership was entrusted to three relatively minor and unknown functionaries: J. Duris, L. Benada, J. Osoha. Of these the ablest and most dynamic was Jan Osoha, a Czech by birth. The leadership faced a tremendous task of building a network of illegal cells from the fragments and remains of what once was a Party organization in Slovakia. Traditional Party strongholds went to Hungary by the Vienna Award of November 1938.50 a The 48 ) Deji~nii krizov atka (Bratislava, 1964), pp. 27-28. 49 ) Slovak Studies IV (Rome, 1964) , p. 30. 50) Dejiny KS(; (Praha, 1961 ), p. 399. 50a) Interesting evidence of the solid support the Party received from t he Magyar-speaking population of Slovakia can be found in the recently published bibliography, Zoznam komunistickych novin a casopisov marxi.stickej l' avice z rokov 1919-38 (Martin, 1961). The bibliography lists 125 separate newspapers and periodicals of which SLOVAKIA 143 newly-acquired independence of Slovakia (in March 1939) was a powerful stabilizing factor on the political scene leaving very little scope for the subversive activities of the Communists.51 For the Communists the situation was further aggravated by the Nazi-Soviet Pact (August 1939), the Soviet participation in the Fourth partition of Poland and the Soviet recognition, both 'de facto' and 'de jure', of the independent Slovak state. Under the impact of these events the Slovak Communist leadership in the West (Paris) disintegrated.52 At home the Party leaders were even more confused and completely at a loss. The illegal handbills and propaganda pamphlets betray the prevalent mood of perplexity and obvious embarrassment of the underground Party organizers in their desperate attempts to explain away the things they could not comprehend. In the Soviet attitude towards the Slovak state they saw a sure sign of Soviet approval of the new geographicopolitical reorganization of Central Europe. In response to it they drew up, sometime in October 1939, a new political program, the key-note of which was: "The free and independent Soviet Slovakia." 53 This program became a dominant feature of all the illegal Communist activities in Slovakia up to 1944. It was only natural for an independent Party to sponsor such a policy in an independent state. But the scheme did not pass 71 were published in the Slovak language, 50 (i. e. 40 %) in Magyar, 3 in German and 1 in Ukrainian. 51) A. Huckova-Stvrtecka, cinnost' prveho ilegalneho Ostredneho vyboru KSS (Bratislava, 1959). 52) Clementis denounced the Nazi-Soviet pact for which he was expelled from the Pai ty, Siroky rapidly departed to Moscow and Valo retired into neutral passivity. About the impact of this infamous alliance on the Slovak (and Czech ) Communists in Paris, see Theo. I-I. Florin, S Vladom Clementisom v Parizi a v Lon.dyne (Dav, spomienky a studie, [Brati~ava, 1965), p. 467) . 53) Confiscated Communist propaganda handbills in the Archives of the German F'oreign Ministry, 56/ 38606-15. These documents help to pinpoint the beginning of the campaign for an independent Soviet Slovakia which was not later than in October 1939. At that time the Communists went to considerable trouble to explain that the Soviet Union had not exchanged Communism for the National Socialism of Hitler. 144 SLOVAKIA by unchallenged. The first to protest against this line was-as might have been expected-the illegal Communist Party in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia lead by Edo Urx who as a Party functionary had spent a number of years in Slovakia. The Party in the Protectorate continued to call itself the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia. It claimed to be the direct successor of the banned Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia and a parent organization of the Communist Party of Slovakia. It advocated the restoration of the pre-Munich Czecho-Slovakia and objected to any policy promulgation which was not consistent with its current Party line. The Slovaks on the other hand were rejecting any kind of affiliation and insisted on equality and independence. After prolonged disagreement the dispute was referred to Moscow for arbitration 54 and there Gottwald issued a ruling completely vindicating the stand of the Slovak Communists. He sent the following message to Urx (in March 1940): Your pre-war pattern of thinking must change. Behind the slogan "Restoration of Czecho-Slovakia" are hidden imperialistic and antiSoviet schemes . .. We expressly emphasize that our Party fully accepts the right of self-determination both for the Czechs and fo r the Slovaks. This right of self-detevmination implies the right to live in an independent state. We fight for the restoration of the national freedom and territorial independence of the Czechs. As far as the Slovaks are concerned we fight for the complete sovereignity of the present-day Slovak state. It is this struggle for the right of self-determination which differentiates our road from that of Benes a nd world imperialism. The relation between the Czechs and Slovaks stand now on a new footing. Slovak separatism plays today a different role. That is why we are giving up the old slogans concerning Slovakia.ss Encouraged by this message the Slovak Communists tried to outdo in nationalist zeal everybody including the official Slovak propaganda. The only criticism they received from Moscow was the advice not to stress too much the Soviet character of their "independent Soviet Slovakia" program.56 54 ) The dispute is summarized in D ejinna krizovatka (Bratislava, 1964) , pp. 63-88. 55) Deji nna krizovatka (Bratislava, 1964) , p. 61. 56 ) S. Falt'an, Ku Kral'ov ej recenzii trochu inak (Historicky casopis, 4/ 1966, p. 58S. SLOVAKIA 145 The idea of national independence being at the root of the Party's illegal activities was not given up even when the Soviet Union gave its official recognition to Benes and his government then in exile in London. The clandestine journal, "Hlas l'udu" (Voice of the people ), commented on the resumption of diplomatic relations between Benes and the Kremlin: The pact between the Soviet Union and the Czecho-Slovak government in exile is not seen by the Communist Party of Slovakia as a pact with the government of a future state which has its established boundaries, its established regime. The (Czecho-Slovak) government in London was created without the participation and without the will of the working people in Slovakia . . . The question of an independent (Slovak) state, or autonomy, or federation with the fraternal Czech nation is now of secondary importance and it will be settled after the defeat and destruction of German imperialism.56a Slovak police and security organs who had infiltrated the illegal Communist organizations57 watched this development with keen interest. When the Soviet-German conflict broke out (June, 1941) the Slovak police within a few hours arrested all the members of the illegal Central Committee (except J. Osoha) and some 1,100 illegal Party activists. 58 Most of these were released from detention after three or four weeks and lost no time in regrouping and starting again. A new Central Committee was set up by J . Osoha and this in turn was broken up by the police in April 1942. J. Osoha again eluded the dragnet and at56a) Quoted by M. Gosiorovsky in Historicky casopis, No. 3/ 1968, p. 371. 57) In this connection it is worth quoting from a report of the German Minister to Slovakia, M. v. Killinger (of August 19th, 1940): "Die ... in die kommunistische Zellen geschickten Leute bewiihren sich sehr gut, so dass der Erfolg der Arbeit gesichert und alle Zellen der hier, wieder erstehenden kommunistischen Organisationen erfasst werden. Die inzwischen festgestellten kommunistische Funktioniire werden listenmiissig geftihrt und laufend ergiinzt" (2276/ 47987684). 58) German documents 610/ 248627. At this time the Russians parachuted into Slovakia V. Siroky and V. Skrabala. But they were discovered very soon after their arrival and put in prison where Siroky stayed until 1945. When in 1949 Siroky emerged as the most powerful man in Slovakia trusted by both Moscow and Prague, legendary stories were written about his underground and illegal activities which lasted-when all said and done-some fi ve weeks. 146 SLOVAKIA tempted to organize the third Central Committee of the KSS. But in July he was caught and imprisoned together with the other members of the Committee. 59 These police actions deprived the illegal Party organization in Slovakia of all its old leaders trained in the Stalinist mould of blind and unquestioning obedience. Continuity with the pre-war Party politics was thus broken and the way was cleared for new men to emerge at the top. As it happened they were almost without exception the younger generation of the Party intellectuals, recruited and groomed by Vlado Clemen tis ( then in London). They lacked the rugged working-class background but they possessed the self-assertive spirit of intense national pride. One of them, Stefan Bast'ovansky, tried to continue (against his better judgement) with the illegal activities in the old traditional style (handbills and pamphlets read by very few, incitement to sabotage obeyed by nobody) only to find himself in prison by May 1943.60 The leadership of the demoralized and decimated ranks now passed into the hands of G. Husak and L. Novomesky, who disagreed with those tactics and methods which were costing the Party so much and achieved nothing. As the men on the spot they proposed a more subtle and unorthodox approach which took into account the political and social conditions in Slovakia, the mentality and sentiments of the masses and the weakness of Slovak war-time administration. The Party really went underground and the outward signs of activities almost disappeared. Moscow, disturbed by the apparent lack of fighting spirit, decided to send to Slovakia two trusted emissaries to revive the dormant proletarian masses. They were K. smidke and K. Bacilek. Neither of them was Slovak but both had worked in Slovakia in the interwar period. smidke, the more experienced of the two, listened with interest to the suggestions of the Slovak intellectuals and to their amazement he agreed with them. 61 smidke set up a new Central Committee of the KSS 59) 0 . Krajnak, Protifasisticke hnutie na Slovensku. (Nova mys! , 8/ 1964, pp. 695-703); G. Husak, Svedectvo o SNP (Bratislava, 1964 ), pp. 33-36; Dejinna krizovatka (Bratislava, 1964) , pp. 122-126. 60) Dejinna krizovatka (Bratislava, 1964), p. 126. 61) G. Husak, Svedectvo o SNP (Bratislava, 1964) , pp. 51-56. SLOVAKIA 147 (which included himself, Husak and Novomesky) re-established and revived the network of illegal Party organizations and directed their activities along a new and more realistic path. He entered into close collaboration with the bourgeois illegal groups (and, through them, with the army) and did not scruple to exploit to the full the nationalist sentiments and aspirations of the Slovaks. 62 The last thing was, of course, not an easy task, because in the meantime the Soviet Union had promised Benes to restore pre-Munich Czecho-Slovakia. And not only that. As revealed recently, Benes was given by Stalin, in December 1943, virtually a free hand in his dealings with the Slovaks. According to Fierlinger (Czecho-Slovak Ambassador in Moscow) Stalin allegedly told Benes "to keep the Slovaks firmly in hand.''62 a By these tactics of exploiting nationalistic feeling in the country and with the military defeat of Germany looming larger and closer every day, the Communists and their bourgeois allies were preparing an armed uprising in Slovakia. Their conspiratory efforts were partly frustrated by an untimely start, triggered off by Soviet partisans, which doomed the venture to failure. But while it lasted (August-October 1944) "the Slovak national uprising" (as this revolt became officially known after 1945) was a remarkable achievement in several respects. 63 Its effect on the future political development of Slovakia was to be farreaching and lasting. Right at the beginning of the uprising the Communist Party of Slovakia came into the open and published ( on September 2nd, 1944) its proclamation in which it implied that Slovakia--though a part of Czechoslovakia-would have a very broad autonomy which would include even a sepa62) Slovenske ruirodne povstanie 1944 (Bratislava 1965), pp. 191-221. 62a) J. Barto, Riesenie vzt'ahu cechov a Slovakov (Bratislava, 1968) . p. 11. 63) This event is by far the most written-about subject in modern Slovak history. For a critical review of bibliography on this theme see: F . Vnuk, Neuveritel'ne sprisahanie (Middletown, Pa., 1964) , pp. 181-191. Also S. Falt'an, Niektore otazky okolo hodnotenia SNP (Historicky casopis, 2/ 1964, pp. 161-185) . A complete bibliography of books and articles on the subject in 1963-64 was compiled by A. Kociska (Historicky casopis, 2/ 1965, pp. 309-328) . 148 SLOVAKIA rate army. 64 On September 9, 1944 the KSS began to publish the daily, "Pravda", proudly branded as "the official organ of the Communist Party of Slovakia".65 On September 17th, 1944 it arranged a joint Party Congress with the Social Democratic Party at which the Social Democratic Party merged into the KSS. It elected its own Central Committee with smidke as President, Husak and cech (Social Democrat) as Vice-Presidents. The Party displayed vigour and independence to a degree which both the Czech and the Soviet commissars found disquieting. The Czech Communists who were spending the war years in Moscow thought it necessary to reaffirm their primacy before it was too late and promptly dispatched to Slovakia two "experienced comrades", R. Slansky and J. sverma, to see that the Party line was correctly drawn and properly applied. After their arrival ( September 28th, 1944) the Slovak Communist leadership had to do as it was told. As a result there followed a great deal of retracting especially in those fields where exuberant nationalism had carried the home-grown leaders too far. The uprising revealed with startling clarity the secondary role and subordinate position to which the KSS was now relegated. In proclaiming their allegiance to the Czecho-Slovak Republic the Slovak Communists were negating the only positive asset of their political program so loudly advertised in 1939-44 under the slogan of an independent Soviet Slovakia. The blow was shattering not only to the Slovak people at large but also to the less doctrinaire Party members.66 In order to make the best of a bad job the Communists kept on assuring the people that the new Czecho-Slovak Republic would be incomparably better than the old one, 64) The proclamation persistently talks about " our Slovak (not Czechoslovak) army". For the full text of the document see: G. Husak, Svedectvo o SNP (Bratislava, 1964), pp. 257-258. 65) The daily, "Pravda", as it appeared during the uprising (September - October 1944) was recently reprinted and is available in a convenient form , Pravda v obdobi SNP (Bratislava, 1964) . 66) There were reports that workers at several places proclaimed a Slovak Soviet Republic (e.g. at Nemecke Pravno) ; in other places (Podbrezova) there was strong agitation for the proclamation of Soviet Slovakia. This unwillingness of the working class to return to a common state with the Czechs is most telling. SLOVAKIA 149 that the excesses of the Czech administration would not be repeated, that the Slovak national individuality would be unquestionably accepted, etc. In other words they were posing as the guarantors of all those rights and achievements which the Hlinka People's Party had secured for the Slovak nation when declaring autonomy (October 1938). They openly advocated a federated Czecho-Slovakia.67 Unfortunately for them in 1944-45 the Slovaks were past the autonomy stage and were thinking in terms of state independence. Against the opposition of many Czech politicians, including Benes himself, the Slovak Communists succeeded in retrieving from the wreckage of the Slovak independence some of those prerequisites which gave post-war Slovakia a quasi-autonomous status.68 What is even more surprising, they were able to preserve their own independence. And thus one finds in post-war Czecho-Slovakia a somewhat anomalous situation. Alongside the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia there existed a Communist Party of Slovakia (with no regional equivalent in the Czech lands ) which to all intents and purposes was treated as a separate political party. As it happened it was a most expedient arrangement because it enabled the Communists in the critical post-war months (April 1945-May 1946) to have two Deputy Prime Ministers in the Provisional Government (instead of one) and almost twice as many ministers, parliamentarians, etc. as any other political party. V. 1945-1949 In the years 1945-6 the KSS was without doubt the most nationalistic party ever to enter the Slovak political scene. It was vehemently anti-German and anti-Magyar, and there seemed to be no limits to its nationalistic ex cesses. It lured into its camp Slovak voters by the promise of agrarian and wide-spread social reforms, it appealed 67) Thus spoke G. Husak at Kosice on February 28th, 1945: "We wan t to have a federated state ... in which each nation will be master in his own house."- See: G. Husak, Za narodnu a l'udovu demo kraciu (Kosice, 1945), p. 14. Also J. Jablonicky, Slovensko na prelome (Bratislava, 1965) , pp. 248-296. 68 ) Program prvej dorruicej vlady narodneho frontu cechov a Slovcikov (Kosice, 1945) . 150 SLOVAKIA to the nationalist and even the religious feeling of the people, it was willing to overlook anybody's past, no matter how compromising.69 Outwardly the KSS was united, but, as it transpired later, inside it was torn with internal jealousies which very soon decomposed its ranks and paralysed its strength as an independent political force. The old-guard leaders ( Siroky, Duris, etc.) who spent their war years in prison did not see eye to eye with the leadership which had been put together during the 1944 uprising (Husak, smidke, etc.). The Siroky-group intrigued against the smidke-Husakgroup and in their schemes they had the support of the Czech Communist leadership. In May 1945 at the joint session of both Party Presidia the Slovaks were compelled to adopt a common policy with their Czech comrades on all public issues of the day. The role of the KSS was defined as being "a part of a unitary KSC with a united leadership".70 In practice it meant a complete subjugation of the KSS to the dictatorial authority of the KSC. This was the end of the short-lived independence of the KSS (19391945). One of the first moves of Gottwald was to impose on the KSS a more amenable leadership to replace the smidkeHusak-group. In July 1945 Gottwald delegated Siroky to take over the Party affairs in Slovakia. 71 Siroky hurriedly convened a Party conference at Zilina (Aug. 11-12, 1945) where he was confirmed in his position as the Party President. Siroky saw to it that the top Party positions were filled with his men. Thus he had become, already in Aug. 1945, the undisputed authority in Party matters in Slovakia. "Siroky concentrated in his own hands and in the hands of his own group of collaborators in the apparatus of the KSS Central Committee factual decisions about Party 69) This is again another neglected chapter of the Party history. The nationalist excesses, especially against the Magyar minority, formed a part of the accusation levelled at the " bourgeois nationalists" in 1950-54. An oblique reference to the nationalist policies of the KSS has been made recently in the book of J. Zvara, A magyar nemzetisegi kerdes melogdasa Szlovakuiban (Bratislava, 1965), pp. 22-69. Also J . Jablonicky in Slovensko na prelome (Bratislava, 1965) pp . 396-409. 70) J. Barto, Riesenie vzt'ahu Cechov a Slovakov (Bratislava 1968) , p. 55. 71 ) ib., p. 99. SLOVAKIA 151 policies, about the Party itself and about its leading cadres. These men were selected by Siroky himself according to his own personal likings", complained G. Husak recently. 72 Out of 9 men in the Party Presidium Husak identified these as the members of the Siroky group: Siroky, Duris, Bast'ovansky, Valachovic, Holdos. This leaves on the other side Husak, soltesz, smidke and Zupka. While acting as a strong man of the KSS, Siroky realized that he owed his position to the Czech Communists and consequently he was an ever-obedient executor of their wishes. In this way the policy of the KSS became divorced from the current needs and realities of the Slovaks. The policies of the KSc were designed to attract the Czech masses and paid very little attention to the Slovak national interests. The Party faced the first post-war electoral contest in a state of internal disunity, with a program which lacked conviction, realism and electoral appeal. Its only competitor for the allegiance of the Slovak electorate was the Democratic Party (heir and successor of the old Agrarian Party of M. Hodza) dominated almost exclusively by the Slovak Protestant bourgeoisie of proBenes sympathies. The Hlinka People's Party being banned, the Catholic section of the Slovak people ( the support of which was to decide the general election scheduled on May 26th, 1946) had no party of its own. To win these vital votes the leaders of the Democratic Party concluded an agreement with the representatives of the Slovak Catholics ("April Agreement") promising considerable concessions in exchange for the Catholic vote. 73 As a result of this solid backing of the Catholic majority the Democratic Party emerged victorious from the electoral contest polling 62.0 % of the total vote (999,622 votes), while the Communist Party gained only 30.4 % (489,596 votes), the remaining 7 ,6 % went to two minor parties or represented "white ticket" and informal votes. 74 While the electorate in the Czech lands overwhelmingly 72) G. Husak, Barnabitky a co im predchadzalo, in Nove slovo, No. 8/ 1968. 73) V. Precan, Slov ensky katolicizmus pred februarom 1948 (Bratislava , 1961), pp. 85-108. 74) Dejiny KSc (Praha, 1961), p . 504. 152 SLOVAKIA endorsed the Marxist policies 75 in Slovakia the Communist Party (which-it should be remembered-was already then a united party of both the Communist and the Social Democrats) came second best in what was actually a twoparty contest. This massive rejection of the Marxist policies led to deep soul-searching in the Central Committee in Prague and Bratislava. The Party now tempered (at least partly) its reckless nationalism and started to attack the Democratic Party for harbouring fascist and reactionary elements. 76 Though nominally both Communist and Democratic Parties were partners in the so-called United National Front they were soon fighting and abusing each other with fury and passion reminiscent of the interwar years. In spite of their electoral defeat the Communists, by clever and daring manipulation of their own and due to the ineptness, timidity and inexperience of the Democratic politicians were able to exert a decisive influence on the course of political events in Slovakia. They still retained the control of powerful organizations and pressure groups ( trade unions, farmers' organizations, partisans, etc.). Thus they were able to frustrate almost any attempt of the Democratic Party to honour its promises given to the Catholic voters.77 By their bullying tactics they brought about the estrangement between the leadership and membership of the Democratic Party. They accused many Democratic Party leaders of fascist conspiracy and subversive activity, demanded and got their removal from office and subsequent imprisonment (Kempny, Bugar, Stasko, Ursiny, etc.). Then in November 1947 they attacked the governmental positions of the Democratic Party, compelling it to give up 75) In the Czech lands the Communists received 38.9 % and the Social Democrats 15.8 % of the votes. The Marxist parties thus obtained 54.7 % . 76 ) M. Vartikova, Roky rozhodnutia. K dejiruim politickeho boja pred febriuirom 1948 (Bratislava, 1962); J . Lettrich, History of Modern Slovakia (New York, 1955), pp. 247-253. 77 ) They engineered-with the help of their Czech comrades and colleagues-the sentencing and execution of the former President of Slovakia, Dr. Jozef Tiso. By this they completely discredited the Democratic Party in the eyes of its voters, fully revealing its impotency and helplessness as a political force . See: F . Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso , President of the Slovak Repitblic (Sydney, 1967 ), pp. 37-40. SLOVAKIA 153 its majority in such administrative bodies as the Slovak National Council, the Board of Commissioners, etc.78 By this victory the Communists effectively undermined the morale of the non-Communist forces and the stage was set for a complete take-over. The notorious 'coup d'etat', by which the Communists came to power in Czecho-Slovakia in February 1948, was largely a Czech affair. The resignation of the non-Communist ministers and the ensuing governmental crisis were confined to Prague. The confrontation was staged and the struggle was lost by the Czechs in the Czech lands. 79 As far as Slovakia was concerned there the issue was solved almost inaudibly in a matter of hours (long before the crisis was over in Prague). The Communist chairman of the Board of Commissioners, G. Husak, took over the main Post Office building in Bratislava on February 23rd, 1948 and was in complete control of all postal services, especially the vital telecommunication links between Bratislava and. Prague. To all Democratic Commissioners he dispatched letters of dismissal and to make sure that they took notice, he requested the Commissioner of the Interior, M. Feriencik (nominally a non-party member of the Board), to post police guards at their offices, to keep the "dismissed'' Commissioners out. 80 Then the Communists reconstituted a new Board allocating to themselves 10 (out of 15) positions, giving the remaining ones to their fellow-travellers.81 This moment signified the zenith of the KSS. What followed afterwards was a steeply descending road leading to the unenviable position of the next two decades(1948-68). 78 ) In the reconstructed Board of Commissioners the Democratic Party had to share the chairmanship with a Communist and its majority of nine on the Board of 15 Commissioners was reduced to a minor ity of six. 79) There are many accounts of this "parliamentary take-over" of governmental powers by the Communists. For the losing party's version see e.g. H. Ripka's Le Coup de Prague (Paris, 1949), for the winning-side versio n see e.g. J . Vesely's Kronika unorovych dnti 1948 (Praha, 1958) . 80) V. Vagassky, Komunisticka strana ceskoslovenska (New York, 1953roneoed) p. 8. 81) J. Lettrich, History of Modern Slovakia (New York, 1955), pp. 259-260. li4 SLOVAKIA VI. 1948-1962 With the elimination of the non-Communist opposition there was no longer a need for two Communist Parties in one country. Steps towards the abolition of the KSS were taken on July 26th, 1948, when the Presidium of the KSc (consisting entirely of Czech Communists) decided: 1. The next meeting of the Central Committee of the KSS shall rule that the KSS ceases to exist as an independent party and become an integral part of the KSc. 2. The Party organization in Slovakia will still carry the name of KSS . 3. The Central Committee of the KSS shall be subordinated to the Central Committee of the KSc, it shall act according to its directives and it will implement the policy of the KSc in Slovakia. 82 This decision was proptly implemented on September 28, 1948 when the KSS, obeying the resolution of the Presidium of the KSc agreed to become "the territorial organization of the unitary KSC. 83 The merger was officially represented as a voluntary act mutually desired by both, and enthusiastically greeted by the Party press as such. But now it is admitted what has been generally known from the start that the Slovak Communists were most unwilling to give up their independence, to take up the status of an unprivileged minority destined to wait for the hand-outs of the senior and none-too-generous partner. Their fears were well justified but they could do nothing to prevent the inevitable. Thus they became the first victims of the renewed centralism with which the Communist rulers of Czecho-Slovakia were pursuing their new "socialist" policies. Gottwald, Kopecky and their accomplices, the authors and erstwhile advocates of Slovak selfgovernment, almost overnight forgot their earlier pledges. Robust and aggresive centralism was menacingly reflected in the new "Constitution of May 9th" (1948). In it the Slovaks were treated badly, 84 yet worse was still to come. 82) K. Kaplan, Utvcifeni genercilni linie vystavby socialismu v Ceskoslovensku (Pra ha, 1965) , p. 103. 83) Dejiny KSC (Praha, 1961) , p. 540. 84) While in 1945 the Commissioners were chosen by the Slovak National Council and responsible to it, in 1948 they were appointed by SLOVAKIA 155 Most of those political and national rights which-as claimed by the KSS-were secured by the Slovak uprising in 1944 and saved by the victory of the working-class in 1948 were gradually removed one by one by the same people who once fought for them. With incredible, even gleeful, outward obedience the Slovak Communists were curtailing their own rights, restricting their own freedom of action. This subordinate relationship which now existed between the KSS and KSC was subsequently written into the Party Statutes for everybody to see. According to these approved rules "the KSS directs its activities by the decisions of the Congress of the KSC and the decisions of the Central Committee of the KSC ... The KSS convokes its congress after agreement with the Central Committee of the KSC ... The Central Committee of the KSS carries out the decisions of the Central Committee of the KSc and with the approval of the Central Committee of the KSC it solves the political and organizational Party questions in Slovakia". 85 Committed to these rules and bound by Party discipline the Communists in Slovakia ruthlessly applied the general Party line as drawn up in Prague by the Central Committee of the KSc, and including such unpopular measures as collectivization of farming, nationalization of all sectors of private enterprise, down to small shops and one-man businesses, wholesale purge of public life of all real and imaginary opponents of Communism, cruel persecution of the Catholic Church, its clergy and religious, victimization the Prague Government. The protective measures introduced in 1945 to safeguard the rights of the Slovak against the Czech majority were all removed in 1948. To pass or amend legislation a mere three-fifths majority of deputies was required. The Czech majority in the Parliament was always higher than this. (In 1954 there were only 98 Slovaks among 368 deputies). 85) The Statutes of the KSc , paragraphs 40, 42 and 47. See : Pravda of December 20th, 1952. Numerically the Party drew noticeably less strength from Slovakia than from the Czech lands. Shortly after the 1948 merger statistics were issued showing that in 1949 out of 2,311,066 members and candidates of the KSC only 236,432 were from Slovakia, i.e. 10.3%. ( Rude pravo of May 27th, 1950) . This disparity continued into the fiities and at the Tenth Congress of the KSC (1954) the Slovak delegates formed a 10,2% minority (Pravda of June 16th, 1954) . At that time 28% of the population lived in Slovakia. 156 SLOVAKIA of the intellectuals, adulation of Stalin and Gottwald, indiscriminate application of "superior Soviet methods" in all walks of life, etc.86 And when they did all these repugnant and hate-fometing tasks their Czech masters struck them with a wave of bloody purges. In the years 1949-54 (and especially after the Ninth Congress of the KSS in May 1950) the ranks of the Slovak Communists were decimated with a fury of terror which in its scope and horror surpassed all the blows ever inflicted by their class enemy. The purges form the most tragic and most neglected chapter in the history of the KSS.B 7 Within five years (1949-54) the KSS lost in purges seven out of 13 members of its Presidium (Clementis, Husak, Novomesky, ~midke, Bast'ovansky, Falt'an and Moskovic), some 30 % of its 60members Central Committee and thousands of Party members in diplomatic and administrative service, in the army, political bodies, institutions and other sectors of public life. They were removed from their posts amid the curses of their own comrades and comrades-in-arms and, having previously antagonized the masses of the Slovak people, they found themselves unpitied and friendless in their gravest hour. They were declared "enemies of the people", their work was debased, their publications banned, their past exorcised from the pages of the Party history.BB The principal guilt of which all the Slovak victims of the purges were accused was the unpardonable sin of "bourgeois nationalism", the very thing in which they were so much encouraged by their Czech comrades in 1945-6. It is generally not realized that the bulk of the victims of the 1949-54 purges were "bourgeois nationalists" (i.e. 86) In the writings of contemporary Communist historians all these measures were described as being socialist, progressive and to the benefit of the masses. Only now, after 15 years, some "mistakes" are being admitted for which the personality cult is blamed. 87) The purges were strictly taboo to the socialist historians until January 1968. Only in the field of literature a cautious attempt has been made to deal with this touchy subject, e. g. in Mnacko's Oneskorene reportaze, in Karvas's Jazva, etc. 88) More about the purges can be found in D. A. Schmidt's Anotomy of a Satelite ( Boston, 1952), in Vnuk's cistky - nezahojitel'ne rany KSS (Slovak v Amerike, November 9th,-30th, 1966); also Der Slansky-Prozess und seine Folgen (Recht im Ost und West, 5/ 1964, pp. 196-203. SLOVAKIA 157 Slovaks) in Slovakia and "zionists" (i.e. Jews) in the Czech lands, though these two groups did not account for more than 13 ¼- of the KSc membership. It is no wonder then that the purges permanently poisoned the already strained Slovak-Czech relations beyond any hope of reconciliation. After the elimination of the Slovak element the Central Committee of the KSc entrusted the reins of the KSS to people of its own choice: Siroky, Bacilek, Duris, David, Dubcek, Rais, Branik, sefranek, Mauer, etc. As in the early twenties most of these were of non-Slovak origin ( Czechs and Jews) and a few of them were even Soviet citizens (David, Mauer). In March 1953 Stalin died and shortly after him K. Gottwald. The presidency of the Republic passed on to A. Zapotocky, while a well-known Slovakophobe, A. Novotny, became the first Party secretary. Novotny soon concentrated in his hands immense power and, assisted by V. Kopecky, was able to suppress all the liberalising tendencies of the post-Stalin thaw. 89 Having thus delayed destalinization which was sweeping through Poland, Hungary and the Soviet Union, Novotny paid increased attention to Slovakia where the dangers to his policies were greatest. In an attempt to subdue the passive resistance of the Slovaks and to break the nationalist spirit pulsating there in spite of purges, expulsions and bolshevist vigilance, Novotny further tightened the screw of Czech centralism. He introduced new administrative steps aimed at a more thorough control and reorganized the existing economic, cultural and social structure of the country. In this reorganization several Slovak industrial enterprises and cultural associations lost even their nominal independence and were integrated with their Czech counterparts into more compact "Czechoslovak" bodies.90 89) Kopecky's version of how the Party fought and defeated "revisionism" among the intellectuals is graphically, though one-sidedly, described in his book, CSR a KS(; (Praha, 1960), pp. 467-470. 90 ) These moves were allegedly designed for reasons of higher efficiency but the uneasy reluctance with which they were accepted in Slovakia indicates their insidious nature. Their implementation led to the dismissal of the President of the Slovak National Council, S. Sebesta, anct to renewed attacks on Slovak separatism by Bacilek, Kopecky, David, etc. 158 SLOVAKIA With regard to the Slovak political and administrative organs these were doomed to wither away by a devious method of ignoring their very existence. In spite of the fact that the Slovak regional organs were staffed by trusted Party members they were gradually reduced to complete inactivity. Though the Government was constitutionally obliged to appoint a Commissioner when new ministeries were created, this provision was, as a rule, ignored. 91 Under the mask of "Czechoslovak socialist patriotism" a new brand of undiluted Czech nationalism was superimposed on these centralist tendencies. Any opposition to this socialist Czechoslovakism was decried as bourgeois nationalism and one can see how often these accusations were levelled against the Slovaks after 1954.92 In an arrogant disregard of Slovak national aspirations the constitution which in May 1960 proclaimed CzechoSlovakia "a socialist country" further stripped the power of Slovakia's provincial government organs subordinating them completely to the Central Government. 93 This outrageous arrangement was presented as a final and satisfactory solution of the Slovak problem and the Party boasted in its official history that it had accomplished what the old capitalist system had found insoluble.94 However, the Slovak feelings about the situation are more aptly 91) E. Taborsk)', Communism in Czechoslov akia 1948-1960 (Princeton , N. J. , 1961), pp. 340-344. 92) V. ~iroky complained about it at the Tenth Congress of the KSS in April 1955; it was deplored in a leading article in Pravda of May 1st, 1956; in the aftermath of the Budapest revolt it was ruefully admitted "one of the weakest sectors of our ideological struggle is the struggle against bourgeois nationalism", Pravda of December 14th, 1956); in January 1958 it was violently denounced by K. Bacilek as having penetrated "into various fields of our cultural, political and scientific life, sports, state apparatus, economic organs, etc." Pravda of January 10th and 11th, 1958) ; again by K. Bacilek and V. Kopecky at the Eleventh Congress of the KSS in April 1958; etc. See also: Slovak Nationalism Revisited (Radio Free Europe Papers of November 11, 1965). 93) The Slovak Commissioners must "attend to further tasks in the economic and cultural construction of Slovakia to the extent determined by the central government" (Taborsky, Communism in Czechoslovakia 1948-1960 [Princeton, N. J., 1961], p. 339) . 94) Dejiny KS(; (Praha, 1961), pp. 697-698. SLOVAKIA 159 summed up in the words of the former member of the Secretariat of the KSS and Party historian, M. Gosiorovsky: By the new adjustments of the Slovak national organs (which led to the aboli5hment of the Board of Commissioners, to the sub ordination of Slovak national offices directly to the Ministeries in Prague, etc.) the Slovak nation found itself in the position of the only nation in the entire Socialist camp which on its own ethnic territory lacked such organs of the Socialist governmental administration which would correspond to its development, its present living standard, its numerical strength and, above all, to its indispensability to become really and in every respect an equal partner with the brotherly Czech nation.95 VII. 1962-1967 Misruled and unrepresented, the Slovak Communists resented the continuos Czech interference, the Socialist brand of "Czechoslovakism" and above all the persistence of Stalinist methods and Stalinist leadership to which they were subjected. But there was little they could do about it while the Party was strong and enjoyed Krushchev's support. 96 But in 1961-62 the Party's grip on the overall control started to slacken. There were several factors which contributed to this: the stagnation of the country's economy, the Sino-Soviet dispute which now broke into the open, renewed attacks on Stalin at the XXIInd Soviet Party Congress (October 1961). In the ideological split the KSc had no choice but to side with Moscow. Thus circumstances compelled it to do more than pay lip service to the cause of destalinization. Destalinization finally reached Czecho-Slovakia in 1962-3 and its advent was symbolically ushered in by the demolition of the huge statue of Stalin overlooking Prague (November 1962). The year 1962, the year of the XIIth Congress of the KSC, was also a year of intense ferment, especially in 95) M. Gosiorovsky, K niektorym otazkam vzt'ahu cechov a siovakov v poiitike KSc, in Historicky casopis, No. 3/ 1968, p. 391. 96 Khrushchev's endorsement of the Party's Stalinist policies in 1957 was a very serious drawback for the opposing forces in the KSS who disliked Kopecky and Novotny's stiff measures against the Slovaks. Khrushchev on the occasion of his visit to Czecho-Slovakia declared (on July 11th, 1957): "The cause of Leninism in CzechoSlovakia is in good hands." (East Europe, 9/1957, p.41) . 160 SLOVAKIA Slovakia where the pent-up grievances gave rise to outspoken criticism of the excesses of the Stalinist era and of their perpetrators. The loudest critics of these abuses of naked power were the Slovak writers, journalists, scientists and other representatives of the intelligentsia. 97 The foremost task of destalinization was to rehabilitate the victims of the 1949-54 purges. Those bourgeois nationalists who were still alive were quietly released from prisons, but Novotny and his clique were most relucant to admit that the accusations of bourgeois nationalism were fabricated. Such an admission would make fabricators of Novotny, Siroky and most of the power-holders in CzechoSlovakia. Subjected to mounting pressure the Party allowed the released prisoners to apply for re-admission to Party membership. Many of them did and their applications for re-admission read like the most savage condemnation of Communist tyranny ever written. 98 These were widely cir97) The mouthpiece of the discontented and critical voice was the official organ of the Slovak Writers' Association , Kulturny zivot, which in 1963 published an impressive number of critical articles. An open forum at which many abuses and horrors of the past and of the present were exposed was the Conference of Slovak Writers in Bratislava (April 21-22nd, 1963). At the First Congress of the Association of Slovak Journalists (May 28-29th, 1963) the wrongs and injustices of the era were bitterly denounced by M. Hysko , who publicly attacked the then Prime Minister, V. Siroky, as the prime mover behind the false accusations of the "bourgeois nanationalist" comrades, (Pravda of June 3rd 1963). 98) Some of them (e.g. Husak's) found their way abroad, where extracts from them were pub!ished in the emigre press. For English translation of parts from Husak's application see: News Digest International (Sydney) 3/ 1966, pp. 55-57. In 1968 a large number of rehabilited Party officials (as well as many non-Party men ) described their experiences at the hands of their jailers. Husak's account was serialized in a weekly, Nove slovo, Holdos's in the daily, Smena, but the most graphic expose of the inhuman treatment to which the victims of the cult era were subjected is in E. Loebl's book Svedectvo o procese s vedenim protistatneho sprisahaneckeho centra na cele s Rudolfom Slanskym (Bratislava, 1968) . From among the non-Communist prisoners there is the account by playwright I. Stodola in Kulturny zivot and that of military officer D. Viest in Slovenske Pohl'ady. Different organizations and institutions started to publish grim statistics about the era of lawlessness. According to various calculations there were 160 death sentences in 1948-53. The Association of Anti-Fascist Fighters claimed that 30,000-40,000 of its members became victims SLOVAKIA 161 culated in Slovakia and their impact was enormous. At one stage they caused an open rebellion against Czech rule. Novotny tried to counteract these outbursts of discontent and criticism but his voice was drowned in an ever-growing protest. 99 To save his own skin he had to sacrifice his most valuable accomplices (and the most hated men in Slovakia) namely K. Bacilek (in March 1963), and when that did not suffice, V. Siroky and J . Duris (in September 1963). Of course the situation was far more serious than could be rectified by the removal of a few compromised Party officials. The main culprit, A. Novotny, and his group weathered the storm of criticism by sheer perseverance and stubbornness and with Moscow's backing retained their monopoly of power. At the end of 1963 the situation in the KSS differed only very little from that before the XIIth Party Congress. The leadership of the KSS was entirely in the hands of Novotny's men, like Bil'ak, Chudik, Sabolcik, Lenart, salgovic, Barbirek, Dvorsky, Cvik, Daubner, etc. In his selection Novotny was particularly careful to pick for his service people whose only qualification was blind following of the official Party line.No person of independent views or strong personal conviction made his way up the Party ladder. The most pathetic group in the Slovak political scene were the rehabilitated bourgeois nationalists. Though exonerated from their alleged crimes and officially "fully of judical and political persecution. The unlawfully sentenced citizens even founded their own organization "K 231". But the most moving (and damning) indictment of the cruelty of the Communist regime was the Resolution of the members of various religious orders presented to the Ministry of Culture and Information on April 17, 1968. It was signed by 6,174 religious who spent altogether 32,016 years in prison. (See Katoiicke noviny, May 5, 1968). 99) Novotny replied to the criticism of the Slovak Communist intellectuals on June 12th, 1963 at Kosice. He defended Siroky, maintaining that the accusations of bourgeois nationalism were " substantially right" ( Prav da of June 13th, 1963). He sharply reprimanded and vilified two Slovak critics of his policies, M. Hysko and R. Kalisky, branding them as "irresponsible scribblers" (pisalkove ). R. Kalisky replied in kind and his long letter (of 30 pages) to "comrade President" lists a comprehensive catalogue of Czech wrongdoings towards the Slovaks. This letter was also widely read in Slovakia and heartily approved by all sections of the community. 162 SLOVAKIA rehabilitated" they still were doomed to remain in a political wilderness, hoping against hope for some miracle which would restore their earlier status. Their hopes could not have been realized without a major upheavel within the Party. They were, after all, striving and clamouring after positions which were held by their former judges and jailers, by men who had advanced literally over their "dead bodies". These men knew only too well to whom they owed their posts and what was expected of them in return. This state of affairs could not have been without impact on the Party's membership. Headed by uninspiring and subservient leaders, the KSS had become a living mockery of Lenin's conception of a Communist Party. The solution of the Slovak problem in 1962-67 advanced very little, if at all. The request of the Slovak intellectuals to federate Czecho-Slovakia according to the Soviet or Yugoslav model was rejected outright. 100 The Czechs were the dominant nation in a state "of two brotherly nations of equal rights" (as it is solemnly written in the 1960 Constitution) and continued to enjoy a disproportionately high number of prestige-bearing positions in the Party organs, State administration, diplomatic service, army, etc. The dissatisfaction in all strata of the Slovak community was there for everybody to see. If any concessions were made, these were only formal and completely unsatisfactory. Thus in 1964 the term "poverenik" (Commissioner), abolished in 1960, was reintroduced and in a common declaration of the Central Committee of both Parties (i.e. KS(:; and KSS) of May 7, 1964 it was announced that the Slovak National Council would participate "more fully" in all spheres of Slovak public life. 101 But there was no visible improvement, no advancement towards a fuller participation of regional organs in Slovakia's administration. In spite of all this crude nationalistic discrimination, in spite of obvious economic, political and cultural failures, 100) This proposal, the authorship of which is attributed to an erstwhile Party historian, M. Gosiorovsky, was rejected by Prague through its Slovak mouthpiece, M. Chudik (President of the Slovak National Council. According to Chudik the Slovak people did not wish any federation (Rude pravo of November 13th, 1965). 101 ) Za plnsie uplatnenie Slovenskej narodnej rady, (Bratislava, 1964). SLOVAKIA 163 Novotny somehow managed to retain and even consolidate his personal power at the XIIIth Party Congress (MayJune, 1966). The Congress was a rather dull and uneventful affair: only those speakers were admitted who endorsed Novotny's policies. A lengthy and critical report on the economic situation and the much talked-about "new economic model" was to be delivered by Prof. 0. sik, but what finally emerged was a very mild substitute. The Central Committee elected a 10-man Party Presidium, in which there were three Slovaks (Dubcek, Lenart, Chudik). Among the Presidium candidates there were two more Slovaks ( Sabolcik and Sadovsky). The promised and expected reform which was to put Slovak-Czech relations on an entirely new basis did not materialize .102 VIII. 1967-1968 The situation had become unbearable by 1967. The forces of discontent were gathering momentum. Up to 1966-7 the main source of opposition to the Novotny regime was in Slovakia, where his treatment of the Slovak peoples and institutions provoked almost universal hatred. This resentment was gradually percolating into the all-state Party leadership. In 1967 Novotny's obstinacy to the "new economic model" caused further polarization of the leadership into the "dogmatists" and the "liberals". The economic reform could succeed only if coupled with decentralization and with a loosening of the tight dictatorial regime. Any relaxation on the political front immediately brought forward a demand for a thorough-going rehabilitation and undoing of the "mistakes of the cult era". The combined impact of these factors (i.e. the Slovak question, economy and uneasy liberalization) eventually led to the fall of A. Novotny. These grumblings came first to the attention of the outside world in June 1967, when the writers used their IVth Congress as a tribunal for a passionate denunciation 102) The Slovak writer, V. Mihalik ( member of the Central Committee of the KSS ) revealed (in Kulturny zivot 8/1966, p. 1) that the Party was preparing "an important document" aimed at the improvem1mt in Slovak-Czech relations. The document was to be tabled at the Thirteenth Congress of the KSc (May, 1966 ). Bu t it was not, and nothing has been heard about it since. 164 SLOVAKIA of naked power and for a bitter condemnation of the Party's performance in the last two decades. 103 The Party-always very sensitive to criticism-hit back hard in Oct. 1967. The principal culprits were expelled from the Party, dismissed from their professional posts, and their official journal, "Literarni noviny", was taken away from them. An attempt was made to exploit the existing difference between the Slovak and Czech writers and to play both groups against each other. But the Slovaks, at their meeting with the Slovak Party leaders on Oct. 16, 1967, briskly declined the honour of being the Party's favourites at the expense of their Czech colleagues. 104 Another indication of the stresses and strains at the top was the criticism at the plenary session of the Central Committee of the KSc in Sept. 1967 of the implementation of the new economic model. It was, perhaps, symptomatic that the Slovak Party Secretary, A. Dubcek, accused the government 9f discriminatory policies towards Slovakia. He charged that "the results for the first half of 1967 show that investments in Slovak industry totalled 21.9 1/r of the state investments and not 28 % as was laid in the directives of the XIIIth Party Congress". 105 The struggle for power was now on and manifested itself again at the Central Committee meeting in Oct. 1967, where the Slovak Party leaders in an unheard-of move demanded that Novotny abandon one of the two top functions he held (i.e. the First Party Secretary and the President of the State) . Novotny sensed the gravity of the 103) See IV. Sjezd Svazu ceskoslovenskych spisovatelti, Praha 27. - 29. cervna 1967, (Praha, 1968), especially the speeches by M. Kundera (pp. 22-27) , P . Kohout (pp. 39-43), A. J. Liehm (pp. 99-204) and, above all, that of L. Vaculik ( pp. 141-150). The Slovak writers played a rather passive role at this gathering and their over-all performance was to become a source of serious embarrassment in the subsequent months. A heated dispute about the action of some Slovak writers (Mihalik, Spitzer, Valek, Minac, Kostra, Matu~ka, Rosenbaum , Egri, Luknar, Ponican as well as 9 Czech writers) who in their letter supported the party's policies in the cultural sphere (pp. 157-159 ) eventually led (in December 1968) to the collapse of the Slovak Writers' Union. See M. Resutik Rozlomeny svaz in Nove slovo No. 1/ 1969, p. 11. 104 ) Svedectvi (Paris) No. 32-33 / 1968, pp. 89-116. 105 ) Pravda (Bratislava), Sept. 29, 1967. SLOVAKIA 165 situation and in December he invited Brezhnev to come to Prague to bolster his position. But Brezhnev's visit (Dec. 8 )-if anything-made the situation worse . The next meeting of the Central Committee (Dec. 19-21, 1967) dealt Novotny the final blow and made his position untenable. At the following meeting of the Central Committee, a fortnight later, Novotny was finally voted out of office and replaced by Alexander Dubcek, who till then was considered N ovotny's man in Slovakia. Outside his native Slovakia Dubcek was a completely unknown personality .106 The key role-and this should be stressed again and again-in N ovotny's downfall was played by the Slovaks who found themselves in their socialist homeland economically exploited, nationally humiliated, culturally neglected and ruled as a colony by their Czech partners. Novotny, in his last speech as Party Secretary (New Year's speech, 1968) , tried to placate the Slovaks with the promise of a more generous economic consideration for Slovakia: " The need of nationwide industrial development must not obscure the important task of priority development of Slovakia which still has not reached the average economic level of the Czech regions". 107 But the offer was "too little too late". The new leadership of the KSc put the question of Slovakia as the number one problem to be tackled by them. Prague radio said on Jan. 5, 1968: "The Central Committee took note of the fact that the government and the Presidium of the Slovak National Council will submit to the Party organs, on the basis of thorough situation analyses, specific proposals for perfecting their activities." The activities of the Slovak National Council being almost non-existent needed much more than perfecting. In his speech at the 20th anniversary of the Communist coup of February 1948, Dubcek spelt out the current difficulties which were troubling his leadership: "Many faults 106) For backgro und to Dubcek's personality see, e. g. F . Vnuk, Alexander Dubcek - tragedia poctiv eho komunistu in Kalendar Jednota 1969 (Middletown, Pa. , 1968), pp. 173-181. Also T. Szulc, A loo/c at Alexander Dubcek - the aparatchik who made a revoluti on in N . Y . Times (Weekly Review) , Jan. 12, 1969. 107) Pravda (Bratislava), Jan. 2, 1968. 166 SLOVAKIA have occured in internal Party life ... (where) the struggle between the progressive and conservative forces has not yet been concluded . . . ( There are) serious difficulties in the economy ... In our relations with the Slovak national organs we must rectify what was wrongfully violated after 1960 and things must be rearranged in such a way as to bring them in line with the contemporary stage of development of the state as a whole." 108 After this admission from the highest Party official things in Slovakia started to happen. M. Chudik (member of the Presidium of the KSc), N ovotny's stooge in Slovakia who was acting as Chairman of the Slovak National Council, hurriedly submitted his resignation. But he was not to be allowed to bow out as gracefully as that; he was dismissed in ignominy instead, on March 14, 1968. Having discarded its incompetent boss the Slovak National Council immediately published a resolution demanding that CzechoSlovakia become a federation. A new constitution to replace the one of 1960 was to give full legislative power to the Slovak National Council in all except foreign affairs, defense and state finances. Slovakia was to have a separate government. 109 In March the so-called "Czecho-Slovak spring" really started and the whole country was undergoing radical changes. Novotny's Party apparatus was falling to pieces. There was the defection to the West of Major-General Jan sejna; the resignation of the Trade Unions leader Pastytik; the dismissal of Chudik; the removal from office of the Interior Minister Kudrna and Prosecutor-General Bartuska; the suicide of Deputy Defense Minister V. Janko and Vice-President of the Supreme Court J. Brest'ansky; ousting of the chief Party ideologue J. Hendrych and the fall from the Presidency of Novotny himself. All this happened in the space of four weeks and had tremendous impact on the people. These events necessitated a new reorganization of the Party and the government. The five-day session of the Central Committee of the KSc named a new Presidium on April 1, 1968, in which Slovakia was given the largest 108 ) Pravda (Bratislava) , Feb. 23 , 1968. 109) Pravda (Bratislava), March 15, 1968. SLOVAKIA 167 representation ever : 4 in 11. 110 In the Secretariat there were 3 Slovaks out of 9 members (Dubcek-the First Secretary, Lenart, Sadovsky). On April 9 a new Cabinet was sworn in by Novotny's successor in the Presidency, General L. Svoboda. At the head of the new government stood 0. cernik. There were 5 deputy Prime Ministers and 23 Ministers. Here too the Slovaks were treated much more generously than ever before: 2 deputy Prime Ministers and 6 Ministers were from Slovakia. One of the deputy Prime Ministers was Gustav Husak, a rehabilitated Slovak "bourgeois nationalist". On April 10, 1968 the Party published its " Action Program",111 an ambitious document setting out " CzechoSlovakia's road towards socialism" and outlining the political and economic reforms by which it was to achieve one-party rule, mollified by the active participation of the non-party sections of the population. The Slovak question again figured prominently in the Program. A new symmetric federative arrangement of the state was proposed and the Slovaks were promised: 1. Slovak National Council and Council of Ministers (instead of the old Board of Commissioners), 2. Slovak national committees, 3. Autonomy in planning and budgeting for Slovakia, 4. State secretaries in those central ministerial departments where Ministers were Czechs, 5. Guarantee of Slovak rights against the Czech majority, 6. Adequate Slovak representation in the army, diplomatic service, etc. 112 In the less oppressive atmosphere of the day and in the absence of overt censorship public opinion soon started to exert pressure from below. This resulted first of all in the resignation or removal from the scene of those men who were closely linked with Novotny and his• dictatorial policies. To purge Novotny's followers from the Central llO ) They were Dubcek, Rigo, Bil'ak and Barbirek. Their nomina tion was accepted in Slovakia with some scepticism and their credentials as Slovaks were immediately questioned. It was pointed out that Rigo was a Gypsy, Bil'ak was a Ruthenian and Barbirek though born in Bratislava- was a Czech. And, of course, everybody knew that Dubcek had spent his childhood and adolescence (192438 ) in the Soviet Union. 111 ) A kcni Program KS(: pfijaty na p leruirni zasedani OV KS(: dne 5. du bna 1968, Praha 1968. ll 2 ) Akcni Program ...", pp. 27-28. 168 SLOVAKIA Committee of the KSc the masses demanded an extraordinary Party congress. Under the effect of ever-mounting pressure the Party leaders with some reluctance consented at last to convene it in September 1968. In Slovakia the burning question was that of federation. Obcession with this issue was so intense that little room was left for anything else. There was a minor controversy between two groups of Slovak intellectuals as to whether it was more correct to insist on federation before democratization or vice versa. This was, however, only a question of emphasis: the demand for federalization was almost unanimous. In the Czech lands the problem of federalization was hardly mentioned, and if at all, then not in a manner encouraging for the Slovaks. A public opinion poll revealed that 95 % of Slovaks were for federation and 90 ';c of Czechs against it. 113 The Czechs did not like to be reminded that federation was something the Slovaks were promised more than once in the past 50 years and hence long overdue. They preferred to dismiss the whole thing as an unrealistic and untimely affair of no concern to themselves. The famous "2000 words Manifesto" even suggested that in Slovakia the federation issue would be used as a shield by many old conservatives who would thus survive the democratization process: "Federation alone will not provide better living standards for either the Czechs or Slovaks, neither will it solve their economic and social problems. The rule of the Party-state bureaucracy may still survive especially in Slovakia, because there it could claim a victory in the fight by which greater freedom was gained (for the Slovaks) ."114 113) There were several surveys of public opinion on this issue. Obrana l'udu (June 1, 1968) cites the results of another survey, according to which the Slovaks were for federation "almost 100%", while in the Czech lands federation was favored by only 5% of those questioned! 114) For the full text of this Manifesto see Literarni Listy (June 27, 1968). The Soviet press called "2000 words" an "action program for the counter-revolution" (Literaturnaya Gazeta, July 10, 1968) , Dubcek deplored it as a "very serious obstacle to the further development of socialist democracy and society" (Rude pravo , June 29, 1968), S. Kodaj (Party official in East Slovakia) denounced it as "an open call for counter-revolution". In fact it was a call for pressure from below to get the Party to purge from SLOVAKIA 169 This unkind remark in a document which so outraged the Soviet leaders and embarrassed the Communist leaders in Czecho-Slovakia, elicited a reply in the form of an open letter signed by over 200 Slovak intellectuals and intitled, "A word to the Czechs, and also Slovaks, who are worthy of it". In this response the Slovaks complained bitterly about the outrageous distortion of Slovak history by Czech officialdom ("From Shir's followers down to the men who led the uprising of 1944 nobody was good enough if he was a good Slovak first") and then defended their insistence on "federation without delay": "In today's democratization process the present inferior position of Slovakia is simply no longer tenable".11 5 No prominent political personality figured among those who signed the letter, yet the Czechs suspected that its instigator was Dr. Gustav Husak. The Deputy Prime Minister G. Husak was the most dynamic personality in the reactivated life of the KSS. 116 He re-emerged (after being sentenced to life inprisonment as a "bourgeois nationalist" in 1954) as a sworn enemy of Novotny and all his hangers-on in Slovakia. At the same time he was resolved to reassert as much an independent Slovak voice in the state and Party politics as possible. He still remained what he always had been, an orthodox and autocratic Communist at heart, but his hatred of Novotny put him in the one camp with the liberals. His uncompromising stand on immediate and comprehensive federalization assured him of a strong following in Slovakia. He was not even a member of the Central Committee of the KSS, yet his political influence in Slovakia was second to none. Early in July he swayed the regional Party conference in Bratislava to press for the KSS congress to be held in August 1968 (i.e. before the scheduled KSc Congress ) so that the Slovaks would come to the XIVth extraordinary Congress of the KSc with their own specific all positions of power the men who had been responsible for the country's political, economic, moral and cultural decline. For the English translation of the whole document see East Europe No. 8/ 1968, pp. 25-28. 115) Slovo cechom aj Slovakom sucim na slovo in Nove slovo, No. 11/ 1968, pp. 1-3. 116) For a short biography of G. Husak read F. Vnuk's O Husakovi zrwva a v iacej in Kalendcir Jednota 1968, (Middletown, Pa., 1967, pp. 87-98). 170 SLOVAKIA proposals ( already approved by the KSS Congress) of the federalization scheme. 117 The internal development in Czecho-Slovakia since January and especially since March 1968 was a cause of serious concern in the Soviet Union and neighbouring people's democracies. The events in Czecho-Slovakia were directly connected with the students' demonstrations in Poland which produced a crisis in the Polish Party leadership. Afraid of similar consequences in East Germany Ulbricht imposed a ban on the German-language newspaper from Czecho-Slovakia. The Ukrainian-language broadcast from Presov found keen listeners in the south-western part of the Soviet Union and caused uneasiness and discomfort to the Soviet Party leaders, to Ukrainian Party boss Shelest in particular. Dubcek and his colleagues were repeatedly summoned to Moscow, Dresden, Warsaw, while their counterparts from the other Socialist countries were arriving in Prague trying their best to stop the process which in Dubcek's eyes was democratic and humanizing, in theirs counter-revolutionary and revisionist. Then on July 15, 1968 the Central Committee of the KSc received a common letter from the "fraternal" Parties of the Soviet Union, Poland, East Germany, Hungary and Bulgaria. They found the situation in Czecho-Slovakia "absolutely unacceptable for a socialist country". The catalogue of errors and faults was long and comprehensive and reflected their own fears and apprehensions. Only one aspect of the post-January development in the country was condoned without disapproval: "We welcome the rectification in the relations between the Czechs and Slovaks on a sound basis of brotherly collaboration within the framework of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic". 118 The recipients of this "Warsaw letter" did not leave these accusations unanswered and refuted them one by one. In their written reply they stated emphatically: "We do not see any realistic reasons which would entitle you to assert that our present situation should be branded as counter-revolutionary."119 The Party Secretary Dubcek went 117) Pravda (Bratislava), July 7, 1968. 118) Prav da (Bratislava) , Special edition, July 18, 1968. 119) ib. SLOVAKIA 171 on the air to reassure his countrymen (on July 18, 1968): "We do not want to abandon anything at all from our principles." The outcome of this correspondence was the confrontation between the 11-man Soviet Politburo and the entire 11-man KSc Presidium at cierna nad Tisou (July 29-Aug. 1, 1968), and afterwards the multilateral "comradely" meeting at Bratislava on Aug. 3. The official communique was inconclusive and the whole outcome of the conference was rather dubious. 120 Both participants ( i. e. the KSC on the one hand and the Communist Parties of the USSR, East Germany, Poland, Hungary and Bulgaria on the other) were convinced that they had successfully defended their own tenets of socialism. In a nationwide broadcast Dubcek again attempted to calm his fellow citizens: "You can be fully satisfied with the results and the spirit of the talks. We have kept our promises (i.e. not to deviate from the post-January course)." It sounded too good to be true. For the next 18 days Czecho-Slovakia lived in a fool's paradise, while the Red Army, under the pretext of largescale manoeuvres, was preparing the invasion of CzechoSlovakia. On Aug. 20-21, 1968, in defiance of their solemn promises to respect the national independence of every Socialist country, the Soviet-led Warsaw Pact forces of five Communist countries invaded Czecho-Slovakia and put a sudden end to the great democratization experiment. In this gesture of Cain-like brotherhood Communism displayed its fear of democratization, its abhorrence of freedom, its inability to satisfy even the most elementary of human desires. It demonstrated that Communism cannot be liberalized without ceasing to be Communism. During that fateful night of Aug. 20-21 the progressive leaders of the KSc were kidnapped and taken in chains to Russia. This high-handed action of the Socialist allies 121 provoked a loud and indignant outcry all over the world, and-most unexpectedly-a resolute condemnation by the majority of the world Communist Parties, including those of China, Yugoslavia, Rumania, France, Italy, Great Britain, 120) Pravda (Bratislava), Aug. 4, 1968. 121) A Chronology of Occupation in East Europe, No. 10/ 1968,pp. 38-46. 172 SLOVAKIA Australia, etc. But by far the most effective was the reaction the Soviets encountered in the occupied country. It is impossible to describe in detail the ingenious methods of the passive and less passive resistance by which the Slovaks and Czechs frustrated the occupiers' efforts to "normalize the situation". The invasion united the Czech and Slovak nation in their opposition to this cruel act. But it appears that there was much less unity of action in the Party ranks. The KSS refused to back unconditionally the activities of the KSc in the first post-invasion days. The XIVth extraordinary Congress of the KSc, scheduled for Sept. 9 was hurriedly convened and took place during the night of Aug. 22 under the very nose of the occupying troops in a big Prague factory ( cKD plant) . The delegates (1095 out of 1543 expected to attend) elected a new Committee of 144 members. Of these 118 were new members and only 26 belonged to the old Central Committee. The representation from Slovakia amounted to 42 members, an unprecedented proportion, and there were 8 Slovaks in the 28-man Presidium: Dubcek, Husak, Zrak, 1'azky, Sadovsky, Colotka, Turcek, Pavlenda, Samel (?). 122 This should have satisfied the Slovaks, but it did not. The Soviets denounced the XIVth Congress in the most violent terms and did their utmost to undo it. According to Western reports the secret protocol drawn-up at the conclusion of the Czechoslovak-Soviet "negotiations" (sit venia verbi) on Aug. 28, 1968 contained 14 demands, one of which asked for the invalidation of the XIVth congress . As it happened this was the first thing the Russians succeeded in obtaining. A key role in making this congress into an "unevent" was played by G. Husak who was one of the negotiators in Moscow. While he was abroad the extraordinary Congress of the KSS started ( on Aug. 26 ). Husak returned just in time to deliver his address on the last day of the session. In his speech he questioned the legality of the XIVth Congress of the KSc and advised the delegates to the KSS Congress to reverse their stand taken three days earlier and to disavow the XIVth extraordinary Congress of the KSc. Husak argued that at the XIVth congress the Slovak representatives to the Party 122) Prav da (Bratislava ), Special edition, Aug. 25, 1968. SLOVAKIA 173 organs were elected "illegally" ... "undemocratically", that "out of 300 Slovak delegates selected to attend the congress proceedings only 4, later 22, and towards the end about 40 were present". 123 In complete disregard of the fact that it was the Russians who had prevented the Slovak delegates from participating at the Congress Husak addressed his indignant reproaches at those who elected him to the Party Presidium: "Nobody can impose on a sovereign nation and its party its will in a way we have witnessed, namely that a little group of people entrusted by nobody should determine the nation's political representation."124 Of course Husak's anger and fury would have been even greater if the XIVth Congress had failed to nominate him or some of his close associates to the position in the top Party hierarchy. His rhetoric was just a clumsy display of the heads-I-win-tails-you-lose tactics. In sharp contrast to the XIVth Congress of the KSC, the Congress of the KSS was allowed to proceed undisturbed. It was attended by 607 of the 638 choosen delegates. It elected a 131-man Central Committee and a 12-member Presidium composed of Husak, Bod'a, Falt'an, Harencar, Klokoc, Luptak, Novomesky, Pavlenda, Sadovsky, Sedlakova, 'l'azky and Zrak. The 7-man Secretariat consisted of G. Husak (First Secretary) , L. Abraham, B . Graca (ideological spokesman ) , V. Pavlenda, S . Sadovsky, J. Turcek and J . Zrak. This was an entirely new team personally hand-picked by Husak. All of Novotny's men and Husak's opponents were either ousted (Bil'ak, Sabolcik, Pecha, Riga, Kriz, Hruskovic, Dvorsky, etc.) or demoted to ordinary Central Committee membership (Janik, Barbirek, Zupka, etc.). In the resolution of the Congress the Plenum took a stand on a number of current issues created by the presence of Warsaw Pact troops in Slovakia, but the only problem it tackled with determination and vigour was that of federation. Husak said in his concluding address: "I recommend that we approve . . . our insistence on the federative rearangement of our state on the basis of principles outlined earlier and it should be enacted by Oct. 28 this year." 125 In the subsequent weeks the Slovak Communists pursued this 123 ) Pravda (Bratislava) , Aug. 30, 1968. 124) Smena, Aug. 30, 1968. 125) Pravda (Bratislava) , Aug. 30, 1968. 174 SLOVAKIA point of their program forcefully and relentlessly to its logical conclusion. The federation was indeed enacted on Oct. 27, 1968 and put into practice on Jan. 1, 1969. Today's Czecho-Slovakia consist of two Socialist republics, the Czech and the Slovak, with three governments, Czech, Slovak and Central. It can be said that federation is the only paragraph salvaged from the ambitious Action program of Dubcek's leadership. The draft of the new Party statutes was published for discussion early in April 1968 and it proposed that the Party too should be reorganized on federal lines. 126 It envisaged the Communist Party of the Czech lands and the Communist Party of Slovakia to deal with internal and domestic matters; for international representation and in matters which exceeded the limits of national competence there was to be a single representative of the two national parties, i. e. the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia. This proposition was politely forgotten after August, 1968; the Russians apparently did not like it. (Of course there were many other things the Russians would loathe to see in.practice, such as the new concept of democratic centralism, election of all party organs by secret ballot, limited terms of service on regional and national party committees, etc.). Thus whilst the KSS achieved a funda• mental alteration in the structure of the state, it was unable to adjust the structural pattern of the Party to fit the new political situation. The KSS is still without counterpart in the Czech lands 127 However, under Husak's new leadership the KSS has undergone a remarkable revival. In its relation to the KSc it has become more aggressive and self-assertive. The days of blind obedience of the Party line drawn up in Prague have been replaced by an avowed and dedicated service 126) Rude pravo, Supplement, Aug. 10, 1968. 127) At the plenary session of the Central Committee of the KSCS on Nov. 14-17, 1968 a substitute-counterwei ght to the Central Committee and Presidium of the KSS was set up: the so-called Party's Bureau for the Czech regions. It functions within the framework of the Central Committee of the KSCS, consists of 11 men and is headed by L. Strougal, assisted by two Secretaries (V. Hula and J . Kozel). The weekly journal "Tribuna" is its official organ. The only better known personality in the Bureau (beside L. Strougal) is the Prime-Minister Cernik. SLOVAKIA 175 to the needs of the nation. At least that was what G. Husak proclaimed at the KSS Congress: "Let this Party rid itself of everything which is irresolute, everything which is opportunistic, let endure in it all that is firm, noble and prepared to struggle for the rights of this nation. 128 It remains to be seen to what extent the KSS will be able to realize this resolve. The strongman Husak was known to have made similar speeches in 1945-48, but after 1948 he was gradually silenced, removed from his Party posts and eventually imprisoned. So far he has succeeded in bringing about federalization of the state, but in the process he has antagonized a few influential groups in Slovakia (liberal writers, journalists, intellectuals) and the majority of the Czech population. He is being depicted in the Western press as a man who enjoys the trust of the Russians, as the man who annulled the XIVth Congress of the KSc, as the man who was instrumental in the removal of Smrkovsky, etc. 129 The conflict and dialectical contradictions between the Czechs and Slovaks are at present as acute as ever. Federation solved one old problem but generated at least a dozen new ones. The part played by the KSS in Slovak national history shows too much on the debit side and very little on the credit side. In the years 1948-67 the KSS was without doubt the most powerful single factor in shaping Slovakia's history. Yet in most instances it was a force which, with cynicism and arrogance, stood as a stumbling-block between the nation and its freedom, between the people and their political and cultural self-expression. In those years the KSS was just a tool of terror and intimidation wielded by a foreign oppressor over the Slovak masses. These things were openly stated in many sensational revelations 128) Smena, Aug. 30, 1968. A question can be asked at this point as to how much the Party membership will drop if it is going to rid itself of everything which is opportunistic and irresolute and retain only that which is firm and noble. In 1968, just before the Soviet invasion the Party had in Slovakia 220,000 organized members, i. e. less than 6% of the population. If Husiik's criteria are applied this number can only decrease. 129) See e.g. the article of L. Vlasic: Pohyb s cudnym pozadim in Nove slovo, No. 1/ 1969, pp. 3 and 14. Also Husiik's speech at the Plenary session of the Central Committee KSC-S (Rude pravo, Jan. 21 , 1969, p. 7) . SLOVAKIA 176 which appeared in the censorship-free press during the March-August period of the Dubcek era. The new leadership of the KSS has repeatedly stated that the return of the old days is out of the question. Yet (apart from federation) one witnesses almost daily a gradual retreat from the gains and achievements of the liberalization process. The presence of Red Army units in the country (now sanctioned by a treaty) makes certain that the conditions imposed on the KSC leadership on Aug. 28, 1968 are being implemented. How-under these circumstances-will the KSS safeguard the interests of the nation? Time alone will tell. Appendix I. N umerical representation from Slovakia in the Central Committee. Presidium-Politburo and Secretariat-Orgburo of the KS(: (including candidates) in 1921-1968. Members in Members in Members in KSC. Seer. C. Committee KS(: Presid. Party Congress - -- Merger-Congress (1921) I 36 6 16.6 I. Congress ( 1923) I 26 5 19.4 II. Congress ( 1924) 50 6 12.0 52 III. Congress ( 1925) 6 11.5 52 IV. Congress ( 1927) 5 from Nov. 1928 I ? I ? 9/ V. Congress ( 1929) 52 1 4 7.7 4 7.8 51 VI. Congress (1931) 8 16.0 50 VII. Congress (1936) ? ? Exile KS(: (Mose., '38) ? ? ? Exile KS(: Paris, 1939) ? ? ? ? Exile KS(: (Mose., '43) Post-war KSC (Ko~ .• '45) I 21 10 47.7 VIII. Congress ( 1946 ) I 101 0 0.0 170? 32 18.8 from July 1948 108 22 20.2 IX. Congress ( 1949) 112 23 20.3 X. Congress (1954) 147 33 22.5 XI. Congress (1958) 147 30 20.4 XII. Congress ( 1962) 166 28 16.8 XIII. Congress ( 1966 ) ? ? ? from Jan. 1968 XIV. extraordinary ('68) I 144 42 29.2 1921-1968 ll485j 254 j 17.8 II I i I 12 8 9 9 11 15 17 10 12 7 3 7 7 14 18 21 11 15 12 15 19 28 270 I - -- - - 0 0.0 -- --0 0.0 -- --7 1 11.0 0 0.0 1 14.6 7 0 0.0 0 0.0 5 0 0.0 2 33.3 6 3 20.0 1 20.0 5 1 5.9 ? ? ? 1 10.0 4 1 8.3 1 25.0 0 0.0 No 1 33.3 Secretariat 0 0.0 2 28.6 0 0.0 0 0.0 elected 2 9.5 1 14.6 7 2 18.2 0 0.0 6 1 12.5 4 26.6 8 1 12.5 4 33.3 8 0 0.0 8 5 33.3 0 0.0 6 31.5 ? ? 8 28.6 41 j 15.2 jj 79 j 8 I 10.1 /I SLOVAKIA 177 Append.ix II. The Leadership of the Communist Party of Slovakia (KSS) . (The office holders of the top Party positions in 1939-1969) A. ILLEGAL KSS. First Committee (March 1939-Aug. 1941): I;, Benada, J. Duris, J. Osoha. Second Committee (Sept. 1941- April 1942): 0. Krajnak, J . Osoha, V. Skrabala. Third Committee (June 1942- July 1942) : S. Dubcek, J. Lietavec, J. Osoha. Fourth Committee (July 1942- March 1943) : S. Bas t'ovansky, M. Hrusov- sky. Fifth Committee (Aug. 1943- Sept. 1944): G. Husak, L. Novomesky, K. Smidke. B. KSS IN POWER. M erger-Congress (Sept. 1944) President: K. Smidke. Vice-Presidents: G. Husak, J. Cech. Committee members : K. Bacilek, R. Balco, R. Blazovsky, F . cap, K. Dolinsky, D. Ertl, I. Frlicka, 0. Jelen, J. Lietavec, J . Mazur, L. Novomesky, J . Pull, J . Soltesz, M. Smida, J . Sziics, L. Viktorin. Nati onal Conference at Zilina (Aug. 1945) Presidium - President: V. Siroky. Vice-President: K. Smidke. Members : S. Bast'ovansky, J. :i'.>uris, L. Holdos, G. Husak, J . Soltesz, F . Zupka , M. Valachovic. Secretariat: K. Bacilek, S. Bast'ovansky, L. Holdos, E . FrR From Apr. 1946: K. Moskovic. IX Congress of the KSS (May 1950). Presidium - President: V. Siroky. First Secretary: S. Bast'ovansky. Members: K. Bacilek, I;. Benada, J. Branik, M. culen, J . :i'.>uris, M. Falt'an, K. Moskovic, J. Pull, S. Rais, E. Sykora, F . Zupka. Secretariat ( established in Oct. 1951) : V. Siroky, S. Bast'ovansky, J . Pull, K. Moskovic, M. Gosiorovsky. From Dec. 1951 also : P . David and I;. Benada. Xth Congress of the KSS (June 1953 ) . Presidium: K. Bacilek, I;. Benada, J . Branik, M. culen, P. David, M. Falt'an, J . Kriz, A. Michalicka, 0 . Pavlik, J . Pull, R. Strechaj , V. Siroky, F. Zupka. Secretariat: I;_ Benada, P . David, J . Kriz, A. Michalicka, J . Pull. ? Congress of the KSS (April 1955). Presidium: K. Bacilek, M. Bakula, I;. Benada, V. Daubner, P. David, 0. Jelen, P . Majling, R. Strechaj, J . Valo. Secretariat: K. Bacilek (First Secretary) , P . David, J . Kriz, A. Michalicka. 178 SLOVAKIA Extraordinary Con gress of the KSS (April 1957) . Presidium: K. Bacilek, ~- Benada, V. Daubner, P. David, M. Chudik, 0. Jelen , P. Majling, R. Strechaj, J . Valo. Xlth Congress of the KSS (May 1958). Presidium: K. Bacilek, ~- Benada, V. Daubner, P. David, M. Chudik, 0. Jelen , J . Kriz, P. Majling, J . Valo. Secretariat: K. Bacilek (First Secretary) , P. David, F . Dvorsky, J. Kriz, J . Lenart. Xllth Party Congress (Nov. 1962). Presidium: K. Bacilek, ~- Benada, V. Bil'ak, V. Daubner, P. David , M. Chudik, J . Lenart, M. Sabolcik. Secretariat: K. Bacilek (First Secretary till April 1963, when replaced by A. Dubcek) , V. Bil'ak, F . Dvorsky, J . Kriz, J. Lenart. Xlllth Congress of the KSS (May 1966). Presidium: F . Barbirek, V. Bil'ak, V. Daubner, A. Dubcek, H. :t'.lurkovic, M. Chudik, J . Janik, J. Lorine, M . Sabolcik. From Jan. 1968 also M. Hruskovic, R. Harencar, M. Pecho. Secretariat: A. Dubcek (First Secretary till Jan. 1968, when replaced by V. Bil'ak), J . Janik, M . Sabolcik, J. Zrak. XIVth Extraordinary Congress of the KSS (Aug. 1968). Presidium: G. Husak, K. Bod'a, S. Falt'an, R. Harencar, 0. Klokoc, s. Luptak, L . Novomesky, V. Pavlenda, s. Sadovsky, M. Sedlakova, A. 1'azky, J . Zrak. Secretariat: G. Husak (First Secretary), L. Abraham, B. Graca, V. Pavlenda, S. Sadovsky, J. Turcek, J. Zrak. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA as a Christian and democratic organization, is resolutely against the domination and exploitation of the Slovak nation by any other nation or political state; the Slovaks did not want to be ruled over by the Magyars and, today, do not want to be subservient to the Czech nation. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is a CULTURAL and CIVIC organization of Americans of Slovak descent. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA wants to help Americans of Slovak descent in American political life, in business or professions, in social standing, and along educational lines.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Fifty Years of Communist Party of Slovakia (1918-1968) Description An account of the resource Francis Vnuk Slovakia, Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969 pp. 125-178 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Vnuk, František, 1926- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/bd1e7e74d0a067a4c8cdb7dbc77da199.pdf aa51708e32362a00d48b8ed3255314e5 PDF Text Text 108 SLOVAKIA Slovak Pioneers in A1nerica DR. ALEXANDER DIANISKA (March 21, 1867-November 9, 1923) Alexander Dianiska who played a significant role in Slovak-American life was born on March 21, 1867 in Banska Bystrica, Slovakia. Affluence was not the lot of his parents but the very lack of material wealth and wellbeing only disposed them to cling to God and abide by His commandments all the more faithfully. In this spirit of filial fear of God which is the beginning of wisdom, they reared their son who was a precocious boy. From the very outset of his formal schooling he applied himself to learning with marked talent and zest, and as a youth of about high school level he gave unmistakable evidence of his Slovak consciousness and undeviating loyalty to his homeland-a gift that came to him from his parents. The intermediate school which young Dianiska attended in Banska Bystrica was controlled by Magyar and Magyarone professors bent on a program of alienating Slovak students to the Magyar cause. Dianiska was not won by them. He had been an outstanding student in all his classes and graduated with distinction. His final examination earned a special award for excellence and was sent to the educational ministry in Budapest as a model of meritorious achievement and exceptional quality. Yet aside from this deserved academic recognition, Dianiska did not fare well; his national convictions disturbed the authorities. He was Slovak enough even to be one of a group who chose to make sacramental confession in Slovak. When the Rev. Joseph Martincek, another patriot, for the first time heard Dianiska confess in Slovak, he marveled that a student of the Banska Bystrica intermediate school had the spirit and the daring to defy the professorial overlords of the school who had absolutely proscribed the use of Slovak. The overjoyed priest invited the youth to stop for a chat at the rectory, and from a chance religious encounter there developed a lifelong friendship, Father Martincek deepening and strength- �SLOVAKIA 109 ening in the younger man his already deep-rooted Slovak devotion. Together with Father Martin Kolar, Father Martincek took special interest in the future of the gifted Alexander Dianiska especially after learning of his desire to become a priest. Both clergymen conferred with Canon John Juriga of Ostrihom, urging him to find practical means of enabling the young man to realize his aspiration. In time, and despite repeated obstacles, it did become possible for Dianiska to launch his theological courses at the seminary of Ostrihom even though his acceptance restricted him to the status of an extern student. As an externist, Dianiska roomed with four other Slovak theology students, one of whom was Ferdis Juriga. Just at this time the Magyar journal Budapest Hirlap launched a new attack on Slovak students and inveighed against the seminary at Ostrihom as a nest of Panslavism. Father Martincek hurried a warning note to Dianiska advising that the Slovak loyalists be circumspect and even put into temporary hiding all the works of Vajansky and copies of the literary periodical Slovenske pohl'ady. But the communication never reached Dianiska because it was intercepted. Only in a personal interview with the prefect of the seminary did he learn that Father Martincek had written him . The Magyar professors then investigated the Slovak student group and Dianiska as well as Aloysius Vladar . also a theology major, were dismissed. John Donoval (a Slovak poet who wrote under the pseudonym Tichomir Milkin) was severely reprimanded and all but dismissed. After this setback, Dianiska returned to his hometown and went directly to Father Martincek who secretly sheltered him for a few days. The distraught young stu• dent eventually found the courage to approach his father who was in a dying condition. In a voice that could not hide great feeling and anxiety for his father's advanced illness he explained what had happened to him at the seminary and awaited his father's reaction. "Be the Slovak that you have been up to now; God will not forsake us," was the brave father's only observation to his suffering son. Alexander was worthy of his father's expectations. Father Martincek found him another sponsor and pro- �110 SLOVAKIA tector in the person of Canon Majovsky and it became possible for him to complete his theological courses at Banska Bystrica where he was ordained a priest on July 5, 1889. Because he wished to pursue advanced studies, the newly ordained Father Dianiska began to prepare for a doctoral degree in sacred theology. He had no prospect of enrolling as a regular university student because his ordinary rated him as a dangerous pan-Slavist and subjected him to repeated transferrals from one curacy to another. In spite of all difficulties and obstacles, however, the young priest did achieve his goal: a doctoral degree in theology granted by the University of Vienna with a special citation for excellence. But this only whetted the rancor of the Magyar and Magyarone forces, and the thorny way of the young ardent priest grew more and more forbidding and impossible. It now became his lot to be assigned to the most impoverished and all but destitute curacies of the diocese. Father Martincek understood clearly and with undeniable conviction that if Dr. Dianiska had only reneged his Slovak loyalties and had offered his talents at the service of the alien political powers, he would have been promoted not only to the rank of canon but even to the dignity of an episcopal position. In the thirteenth year of his priestly ministry Dr. Dianiska was named administrator of the parish at Brezno . Commissioner Repaszy of the Zvolen County with calculated deliberateness told Dr. Dianiska that this parish would immediately become his permanent pastorate if he would do as simple a thing as pay him a brief visit and denounce "panslavism." Dr. Dianiska rejected the offer as he would spurn a bribe; he would not forswear his nation. He made no visit to Commissioner Repaszy; he went, instead, to Lopej to see Father Martincek. Two staunch friends, two staunch patriots-they had little need for circumlocutions or prolonged conference. Father Martincek's fate was much like that of Dr. Dianiska. They sang the heart-rending lament "Hojze, Boze, jak to boli . . ." and Dr. Dianiska left Slovakia for the United States. The year was 1903. He gave his adopted country twenty years of illustrious priestly service until he died at Mercy Hospital in Wilkes-Barre on Nov. 9, 1923. �SLOVAKIA 111 Dr. Dianiska's American assignment was a pastorate at St. Stephen's parish in Plymouth, Pennsylvania, and it was here that he spent the remainder of his life. "His wisdom, kindliness, apostolic zeal, and fatherly concern in a short time transformed this struggling Plymouth parish and made of it one of the most efficiently organized parishes in the diocese" was the deserving appraisal expressed in the eulogy by Dr. Dianiska's lifelong friend, Father Martincek.1 As St. Stephen's pastor, Dr. Dianiska had the church artistically decorated. He also procured a new organ, built a rectory, provided a convent, and constructed a fine school. He became the vital spark that activated all the local fraternities and organizations, and under his aegis they prospered and flourished and contributed notably to the vitality of parish life and of Slovak-American life in general. His exemplary priestly involvement deeply affected the flowering of spiritual life in St. Stephen's parish and it is largely to the credit of so zealous and worthy a pastor that this parish gave the Church eight priests as well as fourteen Sisters in the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The name of Dr. Dianiska will be eternally associated with St. Stephen's parish. In 1903 the Slovak priests of the Scranton diocese founded the Treasury of St. Anthony, a priestly society to further in the younger Slovak generation vocations to the priestly and religious life. It became one of the key agencies in founding the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. And Dr. Dianiska was one of the seven charter members who sent invitations to the preliminary conference that resulted in the establishment of this Treasury of St. Anthony. He was also close to Father Jankola in the early trying days that marked the origins of this religious congregation. It was specifically Fathers Matthew Jankola, Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, and Joseph Murgas who in the spring of 1909 presented to Pope St. Pius X, through the mediation of Bishop Michael Hoban of Scranton, Pa., the petition for authorization to found the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. When the Holy Father granted this decree of approval, the first religious �112 SLOVAKIA congregation of Slovak Sisters in the history of the Church became a reality. A reading of the minutes of the Treasury of St. Anthony reveals that on more than one occasion Dr. Dianiska was the leading force in activities to be undertaken and that he consistently supported the efforts of Father Jankola to have the Community preserve and deepen its Slovak character. 2 Because of his natural endowment and moral integrity, the Treasury of St. Anthony entrusted to Dr. Dianiska many responsible offices. He was, for example, a member of the exam ining board that screened applicants to the congregation of Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and he was also on the advisory board that was to assign Sisters to their specific apostolates. In the light of contemporary thinking on Church renewal and adaptation it is noteworthy to observe that Dr. Dianiska was in advance of his age, for he strongly advocated that the laity also be involved in the Treasury of St. Anthony. Although his efforts in this direction were fruitless, for his motion to admit lay members were consistently voted down, his contemporaries often recalled how Dr. Dianiska made it a practice to develop intimate ties with laymen even in other situations. He was especially interested in cultivating church organists, and both Dr. Dianiska and Father John Porubsky effected practically a distinct Slovak institution of these professionals. One who reads and studies in the light of history must naturally make some observations about the position which Dr. Dianiska took when the leadership of American Slovaks broke into camps and this split was patent even in the ranks of the Catholic clergy. From beginning to end, Dr . Dianiska stood firmly at the side of Father Furdek and Father Jankola. "A rich and warm friendship as well as a bond of common effort and cooperation both in religio-ecclesial as well as in socio-cultural and national spheres bound him to the late Father Furdek and Father Jankola. These were three mighty pillars in our national and religious structure in America," wrote the journalist-patriot Joseph Husek.3 Efforts were started to bring into the leadership core of American Slovaks some persons whose instability and �SLOVAKIA 113 proneness toward Magyarone associations would have shaken the very foundations of organizations already established. Such a trend could have also jeopardized other groups that were still in their early organizational st~P."e. Among the clear-eyed guardians of untained patriotism was Dr. Dianiska and it was especially at the meetings of the Treasury of St. Anthony that he unflinchingly and uncompromisingly took action to safeguard the purity of spirit and principle that characterized Slovak organizations. It was he, for example, who in 1911 together with Fathers Furdek, Jankola, and Porubsky saw to it that only persons of proven worth be at the helm of the Sdruzenie Slovenskych Katolikov ( As~oci~.t.ion of Slovak Catholics) which was viewed by many priests as a concurrent offshoot of the already fully functioning and proven Treasury of St. Anthony. Although the labors of Dr. Dianiska were rooted first and foremost in his own assi~ned parish and within the sphere of Catholic organizational circles, it necessarily followed that his name eventually became a kind of talisman of universal Slovak exchange in all cultural and national movements of any significant dimension. Dr. Dianiska's peers are agreed that a career in science would have been his readiest road to self-fulfillment. He had the potential, the attraction, and the qualifications for it; however, his apostolic ministry became his all, for he was-before all things-a priest. Yet he did not deny his American Slovaks a legacy from the heart; he bent his gifted spirit to writing on spiritual themes. His outstanding achievement here is an admirable translation of Goffine's masterpiece titled Postila. "But his writing interests were not limited to this one type of subject," wrote Joseph Rusek. "He also produced cultural and political essays and articles glowing with national awareness. These excelled in aptness and directness of expression, precision and clearness, and a sense of logic that brooked no appeal. Whatever he wrote, he wrote well. Whatever he said, he said well, ex cathedra. His authority was generally recognized even beyond Slovak borders as the theoretics of a man of thought who was also a leader. Because of his lack of adaptability, practically an inflexibility or intransigence, he did not �114 SLOVAKIA become popular - in the ordinary connotation of the word-with his younger colleagues, but because of his innate sterling character, his learning and nobility of spirit he won esteem and prestige among all those whose lives he touched, even his adversaries."4 Dr. Dianiska was a patriot par excellence. His was a quiet and unobtrusive quality of devotion to the fatherland, the kind that did not seek the publicity of pretentious functions and the acclaim of broadcast honors, still there were few others in his period of Slovak America to whom as many seekers came for counsel and exchange of views concerning cultural and national interests as the countless numbers that had recourse to Dr. Dianiska. As Father Martincek often affirmed that Dr. Dianiska could have became a bishop in his younger years had he given up the allegiance he bore his own nation, so Joseph Rusek believed with quiet but unavailing hope and anticipation that the new regime after World War I would recall Dr. Dianiska to Slovakia and there see him honored with the dignity of the episcopacy. This would have been a deserved reward and compensation not only for Dr. Dianiska personally but also for all American Slovaks since it was in their midst that he found refuge and a more serene way of life than had been granted him within native boundaries. But it was a fruitless expectation. The new government only suspected Dr. Dianiska of every questionable motive and wrong possible but it never admitted or conceded that he had qualifications to distinguish him as a bishop. He was (they implied) a monarchist and therefore an enemy of the new state that had risen from the ruins of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. This was a gross untruth. Dr. Dianiska had demanded for Slovakia only those rights which the vast majority of American Slovaks were demanding through their representatives, the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, who stood firm in their position and defended both the letter and the spirit of the compact. Dr. Dianiska "knew no pretense," Joseph Husek recalls, "and for this reason he made no secrets of his dislike for the current ruling system in Czecho-Slovakia because of its anti-Catholic and anti- Slovak bias. And he did not hesitate to express himself on this score with undisguised and unmitigated bitterness. �SLOVAKIA 115 This made him suspect of being a monarchist. It reality he was not. The writer of these lines had ample opportunity to convince himself of this thoroughly. Dr. Dianiska did not on principle oppose a republican form of state government, but he did want to see the rights of the Catholic Church and of the Slovak nation guaranteed within the framework of such a government." 5 The case of Dr. Dianiska is only another instance o! the tragic experience that befell Slovak leaders from the pre-Uprising days-strong souls who had to leave for America because the political climate and the ruling powers did not care to favor them with the chance to use their talents, their intellectual endowments, their training and education and various other potentials within the confines of Slovakia, their own native country. A worthy gifted Slovak had to leave Slovakia which needed him more sorely than did any foreign territory to which he was forced to migrate. In a pioneer age, however, the free land of America could not provide adequate conditions for the full and satisfying use of such talents as those of Dr. Dianiska. It could not offer situations most conducive to the flowering of such gifts since the masses of immigrants needed these leaders in a different capacity and they, bound by service to their people, did not desert them even at the cost of sacrificing distinguished careers and rewards that would have been available if they had devoted themselves discretely to their particular professional fields-science, theology, philosophy, technology, or whatever the individual major talent happened to be. Dr. Alexander Dianiska, the son of Slovak parents of ordinary stock, came a long way and rose to eminence as an unsung hero of the spirit; his name is inscribed in perpetual memory in the annals of American Slovaks. 1 At the Bier of Dr. Alexander Dianiska (Nad rakvou Dr. Alexandra nianisJcu) , Jednota (weekly), Nov. 28, 1923. 2 "Rev. Joseph Murgas moves that the Sisters teach their classes in Slovak. Rev. Alexander Dianiska seconds the motion, specifically enumerating that ·t hese be the subjects taught in Slovak: 1) Christian Doctrine 2) Slovak reading 3) Slovak grammar 4) Slovak composition 5) History 6) Slovak geography 7) Church music at the direction or recommendation of the local pastor 8) Children's stage plays and presentations, suited to the situa tion and the circumstances of each particular school. Unanimously �116 SLOVAKIA carried." Minutes of the regular meeting of the Treasu_ry of St. Anthony, July 25, 1912, Pittston, Penna. 3 Alexander Dianiska, D .D ., Jednota, (weekly) , Nov. 14, 1923. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. Cf. also Joseph Pauco, Matthew JankoLa, Priest and Patriot (Matus Jankola, ki\.az a narodovec), Danville, Pa., 1959. IGNATIUS GESSAY ( June 17, 1874-August 12, 1928) In the little town of Tvrdosin, Orava County, the Gessay family of small means brought up a son who became a leader of no small stature. He was born on June 17, 1874 and chose teaching as his life's career. The Magyar school system of his day was geared to extinguish in him the very last spark of national consciousness, but the choked glow managed to burst into a glorious vital flame fanned by the spirited journalism of the magazine Dom a skola ( Home and School) published by Karol Salva in Ruzomberok. Shortly after this revitalizing experience, Ignatius Gessay became a co-worker on the daily Krest'an ( The Christian) which was managed and edited by Edward ~andorfi, a zealous Catholic Slovak priest in Budapest. Like too many another patriot of his day, Gessay was tracked by Magyar officials who labeled him a "Dangerous Panslav" and forbade him to write any more contributions for Slovak publications. Like too many others who were unmercifully hounded before him and after him, he found the situation more and more unbearable as time went on, and finally he decided to leave Slovakia, the land of his birth, in order to find a free country for uninterrupted and unhampered work on behalf of his nation. He came to the haven of America in 1898. This was a time of prime need among American Slovaks for qualified and available professionals in all walks of life. Gessay's first stopping point was at Olyphant, Pennsylvania, where he used his talents as a Slovak teacher. But the keen organizer and leader, Peter Rovnianek, with his astute sense of discernment for excellences among men, readily discovered Gessay and offered him a position in the editorial offices of the Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Novi- �SLOVAKIA 117 ny ( American-Slovak News ). This was in 1900. For a full decade Gessay worked under the immediate direction of Rovnianek. In 1910 he became editor-in-chief of the Slovensky dennik ( The Slovak Daily) and then editor of the Ndrodne Noviny (The National News ), the official organ of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok (The National Slovak Society). In 1914 Gessay assumed editorship of the New Yorsky Dennik ( The New York Daily) but a year later he founded his own journal Denny hlas ( The Daily Voice ) which he managed successfully for three years. But this did not exhaust his rich editorial capacity. He next became editor of the first Slovak magazine for student groups in America-Mlddez ( Youth) and he also managed the official magazine of the Slovak League in America, Nave Slovensko ( New Slovakia). Ignatius Gessay was one of the most distinguished, most diligent and most productive of Slovak editors in America. At the same time sincere and cordial ties bound him also to Slovak-American fraternal organizations whose foremost concern then was the welfare of immigrants to America. This association with fraternal and organizational life also provided Gessay with excellent opportunities for a further excercise of his manifold talents. His initiation into this direct interaction with large groups of people united in fraternal bodies envolved largely within the framework of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok and brought him very close to the heart and inner workings of extensive cultural and national movements on American soil. He became one of the pillars of this first Slovak national society in America. As a matter of fact, the NSS is indebted to Gessay for founding its youth division Kruh Mlddeze, a project he inaugurated because he had the insight to realize that an organization will survive only with great difficulty unless it is nurtured by younger forces coming to it through a juvenile membership body. Ignatius Gessay also played a prominent part in the founding of the Slovak League in America. The preliminary groundwork for this organization was undertaken by the Association of Slovak Journalists when Rev. Stephen Furdek invited Slovak newsmen to attend a conference in Pittsburgh on December 21 , 1906. Specific invitations �118 SLOVAKIA were sent to the following newspaper offices: SlovenskJ} Dennik (The Slovak Daily), Jednota (the official organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union), Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Noviny ( The American-Slovak News) , Slovak v Amerike ( The Slovak in America), Slovensky Hldsnik (The Slovak Herald) , Slovensky Sokol (The Slovak Falcon) , Bratstvo ( Brotherhood), and Svedok ( Witness ). These were the contemporary press agencies that served the Slovak reading public and supported the Slovak cause. They all answered the invitation by sending representatives to the conference except Bratstvo and Svedok. Both of these however, pledged support and gave assurance that they would endorse the decisions of the conference. The purpose of the deliberations at this first conference of Slovak journalists was this: "that having taken into account all the persecutions and injustices inflicted upon our nation and upon the champions of its cause in our homeland abroad, we initiate action on the part of all American Slovak patriots for the spiritual rescue of our nation across the sea."1 The assemblage agreed at once to found an Association of Slovak Journalists in America and they voted the following individuals into office: Rev. Stephen Furdek, president; Rev. John Porubsky, secretary; Ignatius Gessay, treasurer . The new organization further decided to sponsor in key American-Slovak centers a series of public protest demonstrations (Indignacne schodze) in order to publicize their condemnation of "the oppression of our people on native territory, and specifically to denounce the inequitable sentencing of our national leaders Rev. Andrew Hlinka and Rev. Ferdinand Juriga." 2 These newsmen were well aware that it would not be enough to project only Slovak-contained demonstrations ; important as these were, it was even far more important to put before the English-speaking public the scope of some of the injustice and wrongs perpetrated upon the Slovak nation, upon its outstanding leaders and prominent citizens. For this purpose an English brochure was planned, specifically to expose the farce of the Magyar court trial of Andrew Hlinka, and an initial printing of 15,000 copies of this pamphlet was ordered. �SLOVAKIA 119 This 1907 program of public protest meetings held in twenty American cities alerted not only American and European Slovaks but also the American public at large. Keynote speakers at the programs included American as well as Slovak lecturers. The gatherings and activities were covered by reporters of all the Slovak press agencies and, more importantly, by American newsmen too, with the result that "American dailies and journals set themselves to writing about the Slovaks and their cause more prolifically than they had ever done before."3 The Slovak League in America is the offspring of the Association of Slovak Journalists, for it was conceived at the second gathering of the Association held in Pittsburgh on April 4, 1907. This conference was attended by representatives from all the Slovak journals and newspapers as well as by delegations from all the Slovak organizations in the United States. The gathering unanimously agreed to convene "a mass meeting of all Slovak loyalists living in America in order to lay the foundation for a single organization working in solid and unified cooperation for the most efficient promotion of our national endeavors."~ This became no mere meeting; it developed into a grand convention that was held in Cleveland on May 26, 1907, and it was under these auspices that the Slovak League in America was founded. The Association of Slovak Journalists appointed the following to form a committee for organizational preliminaries for the prospective League: A. S. Ambrose, Ignatius Gessay, Gustav Marsall-Petrovski' and Rev. Stephen Furdek. At the founding congress of the Slovak League in America, Ignatius Gessay represented the Slovensky Dennik (The Slovak Daily). But this was really just an initiation into the rich national and cultural activity of this extraordinarily productive and vigorous Slovak intellectual. Gessay was the first Slovak of academic stature to undertake visiting all the American Slovak settlements in order to gather firsthand data for a history of the Slovaks in America. In 1910 he toured and studied practically the entire U.S. East and Midwest, assembling notes and gathering every bit of �120 SLOVAKIA available material that he considered relevant for his projected historical account. It is most unfortunate that he never actually compiled all this significant research into the finished product that he had envisioned. It is also highly regrettable that this collection of invaluable data (like too many other priceless memorabilia) is now irretrievably lost. Imbued with love for the written word in Slovak and a devotion for values of the spirit in general, Gessay undertook a movement which he called "Four books for a dollar." He knew that as worthwhile reading serves to educate man, so the Slovak immigrant family would find its horizons of spirit and intellect broadened by good reading, and this benefit would, in turn, dispose American Slovaks to advance readily in their new country and to overcome many of the limitations that either deliberately or accidentally barred their way toward better things. If Gessay had enjoyed deserved support in this one effort alone, the American Slovaks of today would be able to pride themselves on an enviable book market and a most flourishing publications enterprise. Ignatius Gessay found himself in the front ranks of every national movement. When the notorious Magyar Count Albert Apponyi arrived here in 1911 with the intent which he publicly proclaimed in New York : to set afoot intrigues against national groups and to leave them crushed beneath his heel, 5 Gessay drafted and effected successful and wholesome counter-strategy. The American Slovaks resolutely used the forum of the press and of public assemblage to make known to the world their repudiation of Apponyi's tactics and objectives. Gessay, on his part, took the lead in keeping the American press adequately informed concerning the position and the attitudes of the Slovaks. As a result, American newspapers and journals carried almost daily reports about the justified resistance of the Slovaks not only to Magyar politics and the wave of Magyarization abroad but also to Apponyi's propagandizing in this country. The English-speaking world was being honestly informed. Similarly did Ignatius Gessay in 1914 take an intrepid lead in exposing the true nature of another Magyar count's �SLOVAKIA 121 visit to America. This time it was Count Michael Karolyi who flagrantly vilified the Slovaks and hoped to reap from the American government the support of American dollars. Gessay at once saw what was to be done. He personally drew up an English draft of a direct Slovak appeal which disproved Karolyi's allegations and revealed the true nature of the visitor's intent. Copies of this appeal to defend truth and justice were delivered to American newsmen and journalists. They effected a much desired and widespread publicity for the Slovak cause and evoked appropriate reaction. It can be said of Gessay that he was one of the first Slovaks in America fully to understand the need for presenting to the American public the true state of the Slovak problem abroad. His English expose of Karolyi, channeled through the arteries of American journalism, forced the unscrupulous count to leave America as a foiled schemer: The American Slovaks in this instance scored a triumph, and Ignatius Gessay-as a recognized leader among them -had every right to take personal satisfaction in this successful issue of a formidable problem though he did not look for personal glory. During World War I, Gessay was close to the vital pulse of every Slovak undertaking in America. He participated in the preliminary conference that led to the signing of the Cleveland Agreement. He was close to General Milan Rastislav Stefanik when Legionnaires were being recruited in America from among those not subject to the Selective Service Laws. 7 He served as a war correspondent and in Cleveland and the surrounding areas he was very active in organizing the Legionnaires. As the war effort mounted toward a climax of victory, so did the endeavor of American Slovaks also wax stronger to secure guarantees of freedom for the Slovak nation. Here, too, Gessay satisfied his obligations as a devoted son of his native country. Since the original Association of Slovak Journalists fell into a hiatus of inactivity, the deliberations of the Slovak League in America established a Society of Slovak Newsmen on April 13, 1917, and it entrusted the office of president to Ignatius Gessay. Almost immediately after this, American Slovaks �122 SLOVAKIA launched the famed Million Dollar Drive and Ignatius Gessay was one of the leaders who became most enthusiastic about this undertaking. Its gratifying outcome testifies that the drive was in capable and worthy hands . The entire project, as the Slovak League in America had conceived it, maintained but one goal: "to promote action for attaining Slovakia's self-determin ation and independence."8 True, this independence was envisioned within a coalition structured as a Czecho-Slova k federation and it was also accepted as such within the provisions of the Cleveland Agreement and the subsequent Pittsburgh Pact. Ignatius Gessay had been one of the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact and one of its staunch defenders. In 1918 Gessay founded the magazine Nave Slovensko (New Slovakia). A year later he traveled to Paris to attend the peace conference. From there he went to Slovakia and then returned to report to the Slovak League in America all his experiences on this trip. It was at this time that he decided to return to Slovakia and take up permanent residence there, and he lost little time between decision and reality. He made his home in Bratislava where he set up an information center, trusting that it would become a liason medium between Slovakia and the Slovaks living in America. As he had ever in this country dedicated his journalistic and organizationa l talents to the service of immigrants, so now in Slovakia he worked with great compassion and understandin g on behalf of those who became returned emigres. Slovaks who returned to their native land after some period of emigration found him willing and resourceful "to help in procuring licenses, offices, positions, and property. And he was always animated with utmost concern that they become more and more closely bound to their homeland again." 9 For the proper orientation of this segment of Slovak citizens, he founded the periodical Americky Slovak (The American Slovak). The crowning achievement of Ignatius Gessay was his founding of the Slovak League in Slovakia in 1920. In this undertaking he put to use his host of experiences in the United States, adapted the constitutions of the �SLOVAKIA 123 American League to fit the home situation and with apparent relish and enterprise he ventured upon this new pioneering. As he had noted in America the alienation and isolation of many of his countrymen who were unattached -without a parish, a school and the possibilities of becoming involved in organizational life-so in Slovakia he readily grasped the fact that entire Slovak areas on the border fringes were in danger of suffering a telling severance unless help reached out to them without delay. He oriented the Slovak League in Slovakia for mixed ethnic territories where Slovaks were generally in the minority. He was fortunate in securing first-class support in this work and he raised this Slovak League abroad to the proportions of a national organization which played a vital role in the cultural life of the Slovak nation up to the end of World War II. The Slovak League in Slovakia had a membership of over 20,000 individuals gathered into over 400 branch units. Its historic mission was to establish upon territories of mixed ethnic peoples 205 Slovak schools whose total enrollment exceeded 10,000 students-young people who otherwise would have been subjected to Magyarizing pressures and influences because the government was disinclined to build new schools for minorities and most of the existing schools were already appropriated by nonSlovak elements. Only the genius of a patriot gifted with uncommon foresight could meet the challenge of so noble and so demanding an assigment, and to meet it as did Gessay, so that the fulfillment of plans exceeded all sanguine expectations. Ignatius Gessay died in Bratislava on August 12, 1928, still comparatively young and in the midst of some of his greatest activity. He is buried in the local St. Andrew Cemetery and his own words are engraved as an epitaph upon his tombstone: "If my labors have inspired anyone with zeal for our sacred cause, then I have not lived in vain." Gessay did inspire and still inspires the hearts of Slovak sons who are willing to spend themselves in the service of their country. He was one of those extraordinary patriots whose devotion to his nation prompted him- �124 SLOVAKIA both on home territory as well as in America-to undertake as much as his strength and energy could possibly endure in the defense and interests of the most seriously threatened portion of the national body. Such heroes achieve far beyond the measure of everyday hopes and dreams. Gessay had offered himself totally and without the slightest reservations in order to save ten thousand fellowmen. This alone makes him deserving of a lasting monument in Slovakia as well as in America. Joseph Pauco, Ph. D. Translated by Si ster M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. 1) J ednota (weekly) January 2, 1907. Excerpt fro m the published minutes of the confe rence of Slovak Journalists held in Pittsburgh, P ennsylvania , on December 21 , 1906. 2 ) I bid. 3 ) Indignacne schodze (Protest Mee tings-Demonstrations), J ednota K alendar (Jednota Y ear boo k) 1908, p. 154. 4 ) Jednota (weekly), April 10, 1907 Schodza slovenskych novincirov (Meeting of Slovak Journalists) . 5 ) J ednot a (weekly), March 1, 1911. 6) An Open Letter Addr essed to Count Michae l K cirolyi, New York, N. Y. , April 13, 1914. 7 ) As a r esult of this effort on the part of Stefanik and the cooper ation of Slovak Americans, four thousand men were recruited and sent to France where they were trained and later served with distinc tion in the F rench army. 8) Jednota (weekly) , May 30, 1917. Zbierka mili6n dolcirov (Th e Million Dollar Drive). 9) J oseph Sr obar, Canon, 0 Igncicovi Gessayov i ( A bout Ignatius Gessay ) , an add ress delivered at the unveiling of a bust of Ignatius Gessay in Bratislava on October 18, 1936. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes that the national existence and welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own independent Slovak Republic. � 108 SLOVAKIA Slovak Pioneers in A1nerica DR. ALEXANDER DIANISKA (March 21, 1867-November 9, 1923) Alexander Dianiska who played a significant role in Slovak-American life was born on March 21, 1867 in Banska Bystrica, Slovakia. Affluence was not the lot of his parents but the very lack of material wealth and wellbeing only disposed them to cling to God and abide by His commandments all the more faithfully. In this spirit of filial fear of God which is the beginning of wisdom, they reared their son who was a precocious boy. From the very outset of his formal schooling he applied himself to learning with marked talent and zest, and as a youth of about high school level he gave unmistakable evidence of his Slovak consciousness and undeviating loyalty to his homeland-a gift that came to him from his parents. The intermediate school which young Dianiska attended in Banska Bystrica was controlled by Magyar and Magyarone professors bent on a program of alienating Slovak students to the Magyar cause. Dianiska was not won by them. He had been an outstanding student in all his classes and graduated with distinction. His final examination earned a special award for excellence and was sent to the educational ministry in Budapest as a model of meritorious achievement and exceptional quality. Yet aside from this deserved academic recognition, Dianiska did not fare well; his national convictions disturbed the authorities. He was Slovak enough even to be one of a group who chose to make sacramental confession in Slovak. When the Rev. Joseph Martincek, another patriot, for the first time heard Dianiska confess in Slovak, he marveled that a student of the Banska Bystrica intermediate school had the spirit and the daring to defy the professorial overlords of the school who had absolutely proscribed the use of Slovak. The overjoyed priest invited the youth to stop for a chat at the rectory, and from a chance religious encounter there developed a lifelong friendship, Father Martincek deepening and strength- �SLOVAKIA 109 ening in the younger man his already deep-rooted Slovak devotion. Together with Father Martin Kolar, Father Martincek took special interest in the future of the gifted Alexander Dianiska especially after learning of his desire to become a priest. Both clergymen conferred with Canon John Juriga of Ostrihom, urging him to find practical means of enabling the young man to realize his aspiration. In time, and despite repeated obstacles, it did become possible for Dianiska to launch his theological courses at the seminary of Ostrihom even though his acceptance restricted him to the status of an extern student. As an externist, Dianiska roomed with four other Slovak theology students, one of whom was Ferdis Juriga. Just at this time the Magyar journal Budapest Hirlap launched a new attack on Slovak students and inveighed against the seminary at Ostrihom as a nest of Panslavism. Father Martincek hurried a warning note to Dianiska advising that the Slovak loyalists be circumspect and even put into temporary hiding all the works of Vajansky and copies of the literary periodical Slovenske pohl'ady. But the communication never reached Dianiska because it was intercepted. Only in a personal interview with the prefect of the seminary did he learn that Father Martincek had written him . The Magyar professors then investigated the Slovak student group and Dianiska as well as Aloysius Vladar . also a theology major, were dismissed. John Donoval (a Slovak poet who wrote under the pseudonym Tichomir Milkin) was severely reprimanded and all but dismissed. After this setback, Dianiska returned to his hometown and went directly to Father Martincek who secretly sheltered him for a few days. The distraught young stu• dent eventually found the courage to approach his father who was in a dying condition. In a voice that could not hide great feeling and anxiety for his father's advanced illness he explained what had happened to him at the seminary and awaited his father's reaction. "Be the Slovak that you have been up to now; God will not forsake us," was the brave father's only observation to his suffering son. Alexander was worthy of his father's expectations. Father Martincek found him another sponsor and pro- �110 SLOVAKIA tector in the person of Canon Majovsky and it became possible for him to complete his theological courses at Banska Bystrica where he was ordained a priest on July 5, 1889. Because he wished to pursue advanced studies, the newly ordained Father Dianiska began to prepare for a doctoral degree in sacred theology. He had no prospect of enrolling as a regular university student because his ordinary rated him as a dangerous pan-Slavist and subjected him to repeated transferrals from one curacy to another. In spite of all difficulties and obstacles, however, the young priest did achieve his goal: a doctoral degree in theology granted by the University of Vienna with a special citation for excellence. But this only whetted the rancor of the Magyar and Magyarone forces, and the thorny way of the young ardent priest grew more and more forbidding and impossible. It now became his lot to be assigned to the most impoverished and all but destitute curacies of the diocese. Father Martincek understood clearly and with undeniable conviction that if Dr. Dianiska had only reneged his Slovak loyalties and had offered his talents at the service of the alien political powers, he would have been promoted not only to the rank of canon but even to the dignity of an episcopal position. In the thirteenth year of his priestly ministry Dr. Dianiska was named administrator of the parish at Brezno . Commissioner Repaszy of the Zvolen County with calculated deliberateness told Dr. Dianiska that this parish would immediately become his permanent pastorate if he would do as simple a thing as pay him a brief visit and denounce "panslavism." Dr. Dianiska rejected the offer as he would spurn a bribe; he would not forswear his nation. He made no visit to Commissioner Repaszy; he went, instead, to Lopej to see Father Martincek. Two staunch friends, two staunch patriots-they had little need for circumlocutions or prolonged conference. Father Martincek's fate was much like that of Dr. Dianiska. They sang the heart-rending lament "Hojze, Boze, jak to boli . . ." and Dr. Dianiska left Slovakia for the United States. The year was 1903. He gave his adopted country twenty years of illustrious priestly service until he died at Mercy Hospital in Wilkes-Barre on Nov. 9, 1923. �SLOVAKIA 111 Dr. Dianiska's American assignment was a pastorate at St. Stephen's parish in Plymouth, Pennsylvania, and it was here that he spent the remainder of his life. "His wisdom, kindliness, apostolic zeal, and fatherly concern in a short time transformed this struggling Plymouth parish and made of it one of the most efficiently organized parishes in the diocese" was the deserving appraisal expressed in the eulogy by Dr. Dianiska's lifelong friend, Father Martincek.1 As St. Stephen's pastor, Dr. Dianiska had the church artistically decorated. He also procured a new organ, built a rectory, provided a convent, and constructed a fine school. He became the vital spark that activated all the local fraternities and organizations, and under his aegis they prospered and flourished and contributed notably to the vitality of parish life and of Slovak-American life in general. His exemplary priestly involvement deeply affected the flowering of spiritual life in St. Stephen's parish and it is largely to the credit of so zealous and worthy a pastor that this parish gave the Church eight priests as well as fourteen Sisters in the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The name of Dr. Dianiska will be eternally associated with St. Stephen's parish. In 1903 the Slovak priests of the Scranton diocese founded the Treasury of St. Anthony, a priestly society to further in the younger Slovak generation vocations to the priestly and religious life. It became one of the key agencies in founding the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. And Dr. Dianiska was one of the seven charter members who sent invitations to the preliminary conference that resulted in the establishment of this Treasury of St. Anthony. He was also close to Father Jankola in the early trying days that marked the origins of this religious congregation. It was specifically Fathers Matthew Jankola, Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, and Joseph Murgas who in the spring of 1909 presented to Pope St. Pius X, through the mediation of Bishop Michael Hoban of Scranton, Pa., the petition for authorization to found the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. When the Holy Father granted this decree of approval, the first religious �112 SLOVAKIA congregation of Slovak Sisters in the history of the Church became a reality. A reading of the minutes of the Treasury of St. Anthony reveals that on more than one occasion Dr. Dianiska was the leading force in activities to be undertaken and that he consistently supported the efforts of Father Jankola to have the Community preserve and deepen its Slovak character. 2 Because of his natural endowment and moral integrity, the Treasury of St. Anthony entrusted to Dr. Dianiska many responsible offices. He was, for example, a member of the exam ining board that screened applicants to the congregation of Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and he was also on the advisory board that was to assign Sisters to their specific apostolates. In the light of contemporary thinking on Church renewal and adaptation it is noteworthy to observe that Dr. Dianiska was in advance of his age, for he strongly advocated that the laity also be involved in the Treasury of St. Anthony. Although his efforts in this direction were fruitless, for his motion to admit lay members were consistently voted down, his contemporaries often recalled how Dr. Dianiska made it a practice to develop intimate ties with laymen even in other situations. He was especially interested in cultivating church organists, and both Dr. Dianiska and Father John Porubsky effected practically a distinct Slovak institution of these professionals. One who reads and studies in the light of history must naturally make some observations about the position which Dr. Dianiska took when the leadership of American Slovaks broke into camps and this split was patent even in the ranks of the Catholic clergy. From beginning to end, Dr . Dianiska stood firmly at the side of Father Furdek and Father Jankola. "A rich and warm friendship as well as a bond of common effort and cooperation both in religio-ecclesial as well as in socio-cultural and national spheres bound him to the late Father Furdek and Father Jankola. These were three mighty pillars in our national and religious structure in America," wrote the journalist-patriot Joseph Husek.3 Efforts were started to bring into the leadership core of American Slovaks some persons whose instability and �SLOVAKIA 113 proneness toward Magyarone associations would have shaken the very foundations of organizations already established. Such a trend could have also jeopardized other groups that were still in their early organizational st~P."e. Among the clear-eyed guardians of untained patriotism was Dr. Dianiska and it was especially at the meetings of the Treasury of St. Anthony that he unflinchingly and uncompromisingly took action to safeguard the purity of spirit and principle that characterized Slovak organizations. It was he, for example, who in 1911 together with Fathers Furdek, Jankola, and Porubsky saw to it that only persons of proven worth be at the helm of the Sdruzenie Slovenskych Katolikov ( As~oci~.t.ion of Slovak Catholics) which was viewed by many priests as a concurrent offshoot of the already fully functioning and proven Treasury of St. Anthony. Although the labors of Dr. Dianiska were rooted first and foremost in his own assi~ned parish and within the sphere of Catholic organizational circles, it necessarily followed that his name eventually became a kind of talisman of universal Slovak exchange in all cultural and national movements of any significant dimension. Dr. Dianiska's peers are agreed that a career in science would have been his readiest road to self-fulfillment. He had the potential, the attraction, and the qualifications for it; however, his apostolic ministry became his all, for he was-before all things-a priest. Yet he did not deny his American Slovaks a legacy from the heart; he bent his gifted spirit to writing on spiritual themes. His outstanding achievement here is an admirable translation of Goffine's masterpiece titled Postila. "But his writing interests were not limited to this one type of subject," wrote Joseph Rusek. "He also produced cultural and political essays and articles glowing with national awareness. These excelled in aptness and directness of expression, precision and clearness, and a sense of logic that brooked no appeal. Whatever he wrote, he wrote well. Whatever he said, he said well, ex cathedra. His authority was generally recognized even beyond Slovak borders as the theoretics of a man of thought who was also a leader. Because of his lack of adaptability, practically an inflexibility or intransigence, he did not �114 SLOVAKIA become popular - in the ordinary connotation of the word-with his younger colleagues, but because of his innate sterling character, his learning and nobility of spirit he won esteem and prestige among all those whose lives he touched, even his adversaries."4 Dr. Dianiska was a patriot par excellence. His was a quiet and unobtrusive quality of devotion to the fatherland, the kind that did not seek the publicity of pretentious functions and the acclaim of broadcast honors, still there were few others in his period of Slovak America to whom as many seekers came for counsel and exchange of views concerning cultural and national interests as the countless numbers that had recourse to Dr. Dianiska. As Father Martincek often affirmed that Dr. Dianiska could have became a bishop in his younger years had he given up the allegiance he bore his own nation, so Joseph Rusek believed with quiet but unavailing hope and anticipation that the new regime after World War I would recall Dr. Dianiska to Slovakia and there see him honored with the dignity of the episcopacy. This would have been a deserved reward and compensation not only for Dr. Dianiska personally but also for all American Slovaks since it was in their midst that he found refuge and a more serene way of life than had been granted him within native boundaries. But it was a fruitless expectation. The new government only suspected Dr. Dianiska of every questionable motive and wrong possible but it never admitted or conceded that he had qualifications to distinguish him as a bishop. He was (they implied) a monarchist and therefore an enemy of the new state that had risen from the ruins of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. This was a gross untruth. Dr. Dianiska had demanded for Slovakia only those rights which the vast majority of American Slovaks were demanding through their representatives, the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, who stood firm in their position and defended both the letter and the spirit of the compact. Dr. Dianiska "knew no pretense," Joseph Husek recalls, "and for this reason he made no secrets of his dislike for the current ruling system in Czecho-Slovakia because of its anti-Catholic and anti- Slovak bias. And he did not hesitate to express himself on this score with undisguised and unmitigated bitterness. �SLOVAKIA 115 This made him suspect of being a monarchist. It reality he was not. The writer of these lines had ample opportunity to convince himself of this thoroughly. Dr. Dianiska did not on principle oppose a republican form of state government, but he did want to see the rights of the Catholic Church and of the Slovak nation guaranteed within the framework of such a government." 5 The case of Dr. Dianiska is only another instance o! the tragic experience that befell Slovak leaders from the pre-Uprising days-strong souls who had to leave for America because the political climate and the ruling powers did not care to favor them with the chance to use their talents, their intellectual endowments, their training and education and various other potentials within the confines of Slovakia, their own native country. A worthy gifted Slovak had to leave Slovakia which needed him more sorely than did any foreign territory to which he was forced to migrate. In a pioneer age, however, the free land of America could not provide adequate conditions for the full and satisfying use of such talents as those of Dr. Dianiska. It could not offer situations most conducive to the flowering of such gifts since the masses of immigrants needed these leaders in a different capacity and they, bound by service to their people, did not desert them even at the cost of sacrificing distinguished careers and rewards that would have been available if they had devoted themselves discretely to their particular professional fields-science, theology, philosophy, technology, or whatever the individual major talent happened to be. Dr. Alexander Dianiska, the son of Slovak parents of ordinary stock, came a long way and rose to eminence as an unsung hero of the spirit; his name is inscribed in perpetual memory in the annals of American Slovaks. 1 At the Bier of Dr. Alexander Dianiska (Nad rakvou Dr. Alexandra nianisJcu) , Jednota (weekly), Nov. 28, 1923. 2 "Rev. Joseph Murgas moves that the Sisters teach their classes in Slovak. Rev. Alexander Dianiska seconds the motion, specifically enumerating that ·t hese be the subjects taught in Slovak: 1) Christian Doctrine 2) Slovak reading 3) Slovak grammar 4) Slovak composition 5) History 6) Slovak geography 7) Church music at the direction or recommendation of the local pastor 8) Children's stage plays and presentations, suited to the situa tion and the circumstances of each particular school. Unanimously �116 SLOVAKIA carried." Minutes of the regular meeting of the Treasu_ry of St. Anthony, July 25, 1912, Pittston, Penna. 3 Alexander Dianiska, D .D ., Jednota, (weekly) , Nov. 14, 1923. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. Cf. also Joseph Pauco, Matthew JankoLa, Priest and Patriot (Matus Jankola, ki\.az a narodovec), Danville, Pa., 1959. IGNATIUS GESSAY ( June 17, 1874-August 12, 1928) In the little town of Tvrdosin, Orava County, the Gessay family of small means brought up a son who became a leader of no small stature. He was born on June 17, 1874 and chose teaching as his life's career. The Magyar school system of his day was geared to extinguish in him the very last spark of national consciousness, but the choked glow managed to burst into a glorious vital flame fanned by the spirited journalism of the magazine Dom a skola ( Home and School) published by Karol Salva in Ruzomberok. Shortly after this revitalizing experience, Ignatius Gessay became a co-worker on the daily Krest'an ( The Christian) which was managed and edited by Edward ~andorfi, a zealous Catholic Slovak priest in Budapest. Like too many another patriot of his day, Gessay was tracked by Magyar officials who labeled him a "Dangerous Panslav" and forbade him to write any more contributions for Slovak publications. Like too many others who were unmercifully hounded before him and after him, he found the situation more and more unbearable as time went on, and finally he decided to leave Slovakia, the land of his birth, in order to find a free country for uninterrupted and unhampered work on behalf of his nation. He came to the haven of America in 1898. This was a time of prime need among American Slovaks for qualified and available professionals in all walks of life. Gessay's first stopping point was at Olyphant, Pennsylvania, where he used his talents as a Slovak teacher. But the keen organizer and leader, Peter Rovnianek, with his astute sense of discernment for excellences among men, readily discovered Gessay and offered him a position in the editorial offices of the Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Novi- �SLOVAKIA 117 ny ( American-Slovak News ). This was in 1900. For a full decade Gessay worked under the immediate direction of Rovnianek. In 1910 he became editor-in-chief of the Slovensky dennik ( The Slovak Daily) and then editor of the Ndrodne Noviny (The National News ), the official organ of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok (The National Slovak Society). In 1914 Gessay assumed editorship of the New Yorsky Dennik ( The New York Daily) but a year later he founded his own journal Denny hlas ( The Daily Voice ) which he managed successfully for three years. But this did not exhaust his rich editorial capacity. He next became editor of the first Slovak magazine for student groups in America-Mlddez ( Youth) and he also managed the official magazine of the Slovak League in America, Nave Slovensko ( New Slovakia). Ignatius Gessay was one of the most distinguished, most diligent and most productive of Slovak editors in America. At the same time sincere and cordial ties bound him also to Slovak-American fraternal organizations whose foremost concern then was the welfare of immigrants to America. This association with fraternal and organizational life also provided Gessay with excellent opportunities for a further excercise of his manifold talents. His initiation into this direct interaction with large groups of people united in fraternal bodies envolved largely within the framework of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok and brought him very close to the heart and inner workings of extensive cultural and national movements on American soil. He became one of the pillars of this first Slovak national society in America. As a matter of fact, the NSS is indebted to Gessay for founding its youth division Kruh Mlddeze, a project he inaugurated because he had the insight to realize that an organization will survive only with great difficulty unless it is nurtured by younger forces coming to it through a juvenile membership body. Ignatius Gessay also played a prominent part in the founding of the Slovak League in America. The preliminary groundwork for this organization was undertaken by the Association of Slovak Journalists when Rev. Stephen Furdek invited Slovak newsmen to attend a conference in Pittsburgh on December 21 , 1906. Specific invitations �118 SLOVAKIA were sent to the following newspaper offices: SlovenskJ} Dennik (The Slovak Daily), Jednota (the official organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union), Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Noviny ( The American-Slovak News) , Slovak v Amerike ( The Slovak in America), Slovensky Hldsnik (The Slovak Herald) , Slovensky Sokol (The Slovak Falcon) , Bratstvo ( Brotherhood), and Svedok ( Witness ). These were the contemporary press agencies that served the Slovak reading public and supported the Slovak cause. They all answered the invitation by sending representatives to the conference except Bratstvo and Svedok. Both of these however, pledged support and gave assurance that they would endorse the decisions of the conference. The purpose of the deliberations at this first conference of Slovak journalists was this: "that having taken into account all the persecutions and injustices inflicted upon our nation and upon the champions of its cause in our homeland abroad, we initiate action on the part of all American Slovak patriots for the spiritual rescue of our nation across the sea."1 The assemblage agreed at once to found an Association of Slovak Journalists in America and they voted the following individuals into office: Rev. Stephen Furdek, president; Rev. John Porubsky, secretary; Ignatius Gessay, treasurer . The new organization further decided to sponsor in key American-Slovak centers a series of public protest demonstrations (Indignacne schodze) in order to publicize their condemnation of "the oppression of our people on native territory, and specifically to denounce the inequitable sentencing of our national leaders Rev. Andrew Hlinka and Rev. Ferdinand Juriga." 2 These newsmen were well aware that it would not be enough to project only Slovak-contained demonstrations ; important as these were, it was even far more important to put before the English-speaking public the scope of some of the injustice and wrongs perpetrated upon the Slovak nation, upon its outstanding leaders and prominent citizens. For this purpose an English brochure was planned, specifically to expose the farce of the Magyar court trial of Andrew Hlinka, and an initial printing of 15,000 copies of this pamphlet was ordered. �SLOVAKIA 119 This 1907 program of public protest meetings held in twenty American cities alerted not only American and European Slovaks but also the American public at large. Keynote speakers at the programs included American as well as Slovak lecturers. The gatherings and activities were covered by reporters of all the Slovak press agencies and, more importantly, by American newsmen too, with the result that "American dailies and journals set themselves to writing about the Slovaks and their cause more prolifically than they had ever done before."3 The Slovak League in America is the offspring of the Association of Slovak Journalists, for it was conceived at the second gathering of the Association held in Pittsburgh on April 4, 1907. This conference was attended by representatives from all the Slovak journals and newspapers as well as by delegations from all the Slovak organizations in the United States. The gathering unanimously agreed to convene "a mass meeting of all Slovak loyalists living in America in order to lay the foundation for a single organization working in solid and unified cooperation for the most efficient promotion of our national endeavors."~ This became no mere meeting; it developed into a grand convention that was held in Cleveland on May 26, 1907, and it was under these auspices that the Slovak League in America was founded. The Association of Slovak Journalists appointed the following to form a committee for organizational preliminaries for the prospective League: A. S. Ambrose, Ignatius Gessay, Gustav Marsall-Petrovski' and Rev. Stephen Furdek. At the founding congress of the Slovak League in America, Ignatius Gessay represented the Slovensky Dennik (The Slovak Daily). But this was really just an initiation into the rich national and cultural activity of this extraordinarily productive and vigorous Slovak intellectual. Gessay was the first Slovak of academic stature to undertake visiting all the American Slovak settlements in order to gather firsthand data for a history of the Slovaks in America. In 1910 he toured and studied practically the entire U.S. East and Midwest, assembling notes and gathering every bit of �120 SLOVAKIA available material that he considered relevant for his projected historical account. It is most unfortunate that he never actually compiled all this significant research into the finished product that he had envisioned. It is also highly regrettable that this collection of invaluable data (like too many other priceless memorabilia) is now irretrievably lost. Imbued with love for the written word in Slovak and a devotion for values of the spirit in general, Gessay undertook a movement which he called "Four books for a dollar." He knew that as worthwhile reading serves to educate man, so the Slovak immigrant family would find its horizons of spirit and intellect broadened by good reading, and this benefit would, in turn, dispose American Slovaks to advance readily in their new country and to overcome many of the limitations that either deliberately or accidentally barred their way toward better things. If Gessay had enjoyed deserved support in this one effort alone, the American Slovaks of today would be able to pride themselves on an enviable book market and a most flourishing publications enterprise. Ignatius Gessay found himself in the front ranks of every national movement. When the notorious Magyar Count Albert Apponyi arrived here in 1911 with the intent which he publicly proclaimed in New York : to set afoot intrigues against national groups and to leave them crushed beneath his heel, 5 Gessay drafted and effected successful and wholesome counter-strategy. The American Slovaks resolutely used the forum of the press and of public assemblage to make known to the world their repudiation of Apponyi's tactics and objectives. Gessay, on his part, took the lead in keeping the American press adequately informed concerning the position and the attitudes of the Slovaks. As a result, American newspapers and journals carried almost daily reports about the justified resistance of the Slovaks not only to Magyar politics and the wave of Magyarization abroad but also to Apponyi's propagandizing in this country. The English-speaking world was being honestly informed. Similarly did Ignatius Gessay in 1914 take an intrepid lead in exposing the true nature of another Magyar count's �SLOVAKIA 121 visit to America. This time it was Count Michael Karolyi who flagrantly vilified the Slovaks and hoped to reap from the American government the support of American dollars. Gessay at once saw what was to be done. He personally drew up an English draft of a direct Slovak appeal which disproved Karolyi's allegations and revealed the true nature of the visitor's intent. Copies of this appeal to defend truth and justice were delivered to American newsmen and journalists. They effected a much desired and widespread publicity for the Slovak cause and evoked appropriate reaction. It can be said of Gessay that he was one of the first Slovaks in America fully to understand the need for presenting to the American public the true state of the Slovak problem abroad. His English expose of Karolyi, channeled through the arteries of American journalism, forced the unscrupulous count to leave America as a foiled schemer: The American Slovaks in this instance scored a triumph, and Ignatius Gessay-as a recognized leader among them -had every right to take personal satisfaction in this successful issue of a formidable problem though he did not look for personal glory. During World War I, Gessay was close to the vital pulse of every Slovak undertaking in America. He participated in the preliminary conference that led to the signing of the Cleveland Agreement. He was close to General Milan Rastislav Stefanik when Legionnaires were being recruited in America from among those not subject to the Selective Service Laws. 7 He served as a war correspondent and in Cleveland and the surrounding areas he was very active in organizing the Legionnaires. As the war effort mounted toward a climax of victory, so did the endeavor of American Slovaks also wax stronger to secure guarantees of freedom for the Slovak nation. Here, too, Gessay satisfied his obligations as a devoted son of his native country. Since the original Association of Slovak Journalists fell into a hiatus of inactivity, the deliberations of the Slovak League in America established a Society of Slovak Newsmen on April 13, 1917, and it entrusted the office of president to Ignatius Gessay. Almost immediately after this, American Slovaks �122 SLOVAKIA launched the famed Million Dollar Drive and Ignatius Gessay was one of the leaders who became most enthusiastic about this undertaking. Its gratifying outcome testifies that the drive was in capable and worthy hands . The entire project, as the Slovak League in America had conceived it, maintained but one goal: "to promote action for attaining Slovakia's self-determin ation and independence."8 True, this independence was envisioned within a coalition structured as a Czecho-Slova k federation and it was also accepted as such within the provisions of the Cleveland Agreement and the subsequent Pittsburgh Pact. Ignatius Gessay had been one of the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact and one of its staunch defenders. In 1918 Gessay founded the magazine Nave Slovensko (New Slovakia). A year later he traveled to Paris to attend the peace conference. From there he went to Slovakia and then returned to report to the Slovak League in America all his experiences on this trip. It was at this time that he decided to return to Slovakia and take up permanent residence there, and he lost little time between decision and reality. He made his home in Bratislava where he set up an information center, trusting that it would become a liason medium between Slovakia and the Slovaks living in America. As he had ever in this country dedicated his journalistic and organizationa l talents to the service of immigrants, so now in Slovakia he worked with great compassion and understandin g on behalf of those who became returned emigres. Slovaks who returned to their native land after some period of emigration found him willing and resourceful "to help in procuring licenses, offices, positions, and property. And he was always animated with utmost concern that they become more and more closely bound to their homeland again." 9 For the proper orientation of this segment of Slovak citizens, he founded the periodical Americky Slovak (The American Slovak). The crowning achievement of Ignatius Gessay was his founding of the Slovak League in Slovakia in 1920. In this undertaking he put to use his host of experiences in the United States, adapted the constitutions of the �SLOVAKIA 123 American League to fit the home situation and with apparent relish and enterprise he ventured upon this new pioneering. As he had noted in America the alienation and isolation of many of his countrymen who were unattached -without a parish, a school and the possibilities of becoming involved in organizational life-so in Slovakia he readily grasped the fact that entire Slovak areas on the border fringes were in danger of suffering a telling severance unless help reached out to them without delay. He oriented the Slovak League in Slovakia for mixed ethnic territories where Slovaks were generally in the minority. He was fortunate in securing first-class support in this work and he raised this Slovak League abroad to the proportions of a national organization which played a vital role in the cultural life of the Slovak nation up to the end of World War II. The Slovak League in Slovakia had a membership of over 20,000 individuals gathered into over 400 branch units. Its historic mission was to establish upon territories of mixed ethnic peoples 205 Slovak schools whose total enrollment exceeded 10,000 students-young people who otherwise would have been subjected to Magyarizing pressures and influences because the government was disinclined to build new schools for minorities and most of the existing schools were already appropriated by nonSlovak elements. Only the genius of a patriot gifted with uncommon foresight could meet the challenge of so noble and so demanding an assigment, and to meet it as did Gessay, so that the fulfillment of plans exceeded all sanguine expectations. Ignatius Gessay died in Bratislava on August 12, 1928, still comparatively young and in the midst of some of his greatest activity. He is buried in the local St. Andrew Cemetery and his own words are engraved as an epitaph upon his tombstone: "If my labors have inspired anyone with zeal for our sacred cause, then I have not lived in vain." Gessay did inspire and still inspires the hearts of Slovak sons who are willing to spend themselves in the service of their country. He was one of those extraordinary patriots whose devotion to his nation prompted him- �124 SLOVAKIA both on home territory as well as in America-to undertake as much as his strength and energy could possibly endure in the defense and interests of the most seriously threatened portion of the national body. Such heroes achieve far beyond the measure of everyday hopes and dreams. Gessay had offered himself totally and without the slightest reservations in order to save ten thousand fellowmen. This alone makes him deserving of a lasting monument in Slovakia as well as in America. Joseph Pauco, Ph. D. Translated by Si ster M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. 1) J ednota (weekly) January 2, 1907. Excerpt fro m the published minutes of the confe rence of Slovak Journalists held in Pittsburgh, P ennsylvania , on December 21 , 1906. 2 ) I bid. 3 ) Indignacne schodze (Protest Mee tings-Demonstrations), J ednota K alendar (Jednota Y ear boo k) 1908, p. 154. 4 ) Jednota (weekly), April 10, 1907 Schodza slovenskych novincirov (Meeting of Slovak Journalists) . 5 ) J ednot a (weekly), March 1, 1911. 6) An Open Letter Addr essed to Count Michae l K cirolyi, New York, N. Y. , April 13, 1914. 7 ) As a r esult of this effort on the part of Stefanik and the cooper ation of Slovak Americans, four thousand men were recruited and sent to France where they were trained and later served with distinc tion in the F rench army. 8) Jednota (weekly) , May 30, 1917. Zbierka mili6n dolcirov (Th e Million Dollar Drive). 9) J oseph Sr obar, Canon, 0 Igncicovi Gessayov i ( A bout Ignatius Gessay ) , an add ress delivered at the unveiling of a bust of Ignatius Gessay in Bratislava on October 18, 1936. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes that the national existence and welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own independent Slovak Republic. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1969, Vol. 19 Description An account of the resource Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 108 SLOVAKIA Slovak Pioneers in A1nerica DR. ALEXANDER DIANISKA (March 21, 1867-November 9, 1923) Alexander Dianiska who played a significant role in Slovak-American life was born on March 21, 1867 in Banska Bystrica, Slovakia. Affluence was not the lot of his parents but the very lack of material wealth and wellbeing only disposed them to cling to God and abide by His commandments all the more faithfully. In this spirit of filial fear of God which is the beginning of wisdom, they reared their son who was a precocious boy. From the very outset of his formal schooling he applied himself to learning with marked talent and zest, and as a youth of about high school level he gave unmistakable evidence of his Slovak consciousness and undeviating loyalty to his homeland-a gift that came to him from his parents. The intermediate school which young Dianiska attended in Banska Bystrica was controlled by Magyar and Magyarone professors bent on a program of alienating Slovak students to the Magyar cause. Dianiska was not won by them. He had been an outstanding student in all his classes and graduated with distinction. His final examination earned a special award for excellence and was sent to the educational ministry in Budapest as a model of meritorious achievement and exceptional quality. Yet aside from this deserved academic recognition, Dianiska did not fare well; his national convictions disturbed the authorities. He was Slovak enough even to be one of a group who chose to make sacramental confession in Slovak. When the Rev. Joseph Martincek, another patriot, for the first time heard Dianiska confess in Slovak, he marveled that a student of the Banska Bystrica intermediate school had the spirit and the daring to defy the professorial overlords of the school who had absolutely proscribed the use of Slovak. The overjoyed priest invited the youth to stop for a chat at the rectory, and from a chance religious encounter there developed a lifelong friendship, Father Martincek deepening and strength- SLOVAKIA 109 ening in the younger man his already deep-rooted Slovak devotion. Together with Father Martin Kolar, Father Martincek took special interest in the future of the gifted Alexander Dianiska especially after learning of his desire to become a priest. Both clergymen conferred with Canon John Juriga of Ostrihom, urging him to find practical means of enabling the young man to realize his aspiration. In time, and despite repeated obstacles, it did become possible for Dianiska to launch his theological courses at the seminary of Ostrihom even though his acceptance restricted him to the status of an extern student. As an externist, Dianiska roomed with four other Slovak theology students, one of whom was Ferdis Juriga. Just at this time the Magyar journal Budapest Hirlap launched a new attack on Slovak students and inveighed against the seminary at Ostrihom as a nest of Panslavism. Father Martincek hurried a warning note to Dianiska advising that the Slovak loyalists be circumspect and even put into temporary hiding all the works of Vajansky and copies of the literary periodical Slovenske pohl'ady. But the communication never reached Dianiska because it was intercepted. Only in a personal interview with the prefect of the seminary did he learn that Father Martincek had written him . The Magyar professors then investigated the Slovak student group and Dianiska as well as Aloysius Vladar . also a theology major, were dismissed. John Donoval (a Slovak poet who wrote under the pseudonym Tichomir Milkin) was severely reprimanded and all but dismissed. After this setback, Dianiska returned to his hometown and went directly to Father Martincek who secretly sheltered him for a few days. The distraught young stu• dent eventually found the courage to approach his father who was in a dying condition. In a voice that could not hide great feeling and anxiety for his father's advanced illness he explained what had happened to him at the seminary and awaited his father's reaction. "Be the Slovak that you have been up to now; God will not forsake us," was the brave father's only observation to his suffering son. Alexander was worthy of his father's expectations. Father Martincek found him another sponsor and pro- 110 SLOVAKIA tector in the person of Canon Majovsky and it became possible for him to complete his theological courses at Banska Bystrica where he was ordained a priest on July 5, 1889. Because he wished to pursue advanced studies, the newly ordained Father Dianiska began to prepare for a doctoral degree in sacred theology. He had no prospect of enrolling as a regular university student because his ordinary rated him as a dangerous pan-Slavist and subjected him to repeated transferrals from one curacy to another. In spite of all difficulties and obstacles, however, the young priest did achieve his goal: a doctoral degree in theology granted by the University of Vienna with a special citation for excellence. But this only whetted the rancor of the Magyar and Magyarone forces, and the thorny way of the young ardent priest grew more and more forbidding and impossible. It now became his lot to be assigned to the most impoverished and all but destitute curacies of the diocese. Father Martincek understood clearly and with undeniable conviction that if Dr. Dianiska had only reneged his Slovak loyalties and had offered his talents at the service of the alien political powers, he would have been promoted not only to the rank of canon but even to the dignity of an episcopal position. In the thirteenth year of his priestly ministry Dr. Dianiska was named administrator of the parish at Brezno . Commissioner Repaszy of the Zvolen County with calculated deliberateness told Dr. Dianiska that this parish would immediately become his permanent pastorate if he would do as simple a thing as pay him a brief visit and denounce "panslavism." Dr. Dianiska rejected the offer as he would spurn a bribe; he would not forswear his nation. He made no visit to Commissioner Repaszy; he went, instead, to Lopej to see Father Martincek. Two staunch friends, two staunch patriots-they had little need for circumlocutions or prolonged conference. Father Martincek's fate was much like that of Dr. Dianiska. They sang the heart-rending lament "Hojze, Boze, jak to boli . . ." and Dr. Dianiska left Slovakia for the United States. The year was 1903. He gave his adopted country twenty years of illustrious priestly service until he died at Mercy Hospital in Wilkes-Barre on Nov. 9, 1923. SLOVAKIA 111 Dr. Dianiska's American assignment was a pastorate at St. Stephen's parish in Plymouth, Pennsylvania, and it was here that he spent the remainder of his life. "His wisdom, kindliness, apostolic zeal, and fatherly concern in a short time transformed this struggling Plymouth parish and made of it one of the most efficiently organized parishes in the diocese" was the deserving appraisal expressed in the eulogy by Dr. Dianiska's lifelong friend, Father Martincek.1 As St. Stephen's pastor, Dr. Dianiska had the church artistically decorated. He also procured a new organ, built a rectory, provided a convent, and constructed a fine school. He became the vital spark that activated all the local fraternities and organizations, and under his aegis they prospered and flourished and contributed notably to the vitality of parish life and of Slovak-American life in general. His exemplary priestly involvement deeply affected the flowering of spiritual life in St. Stephen's parish and it is largely to the credit of so zealous and worthy a pastor that this parish gave the Church eight priests as well as fourteen Sisters in the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The name of Dr. Dianiska will be eternally associated with St. Stephen's parish. In 1903 the Slovak priests of the Scranton diocese founded the Treasury of St. Anthony, a priestly society to further in the younger Slovak generation vocations to the priestly and religious life. It became one of the key agencies in founding the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. And Dr. Dianiska was one of the seven charter members who sent invitations to the preliminary conference that resulted in the establishment of this Treasury of St. Anthony. He was also close to Father Jankola in the early trying days that marked the origins of this religious congregation. It was specifically Fathers Matthew Jankola, Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, and Joseph Murgas who in the spring of 1909 presented to Pope St. Pius X, through the mediation of Bishop Michael Hoban of Scranton, Pa., the petition for authorization to found the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. When the Holy Father granted this decree of approval, the first religious 112 SLOVAKIA congregation of Slovak Sisters in the history of the Church became a reality. A reading of the minutes of the Treasury of St. Anthony reveals that on more than one occasion Dr. Dianiska was the leading force in activities to be undertaken and that he consistently supported the efforts of Father Jankola to have the Community preserve and deepen its Slovak character. 2 Because of his natural endowment and moral integrity, the Treasury of St. Anthony entrusted to Dr. Dianiska many responsible offices. He was, for example, a member of the exam ining board that screened applicants to the congregation of Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and he was also on the advisory board that was to assign Sisters to their specific apostolates. In the light of contemporary thinking on Church renewal and adaptation it is noteworthy to observe that Dr. Dianiska was in advance of his age, for he strongly advocated that the laity also be involved in the Treasury of St. Anthony. Although his efforts in this direction were fruitless, for his motion to admit lay members were consistently voted down, his contemporaries often recalled how Dr. Dianiska made it a practice to develop intimate ties with laymen even in other situations. He was especially interested in cultivating church organists, and both Dr. Dianiska and Father John Porubsky effected practically a distinct Slovak institution of these professionals. One who reads and studies in the light of history must naturally make some observations about the position which Dr. Dianiska took when the leadership of American Slovaks broke into camps and this split was patent even in the ranks of the Catholic clergy. From beginning to end, Dr . Dianiska stood firmly at the side of Father Furdek and Father Jankola. "A rich and warm friendship as well as a bond of common effort and cooperation both in religio-ecclesial as well as in socio-cultural and national spheres bound him to the late Father Furdek and Father Jankola. These were three mighty pillars in our national and religious structure in America," wrote the journalist-patriot Joseph Husek.3 Efforts were started to bring into the leadership core of American Slovaks some persons whose instability and SLOVAKIA 113 proneness toward Magyarone associations would have shaken the very foundations of organizations already established. Such a trend could have also jeopardized other groups that were still in their early organizational st~P."e. Among the clear-eyed guardians of untained patriotism was Dr. Dianiska and it was especially at the meetings of the Treasury of St. Anthony that he unflinchingly and uncompromisingly took action to safeguard the purity of spirit and principle that characterized Slovak organizations. It was he, for example, who in 1911 together with Fathers Furdek, Jankola, and Porubsky saw to it that only persons of proven worth be at the helm of the Sdruzenie Slovenskych Katolikov ( As~oci~.t.ion of Slovak Catholics) which was viewed by many priests as a concurrent offshoot of the already fully functioning and proven Treasury of St. Anthony. Although the labors of Dr. Dianiska were rooted first and foremost in his own assi~ned parish and within the sphere of Catholic organizational circles, it necessarily followed that his name eventually became a kind of talisman of universal Slovak exchange in all cultural and national movements of any significant dimension. Dr. Dianiska's peers are agreed that a career in science would have been his readiest road to self-fulfillment. He had the potential, the attraction, and the qualifications for it; however, his apostolic ministry became his all, for he was-before all things-a priest. Yet he did not deny his American Slovaks a legacy from the heart; he bent his gifted spirit to writing on spiritual themes. His outstanding achievement here is an admirable translation of Goffine's masterpiece titled Postila. "But his writing interests were not limited to this one type of subject," wrote Joseph Rusek. "He also produced cultural and political essays and articles glowing with national awareness. These excelled in aptness and directness of expression, precision and clearness, and a sense of logic that brooked no appeal. Whatever he wrote, he wrote well. Whatever he said, he said well, ex cathedra. His authority was generally recognized even beyond Slovak borders as the theoretics of a man of thought who was also a leader. Because of his lack of adaptability, practically an inflexibility or intransigence, he did not 114 SLOVAKIA become popular - in the ordinary connotation of the word-with his younger colleagues, but because of his innate sterling character, his learning and nobility of spirit he won esteem and prestige among all those whose lives he touched, even his adversaries."4 Dr. Dianiska was a patriot par excellence. His was a quiet and unobtrusive quality of devotion to the fatherland, the kind that did not seek the publicity of pretentious functions and the acclaim of broadcast honors, still there were few others in his period of Slovak America to whom as many seekers came for counsel and exchange of views concerning cultural and national interests as the countless numbers that had recourse to Dr. Dianiska. As Father Martincek often affirmed that Dr. Dianiska could have became a bishop in his younger years had he given up the allegiance he bore his own nation, so Joseph Rusek believed with quiet but unavailing hope and anticipation that the new regime after World War I would recall Dr. Dianiska to Slovakia and there see him honored with the dignity of the episcopacy. This would have been a deserved reward and compensation not only for Dr. Dianiska personally but also for all American Slovaks since it was in their midst that he found refuge and a more serene way of life than had been granted him within native boundaries. But it was a fruitless expectation. The new government only suspected Dr. Dianiska of every questionable motive and wrong possible but it never admitted or conceded that he had qualifications to distinguish him as a bishop. He was (they implied) a monarchist and therefore an enemy of the new state that had risen from the ruins of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. This was a gross untruth. Dr. Dianiska had demanded for Slovakia only those rights which the vast majority of American Slovaks were demanding through their representatives, the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, who stood firm in their position and defended both the letter and the spirit of the compact. Dr. Dianiska "knew no pretense," Joseph Husek recalls, "and for this reason he made no secrets of his dislike for the current ruling system in Czecho-Slovakia because of its anti-Catholic and anti- Slovak bias. And he did not hesitate to express himself on this score with undisguised and unmitigated bitterness. SLOVAKIA 115 This made him suspect of being a monarchist. It reality he was not. The writer of these lines had ample opportunity to convince himself of this thoroughly. Dr. Dianiska did not on principle oppose a republican form of state government, but he did want to see the rights of the Catholic Church and of the Slovak nation guaranteed within the framework of such a government." 5 The case of Dr. Dianiska is only another instance o! the tragic experience that befell Slovak leaders from the pre-Uprising days-strong souls who had to leave for America because the political climate and the ruling powers did not care to favor them with the chance to use their talents, their intellectual endowments, their training and education and various other potentials within the confines of Slovakia, their own native country. A worthy gifted Slovak had to leave Slovakia which needed him more sorely than did any foreign territory to which he was forced to migrate. In a pioneer age, however, the free land of America could not provide adequate conditions for the full and satisfying use of such talents as those of Dr. Dianiska. It could not offer situations most conducive to the flowering of such gifts since the masses of immigrants needed these leaders in a different capacity and they, bound by service to their people, did not desert them even at the cost of sacrificing distinguished careers and rewards that would have been available if they had devoted themselves discretely to their particular professional fields-science, theology, philosophy, technology, or whatever the individual major talent happened to be. Dr. Alexander Dianiska, the son of Slovak parents of ordinary stock, came a long way and rose to eminence as an unsung hero of the spirit; his name is inscribed in perpetual memory in the annals of American Slovaks. 1 At the Bier of Dr. Alexander Dianiska (Nad rakvou Dr. Alexandra nianisJcu) , Jednota (weekly), Nov. 28, 1923. 2 "Rev. Joseph Murgas moves that the Sisters teach their classes in Slovak. Rev. Alexander Dianiska seconds the motion, specifically enumerating that ·t hese be the subjects taught in Slovak: 1) Christian Doctrine 2) Slovak reading 3) Slovak grammar 4) Slovak composition 5) History 6) Slovak geography 7) Church music at the direction or recommendation of the local pastor 8) Children's stage plays and presentations, suited to the situa tion and the circumstances of each particular school. Unanimously 116 SLOVAKIA carried." Minutes of the regular meeting of the Treasu_ry of St. Anthony, July 25, 1912, Pittston, Penna. 3 Alexander Dianiska, D .D ., Jednota, (weekly) , Nov. 14, 1923. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. Cf. also Joseph Pauco, Matthew JankoLa, Priest and Patriot (Matus Jankola, ki\.az a narodovec), Danville, Pa., 1959. IGNATIUS GESSAY ( June 17, 1874-August 12, 1928) In the little town of Tvrdosin, Orava County, the Gessay family of small means brought up a son who became a leader of no small stature. He was born on June 17, 1874 and chose teaching as his life's career. The Magyar school system of his day was geared to extinguish in him the very last spark of national consciousness, but the choked glow managed to burst into a glorious vital flame fanned by the spirited journalism of the magazine Dom a skola ( Home and School) published by Karol Salva in Ruzomberok. Shortly after this revitalizing experience, Ignatius Gessay became a co-worker on the daily Krest'an ( The Christian) which was managed and edited by Edward ~andorfi, a zealous Catholic Slovak priest in Budapest. Like too many another patriot of his day, Gessay was tracked by Magyar officials who labeled him a "Dangerous Panslav" and forbade him to write any more contributions for Slovak publications. Like too many others who were unmercifully hounded before him and after him, he found the situation more and more unbearable as time went on, and finally he decided to leave Slovakia, the land of his birth, in order to find a free country for uninterrupted and unhampered work on behalf of his nation. He came to the haven of America in 1898. This was a time of prime need among American Slovaks for qualified and available professionals in all walks of life. Gessay's first stopping point was at Olyphant, Pennsylvania, where he used his talents as a Slovak teacher. But the keen organizer and leader, Peter Rovnianek, with his astute sense of discernment for excellences among men, readily discovered Gessay and offered him a position in the editorial offices of the Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Novi- SLOVAKIA 117 ny ( American-Slovak News ). This was in 1900. For a full decade Gessay worked under the immediate direction of Rovnianek. In 1910 he became editor-in-chief of the Slovensky dennik ( The Slovak Daily) and then editor of the Ndrodne Noviny (The National News ), the official organ of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok (The National Slovak Society). In 1914 Gessay assumed editorship of the New Yorsky Dennik ( The New York Daily) but a year later he founded his own journal Denny hlas ( The Daily Voice ) which he managed successfully for three years. But this did not exhaust his rich editorial capacity. He next became editor of the first Slovak magazine for student groups in America-Mlddez ( Youth) and he also managed the official magazine of the Slovak League in America, Nave Slovensko ( New Slovakia). Ignatius Gessay was one of the most distinguished, most diligent and most productive of Slovak editors in America. At the same time sincere and cordial ties bound him also to Slovak-American fraternal organizations whose foremost concern then was the welfare of immigrants to America. This association with fraternal and organizational life also provided Gessay with excellent opportunities for a further excercise of his manifold talents. His initiation into this direct interaction with large groups of people united in fraternal bodies envolved largely within the framework of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok and brought him very close to the heart and inner workings of extensive cultural and national movements on American soil. He became one of the pillars of this first Slovak national society in America. As a matter of fact, the NSS is indebted to Gessay for founding its youth division Kruh Mlddeze, a project he inaugurated because he had the insight to realize that an organization will survive only with great difficulty unless it is nurtured by younger forces coming to it through a juvenile membership body. Ignatius Gessay also played a prominent part in the founding of the Slovak League in America. The preliminary groundwork for this organization was undertaken by the Association of Slovak Journalists when Rev. Stephen Furdek invited Slovak newsmen to attend a conference in Pittsburgh on December 21 , 1906. Specific invitations 118 SLOVAKIA were sent to the following newspaper offices: SlovenskJ} Dennik (The Slovak Daily), Jednota (the official organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union), Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Noviny ( The American-Slovak News) , Slovak v Amerike ( The Slovak in America), Slovensky Hldsnik (The Slovak Herald) , Slovensky Sokol (The Slovak Falcon) , Bratstvo ( Brotherhood), and Svedok ( Witness ). These were the contemporary press agencies that served the Slovak reading public and supported the Slovak cause. They all answered the invitation by sending representatives to the conference except Bratstvo and Svedok. Both of these however, pledged support and gave assurance that they would endorse the decisions of the conference. The purpose of the deliberations at this first conference of Slovak journalists was this: "that having taken into account all the persecutions and injustices inflicted upon our nation and upon the champions of its cause in our homeland abroad, we initiate action on the part of all American Slovak patriots for the spiritual rescue of our nation across the sea."1 The assemblage agreed at once to found an Association of Slovak Journalists in America and they voted the following individuals into office: Rev. Stephen Furdek, president; Rev. John Porubsky, secretary; Ignatius Gessay, treasurer . The new organization further decided to sponsor in key American-Slovak centers a series of public protest demonstrations (Indignacne schodze) in order to publicize their condemnation of "the oppression of our people on native territory, and specifically to denounce the inequitable sentencing of our national leaders Rev. Andrew Hlinka and Rev. Ferdinand Juriga." 2 These newsmen were well aware that it would not be enough to project only Slovak-contained demonstrations ; important as these were, it was even far more important to put before the English-speaking public the scope of some of the injustice and wrongs perpetrated upon the Slovak nation, upon its outstanding leaders and prominent citizens. For this purpose an English brochure was planned, specifically to expose the farce of the Magyar court trial of Andrew Hlinka, and an initial printing of 15,000 copies of this pamphlet was ordered. SLOVAKIA 119 This 1907 program of public protest meetings held in twenty American cities alerted not only American and European Slovaks but also the American public at large. Keynote speakers at the programs included American as well as Slovak lecturers. The gatherings and activities were covered by reporters of all the Slovak press agencies and, more importantly, by American newsmen too, with the result that "American dailies and journals set themselves to writing about the Slovaks and their cause more prolifically than they had ever done before."3 The Slovak League in America is the offspring of the Association of Slovak Journalists, for it was conceived at the second gathering of the Association held in Pittsburgh on April 4, 1907. This conference was attended by representatives from all the Slovak journals and newspapers as well as by delegations from all the Slovak organizations in the United States. The gathering unanimously agreed to convene "a mass meeting of all Slovak loyalists living in America in order to lay the foundation for a single organization working in solid and unified cooperation for the most efficient promotion of our national endeavors."~ This became no mere meeting; it developed into a grand convention that was held in Cleveland on May 26, 1907, and it was under these auspices that the Slovak League in America was founded. The Association of Slovak Journalists appointed the following to form a committee for organizational preliminaries for the prospective League: A. S. Ambrose, Ignatius Gessay, Gustav Marsall-Petrovski' and Rev. Stephen Furdek. At the founding congress of the Slovak League in America, Ignatius Gessay represented the Slovensky Dennik (The Slovak Daily). But this was really just an initiation into the rich national and cultural activity of this extraordinarily productive and vigorous Slovak intellectual. Gessay was the first Slovak of academic stature to undertake visiting all the American Slovak settlements in order to gather firsthand data for a history of the Slovaks in America. In 1910 he toured and studied practically the entire U.S. East and Midwest, assembling notes and gathering every bit of 120 SLOVAKIA available material that he considered relevant for his projected historical account. It is most unfortunate that he never actually compiled all this significant research into the finished product that he had envisioned. It is also highly regrettable that this collection of invaluable data (like too many other priceless memorabilia) is now irretrievably lost. Imbued with love for the written word in Slovak and a devotion for values of the spirit in general, Gessay undertook a movement which he called "Four books for a dollar." He knew that as worthwhile reading serves to educate man, so the Slovak immigrant family would find its horizons of spirit and intellect broadened by good reading, and this benefit would, in turn, dispose American Slovaks to advance readily in their new country and to overcome many of the limitations that either deliberately or accidentally barred their way toward better things. If Gessay had enjoyed deserved support in this one effort alone, the American Slovaks of today would be able to pride themselves on an enviable book market and a most flourishing publications enterprise. Ignatius Gessay found himself in the front ranks of every national movement. When the notorious Magyar Count Albert Apponyi arrived here in 1911 with the intent which he publicly proclaimed in New York : to set afoot intrigues against national groups and to leave them crushed beneath his heel, 5 Gessay drafted and effected successful and wholesome counter-strategy. The American Slovaks resolutely used the forum of the press and of public assemblage to make known to the world their repudiation of Apponyi's tactics and objectives. Gessay, on his part, took the lead in keeping the American press adequately informed concerning the position and the attitudes of the Slovaks. As a result, American newspapers and journals carried almost daily reports about the justified resistance of the Slovaks not only to Magyar politics and the wave of Magyarization abroad but also to Apponyi's propagandizing in this country. The English-speaking world was being honestly informed. Similarly did Ignatius Gessay in 1914 take an intrepid lead in exposing the true nature of another Magyar count's SLOVAKIA 121 visit to America. This time it was Count Michael Karolyi who flagrantly vilified the Slovaks and hoped to reap from the American government the support of American dollars. Gessay at once saw what was to be done. He personally drew up an English draft of a direct Slovak appeal which disproved Karolyi's allegations and revealed the true nature of the visitor's intent. Copies of this appeal to defend truth and justice were delivered to American newsmen and journalists. They effected a much desired and widespread publicity for the Slovak cause and evoked appropriate reaction. It can be said of Gessay that he was one of the first Slovaks in America fully to understand the need for presenting to the American public the true state of the Slovak problem abroad. His English expose of Karolyi, channeled through the arteries of American journalism, forced the unscrupulous count to leave America as a foiled schemer: The American Slovaks in this instance scored a triumph, and Ignatius Gessay-as a recognized leader among them -had every right to take personal satisfaction in this successful issue of a formidable problem though he did not look for personal glory. During World War I, Gessay was close to the vital pulse of every Slovak undertaking in America. He participated in the preliminary conference that led to the signing of the Cleveland Agreement. He was close to General Milan Rastislav Stefanik when Legionnaires were being recruited in America from among those not subject to the Selective Service Laws. 7 He served as a war correspondent and in Cleveland and the surrounding areas he was very active in organizing the Legionnaires. As the war effort mounted toward a climax of victory, so did the endeavor of American Slovaks also wax stronger to secure guarantees of freedom for the Slovak nation. Here, too, Gessay satisfied his obligations as a devoted son of his native country. Since the original Association of Slovak Journalists fell into a hiatus of inactivity, the deliberations of the Slovak League in America established a Society of Slovak Newsmen on April 13, 1917, and it entrusted the office of president to Ignatius Gessay. Almost immediately after this, American Slovaks 122 SLOVAKIA launched the famed Million Dollar Drive and Ignatius Gessay was one of the leaders who became most enthusiastic about this undertaking. Its gratifying outcome testifies that the drive was in capable and worthy hands . The entire project, as the Slovak League in America had conceived it, maintained but one goal: "to promote action for attaining Slovakia's self-determin ation and independence."8 True, this independence was envisioned within a coalition structured as a Czecho-Slova k federation and it was also accepted as such within the provisions of the Cleveland Agreement and the subsequent Pittsburgh Pact. Ignatius Gessay had been one of the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact and one of its staunch defenders. In 1918 Gessay founded the magazine Nave Slovensko (New Slovakia). A year later he traveled to Paris to attend the peace conference. From there he went to Slovakia and then returned to report to the Slovak League in America all his experiences on this trip. It was at this time that he decided to return to Slovakia and take up permanent residence there, and he lost little time between decision and reality. He made his home in Bratislava where he set up an information center, trusting that it would become a liason medium between Slovakia and the Slovaks living in America. As he had ever in this country dedicated his journalistic and organizationa l talents to the service of immigrants, so now in Slovakia he worked with great compassion and understandin g on behalf of those who became returned emigres. Slovaks who returned to their native land after some period of emigration found him willing and resourceful "to help in procuring licenses, offices, positions, and property. And he was always animated with utmost concern that they become more and more closely bound to their homeland again." 9 For the proper orientation of this segment of Slovak citizens, he founded the periodical Americky Slovak (The American Slovak). The crowning achievement of Ignatius Gessay was his founding of the Slovak League in Slovakia in 1920. In this undertaking he put to use his host of experiences in the United States, adapted the constitutions of the SLOVAKIA 123 American League to fit the home situation and with apparent relish and enterprise he ventured upon this new pioneering. As he had noted in America the alienation and isolation of many of his countrymen who were unattached -without a parish, a school and the possibilities of becoming involved in organizational life-so in Slovakia he readily grasped the fact that entire Slovak areas on the border fringes were in danger of suffering a telling severance unless help reached out to them without delay. He oriented the Slovak League in Slovakia for mixed ethnic territories where Slovaks were generally in the minority. He was fortunate in securing first-class support in this work and he raised this Slovak League abroad to the proportions of a national organization which played a vital role in the cultural life of the Slovak nation up to the end of World War II. The Slovak League in Slovakia had a membership of over 20,000 individuals gathered into over 400 branch units. Its historic mission was to establish upon territories of mixed ethnic peoples 205 Slovak schools whose total enrollment exceeded 10,000 students-young people who otherwise would have been subjected to Magyarizing pressures and influences because the government was disinclined to build new schools for minorities and most of the existing schools were already appropriated by nonSlovak elements. Only the genius of a patriot gifted with uncommon foresight could meet the challenge of so noble and so demanding an assigment, and to meet it as did Gessay, so that the fulfillment of plans exceeded all sanguine expectations. Ignatius Gessay died in Bratislava on August 12, 1928, still comparatively young and in the midst of some of his greatest activity. He is buried in the local St. Andrew Cemetery and his own words are engraved as an epitaph upon his tombstone: "If my labors have inspired anyone with zeal for our sacred cause, then I have not lived in vain." Gessay did inspire and still inspires the hearts of Slovak sons who are willing to spend themselves in the service of their country. He was one of those extraordinary patriots whose devotion to his nation prompted him- 124 SLOVAKIA both on home territory as well as in America-to undertake as much as his strength and energy could possibly endure in the defense and interests of the most seriously threatened portion of the national body. Such heroes achieve far beyond the measure of everyday hopes and dreams. Gessay had offered himself totally and without the slightest reservations in order to save ten thousand fellowmen. This alone makes him deserving of a lasting monument in Slovakia as well as in America. Joseph Pauco, Ph. D. Translated by Si ster M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. 1) J ednota (weekly) January 2, 1907. Excerpt fro m the published minutes of the confe rence of Slovak Journalists held in Pittsburgh, P ennsylvania , on December 21 , 1906. 2 ) I bid. 3 ) Indignacne schodze (Protest Mee tings-Demonstrations), J ednota K alendar (Jednota Y ear boo k) 1908, p. 154. 4 ) Jednota (weekly), April 10, 1907 Schodza slovenskych novincirov (Meeting of Slovak Journalists) . 5 ) J ednot a (weekly), March 1, 1911. 6) An Open Letter Addr essed to Count Michae l K cirolyi, New York, N. Y. , April 13, 1914. 7 ) As a r esult of this effort on the part of Stefanik and the cooper ation of Slovak Americans, four thousand men were recruited and sent to France where they were trained and later served with distinc tion in the F rench army. 8) Jednota (weekly) , May 30, 1917. Zbierka mili6n dolcirov (Th e Million Dollar Drive). 9) J oseph Sr obar, Canon, 0 Igncicovi Gessayov i ( A bout Ignatius Gessay ) , an add ress delivered at the unveiling of a bust of Ignatius Gessay in Bratislava on October 18, 1936. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes that the national existence and welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own independent Slovak Republic.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Pioneers in America Description An account of the resource includes Dr. Alexander Dianiška (1867-1923) and Ignatius Gessay (1874-1928) Joseph Paučo, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969 pp. 108-124 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/48cd8179fceefdb5990449726e0ac633.pdf 75fa46edc88348103f8357b702562767 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 105 ma. The poor attendance which Czech lands and Moravia report at Slovak films is attributed to the comprehension problem-among other factors. For this reason, dubbing Czech onto Slovak films is now under serious consideration." Dr. Andrew Kubina translated by Sister M . Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. The Slovak Dictionary of 1648 The discovery of a Latin-Magyar-Slovak dictionary published by the univerzity press in Trnava in 1648 brings proof that a Slovak literary language existed i~ Slovakia as early as two hundred years before Anton Bernolak, the scholar who codified Slovak grammar in 1787. The earliest listing of this book is found in Csery's catalogue of books published by the Trnava university press (Historia C. R. Scientiarum universitatis Pestiensis, fasc. III ab anno 1641-1660) . It is dated 1648: "Typographia in domo S. Adalberti in platea Pistorum collocata est, et expressit: Vocabularium Ungarico-Slavico-Latinum. Tyrnaviae 1649 in 8° ." In his study A Bibliography of Slovak Writings compiled in 1946, Jan Misianik called attention to this entry in Csery's accmmt. He concluded, however, that the dictionary itself had not been preserved since he was not able to find it anywhere. 1 Finally this work, so significant in the field of Slovak letters was most fortunately discovered by the eminent historian Msgr. Jan Postenyi, a papal prelate, who had searched long years for some trace of it. In 1967, with the help of devoted scholarly friends, he had the good fortune to come upon it in the library of Brno university. The volume is titled "Verborum in institutione gramatica contentorum in ungaricum et sclavonicum translatio. Secundum ordinem Alphabeticum, Tyrnaviae Typis Academicis, per Philippum Jacobum Mayr, Anno 1648."2 The words "Monasterij Rayhrad" are written in ink on the cover of the book. Apparently the book originally belonged to the Benedictine library in Rajhrad. This fifty-page dictionary with words recorded in Slovak is the oldest known Slovak dictionary. �106 SLOVAKIA , ~ ,.~ . ; • ·• "~:- w• . ,I . }\\i;(. ,: ~ •• ·,:: I f· • 'l' ~ . l!dgariti / ¼· g'niic~ . re/I.Iii' ·,~n,aul ; s-~~hd . . ,g,rz.,,. • .Senedu~> v/nfti • .. · ~e-oiw•~-- . .· .. ·. Stnar.us · ... ,f;,uth ~.· senatus.con-,a~uiph .vlgez:.ts · . · .JiJl·w11 -· . · Slavo11IU, ' ~ · s,den raz. . .:·r.1da. . -: r.d i wipowicd. . . . ... ~ .. {lar9ft. ir2..t~rn(,'g . ·, •., 1 ·:.. ;,qti~ · er'·u1,,,,1.1:1l!,m, ,;,ilt.:m ·cuim. Sc:orfu rn _ . _li_f,, im, •, msrgfin· ·. ·· . .)utlranu. 5.c.nfo.~ ' .... eocio · ' ,.Srp,1r~nm · -,.Je,n . ~1 um'etem . · ·Sc-pd10 be foven1ez..e111. · . .··_SepiO . · fovmy S . ps . ·sl!ps . September s, pt u.a.x · . Sequor '. mergu J.jgJ" .idem. ·-po.chowa~,-. . ,•. obhrazugorn: plot. . : ·gedo'fiU had. f:..en/mt fJ.llJ havli ·.. lazi. J 4. lotu. 14. l.uos . . ·: . · ~o··.i~um · · · na11edugem. • recz. Sermo · · · bcfz.cd , r~gem. ' h1nrnn, -c:tltm Sero, is. be lrtk.:_uo_z.om, urom,- za'u1ikam. · Sero, as. · ·had., Serpcu · k.z..~yo · iluzebnolt. ' fz..olni!.tt SC'rvnus (!) _ trype_nizc. ScHcmnm hu'i'om pbJ.'t.eI . . · . ·4- loci. Sexr.rns . 11,e_r lt11os Jkur,ei. · 1'f.mmt',mintfi.inre ' .· _gak:.g~koi.llo. · . It /ttlti:d:lz. >.. ~ ·. .::,p«'pJd,ml fa,dolu .,.)ido · ·· . " ' ·.. · · · ··. kladem~ ,S'ignifer· · z..Afi..lo.t11fio . ·. ·. ·: . ·' ·. zatlat-nik. · ....... .·· ·sitcr ·~ <} �SLOVAKIA 107 Why was it not possible to find this work in Slovakia though it had been published in Trnava? One ready explanation can be found in the train of a host of events that took place within Slovak borders in the period 1536-1711 when invading and rebelling armies were finally subdued. All this era was marked by wars, disorders and rebellions that erupted in almost every alternating decade and succeeded one another with only brief respites to mark off one episode from the next. The armies of these insurgents destroyed the libraries housed in monasteries and castles; as a matter of fact, they spared not even the private book collections of parish priests. In these upheavals, the territories of present day Czech and Moravian lands were not so seriously threatened as were the lands of the Slovaks and the regions of the Danubian basin. Because of these inauspicious conditions here, it was Prague and Brno that at this time attracted men of learning and culture and encouraged them with the support and promotion of publishing houses and libraries. Yet in spite of all these hardships, the university of Trnava did bequeath to the future a goodly number of works that had been printed in the prime years of its existence 1635-1777, even though these publications are all too often not found within Slovakia proper. Researchers and scholars can find them more readily in Czech and Moravian libraries today. Msgr. Jan Postenyi deserves recognition and credit for his indefatigable efforts to trace this priceless book which brings proof positive that a literary Slovak language existed even long before Bernolak. The accompanying photostatic copy of p. 43 of this dictionary indicates that the words bear the characteristics of western Slovak and that many of the expressions favor the linguistic traits of central Slovak. Unfortunately, the title page of this work does not record the name of the author-compiler of the dictionary. Fr. Bartholomew Koltner, 0. F. M. Translated by Sr. M . Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. 1) Msgr. Jan Postenyi, " Spomienka na trnavsku univerzitu," in the magazine Duchovny Pastier, April 1967. 2 ) Peter Ratkos, " Svedectvo narodnej kontinuity," in the periodical . Kulturny iivot, July 1967. � SLOVAKIA 105 ma. The poor attendance which Czech lands and Moravia report at Slovak films is attributed to the comprehension problem-among other factors. For this reason, dubbing Czech onto Slovak films is now under serious consideration." Dr. Andrew Kubina translated by Sister M . Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. The Slovak Dictionary of 1648 The discovery of a Latin-Magyar-Slovak dictionary published by the univerzity press in Trnava in 1648 brings proof that a Slovak literary language existed i~ Slovakia as early as two hundred years before Anton Bernolak, the scholar who codified Slovak grammar in 1787. The earliest listing of this book is found in Csery's catalogue of books published by the Trnava university press (Historia C. R. Scientiarum universitatis Pestiensis, fasc. III ab anno 1641-1660) . It is dated 1648: "Typographia in domo S. Adalberti in platea Pistorum collocata est, et expressit: Vocabularium Ungarico-Slavico-Latinum. Tyrnaviae 1649 in 8° ." In his study A Bibliography of Slovak Writings compiled in 1946, Jan Misianik called attention to this entry in Csery's accmmt. He concluded, however, that the dictionary itself had not been preserved since he was not able to find it anywhere. 1 Finally this work, so significant in the field of Slovak letters was most fortunately discovered by the eminent historian Msgr. Jan Postenyi, a papal prelate, who had searched long years for some trace of it. In 1967, with the help of devoted scholarly friends, he had the good fortune to come upon it in the library of Brno university. The volume is titled "Verborum in institutione gramatica contentorum in ungaricum et sclavonicum translatio. Secundum ordinem Alphabeticum, Tyrnaviae Typis Academicis, per Philippum Jacobum Mayr, Anno 1648."2 The words "Monasterij Rayhrad" are written in ink on the cover of the book. Apparently the book originally belonged to the Benedictine library in Rajhrad. This fifty-page dictionary with words recorded in Slovak is the oldest known Slovak dictionary. �106 SLOVAKIA , ~ ,.~ . ; • ·• "~:- w• . ,I . }\\i;(. ,: ~ •• ·,:: I f· • 'l' ~ . l!dgariti / ¼· g'niic~ . re/I.Iii' ·,~n,aul ; s-~~hd . . ,g,rz.,,. • .Senedu~> v/nfti • .. · ~e-oiw•~-- . .· .. ·. Stnar.us · ... ,f;,uth ~.· senatus.con-,a~uiph .vlgez:.ts · . · .JiJl·w11 -· . · Slavo11IU, ' ~ · s,den raz. . .:·r.1da. . -: r.d i wipowicd. . . . ... ~ .. {lar9ft. ir2..t~rn(,'g . ·, •., 1 ·:.. ;,qti~ · er'·u1,,,,1.1:1l!,m, ,;,ilt.:m ·cuim. Sc:orfu rn _ . _li_f,, im, •, msrgfin· ·. ·· . .)utlranu. 5.c.nfo.~ ' .... eocio · ' ,.Srp,1r~nm · -,.Je,n . ~1 um'etem . · ·Sc-pd10 be foven1ez..e111. · . .··_SepiO . · fovmy S . ps . ·sl!ps . September s, pt u.a.x · . Sequor '. mergu J.jgJ" .idem. ·-po.chowa~,-. . ,•. obhrazugorn: plot. . : ·gedo'fiU had. f:..en/mt fJ.llJ havli ·.. lazi. J 4. lotu. 14. l.uos . . ·: . · ~o··.i~um · · · na11edugem. • recz. Sermo · · · bcfz.cd , r~gem. ' h1nrnn, -c:tltm Sero, is. be lrtk.:_uo_z.om, urom,- za'u1ikam. · Sero, as. · ·had., Serpcu · k.z..~yo · iluzebnolt. ' fz..olni!.tt SC'rvnus (!) _ trype_nizc. ScHcmnm hu'i'om pbJ.'t.eI . . · . ·4- loci. Sexr.rns . 11,e_r lt11os Jkur,ei. · 1'f.mmt',mintfi.inre ' .· _gak:.g~koi.llo. · . It /ttlti:d:lz. >.. ~ ·. .::,p«'pJd,ml fa,dolu .,.)ido · ·· . " ' ·.. · · · ··. kladem~ ,S'ignifer· · z..Afi..lo.t11fio . ·. ·. ·: . ·' ·. zatlat-nik. · ....... .·· ·sitcr ·~ <} �SLOVAKIA 107 Why was it not possible to find this work in Slovakia though it had been published in Trnava? One ready explanation can be found in the train of a host of events that took place within Slovak borders in the period 1536-1711 when invading and rebelling armies were finally subdued. All this era was marked by wars, disorders and rebellions that erupted in almost every alternating decade and succeeded one another with only brief respites to mark off one episode from the next. The armies of these insurgents destroyed the libraries housed in monasteries and castles; as a matter of fact, they spared not even the private book collections of parish priests. In these upheavals, the territories of present day Czech and Moravian lands were not so seriously threatened as were the lands of the Slovaks and the regions of the Danubian basin. Because of these inauspicious conditions here, it was Prague and Brno that at this time attracted men of learning and culture and encouraged them with the support and promotion of publishing houses and libraries. Yet in spite of all these hardships, the university of Trnava did bequeath to the future a goodly number of works that had been printed in the prime years of its existence 1635-1777, even though these publications are all too often not found within Slovakia proper. Researchers and scholars can find them more readily in Czech and Moravian libraries today. Msgr. Jan Postenyi deserves recognition and credit for his indefatigable efforts to trace this priceless book which brings proof positive that a literary Slovak language existed even long before Bernolak. The accompanying photostatic copy of p. 43 of this dictionary indicates that the words bear the characteristics of western Slovak and that many of the expressions favor the linguistic traits of central Slovak. Unfortunately, the title page of this work does not record the name of the author-compiler of the dictionary. Fr. Bartholomew Koltner, 0. F. M. Translated by Sr. M . Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. 1) Msgr. Jan Postenyi, " Spomienka na trnavsku univerzitu," in the magazine Duchovny Pastier, April 1967. 2 ) Peter Ratkos, " Svedectvo narodnej kontinuity," in the periodical . Kulturny iivot, July 1967. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1969, Vol. 19 Description An account of the resource Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 105 ma. The poor attendance which Czech lands and Moravia report at Slovak films is attributed to the comprehension problem-among other factors. For this reason, dubbing Czech onto Slovak films is now under serious consideration." Dr. Andrew Kubina translated by Sister M . Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. The Slovak Dictionary of 1648 The discovery of a Latin-Magyar-Slovak dictionary published by the univerzity press in Trnava in 1648 brings proof that a Slovak literary language existed i~ Slovakia as early as two hundred years before Anton Bernolak, the scholar who codified Slovak grammar in 1787. The earliest listing of this book is found in Csery's catalogue of books published by the Trnava university press (Historia C. R. Scientiarum universitatis Pestiensis, fasc. III ab anno 1641-1660) . It is dated 1648: "Typographia in domo S. Adalberti in platea Pistorum collocata est, et expressit: Vocabularium Ungarico-Slavico-Latinum. Tyrnaviae 1649 in 8° ." In his study A Bibliography of Slovak Writings compiled in 1946, Jan Misianik called attention to this entry in Csery's accmmt. He concluded, however, that the dictionary itself had not been preserved since he was not able to find it anywhere. 1 Finally this work, so significant in the field of Slovak letters was most fortunately discovered by the eminent historian Msgr. Jan Postenyi, a papal prelate, who had searched long years for some trace of it. In 1967, with the help of devoted scholarly friends, he had the good fortune to come upon it in the library of Brno university. The volume is titled "Verborum in institutione gramatica contentorum in ungaricum et sclavonicum translatio. Secundum ordinem Alphabeticum, Tyrnaviae Typis Academicis, per Philippum Jacobum Mayr, Anno 1648."2 The words "Monasterij Rayhrad" are written in ink on the cover of the book. Apparently the book originally belonged to the Benedictine library in Rajhrad. This fifty-page dictionary with words recorded in Slovak is the oldest known Slovak dictionary. 106 SLOVAKIA , ~ ,.~ . ; • ·• "~:- w• . ,I . }\\i;(. ,: ~ •• ·,:: I f· • 'l' ~ . l!dgariti / ¼· g'niic~ . re/I.Iii' ·,~n,aul ; s-~~hd . . ,g,rz.,,. • .Senedu~> v/nfti • .. · ~e-oiw•~-- . .· .. ·. Stnar.us · ... ,f;,uth ~.· senatus.con-,a~uiph .vlgez:.ts · . · .JiJl·w11 -· . · Slavo11IU, ' ~ · s,den raz. . .:·r.1da. . -: r.d i wipowicd. . . . ... ~ .. {lar9ft. ir2..t~rn(,'g . ·, •., 1 ·:.. ;,qti~ · er'·u1,,,,1.1:1l!,m, ,;,ilt.:m ·cuim. Sc:orfu rn _ . _li_f,, im, •, msrgfin· ·. ·· . .)utlranu. 5.c.nfo.~ ' .... eocio · ' ,.Srp,1r~nm · -,.Je,n . ~1 um'etem . · ·Sc-pd10 be foven1ez..e111. · . .··_SepiO . · fovmy S . ps . ·sl!ps . September s, pt u.a.x · . Sequor '. mergu J.jgJ" .idem. ·-po.chowa~,-. . ,•. obhrazugorn: plot. . : ·gedo'fiU had. f:..en/mt fJ.llJ havli ·.. lazi. J 4. lotu. 14. l.uos . . ·: . · ~o··.i~um · · · na11edugem. • recz. Sermo · · · bcfz.cd , r~gem. ' h1nrnn, -c:tltm Sero, is. be lrtk.:_uo_z.om, urom,- za'u1ikam. · Sero, as. · ·had., Serpcu · k.z..~yo · iluzebnolt. ' fz..olni!.tt SC'rvnus (!) _ trype_nizc. ScHcmnm hu'i'om pbJ.'t.eI . . · . ·4- loci. Sexr.rns . 11,e_r lt11os Jkur,ei. · 1'f.mmt',mintfi.inre ' .· _gak:.g~koi.llo. · . It /ttlti:d:lz. >.. ~ ·. .::,p«'pJd,ml fa,dolu .,.)ido · ·· . " ' ·.. · · · ··. kladem~ ,S'ignifer· · z..Afi..lo.t11fio . ·. ·. ·: . ·' ·. zatlat-nik. · ....... .·· ·sitcr ·~ <} SLOVAKIA 107 Why was it not possible to find this work in Slovakia though it had been published in Trnava? One ready explanation can be found in the train of a host of events that took place within Slovak borders in the period 1536-1711 when invading and rebelling armies were finally subdued. All this era was marked by wars, disorders and rebellions that erupted in almost every alternating decade and succeeded one another with only brief respites to mark off one episode from the next. The armies of these insurgents destroyed the libraries housed in monasteries and castles; as a matter of fact, they spared not even the private book collections of parish priests. In these upheavals, the territories of present day Czech and Moravian lands were not so seriously threatened as were the lands of the Slovaks and the regions of the Danubian basin. Because of these inauspicious conditions here, it was Prague and Brno that at this time attracted men of learning and culture and encouraged them with the support and promotion of publishing houses and libraries. Yet in spite of all these hardships, the university of Trnava did bequeath to the future a goodly number of works that had been printed in the prime years of its existence 1635-1777, even though these publications are all too often not found within Slovakia proper. Researchers and scholars can find them more readily in Czech and Moravian libraries today. Msgr. Jan Postenyi deserves recognition and credit for his indefatigable efforts to trace this priceless book which brings proof positive that a literary Slovak language existed even long before Bernolak. The accompanying photostatic copy of p. 43 of this dictionary indicates that the words bear the characteristics of western Slovak and that many of the expressions favor the linguistic traits of central Slovak. Unfortunately, the title page of this work does not record the name of the author-compiler of the dictionary. Fr. Bartholomew Koltner, 0. F. M. Translated by Sr. M . Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. 1) Msgr. Jan Postenyi, " Spomienka na trnavsku univerzitu," in the magazine Duchovny Pastier, April 1967. 2 ) Peter Ratkos, " Svedectvo narodnej kontinuity," in the periodical . Kulturny iivot, July 1967.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovak Dictionary of 1648 Description An account of the resource Fr. Bartholomew Koltner, O.F.M. Slovakia, Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969 pp. 105-107 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Koltner, Bartholomew Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/e3079eeccc6e86efed774db51630d377.pdf eeb77fd02d34f9f19427c4c6aa3ed8fb PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 99 The Place of Slovak A:mong Slavic Languages The western world has many hazy notions, unfortunate misconceptions, and erroneous views about the proper place of Slovak in the family of Slavic tongues. To a marked degree, these views were craftily shaped by the systematic propagandizing of various administrators in the Prague government which in the 1918-1938 period sponsored one theory of Czech philologists with such fanfare and publicity that a well-meaning and easily persuaded audience in the West often did not recognize propaganda as such; specifically it did not distinguish the difference that exist between an advertised theory-one that had been examined and decisively controverted a long time ago--and the true state of affairs. Let us review a bit of this. Toward the close of the nineteenth century, there was a school of Czech philologists (Gebauer, Vondrak, Pastrnek, and somewhat later, especially after 1918, Vazny, Travnicek, Hujer et al.) that undertook popularizing the idea that the Slovak language is just a dialect of the Czech, or more conveniently to their purpose, just a dialect of the "Czechoslovak" tongue. It is not our intent to analyze the circumstances surrounding the origins of their theory or the contrived propaganda used to promote it; neither are we going to examine the inadequate linguistic backgrounds or the scant understanding of the Slovak language that characterize some of the supporters of this theory; nor shall we consider the political motivation of ·their efforts . It is the idea itself that concerns us here. A theory of this kind was again fondly argued somewhat later-during the period of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, 1918-1938, and was handily used as a theoretic substructure to support the movement of Czech domination over the Slovaks; specifically, it was their "scientific" justification for the attempt to czechize the Slovaks. A typical example of such pseudoscientific assumptions adopted by some Czech scholars was the study of Professor F. Travnicek: �100 SLOVAKIA "Czechoslovak relationship based on language considerations" (the periodical Bratislava VII, 1933, pp. 217-234), which endorse the recommendation that the Slovaks adopt Czech as their literary language-or put it directly-that they become czechized. In the interim between the two world wars, Czech officialdom not only sponsored the theory of the so-called "Czechoslovak" language through home and foreign publications, it also used every means to make the theory a reality, to impose its adoption. Note the trend even in such matters as this example: In 1938 Dr. Jan Stanislav, who is at present professor of the history of the Slovak language at the univerzity of Bratislava, wrote and prepared for publication a Slovak grammar. By official restriction (and this as late as 1938! ) the work was subjected to a change of title: Czechoslovak grammar (Prague-Presov, 1938), and the author was advised "to heed the instruction guides that were issued here between the two wars for the teaching of the Czech and Slovak language in intermediate schools." In the spirit of this directive, the author was further required "to compile a parallel history of the Czech and Slovak language" and to publish it within the theory of the "Czechoslovak language." (cf. J. Stanislav, Dejiny slovenskeho jazyka, I, Bratislava, 1958, p. 21). Knowledgeable scholars like Boris Unbegann (cf. Bulletin de la Societe de linguistique de Paris, XXXIX, pp. 151-152), who doubtless was unaware of the fact that in the Czecho-Slovak Republic scientific research must conform to inflexible governmental controls and directives in order to make even an intermediate grammar suited for high school adoption, validly criticized the author for an unorthodox position concerning a "Czechoslovak" tongue. The unsavory proposition about a "Czechoslovak language" was formidably opposed not only by Slovak scholars but also by linguists of other Slavic nations. From as early as the nineteenth century Russian Slavists (0. Bod'anskij, Izmail Sreznevskij) regarded Slovak as a discrete language. Gebauer's theorizing (cf. primarily his Historickd mluvnice jazyka ceskeho, I, Prague-Vienna, 1894) was convincingly refuted by Timofej D. Florinskij, Professor of the university of Kiev and one of the outstanding Russian Slavists of the nineteenth century, specifically in his opus Lekcii po �SLOVAKIA 101 slavianskomu jazykoznaniju (Part II. Petersburg-Kiev, 1897, pp. 220-344). In this study Professor Florinskij em- phatically rejects Gebauer's thesis that Slovak is a dialect of Czech, and he amply demonstrates that Slovak justly has its own identity and place in the family of Slavic tongues along with Czech, Polish, Serbian, Croatian, Russian and other Slavic languages. The Soviet philologist A. M. seliscev defends a similar position in his book Slavianskoje jazykoznanije (I. Moscow, 1941). The renowned Slovak grammarian and philologist Samo Czambel championed the south-Slavic character and orientation of Slovak as well as its absolute distinction from and non-dependence on Czech (cf. such works as Czambel's Slovenskd rec, I, pp. 29 ff., and Slovenskd rec a jej miesto v rodine slovanskych jazykov, 1906). He supports the conclusions of his research with weighty proofs for the position that Slovak does not belong to the class of west-Slavic languages but that it is rather of the southSlavic branches. Up to the present time, this thesis of Czambel has not been either universally endorsed nor definitely and conclucively disproved. (On this subject consult the following authorities: Stefan Kniesza, "Zur Geschichte der Jugoslavismen im Mittelslowakischen," Etudes slaves et roumaines, I, Budapest, 1948, pp. 139-147. J. Stanislav, "Juhoslavizmy v strednej slovencine," Slovenska rec, xv, 1949-1950, no. 2, pp. 37-45.) This position of Czambel is accepted, for example, by the Ukrainian philologist P. Buzuk (Narys istorii ukrainskoi movy, Kiev, 1927). In his book I storija na bulgarski ezik, I, 1919, the Bulgarian linguist B. Conev uses a number to excerpts paralleling Slovak and Bulgarian passages to indicate the south-Slavic, and even the specifically Bulgarian characteristics of the Slovak manner of expression. This kind of common bond between central-Slovak and the south-Slavonic languages is also pointed out by the Polish linguist Z. Stieber ("Jugoslavizmy w dijalekcie srodkowoslowackim," Lud slawianski, Cracow, 1930, I 2 A, pp. 230244). There are language scholars of the West who are fond of calling attention to the similarities and kinship between the Czech and the Slovak languages. It is true, for example, that some western-Slovak and Moravian-Slovak dialects �102 SLOVAKIA represent the transition to Czech and are apparently closer to Czech than to any other Slavic tongue. Yet let it not be forgotten that by the same token there are east-Slovak dialects that figure the transition from Slovak to Polish (cf., for example, Czambel, Slovenskd rec, I, 1, p. 29) . Czambel upholds the view that this speech is really a form of Slovakized Polish; Stieber (Stanowisko m6wy Slovak6w, 1937) maintains that it is a dialect produced by a mutation of Polish and Slovak. Among the newer Slovak linguists who more recently brought conclusive proof that Slovak is definitely a discrete language, we have such scholars as Dr, tudovit Novak ( Jazykovedne glosy k ceskoslovenskej otdzke, 1935, pp. 71-93) and Dr. Henrich Bartek ("Prispevok k dejinam slovenciny," Sbornik literdrno-vedeckeho odboru Spolku sv. Vojtecha, roe. III, vol. 1-2, 1936, pp. 37-117). See also the Polish Slavist Stieber (Stanowisko m6wy Slowak6w . pp. 15 ff .) . Dr. Novak writes that the Slovak language is "a lingual product of very ancient origin but it has a distinctively original and independent evolution of its own, wholly unallied to the Czech. Today's central Slovak is a direct organic continuation from the proto-Slovanic speech that was proper to that region." Dr. Novak further stresses the point that the linguistic distinction of central Slovak "began evolving far back in the primeval ultra-Carpathian fatherland and continued even in the domain of mid-European territory" and that "central Slovak developed separately and independently." After World War II, the official Marxist department of linguistics and philology in the Czecho-Slovak Republic abandoned the theory of a "Czechoslovak" tongue affirming that such a proposition is scientifically unsound and untenable. "Officially" it endorsed the thesis that Slovak is a distinctive language in the family of Slavic languages (cf. Jozef Kirschbaum, "Contemporary tendencies in Slovak philology," in Slavic and East European Studies, vol. IV, no. 3-4, p. 13, Montreal, 1960). Interestingly, every year brings a rather significant number of books translated in the Czecho-Slovak Republic from Czech to Sloyak and conversely from Slovak to Czech. Anyone who is sufficiently interested in this subject can pursue it further by examining the list of titles published �SLOVAKIA 103 annually by the UNESCO "Index translationum." And inasmuch as social life and relations within the state require of some people an easy and ready acquaintance with both tongues, a number of Slovak-Czech and CzechSlovak dictionaries have been published. ( Cf., for example, Jaroslav Necas-Miloslav Kopecky's Slovensko-cesky a ceskoslovensky slovnik rozdilnych vyrazu, Statni pedagogicke nakladatelstvi, Prague, 1964, 512 pp.) Although this NecasKopecky dictionary lacks a great number of words whose Czech form is totally different from Slovak and are essential in every-day contacts and communication (e.g., klebeta-Cz. pomluva; metla-Cz. koste; pohar-Cz. sklenice; zeml'a-Cz. houska, etc.), still it deserves the close study and examination of western promoters who naively accept the notion retailed by Czech propaganda about the "affinity" of Slovak and Czech. It is true that Slovak-Czech and Czech-Slovak dictionaries were compiled at an even earlier date (e.g. F. Frydecky-P. Kempis, Pfirucni slovnik cesko-slovensky a slovenskocesky, 1919; J. Kubin, Slovnik cesko-slovensky, Prague, 1920; P. Tvrdy, Ceskoslovensky diferencidlny slovnik, Trnava, 1922; J. K. Garaj, Prirucny slovnik diferencidlny a synonymicky, Turciansky sv. Martin, 1937; M. Kalal, Slovnik z literatury a ndreci, etc.). Recently there appeared a new dictionary compiled specifically for military usage (Ceskoslovensky vojensky slovnik, The Ministry of National Defense, Prague, 1962, 350 pp.). All this, however, by no means indicates a final halt on the part of the Czechs to czechize the Slovaks and their language. At the Slovak Academy of Sciences in Bratislava, the learned journal Slovenskd rec, vol. 31, no. 2, 19.66, pp. 82, 105, 106, 107, 112 carries reports of a number of Slovak linguists exposing the pressures to which the political administration had resorted in order to coerce these scholars to introduce Czech words into a large Slovak dictionary then in preparation. Leaders holding top positions in the so-called "age of the cult of personality" advocated a movement of assimilation. In Slovakia this movement is characterized particularly by intensified Czech terrorism in the effort to occupy Slovakia. Writing in Kulturny zivot (no. 39, 1964), a communist periodical published in Bratislava, the communist writer Michael �104 SLOVAKIA Charvat thus characterized this effort: "As far as eye can see throughout the socialist world, the crest of the rule of the personality cult falls short of total decline in verbal creativity. With us in Slovakia, however, over and above this situation there are also other distinct matter that once and for all ought to be made clear, Though all the social sciences were influenced by the cult of personality, none yielded to this movement as readily and as completely as did Slovak officialdom's department of linguistics. Incredible as it may seem, in this period it actually revived the decadent anti-marxist theory of Czecho-Slovakism, a product of the Benes-Prazak day. Where champions of the personality cult promoted offering 'fraternal help' in place of liquidating the Slovak nation, there official linguistic circles substituted for liquidation of the Slovak language the expression 'an approximation of Slovak to Czech'." These attempts evoked passionate resistance not only among Slovak linguists but on the part of all Slovak public as well . Especially repugnant and detested were bilingual-Czech and Slovak-radio and television programs, and this reaction of non-acceptance came from both Slovak and Czech audiences. Czech viewers and listeners understood Slovak broadcasts poorly; for the Slovaks there was an added aggraviation since Czech is to them first and foremost the language of an overlording element that must be resisted. It is interesting to note that the Czech Milan s imecek observed in the Czech Literdrne noviny (Prague, February 26, 1966 )) that "bilingual broadcasts are a definite aspect of lingual schizophrenia." The Bratislava Kulturny zivot of November 25, 1966, no. 48, p. 6 makes the following commentary concerning this wrangle: "Consider the problem of our bilingual broadcasts. The Prague studio, for example, requires the television films of Saturday and Sunday to be dubbed in Czech exclusively, explaining that viewers complain because they do not understand Slovak. This objection can be raised validly by the Slovak audiences as well, charging obvious difficult y with Czech." The paper further observes that "every cultivated nation has its rights to dubbing and t herefore there must be a perspective of reckoning with the eventual dubbing of adult films into Slovak as well. It becomes a serious situation in the domain of films for cine - �SLOVAKIA 105 ma. The poor attendance which Czech lands and Moravia report at Slovak films is attributed to the comprehension problem-among other factors. For this reason, dubbing Czech onto Slovak films is now under serious consideration." Dr. Andrew Kubina translated by Sister M . Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. The Slovak Dictionary of 1648 The discovery of a Latin-Magyar-Slovak dictionary published by the univerzity press in Trnava in 1648 brings proof that a Slovak literary language existed i~ Slovakia as early as two hundred years before Anton Bernolak, the scholar who codified Slovak grammar in 1787. The earliest listing of this book is found in Csery's catalogue of books published by the Trnava university press (Historia C. R. Scientiarum universitatis Pestiensis, fasc. III ab anno 1641-1660) . It is dated 1648: "Typographia in domo S. Adalberti in platea Pistorum collocata est, et expressit: Vocabularium Ungarico-Slavico-Latinum. Tyrnaviae 1649 in 8° ." In his study A Bibliography of Slovak Writings compiled in 1946, Jan Misianik called attention to this entry in Csery's accmmt. He concluded, however, that the dictionary itself had not been preserved since he was not able to find it anywhere. 1 Finally this work, so significant in the field of Slovak letters was most fortunately discovered by the eminent historian Msgr. Jan Postenyi, a papal prelate, who had searched long years for some trace of it. In 1967, with the help of devoted scholarly friends, he had the good fortune to come upon it in the library of Brno university. The volume is titled "Verborum in institutione gramatica contentorum in ungaricum et sclavonicum translatio. Secundum ordinem Alphabeticum, Tyrnaviae Typis Academicis, per Philippum Jacobum Mayr, Anno 1648."2 The words "Monasterij Rayhrad" are written in ink on the cover of the book. Apparently the book originally belonged to the Benedictine library in Rajhrad. This fifty-page dictionary with words recorded in Slovak is the oldest known Slovak dictionary. � SLOVAKIA 99 The Place of Slovak A:mong Slavic Languages The western world has many hazy notions, unfortunate misconceptions, and erroneous views about the proper place of Slovak in the family of Slavic tongues. To a marked degree, these views were craftily shaped by the systematic propagandizing of various administrators in the Prague government which in the 1918-1938 period sponsored one theory of Czech philologists with such fanfare and publicity that a well-meaning and easily persuaded audience in the West often did not recognize propaganda as such; specifically it did not distinguish the difference that exist between an advertised theory-one that had been examined and decisively controverted a long time ago--and the true state of affairs. Let us review a bit of this. Toward the close of the nineteenth century, there was a school of Czech philologists (Gebauer, Vondrak, Pastrnek, and somewhat later, especially after 1918, Vazny, Travnicek, Hujer et al.) that undertook popularizing the idea that the Slovak language is just a dialect of the Czech, or more conveniently to their purpose, just a dialect of the "Czechoslovak" tongue. It is not our intent to analyze the circumstances surrounding the origins of their theory or the contrived propaganda used to promote it; neither are we going to examine the inadequate linguistic backgrounds or the scant understanding of the Slovak language that characterize some of the supporters of this theory; nor shall we consider the political motivation of ·their efforts . It is the idea itself that concerns us here. A theory of this kind was again fondly argued somewhat later-during the period of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, 1918-1938, and was handily used as a theoretic substructure to support the movement of Czech domination over the Slovaks; specifically, it was their "scientific" justification for the attempt to czechize the Slovaks. A typical example of such pseudoscientific assumptions adopted by some Czech scholars was the study of Professor F. Travnicek: �100 SLOVAKIA "Czechoslovak relationship based on language considerations" (the periodical Bratislava VII, 1933, pp. 217-234), which endorse the recommendation that the Slovaks adopt Czech as their literary language-or put it directly-that they become czechized. In the interim between the two world wars, Czech officialdom not only sponsored the theory of the so-called "Czechoslovak" language through home and foreign publications, it also used every means to make the theory a reality, to impose its adoption. Note the trend even in such matters as this example: In 1938 Dr. Jan Stanislav, who is at present professor of the history of the Slovak language at the univerzity of Bratislava, wrote and prepared for publication a Slovak grammar. By official restriction (and this as late as 1938! ) the work was subjected to a change of title: Czechoslovak grammar (Prague-Presov, 1938), and the author was advised "to heed the instruction guides that were issued here between the two wars for the teaching of the Czech and Slovak language in intermediate schools." In the spirit of this directive, the author was further required "to compile a parallel history of the Czech and Slovak language" and to publish it within the theory of the "Czechoslovak language." (cf. J. Stanislav, Dejiny slovenskeho jazyka, I, Bratislava, 1958, p. 21). Knowledgeable scholars like Boris Unbegann (cf. Bulletin de la Societe de linguistique de Paris, XXXIX, pp. 151-152), who doubtless was unaware of the fact that in the Czecho-Slovak Republic scientific research must conform to inflexible governmental controls and directives in order to make even an intermediate grammar suited for high school adoption, validly criticized the author for an unorthodox position concerning a "Czechoslovak" tongue. The unsavory proposition about a "Czechoslovak language" was formidably opposed not only by Slovak scholars but also by linguists of other Slavic nations. From as early as the nineteenth century Russian Slavists (0. Bod'anskij, Izmail Sreznevskij) regarded Slovak as a discrete language. Gebauer's theorizing (cf. primarily his Historickd mluvnice jazyka ceskeho, I, Prague-Vienna, 1894) was convincingly refuted by Timofej D. Florinskij, Professor of the university of Kiev and one of the outstanding Russian Slavists of the nineteenth century, specifically in his opus Lekcii po �SLOVAKIA 101 slavianskomu jazykoznaniju (Part II. Petersburg-Kiev, 1897, pp. 220-344). In this study Professor Florinskij em- phatically rejects Gebauer's thesis that Slovak is a dialect of Czech, and he amply demonstrates that Slovak justly has its own identity and place in the family of Slavic tongues along with Czech, Polish, Serbian, Croatian, Russian and other Slavic languages. The Soviet philologist A. M. seliscev defends a similar position in his book Slavianskoje jazykoznanije (I. Moscow, 1941). The renowned Slovak grammarian and philologist Samo Czambel championed the south-Slavic character and orientation of Slovak as well as its absolute distinction from and non-dependence on Czech (cf. such works as Czambel's Slovenskd rec, I, pp. 29 ff., and Slovenskd rec a jej miesto v rodine slovanskych jazykov, 1906). He supports the conclusions of his research with weighty proofs for the position that Slovak does not belong to the class of west-Slavic languages but that it is rather of the southSlavic branches. Up to the present time, this thesis of Czambel has not been either universally endorsed nor definitely and conclucively disproved. (On this subject consult the following authorities: Stefan Kniesza, "Zur Geschichte der Jugoslavismen im Mittelslowakischen," Etudes slaves et roumaines, I, Budapest, 1948, pp. 139-147. J. Stanislav, "Juhoslavizmy v strednej slovencine," Slovenska rec, xv, 1949-1950, no. 2, pp. 37-45.) This position of Czambel is accepted, for example, by the Ukrainian philologist P. Buzuk (Narys istorii ukrainskoi movy, Kiev, 1927). In his book I storija na bulgarski ezik, I, 1919, the Bulgarian linguist B. Conev uses a number to excerpts paralleling Slovak and Bulgarian passages to indicate the south-Slavic, and even the specifically Bulgarian characteristics of the Slovak manner of expression. This kind of common bond between central-Slovak and the south-Slavonic languages is also pointed out by the Polish linguist Z. Stieber ("Jugoslavizmy w dijalekcie srodkowoslowackim," Lud slawianski, Cracow, 1930, I 2 A, pp. 230244). There are language scholars of the West who are fond of calling attention to the similarities and kinship between the Czech and the Slovak languages. It is true, for example, that some western-Slovak and Moravian-Slovak dialects �102 SLOVAKIA represent the transition to Czech and are apparently closer to Czech than to any other Slavic tongue. Yet let it not be forgotten that by the same token there are east-Slovak dialects that figure the transition from Slovak to Polish (cf., for example, Czambel, Slovenskd rec, I, 1, p. 29) . Czambel upholds the view that this speech is really a form of Slovakized Polish; Stieber (Stanowisko m6wy Slovak6w, 1937) maintains that it is a dialect produced by a mutation of Polish and Slovak. Among the newer Slovak linguists who more recently brought conclusive proof that Slovak is definitely a discrete language, we have such scholars as Dr, tudovit Novak ( Jazykovedne glosy k ceskoslovenskej otdzke, 1935, pp. 71-93) and Dr. Henrich Bartek ("Prispevok k dejinam slovenciny," Sbornik literdrno-vedeckeho odboru Spolku sv. Vojtecha, roe. III, vol. 1-2, 1936, pp. 37-117). See also the Polish Slavist Stieber (Stanowisko m6wy Slowak6w . pp. 15 ff .) . Dr. Novak writes that the Slovak language is "a lingual product of very ancient origin but it has a distinctively original and independent evolution of its own, wholly unallied to the Czech. Today's central Slovak is a direct organic continuation from the proto-Slovanic speech that was proper to that region." Dr. Novak further stresses the point that the linguistic distinction of central Slovak "began evolving far back in the primeval ultra-Carpathian fatherland and continued even in the domain of mid-European territory" and that "central Slovak developed separately and independently." After World War II, the official Marxist department of linguistics and philology in the Czecho-Slovak Republic abandoned the theory of a "Czechoslovak" tongue affirming that such a proposition is scientifically unsound and untenable. "Officially" it endorsed the thesis that Slovak is a distinctive language in the family of Slavic languages (cf. Jozef Kirschbaum, "Contemporary tendencies in Slovak philology," in Slavic and East European Studies, vol. IV, no. 3-4, p. 13, Montreal, 1960). Interestingly, every year brings a rather significant number of books translated in the Czecho-Slovak Republic from Czech to Sloyak and conversely from Slovak to Czech. Anyone who is sufficiently interested in this subject can pursue it further by examining the list of titles published �SLOVAKIA 103 annually by the UNESCO "Index translationum." And inasmuch as social life and relations within the state require of some people an easy and ready acquaintance with both tongues, a number of Slovak-Czech and CzechSlovak dictionaries have been published. ( Cf., for example, Jaroslav Necas-Miloslav Kopecky's Slovensko-cesky a ceskoslovensky slovnik rozdilnych vyrazu, Statni pedagogicke nakladatelstvi, Prague, 1964, 512 pp.) Although this NecasKopecky dictionary lacks a great number of words whose Czech form is totally different from Slovak and are essential in every-day contacts and communication (e.g., klebeta-Cz. pomluva; metla-Cz. koste; pohar-Cz. sklenice; zeml'a-Cz. houska, etc.), still it deserves the close study and examination of western promoters who naively accept the notion retailed by Czech propaganda about the "affinity" of Slovak and Czech. It is true that Slovak-Czech and Czech-Slovak dictionaries were compiled at an even earlier date (e.g. F. Frydecky-P. Kempis, Pfirucni slovnik cesko-slovensky a slovenskocesky, 1919; J. Kubin, Slovnik cesko-slovensky, Prague, 1920; P. Tvrdy, Ceskoslovensky diferencidlny slovnik, Trnava, 1922; J. K. Garaj, Prirucny slovnik diferencidlny a synonymicky, Turciansky sv. Martin, 1937; M. Kalal, Slovnik z literatury a ndreci, etc.). Recently there appeared a new dictionary compiled specifically for military usage (Ceskoslovensky vojensky slovnik, The Ministry of National Defense, Prague, 1962, 350 pp.). All this, however, by no means indicates a final halt on the part of the Czechs to czechize the Slovaks and their language. At the Slovak Academy of Sciences in Bratislava, the learned journal Slovenskd rec, vol. 31, no. 2, 19.66, pp. 82, 105, 106, 107, 112 carries reports of a number of Slovak linguists exposing the pressures to which the political administration had resorted in order to coerce these scholars to introduce Czech words into a large Slovak dictionary then in preparation. Leaders holding top positions in the so-called "age of the cult of personality" advocated a movement of assimilation. In Slovakia this movement is characterized particularly by intensified Czech terrorism in the effort to occupy Slovakia. Writing in Kulturny zivot (no. 39, 1964), a communist periodical published in Bratislava, the communist writer Michael �104 SLOVAKIA Charvat thus characterized this effort: "As far as eye can see throughout the socialist world, the crest of the rule of the personality cult falls short of total decline in verbal creativity. With us in Slovakia, however, over and above this situation there are also other distinct matter that once and for all ought to be made clear, Though all the social sciences were influenced by the cult of personality, none yielded to this movement as readily and as completely as did Slovak officialdom's department of linguistics. Incredible as it may seem, in this period it actually revived the decadent anti-marxist theory of Czecho-Slovakism, a product of the Benes-Prazak day. Where champions of the personality cult promoted offering 'fraternal help' in place of liquidating the Slovak nation, there official linguistic circles substituted for liquidation of the Slovak language the expression 'an approximation of Slovak to Czech'." These attempts evoked passionate resistance not only among Slovak linguists but on the part of all Slovak public as well . Especially repugnant and detested were bilingual-Czech and Slovak-radio and television programs, and this reaction of non-acceptance came from both Slovak and Czech audiences. Czech viewers and listeners understood Slovak broadcasts poorly; for the Slovaks there was an added aggraviation since Czech is to them first and foremost the language of an overlording element that must be resisted. It is interesting to note that the Czech Milan s imecek observed in the Czech Literdrne noviny (Prague, February 26, 1966 )) that "bilingual broadcasts are a definite aspect of lingual schizophrenia." The Bratislava Kulturny zivot of November 25, 1966, no. 48, p. 6 makes the following commentary concerning this wrangle: "Consider the problem of our bilingual broadcasts. The Prague studio, for example, requires the television films of Saturday and Sunday to be dubbed in Czech exclusively, explaining that viewers complain because they do not understand Slovak. This objection can be raised validly by the Slovak audiences as well, charging obvious difficult y with Czech." The paper further observes that "every cultivated nation has its rights to dubbing and t herefore there must be a perspective of reckoning with the eventual dubbing of adult films into Slovak as well. It becomes a serious situation in the domain of films for cine - �SLOVAKIA 105 ma. The poor attendance which Czech lands and Moravia report at Slovak films is attributed to the comprehension problem-among other factors. For this reason, dubbing Czech onto Slovak films is now under serious consideration." Dr. Andrew Kubina translated by Sister M . Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. The Slovak Dictionary of 1648 The discovery of a Latin-Magyar-Slovak dictionary published by the univerzity press in Trnava in 1648 brings proof that a Slovak literary language existed i~ Slovakia as early as two hundred years before Anton Bernolak, the scholar who codified Slovak grammar in 1787. The earliest listing of this book is found in Csery's catalogue of books published by the Trnava university press (Historia C. R. Scientiarum universitatis Pestiensis, fasc. III ab anno 1641-1660) . It is dated 1648: "Typographia in domo S. Adalberti in platea Pistorum collocata est, et expressit: Vocabularium Ungarico-Slavico-Latinum. Tyrnaviae 1649 in 8° ." In his study A Bibliography of Slovak Writings compiled in 1946, Jan Misianik called attention to this entry in Csery's accmmt. He concluded, however, that the dictionary itself had not been preserved since he was not able to find it anywhere. 1 Finally this work, so significant in the field of Slovak letters was most fortunately discovered by the eminent historian Msgr. Jan Postenyi, a papal prelate, who had searched long years for some trace of it. In 1967, with the help of devoted scholarly friends, he had the good fortune to come upon it in the library of Brno university. The volume is titled "Verborum in institutione gramatica contentorum in ungaricum et sclavonicum translatio. Secundum ordinem Alphabeticum, Tyrnaviae Typis Academicis, per Philippum Jacobum Mayr, Anno 1648."2 The words "Monasterij Rayhrad" are written in ink on the cover of the book. Apparently the book originally belonged to the Benedictine library in Rajhrad. This fifty-page dictionary with words recorded in Slovak is the oldest known Slovak dictionary. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1969, Vol. 19 Description An account of the resource Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 99 The Place of Slovak A:mong Slavic Languages The western world has many hazy notions, unfortunate misconceptions, and erroneous views about the proper place of Slovak in the family of Slavic tongues. To a marked degree, these views were craftily shaped by the systematic propagandizing of various administrators in the Prague government which in the 1918-1938 period sponsored one theory of Czech philologists with such fanfare and publicity that a well-meaning and easily persuaded audience in the West often did not recognize propaganda as such; specifically it did not distinguish the difference that exist between an advertised theory-one that had been examined and decisively controverted a long time ago--and the true state of affairs. Let us review a bit of this. Toward the close of the nineteenth century, there was a school of Czech philologists (Gebauer, Vondrak, Pastrnek, and somewhat later, especially after 1918, Vazny, Travnicek, Hujer et al.) that undertook popularizing the idea that the Slovak language is just a dialect of the Czech, or more conveniently to their purpose, just a dialect of the "Czechoslovak" tongue. It is not our intent to analyze the circumstances surrounding the origins of their theory or the contrived propaganda used to promote it; neither are we going to examine the inadequate linguistic backgrounds or the scant understanding of the Slovak language that characterize some of the supporters of this theory; nor shall we consider the political motivation of ·their efforts . It is the idea itself that concerns us here. A theory of this kind was again fondly argued somewhat later-during the period of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, 1918-1938, and was handily used as a theoretic substructure to support the movement of Czech domination over the Slovaks; specifically, it was their "scientific" justification for the attempt to czechize the Slovaks. A typical example of such pseudoscientific assumptions adopted by some Czech scholars was the study of Professor F. Travnicek: 100 SLOVAKIA "Czechoslovak relationship based on language considerations" (the periodical Bratislava VII, 1933, pp. 217-234), which endorse the recommendation that the Slovaks adopt Czech as their literary language-or put it directly-that they become czechized. In the interim between the two world wars, Czech officialdom not only sponsored the theory of the so-called "Czechoslovak" language through home and foreign publications, it also used every means to make the theory a reality, to impose its adoption. Note the trend even in such matters as this example: In 1938 Dr. Jan Stanislav, who is at present professor of the history of the Slovak language at the univerzity of Bratislava, wrote and prepared for publication a Slovak grammar. By official restriction (and this as late as 1938! ) the work was subjected to a change of title: Czechoslovak grammar (Prague-Presov, 1938), and the author was advised "to heed the instruction guides that were issued here between the two wars for the teaching of the Czech and Slovak language in intermediate schools." In the spirit of this directive, the author was further required "to compile a parallel history of the Czech and Slovak language" and to publish it within the theory of the "Czechoslovak language." (cf. J. Stanislav, Dejiny slovenskeho jazyka, I, Bratislava, 1958, p. 21). Knowledgeable scholars like Boris Unbegann (cf. Bulletin de la Societe de linguistique de Paris, XXXIX, pp. 151-152), who doubtless was unaware of the fact that in the Czecho-Slovak Republic scientific research must conform to inflexible governmental controls and directives in order to make even an intermediate grammar suited for high school adoption, validly criticized the author for an unorthodox position concerning a "Czechoslovak" tongue. The unsavory proposition about a "Czechoslovak language" was formidably opposed not only by Slovak scholars but also by linguists of other Slavic nations. From as early as the nineteenth century Russian Slavists (0. Bod'anskij, Izmail Sreznevskij) regarded Slovak as a discrete language. Gebauer's theorizing (cf. primarily his Historickd mluvnice jazyka ceskeho, I, Prague-Vienna, 1894) was convincingly refuted by Timofej D. Florinskij, Professor of the university of Kiev and one of the outstanding Russian Slavists of the nineteenth century, specifically in his opus Lekcii po SLOVAKIA 101 slavianskomu jazykoznaniju (Part II. Petersburg-Kiev, 1897, pp. 220-344). In this study Professor Florinskij em- phatically rejects Gebauer's thesis that Slovak is a dialect of Czech, and he amply demonstrates that Slovak justly has its own identity and place in the family of Slavic tongues along with Czech, Polish, Serbian, Croatian, Russian and other Slavic languages. The Soviet philologist A. M. seliscev defends a similar position in his book Slavianskoje jazykoznanije (I. Moscow, 1941). The renowned Slovak grammarian and philologist Samo Czambel championed the south-Slavic character and orientation of Slovak as well as its absolute distinction from and non-dependence on Czech (cf. such works as Czambel's Slovenskd rec, I, pp. 29 ff., and Slovenskd rec a jej miesto v rodine slovanskych jazykov, 1906). He supports the conclusions of his research with weighty proofs for the position that Slovak does not belong to the class of west-Slavic languages but that it is rather of the southSlavic branches. Up to the present time, this thesis of Czambel has not been either universally endorsed nor definitely and conclucively disproved. (On this subject consult the following authorities: Stefan Kniesza, "Zur Geschichte der Jugoslavismen im Mittelslowakischen," Etudes slaves et roumaines, I, Budapest, 1948, pp. 139-147. J. Stanislav, "Juhoslavizmy v strednej slovencine," Slovenska rec, xv, 1949-1950, no. 2, pp. 37-45.) This position of Czambel is accepted, for example, by the Ukrainian philologist P. Buzuk (Narys istorii ukrainskoi movy, Kiev, 1927). In his book I storija na bulgarski ezik, I, 1919, the Bulgarian linguist B. Conev uses a number to excerpts paralleling Slovak and Bulgarian passages to indicate the south-Slavic, and even the specifically Bulgarian characteristics of the Slovak manner of expression. This kind of common bond between central-Slovak and the south-Slavonic languages is also pointed out by the Polish linguist Z. Stieber ("Jugoslavizmy w dijalekcie srodkowoslowackim," Lud slawianski, Cracow, 1930, I 2 A, pp. 230244). There are language scholars of the West who are fond of calling attention to the similarities and kinship between the Czech and the Slovak languages. It is true, for example, that some western-Slovak and Moravian-Slovak dialects 102 SLOVAKIA represent the transition to Czech and are apparently closer to Czech than to any other Slavic tongue. Yet let it not be forgotten that by the same token there are east-Slovak dialects that figure the transition from Slovak to Polish (cf., for example, Czambel, Slovenskd rec, I, 1, p. 29) . Czambel upholds the view that this speech is really a form of Slovakized Polish; Stieber (Stanowisko m6wy Slovak6w, 1937) maintains that it is a dialect produced by a mutation of Polish and Slovak. Among the newer Slovak linguists who more recently brought conclusive proof that Slovak is definitely a discrete language, we have such scholars as Dr, tudovit Novak ( Jazykovedne glosy k ceskoslovenskej otdzke, 1935, pp. 71-93) and Dr. Henrich Bartek ("Prispevok k dejinam slovenciny," Sbornik literdrno-vedeckeho odboru Spolku sv. Vojtecha, roe. III, vol. 1-2, 1936, pp. 37-117). See also the Polish Slavist Stieber (Stanowisko m6wy Slowak6w . pp. 15 ff .) . Dr. Novak writes that the Slovak language is "a lingual product of very ancient origin but it has a distinctively original and independent evolution of its own, wholly unallied to the Czech. Today's central Slovak is a direct organic continuation from the proto-Slovanic speech that was proper to that region." Dr. Novak further stresses the point that the linguistic distinction of central Slovak "began evolving far back in the primeval ultra-Carpathian fatherland and continued even in the domain of mid-European territory" and that "central Slovak developed separately and independently." After World War II, the official Marxist department of linguistics and philology in the Czecho-Slovak Republic abandoned the theory of a "Czechoslovak" tongue affirming that such a proposition is scientifically unsound and untenable. "Officially" it endorsed the thesis that Slovak is a distinctive language in the family of Slavic languages (cf. Jozef Kirschbaum, "Contemporary tendencies in Slovak philology," in Slavic and East European Studies, vol. IV, no. 3-4, p. 13, Montreal, 1960). Interestingly, every year brings a rather significant number of books translated in the Czecho-Slovak Republic from Czech to Sloyak and conversely from Slovak to Czech. Anyone who is sufficiently interested in this subject can pursue it further by examining the list of titles published SLOVAKIA 103 annually by the UNESCO "Index translationum." And inasmuch as social life and relations within the state require of some people an easy and ready acquaintance with both tongues, a number of Slovak-Czech and CzechSlovak dictionaries have been published. ( Cf., for example, Jaroslav Necas-Miloslav Kopecky's Slovensko-cesky a ceskoslovensky slovnik rozdilnych vyrazu, Statni pedagogicke nakladatelstvi, Prague, 1964, 512 pp.) Although this NecasKopecky dictionary lacks a great number of words whose Czech form is totally different from Slovak and are essential in every-day contacts and communication (e.g., klebeta-Cz. pomluva; metla-Cz. koste; pohar-Cz. sklenice; zeml'a-Cz. houska, etc.), still it deserves the close study and examination of western promoters who naively accept the notion retailed by Czech propaganda about the "affinity" of Slovak and Czech. It is true that Slovak-Czech and Czech-Slovak dictionaries were compiled at an even earlier date (e.g. F. Frydecky-P. Kempis, Pfirucni slovnik cesko-slovensky a slovenskocesky, 1919; J. Kubin, Slovnik cesko-slovensky, Prague, 1920; P. Tvrdy, Ceskoslovensky diferencidlny slovnik, Trnava, 1922; J. K. Garaj, Prirucny slovnik diferencidlny a synonymicky, Turciansky sv. Martin, 1937; M. Kalal, Slovnik z literatury a ndreci, etc.). Recently there appeared a new dictionary compiled specifically for military usage (Ceskoslovensky vojensky slovnik, The Ministry of National Defense, Prague, 1962, 350 pp.). All this, however, by no means indicates a final halt on the part of the Czechs to czechize the Slovaks and their language. At the Slovak Academy of Sciences in Bratislava, the learned journal Slovenskd rec, vol. 31, no. 2, 19.66, pp. 82, 105, 106, 107, 112 carries reports of a number of Slovak linguists exposing the pressures to which the political administration had resorted in order to coerce these scholars to introduce Czech words into a large Slovak dictionary then in preparation. Leaders holding top positions in the so-called "age of the cult of personality" advocated a movement of assimilation. In Slovakia this movement is characterized particularly by intensified Czech terrorism in the effort to occupy Slovakia. Writing in Kulturny zivot (no. 39, 1964), a communist periodical published in Bratislava, the communist writer Michael 104 SLOVAKIA Charvat thus characterized this effort: "As far as eye can see throughout the socialist world, the crest of the rule of the personality cult falls short of total decline in verbal creativity. With us in Slovakia, however, over and above this situation there are also other distinct matter that once and for all ought to be made clear, Though all the social sciences were influenced by the cult of personality, none yielded to this movement as readily and as completely as did Slovak officialdom's department of linguistics. Incredible as it may seem, in this period it actually revived the decadent anti-marxist theory of Czecho-Slovakism, a product of the Benes-Prazak day. Where champions of the personality cult promoted offering 'fraternal help' in place of liquidating the Slovak nation, there official linguistic circles substituted for liquidation of the Slovak language the expression 'an approximation of Slovak to Czech'." These attempts evoked passionate resistance not only among Slovak linguists but on the part of all Slovak public as well . Especially repugnant and detested were bilingual-Czech and Slovak-radio and television programs, and this reaction of non-acceptance came from both Slovak and Czech audiences. Czech viewers and listeners understood Slovak broadcasts poorly; for the Slovaks there was an added aggraviation since Czech is to them first and foremost the language of an overlording element that must be resisted. It is interesting to note that the Czech Milan s imecek observed in the Czech Literdrne noviny (Prague, February 26, 1966 )) that "bilingual broadcasts are a definite aspect of lingual schizophrenia." The Bratislava Kulturny zivot of November 25, 1966, no. 48, p. 6 makes the following commentary concerning this wrangle: "Consider the problem of our bilingual broadcasts. The Prague studio, for example, requires the television films of Saturday and Sunday to be dubbed in Czech exclusively, explaining that viewers complain because they do not understand Slovak. This objection can be raised validly by the Slovak audiences as well, charging obvious difficult y with Czech." The paper further observes that "every cultivated nation has its rights to dubbing and t herefore there must be a perspective of reckoning with the eventual dubbing of adult films into Slovak as well. It becomes a serious situation in the domain of films for cine - SLOVAKIA 105 ma. The poor attendance which Czech lands and Moravia report at Slovak films is attributed to the comprehension problem-among other factors. For this reason, dubbing Czech onto Slovak films is now under serious consideration." Dr. Andrew Kubina translated by Sister M . Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. The Slovak Dictionary of 1648 The discovery of a Latin-Magyar-Slovak dictionary published by the univerzity press in Trnava in 1648 brings proof that a Slovak literary language existed i~ Slovakia as early as two hundred years before Anton Bernolak, the scholar who codified Slovak grammar in 1787. The earliest listing of this book is found in Csery's catalogue of books published by the Trnava university press (Historia C. R. Scientiarum universitatis Pestiensis, fasc. III ab anno 1641-1660) . It is dated 1648: "Typographia in domo S. Adalberti in platea Pistorum collocata est, et expressit: Vocabularium Ungarico-Slavico-Latinum. Tyrnaviae 1649 in 8° ." In his study A Bibliography of Slovak Writings compiled in 1946, Jan Misianik called attention to this entry in Csery's accmmt. He concluded, however, that the dictionary itself had not been preserved since he was not able to find it anywhere. 1 Finally this work, so significant in the field of Slovak letters was most fortunately discovered by the eminent historian Msgr. Jan Postenyi, a papal prelate, who had searched long years for some trace of it. In 1967, with the help of devoted scholarly friends, he had the good fortune to come upon it in the library of Brno university. The volume is titled "Verborum in institutione gramatica contentorum in ungaricum et sclavonicum translatio. Secundum ordinem Alphabeticum, Tyrnaviae Typis Academicis, per Philippum Jacobum Mayr, Anno 1648."2 The words "Monasterij Rayhrad" are written in ink on the cover of the book. Apparently the book originally belonged to the Benedictine library in Rajhrad. This fifty-page dictionary with words recorded in Slovak is the oldest known Slovak dictionary.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Place of Slovak Among Slavic Languages Description An account of the resource Andrew Kubina, LL.D. Slovakia, Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969 pp. 99-105 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kubina, Andrew Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/e4ca838385dca5f38908cbca6c6efe9a.pdf 6bb032c99c7de43ef71265fcbf4e9f7c PDF Text Text 96 SLOVAKIA The Oldest Slovak Newspaper in America By Andrew Pier, 0. S. B. One of the unique newspapers of the American ethnic press is the "Slovak v Amerike" which is now in its 80th year of publication. This historic Slovak journal, at one time a daily, is currently a weekly in Middletown, Pa. Although it has long since passed its zenith (when Slovak immigration reached its peak in the first decade of the 20th century), the "Slovak v Amerike," nevertheless, continues to fulfill an essential need for supplying news and views to its readers in the Slovak language in the American tradition of free expression, devotion to democratic ideals, respect for law and order, and in the spirit of the Slovak nation's struggle for political freedom, religious liberty and recognition of human rights for all nations aspiring for legitimate national identity among the peoples of the world and the family of nations under Cod. The "Slovak v Amerike," presently under the dynamic and capable editorship of Dr. Jozef Pauco, former editorin-chief of the "Slovak" daily in Bratislava (Slovakia), was first published as a 4-page edition on december 21, 1889, in Plymouth, Pa. It is an oddity that Gretshell, who purchased Father Kossalko's printery (where his "Zastava" was published for a short time), was a native of Silesia. He became the publisher of the first issues of the "Slovak v Amerike" but with the aid of Anton S. Ambrose, a Slovak newspaperma n. After an inaugural 4-page edition for Christmas in 1889, the second issue was increased to an 8-page production on January 11, 1890. Its 'Rip a Racik' feature in the ~aris dialect was destined to be a popular and widelyread column for many years. Jan Gosztonyi, a native Slovak from Presov, had a press in nearby Phoenixville, Pa. He bought the newspaper in 1890. Ambrose remained as editor for another year when he was succeded by Fr. Pucher Ciernovodsky . Meanwhile, too, a pair of experienced typesetters, Ferdinand Ursiny and Frano Razny, joined the staff. But it was Jan Spevak, a �SLOVAKIA 97 native of Turiec (Slovakia), who introduced literary Slovak to replace the original saris dialect in .the newspaper. By the next year Spevak became the sole owner and added a trio of able writers to his staff, namely, G. Marsall-Petrovsky, t>uro Grunik and Edo Schwartz. Joscak, though not on the editorial board, proved a valuable asset not only as a travelling salesman of the newspaper but as a frequent contributor of interesting articles. At the turn of the century, the Rev. C. L. Orbach, originally a Polish Jew and a convert to Lutheranism, became the editor. He became a valuable associate of Spevak because of his wide experience, native ingenuity and extraordinary personality, and was to prove more than a match for Rovnianek in the feud that sprang up between the publishers of the "Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny" and the "Slovak v Amerike." In the light of unbiased studies on the subject of their quarrels, the conclusion is that it was not a matter of principle but purely a clash of two strong and hardheaded personalities that caused a misunderstanding and was the fuel for a heated controversy that lasted several years. When Spevak died, Rev. Orbach became editor-in-chief. During World War I the "Slovak v Amerike" became a daily ( 1914-1919) but when the war ended it was published three times a week. Early in the summer of 1935, the newspaper ceased publication, but by the end of the summer it was back in business again as a semi-weekly. As late as 1947 it had as many as 10,000 subscribers under the editorship and management of John Sciranka. By 1952, however, largely due to an upfortunate recurrence of a policy of dissension, the circulation decreased to less than 3,000. Father John Lach of Whiting, Indiana, came to the rescue and assumed publication in Chicago, Ill. in that same year. In 1958 he turned it over to Philip A. Hrobak, editor of the Jednota (in Middletown, Pa.) and national president of the Slovak League of America. Upon the death of Hrobak in 1964, Dr. Pauco assumed the responsibility of publishing the oldest Slovak newspaper in America. Over eight decades 'the editorial life span' of the publishers and editors has been surprisingly brief. But �98 SLOVAKIA what is even more amazing is that the newspaper survived all this time considering the frequent changeover in personnell and leadership. As might be surmised, the policies changed, sometimes radically, but the basic principles and fundamental program of serving the Slovak readers in the true spirit of religious and national culture remain to this day as the guidelines of an editorial policy that has as its self-same goal today: "Cultural enlightenment and spiritual uplifting of Americans of Slovak origin through the American way of life by an American newspaper in the Slovak language." In view of the Slovak nation's continuing struggle for survival as a united people, the "Slovak v Amerike" has adopted as a supplementary program the following: "In harmony with the American tradition of Freedom and Independence, the "Slovak v Amerike" champions the right of the Slovak people to the re-establishment of their own National State." The following list of editors, who at one time or another directed the publication of the "Slovak v Amerike" from 1889 to 1969, comprise most of the talented Slovak newspapermen in America: Ambrose, Pucher, Grunik, Spevak, Rev. Orbach, Kadak, Joscak, N. Bielik, Rev. Novomesky, Marsall-Petrovsky , Anton Bielik, G. Pivko, Albert Tholt-Vel'kostiavn icky, Adolf Tvrdy, Jan Culen, Karol stiasny, J . Galbavy, J . Baran, Dr. Norbert Capek, L. 0. Kozar, J . Stermensky, J. Zajac, Ivan Krizan, Edo Kovac Jr., stefan Kroner, Jan Sciranka, Rev. John Lach, Jan Okal, F. Hrobak, Dr. Jozef Pauco, Draga Paucova. In paying tribute to all above pioneers and their successors in the long line of newspapermen who served their Slovak countrymen with devoted zeal and determination, it is with a deep sense of gratitude that we bow our heads in their memory, for their contributions, as the great Slovak journalist, Konsto Culen, declared, "helped to make America richer culturally, socially and spiritually." THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA promotes a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation, its history, culture, traditions, achievements and its long, hard struggle for freedom and independence. � 96 SLOVAKIA The Oldest Slovak Newspaper in America By Andrew Pier, 0. S. B. One of the unique newspapers of the American ethnic press is the "Slovak v Amerike" which is now in its 80th year of publication. This historic Slovak journal, at one time a daily, is currently a weekly in Middletown, Pa. Although it has long since passed its zenith (when Slovak immigration reached its peak in the first decade of the 20th century), the "Slovak v Amerike," nevertheless, continues to fulfill an essential need for supplying news and views to its readers in the Slovak language in the American tradition of free expression, devotion to democratic ideals, respect for law and order, and in the spirit of the Slovak nation's struggle for political freedom, religious liberty and recognition of human rights for all nations aspiring for legitimate national identity among the peoples of the world and the family of nations under Cod. The "Slovak v Amerike," presently under the dynamic and capable editorship of Dr. Jozef Pauco, former editorin-chief of the "Slovak" daily in Bratislava (Slovakia), was first published as a 4-page edition on december 21, 1889, in Plymouth, Pa. It is an oddity that Gretshell, who purchased Father Kossalko's printery (where his "Zastava" was published for a short time), was a native of Silesia. He became the publisher of the first issues of the "Slovak v Amerike" but with the aid of Anton S. Ambrose, a Slovak newspaperma n. After an inaugural 4-page edition for Christmas in 1889, the second issue was increased to an 8-page production on January 11, 1890. Its 'Rip a Racik' feature in the ~aris dialect was destined to be a popular and widelyread column for many years. Jan Gosztonyi, a native Slovak from Presov, had a press in nearby Phoenixville, Pa. He bought the newspaper in 1890. Ambrose remained as editor for another year when he was succeded by Fr. Pucher Ciernovodsky . Meanwhile, too, a pair of experienced typesetters, Ferdinand Ursiny and Frano Razny, joined the staff. But it was Jan Spevak, a �SLOVAKIA 97 native of Turiec (Slovakia), who introduced literary Slovak to replace the original saris dialect in .the newspaper. By the next year Spevak became the sole owner and added a trio of able writers to his staff, namely, G. Marsall-Petrovsky, t>uro Grunik and Edo Schwartz. Joscak, though not on the editorial board, proved a valuable asset not only as a travelling salesman of the newspaper but as a frequent contributor of interesting articles. At the turn of the century, the Rev. C. L. Orbach, originally a Polish Jew and a convert to Lutheranism, became the editor. He became a valuable associate of Spevak because of his wide experience, native ingenuity and extraordinary personality, and was to prove more than a match for Rovnianek in the feud that sprang up between the publishers of the "Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny" and the "Slovak v Amerike." In the light of unbiased studies on the subject of their quarrels, the conclusion is that it was not a matter of principle but purely a clash of two strong and hardheaded personalities that caused a misunderstanding and was the fuel for a heated controversy that lasted several years. When Spevak died, Rev. Orbach became editor-in-chief. During World War I the "Slovak v Amerike" became a daily ( 1914-1919) but when the war ended it was published three times a week. Early in the summer of 1935, the newspaper ceased publication, but by the end of the summer it was back in business again as a semi-weekly. As late as 1947 it had as many as 10,000 subscribers under the editorship and management of John Sciranka. By 1952, however, largely due to an upfortunate recurrence of a policy of dissension, the circulation decreased to less than 3,000. Father John Lach of Whiting, Indiana, came to the rescue and assumed publication in Chicago, Ill. in that same year. In 1958 he turned it over to Philip A. Hrobak, editor of the Jednota (in Middletown, Pa.) and national president of the Slovak League of America. Upon the death of Hrobak in 1964, Dr. Pauco assumed the responsibility of publishing the oldest Slovak newspaper in America. Over eight decades 'the editorial life span' of the publishers and editors has been surprisingly brief. But �98 SLOVAKIA what is even more amazing is that the newspaper survived all this time considering the frequent changeover in personnell and leadership. As might be surmised, the policies changed, sometimes radically, but the basic principles and fundamental program of serving the Slovak readers in the true spirit of religious and national culture remain to this day as the guidelines of an editorial policy that has as its self-same goal today: "Cultural enlightenment and spiritual uplifting of Americans of Slovak origin through the American way of life by an American newspaper in the Slovak language." In view of the Slovak nation's continuing struggle for survival as a united people, the "Slovak v Amerike" has adopted as a supplementary program the following: "In harmony with the American tradition of Freedom and Independence, the "Slovak v Amerike" champions the right of the Slovak people to the re-establishment of their own National State." The following list of editors, who at one time or another directed the publication of the "Slovak v Amerike" from 1889 to 1969, comprise most of the talented Slovak newspapermen in America: Ambrose, Pucher, Grunik, Spevak, Rev. Orbach, Kadak, Joscak, N. Bielik, Rev. Novomesky, Marsall-Petrovsky , Anton Bielik, G. Pivko, Albert Tholt-Vel'kostiavn icky, Adolf Tvrdy, Jan Culen, Karol stiasny, J . Galbavy, J . Baran, Dr. Norbert Capek, L. 0. Kozar, J . Stermensky, J. Zajac, Ivan Krizan, Edo Kovac Jr., stefan Kroner, Jan Sciranka, Rev. John Lach, Jan Okal, F. Hrobak, Dr. Jozef Pauco, Draga Paucova. In paying tribute to all above pioneers and their successors in the long line of newspapermen who served their Slovak countrymen with devoted zeal and determination, it is with a deep sense of gratitude that we bow our heads in their memory, for their contributions, as the great Slovak journalist, Konsto Culen, declared, "helped to make America richer culturally, socially and spiritually." THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA promotes a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation, its history, culture, traditions, achievements and its long, hard struggle for freedom and independence. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1969, Vol. 19 Description An account of the resource Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 96 SLOVAKIA The Oldest Slovak Newspaper in America By Andrew Pier, 0. S. B. One of the unique newspapers of the American ethnic press is the "Slovak v Amerike" which is now in its 80th year of publication. This historic Slovak journal, at one time a daily, is currently a weekly in Middletown, Pa. Although it has long since passed its zenith (when Slovak immigration reached its peak in the first decade of the 20th century), the "Slovak v Amerike," nevertheless, continues to fulfill an essential need for supplying news and views to its readers in the Slovak language in the American tradition of free expression, devotion to democratic ideals, respect for law and order, and in the spirit of the Slovak nation's struggle for political freedom, religious liberty and recognition of human rights for all nations aspiring for legitimate national identity among the peoples of the world and the family of nations under Cod. The "Slovak v Amerike," presently under the dynamic and capable editorship of Dr. Jozef Pauco, former editorin-chief of the "Slovak" daily in Bratislava (Slovakia), was first published as a 4-page edition on december 21, 1889, in Plymouth, Pa. It is an oddity that Gretshell, who purchased Father Kossalko's printery (where his "Zastava" was published for a short time), was a native of Silesia. He became the publisher of the first issues of the "Slovak v Amerike" but with the aid of Anton S. Ambrose, a Slovak newspaperma n. After an inaugural 4-page edition for Christmas in 1889, the second issue was increased to an 8-page production on January 11, 1890. Its 'Rip a Racik' feature in the ~aris dialect was destined to be a popular and widelyread column for many years. Jan Gosztonyi, a native Slovak from Presov, had a press in nearby Phoenixville, Pa. He bought the newspaper in 1890. Ambrose remained as editor for another year when he was succeded by Fr. Pucher Ciernovodsky . Meanwhile, too, a pair of experienced typesetters, Ferdinand Ursiny and Frano Razny, joined the staff. But it was Jan Spevak, a SLOVAKIA 97 native of Turiec (Slovakia), who introduced literary Slovak to replace the original saris dialect in .the newspaper. By the next year Spevak became the sole owner and added a trio of able writers to his staff, namely, G. Marsall-Petrovsky, t>uro Grunik and Edo Schwartz. Joscak, though not on the editorial board, proved a valuable asset not only as a travelling salesman of the newspaper but as a frequent contributor of interesting articles. At the turn of the century, the Rev. C. L. Orbach, originally a Polish Jew and a convert to Lutheranism, became the editor. He became a valuable associate of Spevak because of his wide experience, native ingenuity and extraordinary personality, and was to prove more than a match for Rovnianek in the feud that sprang up between the publishers of the "Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny" and the "Slovak v Amerike." In the light of unbiased studies on the subject of their quarrels, the conclusion is that it was not a matter of principle but purely a clash of two strong and hardheaded personalities that caused a misunderstanding and was the fuel for a heated controversy that lasted several years. When Spevak died, Rev. Orbach became editor-in-chief. During World War I the "Slovak v Amerike" became a daily ( 1914-1919) but when the war ended it was published three times a week. Early in the summer of 1935, the newspaper ceased publication, but by the end of the summer it was back in business again as a semi-weekly. As late as 1947 it had as many as 10,000 subscribers under the editorship and management of John Sciranka. By 1952, however, largely due to an upfortunate recurrence of a policy of dissension, the circulation decreased to less than 3,000. Father John Lach of Whiting, Indiana, came to the rescue and assumed publication in Chicago, Ill. in that same year. In 1958 he turned it over to Philip A. Hrobak, editor of the Jednota (in Middletown, Pa.) and national president of the Slovak League of America. Upon the death of Hrobak in 1964, Dr. Pauco assumed the responsibility of publishing the oldest Slovak newspaper in America. Over eight decades 'the editorial life span' of the publishers and editors has been surprisingly brief. But 98 SLOVAKIA what is even more amazing is that the newspaper survived all this time considering the frequent changeover in personnell and leadership. As might be surmised, the policies changed, sometimes radically, but the basic principles and fundamental program of serving the Slovak readers in the true spirit of religious and national culture remain to this day as the guidelines of an editorial policy that has as its self-same goal today: "Cultural enlightenment and spiritual uplifting of Americans of Slovak origin through the American way of life by an American newspaper in the Slovak language." In view of the Slovak nation's continuing struggle for survival as a united people, the "Slovak v Amerike" has adopted as a supplementary program the following: "In harmony with the American tradition of Freedom and Independence, the "Slovak v Amerike" champions the right of the Slovak people to the re-establishment of their own National State." The following list of editors, who at one time or another directed the publication of the "Slovak v Amerike" from 1889 to 1969, comprise most of the talented Slovak newspapermen in America: Ambrose, Pucher, Grunik, Spevak, Rev. Orbach, Kadak, Joscak, N. Bielik, Rev. Novomesky, Marsall-Petrovsky , Anton Bielik, G. Pivko, Albert Tholt-Vel'kostiavn icky, Adolf Tvrdy, Jan Culen, Karol stiasny, J . Galbavy, J . Baran, Dr. Norbert Capek, L. 0. Kozar, J . Stermensky, J. Zajac, Ivan Krizan, Edo Kovac Jr., stefan Kroner, Jan Sciranka, Rev. John Lach, Jan Okal, F. Hrobak, Dr. Jozef Pauco, Draga Paucova. In paying tribute to all above pioneers and their successors in the long line of newspapermen who served their Slovak countrymen with devoted zeal and determination, it is with a deep sense of gratitude that we bow our heads in their memory, for their contributions, as the great Slovak journalist, Konsto Culen, declared, "helped to make America richer culturally, socially and spiritually." THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA promotes a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation, its history, culture, traditions, achievements and its long, hard struggle for freedom and independence.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Oldest Slovak Newspaper in America Description An account of the resource Andrew Pier, O.S.B. Slovakia, Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969 pp. 96-98 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pier, Andrew W., 1910-2003 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/67fece92abc1a2e7d4588c6a99c5c2ba.pdf 48f71b3dde4a29e319e2150fb4a1a45d PDF Text Text 74 SLOVAKIA This is Slovakia By Francis Hrusovsk:J}, Ph. D. Slovakia lies along the northern shore of the central Danube, where the eastern slopes of the Alps touch the western slopes of the Carpathian mountains, and its territory covers the northern part of the Danubian basin. Since the dawn of European history, a route has run through the gate of the Danube, connecting the West and the East. This important route was intersected at this very point by several routes which ran from south to north and linked the coasts of the Adriatic with those of the Baltic and North Seas. According to ancient Slovak legend, evil spirits used to gather at crossroads and there would lie in wait for travelers. Crossroads have always harbored danger, and still do. Therefore the Slovaks erect crosses at intersections, to protect travelers who ·pass these dangerous places. From earliest times, nations seeking new homelands have flowed over these routes which intersect along the Danube. Through the portals of the Danube marched aggressive conquerors, and the soil of this land frequently served as the stage for bloody conflicts. The nation which settled in such a bustling spot experienced little peace, continually having to defend itself to keep from being swept away by the raging storms. In defending its life its strength was exhausted, and hence it could not grow and develop as it might have in a peaceful atmosphere where catastrophe is not always imminent. Precisely because of their country's location, however, the Slovaks became accustomed to danger, learned not to yield to threats, and now know how to endure numerous hardships. Over the routes which crossed at the center of the Danube traveled not only nations which had no permanent home as yet, but also conquerors lusting for booty and the expansion of their power. At this noisy crossroads between the Alps and the Carpathians, spiritual movements �SLOVAKIA 75 met and penetrated each other, and these defined the cultural developement and progress of Central Europe. All these trends touched Slovakia, fertilized the soil of its spiritual growth, and enriched the life of a nation which had settled this country and occupied it for centuries. For all the disadvantages resulting from the geographical location of its country, the Slovak nation had this great advantage: it was in constant touch with the trends of European cultural life. Slovakia has behind it a rich and vibrant past, and the Slovak people have acquired sufficient historical experience to realize not only their position and vital strength, but also the right to their own life in their own ancient homeland. IN A COUNTRY OF HIGH MOUNTAINS AND DEEP VALLEYS Life was not easy in a country which for the greater part is covered with high mountains and furrowed with deep valleys . In ancient times, people who had to struggle with Nature for their daily bread with bare hands and primitive implements, sought out the broad plains where the fertile soil required less work and provided them with easier living conditions. The tributaries of the Vistula River, which flows into the Baltic Sea, and the tributaries of the Danube, which empties into the Black Sea, indicated the route to the passes in the Carpathian mountains, and through these passes people traveled from north to south and from south to north. Through Slovak territory, from the early Stone Age until deep into the Middle Ages, passed a great assortment of tribes, leaving behind in his country material relics of their life and cultural level.1 Also in the historical period, which in Slovakia begins around the birth of Christ, Slovakia was inhabited by people of various origins who stayed for a shorter or longer time at this crossroads. After the Celts, who left behind in Slovakia their names of the mountains and rivers, this region was occupied by the German Marcomanni and Quaddi. At the very beginning of the Christian era, the central section of the Danube became the northern boundary of the Roman Empire. The Roman legions which had built a string of �76 SLOVAKIA fortresses along both banks of the Danube, tried to restrict the attacts of the barbarians to the provinces on the far side of the Danube, and at the same time attempted to conquer the land of Slovakia and thus advance the imperial boundaries from the Danube to the Carpathians. Finally, the Roman emperors themselves had to come to the territory of Slovakia in order to subdue the stubborn Germans who were trying to push deeper into the Danubian basin. 2 When, at the end of the 4th century, the Romans had to withdraw from the Danube, and when, subsequently, the German tribes also left Slovakia, the Slavs flooded Central Europe from the Baltic Sea to the Balkans. Hardly had the ancestors of the Slovaks moved through the Carpathian passes into the southern foothills of these mountains when the Danube basin was invaded from the east by the warlike Avars who then held control of Slovakia from the end of the 6th to the end of the 8th century. At the turn of the 8th and 9th centuries, the armies of emperor Charlemagne broke the power of the Avars, and his successors strove to conquer the neighboring Slovak lands. These battles were waged along the entire Germano-Slovak border and were often repeated especially along the Danube, which was the natural route to the East for the Western population. It is no wonder that this kind of territory would attract many nations who were seeking new homelands in their search for a safe and peaceful life. When the Slovaks settled along the Danube, there was no longer any available space in Europe which would accomodate new inhabitants. The Slovaks occupied this country when it belonged to no one, and so it was that they found themselves on the western rim of the Slavic world as immediate neighbors of the Germans. The ancestors of the Slovak people attached to this country the destiny of all the succeeding Slovak generations, who, in turn established their claim to this land by the fact that during their more than thousand year history they never deserted or renounced it. Life in this country was hard, as hard as the rocks of the Slovak mountains and the rocky terrain of their foothills. As a result, the Slovaks had an opportunity to �SLOVAKIA 77 learn how to work hard, to live meagerly, and to hold firmly to the hereditary land of their ancestors. Only thus were they able to survive all the storms of history and the hardships of life. Above the rocky floor of this country there is always heard the soft murmur of impenetrable forests, and in the quiet valleys echoes the song of lively rivers and swift streams.3 This country with its particular geography pressed the seal of its character into the nature of the Slovak people, who have enough vital courage to wrestle with the hardships of their fate and with their deep emotion manage to find beauty and joy in living even among these hardships. IN THE FAMILY OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS OF EUROPE The external peril which constantly threatened Slovakia at this historical crossroads led the Slovak tribes living along the central Danube and its tributaries to unite and defend themselves with their combined strength. Out of the tiny Slovak principalities a united Slovak state came into existence already in the first half of the 9th century. It was the first organized state in Central Europe . Simultaneously with this development, Christianity penetrated Slovakia. The first teachers of the pagan Slovaks were missionaries from neighboring Bavaria. By the year 830, during the reign of Prince Pribina, a Christian church was standing in the ancient home of the Slovak princes of Nitra. It was the first Christian church, not only in Slovakia, but in the entire territory of the western Slavs. With the Christian faith , which took root in Slovakia rapidly and firmly, Christian civilization entered the country. In the 9th century, therefore, the Slovak nation was already a member of the civilized, that is, Christian, nations of Europe. The entire region settled by Slovaks and divided into small principalities was successfully united by prince Mojmir, who ruled the country until the year 846. His successor, Prince Rastislav (846-869 ), fully realinzing the outward dangers, wanted to provide his country with an internal strength that would be able to resist any attack. In the year 863 he invited SS. Cyril and Method, who completed the Christianizing of the Slovaks, �78 SLOVAKIA laid the foundations of Christian education, and sought to establish a self-sustaining church organization to support the political independence of Slovaks. The headquarters of the Slovak princes in Nitra was also the residence of the bishop as early as 879. Svatopluk ( 870-894), whom contemporary sources call a king and consider "the most glorious of the Slavonic rulers and almost as mighty as an emperor", extended his domain to include the neigboring Czech and Polish tribes. He waged successful wars against his Western neighbors, maintained diplomatic relations and concluded diplomatic peace treaties with neighboring rulers, safeguarded the independent status of his country, and, in the year 880, placed himself, his country and his people under the protection of the Holy See. His son and successor, Mojmir II ( 894-906) , stalwartly defended the heritage of his great ancestors against threats not only from the West, but also from the East. By the end of the 10th century, the Danube basin was invaded by the Magyars. In these battles, waged on two fronts, the Slovaks were bled. 4 Slovakia, at the threshold of the 10th century, lost the conditions necessary for independent development. A great and glorious chapter of Slovak history was ended, but neither its inspiring memory, nor the right of the Slovak nation to liberty and independence, ever faded. The Slovak nation, at the very beginning of its history, passed the test which proved its ability to govern its own land and keep pace with the development of Europe. Firmly implanted in the great family of civilized nations, it could not be shaken loose later by the pounding waves of historical movements. A THOUSAND YEARS UNDER A FOREIGN ROOF The invasion of the Danube basin by the pagan Magyars disrupted the political and cultural development of this region of Central Europe. Marauding bands of Magyars frequently traversed the devastated land of Slovakia and terrorized neighboring countries. Under these circumstances the organization of the Slovak State collapsed, the ecclesiastical management of Slovak territory disintegrated generally, many churches fell victim to destruction, and �SLOVAKIA 79 the advance of civilization was halted momentarily by the wide-spread ruin. But Slovakia, even after these calamities, was not left a barren wilderness. All the attainments of Western civilization appropriated by the Slovaks in the 9th century and all the spiritual values which they had constructed under their own rules were not to be destroyed by fire and sword. In the 10th century Slovak territory was no longer organized as an independent state, but neither did it belong to any other government, for there was no established government along the central Danube in those days. The Slovaks lived on their ancient homeland but they had no roof of their own above them to insure their peaceful growth. In the years 955 Emperor Otto dealt the Magyars a defeat which put an end to their sorties and former manner of life. Because of this blow they were forced to settle down permanently, establish their standing among their neighbors and adjust themselves to their new circumstances. They occupied the central region of the Danube basin and at the end of the 10th century, under the leadership of the princes of the Arpad dynasty, began to build a new state: Hungary. Sometime around the year 1000 Slovakia became a part of the Hungarian State. The Slovak people did not come into Hungary as a nation defeated and subdued. Exhausted as it was by long battles and devastated by wars, Slovakia had no alternative but to become a member of the new government which had begun to form in the Danube basin. The Slovaks did not enter the Hungarian State empty-handed, dependent upon the favor or disfavor of the new government. In addition to the territory of their own country, the Slovaks brought into the budding Hungarian State their entire material and spiritual heritage which had survived the tragedy of the Slovak State and the storms of the 10th century. This Slovak heritage served as a partial foundation for the government, the church organization, the economic life and the cultural growth of Hungary.5 For a long time Slovakia was the most Christian and most cultured region of medieval Hungary and remained so until the most recent times. �80 SLOVAKIA Gradually the entire Danube basin entered the union of the Hungarian State. Although Slovakia did not constitute a separate political and administrative unit in ancient Hungary, its geographical location, its topographical features, its national character, its historical past and its cultural maturity provided it with a special position and a role of its own, even in the framework of the Hungarian State. From the formation of the Hungarian State until the end of the 11th century Slovakia was a vassal principality. At the junction of the 13th and 14th centuries it was the political and military center of power of the "Master of the Vah and the Tatras", Matus cak Trenciansky. During the first half of the 15th century, in the hands of Jan Jiskra, Slovakia played a role in the internal conflicts of Hungary. From the year 1540, when the Turks occupied a large area of Hungary, and for more than a century and a half thereafter, it continued to become more prominent in the affairs of the Hungarian State. Hungary never was and never became a purely Magyar state. The Danube basin has always been a living mosaic composed of diversified national units: Slovaks, Ruthenians, Rumanians, Serbs, Croats, Slovenes and Germans . Among these nations and national minorities the Magyars never comprised a numerical majority, but by virtue of their origin, language and character they were strangers to all other inhabitants of the Danube basin. Nevertheless, because of this very fact and because they occupied the most advantageous location in the very center of the Danube basin, they were able to attain the leading position in the State of Hungary. The ruling families which mounted the Hungarian throne, after the extinction of the Arpads in 1301, were of non-Magyar origin. The official language until the end of the 18th century was Latin. Furthermore, the culture which developed in Hungary was the common product of all the inhabitants of the Danube basin. Thanks to these circumstances, Slovakia, even though it did not enjoy the conditions necessary for independent growth, was not menaced in medieval Hungary and retained its individual ethnical character. The vitality of the �SLOVAKIA 81 Slovak nation was such that not only isolated immigrants of Eastern origin ( the Sikuli, Pecenci, Polovci, Kumani), but also large groups of German colonists who settled in Slovakia particularly during the 13th century, lost their identity in the Slovak surrounding by natural assimilation. The distinctly Slovak character of Slovakia, though frequently imperiled by foreign influences, remained inviolate until the most recent times. The Slovak language thrived not only among larger groups of people in the villages but was heard also in the castles of mighty lords. Not even the cities with their centuries-old privileged German population could withstand the strong influence of the Slovak environment; gradually they too assumed a Slovak character. A certain Slovak scholar, contemplating the strange fate of Slovakia in Hungary, compared the life of the Slovak nation to the life of the dense forest which covers a great part of the Slovak land surface. Storms can cause much damage in a forest. Windstorms can uproot centuryold trees. Woodchoppers can cut down the forest piecemeal. But in the place of the old uprooted or cut-down forest grows a new and strong stand of trees with roots penetrating deep into the earth, between the rocks, clinging tenaciously to the earth which nourishes it. The Slovak nation is like an indestructible Slovak forest, firmly rooted in its native earth and its age-old traditions. Only such a nation could survive a thousand years without a roof of its own. ON THE BOUNDARY LINE OF TWO CIVILIZATIONS The Carpathians constitute not only the eastern boundary of the Danube basin, but, in the Middle Ages, they formed also the eastern boundary of Western civilization, Roman Christianity and Latin culture. Because this basin is more exposed to the West, it was open to all the cultural trends of the neighboring Western countries. Slovakia's particular position in the Danube basin placed it under the constant influence of Western European culture directly from the west (through Vienna), from the north (via Prague and Cracow), and from the south (via Budin). Byzantine Christianity and Eastern civilization �82 SLOVAKIA did make an entry through the Carpathian passes, but its influence covered only the easternmost part of Slovakia. The military expeditions of the German kings who waged war with the Hungarian kings and the campaigns of the Czech Hussites in the 15th century were a menace to the economic life of Slovakia but not to its cultural development. However, through the Carpathians from the East, even during the Middle Ages, came bands of fierce nomads bringing new dangers to the cultural life of the Danube basin. Aftear the Avars who completely disappeared from the domestic population of the central Danube, and after the Magyars who embraced Christianity and adjusted themselves to their new circumstances, and after the small groups of other Eastern nomads of Mongolian origin, a great calamity was visited upon Slovakia by the Tatars who invaded Central Europe in the year 1241 and devastated some sections of Slovakia. Not only the economic and cultural life of the Danube basin, but also the Christianity of the inhabitants was threatened by the Turks who, following their occupation of the Balkans, extended their power to the foothills of the Slovak mountains after the Battle of Mohac in the year 1526. Although Slovakia felt the effects of all these attacks and upheavals, it managed to maintain throughout the Middle Ages a close and unbroken connection with Western Europe, and this fact had a determining influence on the economic progress, the social development and the cultural life of Slovakia. This lasting and living contact of Slovakia with Western Europe is attested to by the rich relics of creative art which we find from the western to the eastern boundaries of Slovakia. The oldest historical remains, relics of the Roman style which dominated in Slovakia until the 13th century, have succumbed to the ravages of time and the devastation of war, or they have been replaced by newer relics; but many are in a state of partial preservation to this day. In contrast with these, there are unusually valuable Gothic relics from the 13th to 15th centuries which testify that Slovakia, at the peak of the Middle Ages, had attained a high level of culture. The parish churches of certain Slovak cities (Bratislava, Trnava, Levoca, Presov, Bardejov, Kosice ) are magnificent monuments of Gothic architecture, �SLOVAKIA 83 and some of them with their rich interior decoration are true museums of Gothic art. Imposing Slovak cities, especially the rich mining centers in central Slovakia (Kremnica-where gold ducats were minted as early as 1333-Banska Bystrica and Banska ~tiavnica ) and cities in the Spis region (Spisska Nova Ves, Levoca, Kezmarok) , have retained much of their medieval character to this day, proving that a vigorous culture bloomed in these cities in addition to industry, commerce and prosperity. Nowhere in Central Europe have there been as many medieval castles created and preserved as in Slovakia. They were the headquarters of powerful rulers; they played an important role in political history and in the military defense of the country, and stand as monuments of medieval feudalism and mute witnesses of the fate of a loyal nation. Many of these castles have fallen into ruin with the passing of time; only portions of their stout walls still tower above the rocky cliffs and wooded mountains to heighten the romance of Slovakia's natural beauty. Some escaped destruction and are still intact today. Their collections of historical relics tell the past of the entire region. The Slovak people who lived in the cities and in the villages surrounding these castles for centuries survived not only the feudal lords, but the splendor of their dwellings as well . Interesting legends recall their ancient past and their plight in the shadows of these castles. Slovaks have had an opportunity to learn to believe- as the Slovak adage puts it-that "everything is temporary except God."6 Slovakia was touched also by waves of the cultural movement which had its cradle in Italy: Renaissance or Humanism. This new intellectual and artistic trend entered Slovakia in the second half of the 15th century when Gothic culture was in full bloom there. In Bratislava, already in the year 1460, a university was founded that was to become a center of Humanism. Renaissance architecture developed chiefly in the eastern part of Slovakia, leaving its mark on the construction of Slovak homes. This cultural movement, which was so strong in the land of its origin-where ancient traditions have always had a home-,was not able to develop more fully either in Central Europe or in Slovakia because, simul- �84 SLOVAKIA taneously with the Turkish invasion of the Danube basin, the calm life of the country was disrupted by the Reformation. Slovakia also became a participant in this new phase of history. SLOVAKIA AS A BASTION OF EUROPE Implausible as it may sound, it is nonetheless a historical fact that Slovakia served as a bastion in the bulwark that defended Christian Europe against the danger from the East. It played this role when the Turks were in control of the central region of the Danube basin and were attempting to conquer the neighboring European countries. Life was difficult for the Slovaks in their mountainous homeland, but these mountains often proved to be their strongest protection. In the endless wooded mountains of their country they had found shelter from the Tatars. and they found in them the same kind of refuge from the Turks. Life in the hills was hard enough, but the proximity of the Turks brought new hardships to the Slovaks. Upon the shoulders of the Slovak people fell the burden 01 responsibility attending an organized defense against the attacks of the Turks. Plundering bands of Turkish wariors disturbed the population of Slovakia by plunging deep into Slovak territory, against the current of the Slovak rivers, and returning with captives as well as spoil. In order to resist the Turks and provide sanctuars for large numbers of the population, it was necessary to repair and maintain the ancient castles in Slovakia. This work was done by the Slovaks as faithful subjects. The cities strengthened their defenses, and those cities wich previously did not have to be fortified had to erect bulwarks. Even some cloisters in the vicinity of the Turks were transformed into temporary fortresses. To support the military forces which were to fight in the event of a Turkish assault, higher taxes had to be paid. These contributions had to be made by those inhabitants of Hungary who were not in the hands of the Turksprimarely Slovakia. Along the southern border of Slovakia, new forts were erected according to the new military �SLOVAKIA 85 strategy, and these were to obstruct the advance of the Turks toward the mining cities of central Slovakia. For a century and a half (from 1540 until the end of the 17th century), Slovakia lived in continual military preparedness and had to bear the tremendous burdens connected with such an abnormal situation. In addition to this, the land of Slovakia provided the stage on which were enacted, first of all, the wars between the antikings, Ferdinand I of Hapsburg (1526-1564) and Jan Zapol'a (1526-1540 ), and, later, the uprisings against the Hapsburgs . These revolts, apart from other reasons, were caused chiefly by the developments of the religious situation stemming from the Reformation and the Catholic Restoration. The teachings of the Reformation proclaimed by Martin Luther found welcome soil at an early date, particularly among the German urban population, and later spread over all Slovakia. The Protestant Church had a strong organization by the year 1612. In the Protestant centers, schools and publishing houses sprang up and books were printed to spread the new teachings among the inhabitants of Slovakia. However, this movement had hardly gained a foothold in Slovakia when, upon the invitation of the archbishop of Ostrihom, whose headquarters were in Trnava, Jesuits entered the country and began to carry out a zealous program of recatholization.7 This activity was centered in Trnava, where a Catholic university was founded in the year 1635. Near the university a large publishing firm was set up to print, in addition to scholarly Latin books, popular writings in all the languages of Central Europe. 8 Even though these two movements met in open conflict on Slovak soil, and the struggle was attended by various tragic occurences, the results were not as catastrophic as they were in other countries because the conflict was waged mostly on a spiritual plane-on the floor of the diet in city council-and predominantly with cultural weapons. For that reason Slovakia kept on growing culturally despite these religious disturbances. Strong traces of this fervent religious experience in Slovakia are found in the numerous and lovely relics of �86 SLOVAKIA baroque art. The unusually well-developed period of Gothic art was followed by a relatively weak impression of the Renaissance; but baroque culture spread far and wide and reached a high level in Slovakia. This period is represented by several still extant majestic churches of which the university church in Trnava and the Jesuit church in Trencin are outstanding for their size and perfection of form. The new style became popular in secular architecture also. Slovak cities took on a new appearance as the wealthy lords left their highly-situated and uncomfortable castles and built their palaces on the plains. Various elements of baroque art crept into Slovak folk art as well. This is evident proof that the Slovak people, while suffering under oppression, retained their deep emotions, their sense of beauty, their creative abilities, and their facility in adapting foreign artistic values to their own taste. It was not until the end of the 18th century that the religious conflicts came to an end. Protestantism, after its early successes, withdrew into the background, and the Catholic Church regained the upper hand. One important feature of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation was that both parties, in trying to gain the largest number of adherents, concentrated on the use of the vernacular. Alongside official and cultural Latin, the Slovak language begins to emerge and express itself in literary form. And with the revival of the Slovak language, a Slovak national consciousness and a longing for a new form of national life begins to bud, supported by the influx of new intel-lectual trends. ON THE WAY TO A LIFE OF THEIR OWN In the year 1683 the Polish king Jan Sobieski dealt the Turks a defeat, at the walls of Vienna, which marked the beginning of their withdrawal from Central Europe. In 1686 they had to surrender Budin, and by the end of the 17th century they were pushed out of the Danube basin into the Balkans. In these battles against the Turks and their anti-Hapsburg allies, economic misery in Slovakia increased and the social position of the subjugated people became practically unbearable. It is no wonder that the Slovak people saw in Juraj Janosik-who was hanged in 1713 because "he robbed the rich and gave to the poor"-their �SLOVAKIA 87 heroic champion and immortalized him and his deeds in legends, songs and art glass. 9 Hungary was finally liberated from the Turks and unified, but it was devastated, and areas which had been under the Turkish domination for a long time were virtually depopulated. The Slovaks contributed to the reconstruction and elevation of Hungary not only by paying higher taxes but also by leaving their mountainous homeland in large numbers and emigrating to the southern region of Hungary which was more fertile but lacked inhabitants and manpower. Hungary, in the meantime, developed closer ties with the countries ruled by the Hapsburgs. Charles VI ( 171117 40) , lacking a male heir, decreed that female descendants of the Hapsburg lineage could succeed him. This was the first law governing all the countries under the rule of the Haps burgs. The successors of Charles VI, Maria Theresa ( 17401780) and her son Joseph II (1780-1790), sought to perfect and intergrate the rule of their countries by introducing social, administrative and ecclesiastical reforms in the liberal spirit of current intellectual trends, which, together with other new measures, formed the groundwork for centralization and the beginning of Germanization. These reforms evoked a stormy reaction especially from the Magyars, because they ignored the rights of individual nations and imposed on them the German language instead of Latin. The new ideas which later, under the slogan "Liberty, Equality and Fraternity", resulted in the French Revolution, made their way into the Danube basin and affected also the nations of that region. These ideas found fertile soil not only among the Magyars, but also among the other nations which occupied Hungary. While the Magyars opposed the centralization of power in Vienna and the attempts at Germanization by the Hapsburgs, the nonMagyar nations of Hungary were preparing to defend themselves against the Magyars whose dream was to eventually build a single Hungarian State. In the 18th century the Magyars constituted about one-third of the population of Hungary. Next in numerical �88 SLOVAKIA size were the Slovaks, who were becoming as conscious of their nationality as the Magyars. Slovak national consciousness sprang and grew from several sources: besides the contemporary trends of thought entering Slovakia from the outside and the pressure exerted upon the Slovaks by the Magyars, Slovak national consciousness was strongly rooted in Slovak life itself. The Slovaks were becoming convinced anew that the country which they occupied was their own country and that they were its autonomous inhabitants with all rights of ownership to that region of Hungary. Reflecting this conviction, Jan Baltazar Magin emphasized the rights of the Slovak nation in a book published in 1728.10 Slovak writers revived the memory of Slovak antiquity, especially the glorious deeds of the Slovak rulers of the 9th century, in order to awaken among their people a longing for a free national future. In this vein, Juraj Papanek returned to the Slovak past in a book entitled Of Slovak Kings and Kingdoms, published in the year 1780; Juraj Sklenar, in a book on Vel'ka Morava printed in 1783; and Juraj Fandli, in 1793, with a revision of Papanek's book. The great events of ancient Slovak history were portrayed in the epic poems of the highly-gifted Slovak poet Jan Holly, entitled Svdtopluk ( 1833), in his book S ldv (1834) and in Cyrilo-M ethodidda (1835). With the Reformation, the Czech language spread throughout Slovakia and took root chiefly among Slovak Protestants. But Czech proved to be as foreign and as dead a language in Slovakia as Latin; hence the Slovaks began to cultivate their own language. The scholar Matej BelFuntik (1687-1749), in Latin work, wrote of the Slovak language that "in no respect does it fall behind the ponderousness and grandeur of Spanish, the charm and smoothness of French, the loftiness and strength of English, the richness and emphasis of German, the softness and tenderness of Italian, or the imperious sternness of Hungarian." Anton Bernolak, in the year 1787, wrote a grammar of literary Slovak, and later published a six-volume SlovakCzech-Latin-German-Hungarian dictionary. In the year �SLOVAKIA 89 1843 definitive rules of Slovak grammar were established, and these then became the instrument of an independent Slovak literature. As with their language, the Slovaks began to pay attention to the distinctive products of Slovak folk culture, in which they recognized the creative abilities of the Slovak spirit. All this filled the Slovaks with a feeling of national consciousness and instilled them with courage to win for themselves the rights that belong to people who consider themselves a separate nation and yearn to live as such. The Slovaks did not forget, but rather remainded themselves clearly at this time, that their position on the western border of the Slavic world and their immediate proximity to non-Slavic countries exposed to new perils. They felt that they were not strong enough numerically to defend themselves against the pressure of their neighbors. Therefore, in addition to fostering their own national individuality, they began to take into consideration their relationship to the other Slavonic nations, hoping to find support for the growth of their own life in the great family of Slavs. The idea of Slavic brotherhood found expression in Sldvy dcera (Daughter of Shiva), 1824, a poem by Jan Kollar, and in the scholarly work of Pavol Jozef ~afarik Slovanske starozitnosti (Slavic Antiquities). These thoughts influenced Slovak national consciousness very much and were re-echoed especially in Slovak literature. Slovak literature, filled with such a spirit, did not penetrate the large masses of Slovak people who lived in feudal bondage until 1848 and therefore could not take part in public life. Slovak leaders, aware of the situation of the Slovak people, strove to elevate them economically, socially, morally and culturally so that they might be capable of grasping their political rights and assist in achieving a free national life. In the first half of the 19th century the Slovak people, who for many ages occupied the northern section of Hungary, became a nation which was prepared to go its own way and live its own life.11 �90 SLOVAKIA POINT OF NO RETURN Just as the Slovaks had awakened to a new life, had become conscious of their national identity, and were preparing to defend their rights, they found themselves in a strange and difficult situation. They lost that stratum of society whos~ standing, education and economic independence had given it a leading role in politics as well. The upper and lower aristocracy of Slovak origin, having reneged its Slovak identity, left the Slovak nation standing on the threshold of its new life with large masses of leaderless people. Under these circumstances, the educated sons of the Slovak nation assumed the leadership, combining their struggle for the political rights of their people with a fight for their economic welfare, social elevation and cultural progress. The struggle for liberty was at the same time a struggle for democracy. In this struggle an unusually important part was played by the clergy, who, by reason of their calling and their constant contact with the people, best understood their troubles and their needs. It should not surprise anyone therefore to see large numbers of Catholic and Protestant clergymen working zealously in every area of Slovak national life and making outstanding sacrifices for their cause. The writings of the great Slovak poet, the Catholic priest Jan Holly (1785-1849 ) , inspired his entire generation, the actual leader of which was Ludovit stur (1815-1856 ), teacher, writer, editor and political fighter. stur, together with the Lutheran pastors Jozef Miloslav Hurban (18171888 ) and Michal Miloslav Hodza (1811-1870) established the definitive form of literary Slovak, founded a literary and publishing society, Tatrin ( 1844 ) , began to print political journal, Slovenske narodnie noviny-"Slovak National News"-(1845 ) , and the literary monthly, Slovenske pohl'ady-"Slovak Views"-(1846), achieved the unification of all Slovaks (1847), and gave Slovak national life a clear goal and a firm direction in the spirit of stur's slogan: "Backward We Cannot, Forward We Must!" "Forward" means to liberate the Slovak people from the yoke of slavery and lead them down the road of independent national and cultural growth to a free nation- �SLOVAKIA 91 al life. To achieve this goal the Slovak nation needed a political program. The Revolution which erupted in Paris in February, 1848, and reverberated throughout Europe, inspired a strong movement in Hungary also, affecting the development of Slovak life and speeding the ripening of the Slovak political program. Individual regions of Slovakia rebelled against the imposition of Hungarian as the only legal language and strove to get Slovak recognized as their official language. The language of the Slovak people represented the very existence of Slovakia, and the fight for "our Slovak language" was essentially a fight for all the rights of the Slovak nation. The foremost leaders of the Slovaks followed carefully the progress of revolutionary activity in Europe and Hungary and decided definitely that the Slovak nation must not stand in the background, gazing passively at these tempestuous changes. They made the necessary preparations in the various parts of Slovakia, and in May of 1848 gathered at the parsonage of Michal Miloslav Hodza in Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas where they drew up a program for Slovakia's political future under the heading "Petitions of the Slovak Nation." The Slovaks, in creating their political program, took into consideration not only their aims and desires, but existing circumstances as well. One such prominent circumstance was the fact that Slovakia was part of the Hungarian State, in which it did not even constitute a separate administrative unit. The Slovaks were not planning to tear away from Hungary; they merely wished to have the boundaries of the Slovak lands clearly defined so that the Slovak people might have guaranteed equality with the Magyars in Hungary, and that this equality might apply in all areas of political, social, and especially in cultural life. They intended to present these petitions to the King, the Parliament and the Government, but first they wanted the opinion of the Slovak people regarding them and their achievement. The Magyars, who fought for their own national rights with such determination and revolutionary boldness, opposed the just and justified petitions of the Slovak nation. They outlawed the assembling of Slovaks and �92 SLOVAKIA treated their political leaders as traitors worthy of imprisonment. When the Slovaks saw what obstacles their political program met and would meet in Hungary, they resorted to armed insurrection against the Magyars, who themselves were engaged in a rebellion against the Emperor and were fighting for the independence of Hungary. The Slovak uprising of 1848-49 ended without result. The Emperor, from whom the Slovaks expected understanding and protection, suppressed the revolt of the Magyars with the help of the Russian army, and introduced absolute rule. He punished the Magyars, and completely forgot the Slovaks.12 The Emperor failed to crush the Magyars, and the Slovaks likewise refused to surrender their rights. In the year 1860 the Emperor terminated absolute rule and sought an agreement with the Magyars that would not only placate the Magyars but would also not jeopardize the interests of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Immediately in the spring of 1861 the Slovaks renewed their political activity. First they detailed the principles of their political program in the newspapers, and then they called a general assembly to Turciansky Sv. Martin where the prominent attorney Stefan Marko Daxner formulated Slovak policy anew in the comprehensive "Memorandum of the Slovak Nation." Pointing to the conditions which had developed in Hungary, they asked that the Slovak nation be recognized by a special edict, that Slovakia constitute a distinctive administrative unit in Hungary, and that the Slovak people in their own territory be given the right to develop their own life without restriction.13 These petitions were submitted in a separate memorial document to Emperor Franz Jozef (1849-1916 ) by the noble Slovak bishop Stefan Moyses. 14 All that resulted was that the Slovaks, in 1863-on the 1000th anniversary of the coming of Cyril and Method to Slovakia-were permitted to establish a cultural institution called the "Matica Slovenska" and with their own funds opened three high schools for the training of Slovak youth. In 1867 the Emperor came to terms with the Magyars, with the result that Hungary gained a wide degree of independence and a decided influence in matters of mutual �SLOVAKIA 93 concern in the Monarchy. The position of the Slovaks in Hungary not only worsened but grew steadily and unbearably more desperate. By the year 1875 Slovak cultural and educational institutions were closed and Magyarization was spreading throughout Hungary. Hungary was not a Magyar state even now, but the aim of Budapest policy was to make it such as quickly as possible. The goal of Magyar political ideology was to mold Hungary into a unified state with a population politically unified under one official language. All nonMagyar nations and national minorities in Hungary were to be just "nationalities" comprising parts of a single Hungarian-that is, Magyar-nation. The Danube basin resembles a large bowl. The center was settled by the Magyars. Feeling strange and alone and numerically weak in their central position, they made every effort to grow and become strong, in order to make their future sure. To do that, their growth had to be artificial and at the expense of the non-Magyar peoples of Hungary. For many centuries a variety of nations and national minorities occupied the rim of this huge bowl, the mountainous regions of the Danube basin. These were pushed toward the center by their growing populations and hard living conditions, thus posing a threat to the Magyars. This interesting conflict to be or not to be was waged in the Danube basin until Hungary ceased to exist as a state. Feeling the pressure of denationalization at every step, the Slovaks saw danger that threatened them and loomed ever larger above them. Even so, they did not stop stating their allegiance to Hungary, and made several new attempts to achieve a state of equality with the Magyars. All these attempts came to naught because the Magyar politicians, blinded by the alluring features of a future Magyar Hungary, were determined to press their objectives persistently and ruthlessly. 15 The Emperor, who was also the King of Hungary, took no interest in the development of internal conditions in Hungary and was likewise deaf and blind to the situation o! the Slovak nation. Because of the election laws and practices which obtained in Hungary, Slovaks either did not get into the Budapest Parliament, or, if they did, �94 SLOVAKIA only in negligible numbers. The Hungarian Parliament passed legislation which suppressed Slovak life. Magyarization increased, especially at the beginning of the 20th century. Count Albert Apponyi, as Minister of Education, saw to it that school laws were enacted to bring about the complete Magyarization of all schools in Slovakia. And, of course, the Magyar schools which the Slovak young people had to attend, did not train them in the Slovak spirit nor for a Slovak existence. If any Slovak in these circumstances dared to defend the honor and rights of his own nation, as did Andrej Hlinka (1864-1938)-called a rebel, a Panslav and a traitor-with such exemplary fearlessness, he found himself in prison, unable to go on with his work. Yet not even these adversities broke the Slovak nation, for the Slovaks believed, with Andrej Hlinka, that "Truth has never yet suffered in vain, nor will our Slovak truth suffer needlessly," as Hlinka himself prophesied in 1907 as he was being led to prison. 16 1) A comprehensive picture of the prehistoric settlement of Slovakia is given in the work of Jan Eisner, Slovensko v praveku (Slovakia in Prehistoric Times), Bratislava, Slovakia, 1933. 2) Several studies on the contacts of Slovakia with the Romans have been written by Vojtech Ondrouch. He presents a review of these questions in his work Slovensko v dobe fimsko-germanske ( Slovakia in the Roman-Germanic Period), Prague, 1936. 3) Approximately 40 % of Slovakia's land area is still covered with forests . In the Middle Ages the forested area was much larger. 4) The ancient history of Slovakia is covered by Frantisek Hrusovsk~· in his book Slovenski vladari (Slovak Rulers), Obrana Press, Inc., Scranton, Pa., 1948. 5) Pavol Bujnak, "Obratenie Mad'arov na vieru krest'ansku" (The Conversion of the Magyars to Christianity), Risa vel'komoravskci (The Greater Moravian Empire), Praha, 1933. The latest wrinting on Slovak influence at the beginning of the Hungarian State comes from Juraj Hodal, "Vclenenie sa starych Mad'arov do staroslovenskeho spolocenskeho zriadenia" (The Integration of the Ancient Magyars into Old-Slovak Society), Historicky sbornik (Historical Review), Turc. Sv. Martin, Slovakia, 1940. 6) A lucid study of the history of creative art in Slovakia is fount! in Vladimir Wagner's book Dejiny vytvarneho umenia na Slovensku (A History of Creative Art in Slovakia), Trnava, Slovakia, 1930. 7) Of the more recent literature on the Reformation in Slovakia, the book by Branislav Varsik, deserves attention, Husiti a reformacia na Slovensku do Zilinskej synody (The Hussites and the Reforma- �SLOVAKIA 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13) 14) 15) 16) 95 tion in Slovakia up to the Synod of 2ilina), Bratislava, Slovakia, 1932. The beginnings of the Catholic Counter-Reformation are discribed by Vojtech Bucko, Reformne hnutie v arcibiskupstve ostrihomskom do roku 1564 (The Reform Movement in the Ostrihom Archbishopric up to 1564), Bratislava, Slovakia, 1939. The origin, history and significance of this cultural institution were memorialized in an anniversary anthology in 1935 under the title Trnavskci univerzita (The University of Trnava), Trnava, Slovakia, 1935. The economic and social status of the Slovak people in the time of oppression is described in the scholarly work of Stefan Jansak, Slovensko v dobe uhorskeho feudalizmu (Slovakia in the Period of Hungarian Feudalism) , Bratislava, Slovakia, 1932. Janosik as a champion of social justice was portrayed widely not only in literature, but also in the creative arts, in music and films. The comprehensive monography by A. A. Banik, Jan Baltazar Magin a jeho politickci, ncirodnci i kulturna obrana Slovcikov v roku 1728 (Jan Baltazar Magin and His Political, National and Cultural Defense of the Slovaks in 1728) , Trnava, Slovakia, 1936. The indications of tendencies to turn ancient Hungary into a monolithic Hungarian state are taken up in detail by Daniel Rapant, K pociatkom mad'arizcicie (The Beginnings of Magyarization), Vols. I and II, Bratislava, Slovakia, 1927, 1931. Daniel Rapant, Slovenske povstanie v roku 1848-49 (The Slovak Uprising of 1848-49), Vols. I and II, Turc. Sv. Martin, Slovakia, 1937. Frantisek Hrusovsky, Slovenske ncirodne shromazdenie v roku 1861 (The Slovak National Assembly of 1861) Turciansky Svaty Martin, Slovakia, 1944. Daniel Rapant, Viedenske memorandum slovenske z roku 1861 (The Slovak Memorandum of Vienna, 1861) , Turciansky Svaty Martin, Slovakia, 1944. Frantisek Bokes, Slovenske pokusy o vyrovnanie s Mad'armi (Slovak Attempts at Agreement with the Magyars), Turciansky Svaty Martin, Slovakia, 1944. Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka, Bratislava, Slovakia, 1934, p. 198. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation, whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the right of every nation to freely choose its own form of government and freely elect persons of its own choice by whom it shall be governed. � 74 SLOVAKIA This is Slovakia By Francis Hrusovsk:J}, Ph. D. Slovakia lies along the northern shore of the central Danube, where the eastern slopes of the Alps touch the western slopes of the Carpathian mountains, and its territory covers the northern part of the Danubian basin. Since the dawn of European history, a route has run through the gate of the Danube, connecting the West and the East. This important route was intersected at this very point by several routes which ran from south to north and linked the coasts of the Adriatic with those of the Baltic and North Seas. According to ancient Slovak legend, evil spirits used to gather at crossroads and there would lie in wait for travelers. Crossroads have always harbored danger, and still do. Therefore the Slovaks erect crosses at intersections, to protect travelers who ·pass these dangerous places. From earliest times, nations seeking new homelands have flowed over these routes which intersect along the Danube. Through the portals of the Danube marched aggressive conquerors, and the soil of this land frequently served as the stage for bloody conflicts. The nation which settled in such a bustling spot experienced little peace, continually having to defend itself to keep from being swept away by the raging storms. In defending its life its strength was exhausted, and hence it could not grow and develop as it might have in a peaceful atmosphere where catastrophe is not always imminent. Precisely because of their country's location, however, the Slovaks became accustomed to danger, learned not to yield to threats, and now know how to endure numerous hardships. Over the routes which crossed at the center of the Danube traveled not only nations which had no permanent home as yet, but also conquerors lusting for booty and the expansion of their power. At this noisy crossroads between the Alps and the Carpathians, spiritual movements �SLOVAKIA 75 met and penetrated each other, and these defined the cultural developement and progress of Central Europe. All these trends touched Slovakia, fertilized the soil of its spiritual growth, and enriched the life of a nation which had settled this country and occupied it for centuries. For all the disadvantages resulting from the geographical location of its country, the Slovak nation had this great advantage: it was in constant touch with the trends of European cultural life. Slovakia has behind it a rich and vibrant past, and the Slovak people have acquired sufficient historical experience to realize not only their position and vital strength, but also the right to their own life in their own ancient homeland. IN A COUNTRY OF HIGH MOUNTAINS AND DEEP VALLEYS Life was not easy in a country which for the greater part is covered with high mountains and furrowed with deep valleys . In ancient times, people who had to struggle with Nature for their daily bread with bare hands and primitive implements, sought out the broad plains where the fertile soil required less work and provided them with easier living conditions. The tributaries of the Vistula River, which flows into the Baltic Sea, and the tributaries of the Danube, which empties into the Black Sea, indicated the route to the passes in the Carpathian mountains, and through these passes people traveled from north to south and from south to north. Through Slovak territory, from the early Stone Age until deep into the Middle Ages, passed a great assortment of tribes, leaving behind in his country material relics of their life and cultural level.1 Also in the historical period, which in Slovakia begins around the birth of Christ, Slovakia was inhabited by people of various origins who stayed for a shorter or longer time at this crossroads. After the Celts, who left behind in Slovakia their names of the mountains and rivers, this region was occupied by the German Marcomanni and Quaddi. At the very beginning of the Christian era, the central section of the Danube became the northern boundary of the Roman Empire. The Roman legions which had built a string of �76 SLOVAKIA fortresses along both banks of the Danube, tried to restrict the attacts of the barbarians to the provinces on the far side of the Danube, and at the same time attempted to conquer the land of Slovakia and thus advance the imperial boundaries from the Danube to the Carpathians. Finally, the Roman emperors themselves had to come to the territory of Slovakia in order to subdue the stubborn Germans who were trying to push deeper into the Danubian basin. 2 When, at the end of the 4th century, the Romans had to withdraw from the Danube, and when, subsequently, the German tribes also left Slovakia, the Slavs flooded Central Europe from the Baltic Sea to the Balkans. Hardly had the ancestors of the Slovaks moved through the Carpathian passes into the southern foothills of these mountains when the Danube basin was invaded from the east by the warlike Avars who then held control of Slovakia from the end of the 6th to the end of the 8th century. At the turn of the 8th and 9th centuries, the armies of emperor Charlemagne broke the power of the Avars, and his successors strove to conquer the neighboring Slovak lands. These battles were waged along the entire Germano-Slovak border and were often repeated especially along the Danube, which was the natural route to the East for the Western population. It is no wonder that this kind of territory would attract many nations who were seeking new homelands in their search for a safe and peaceful life. When the Slovaks settled along the Danube, there was no longer any available space in Europe which would accomodate new inhabitants. The Slovaks occupied this country when it belonged to no one, and so it was that they found themselves on the western rim of the Slavic world as immediate neighbors of the Germans. The ancestors of the Slovak people attached to this country the destiny of all the succeeding Slovak generations, who, in turn established their claim to this land by the fact that during their more than thousand year history they never deserted or renounced it. Life in this country was hard, as hard as the rocks of the Slovak mountains and the rocky terrain of their foothills. As a result, the Slovaks had an opportunity to �SLOVAKIA 77 learn how to work hard, to live meagerly, and to hold firmly to the hereditary land of their ancestors. Only thus were they able to survive all the storms of history and the hardships of life. Above the rocky floor of this country there is always heard the soft murmur of impenetrable forests, and in the quiet valleys echoes the song of lively rivers and swift streams.3 This country with its particular geography pressed the seal of its character into the nature of the Slovak people, who have enough vital courage to wrestle with the hardships of their fate and with their deep emotion manage to find beauty and joy in living even among these hardships. IN THE FAMILY OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS OF EUROPE The external peril which constantly threatened Slovakia at this historical crossroads led the Slovak tribes living along the central Danube and its tributaries to unite and defend themselves with their combined strength. Out of the tiny Slovak principalities a united Slovak state came into existence already in the first half of the 9th century. It was the first organized state in Central Europe . Simultaneously with this development, Christianity penetrated Slovakia. The first teachers of the pagan Slovaks were missionaries from neighboring Bavaria. By the year 830, during the reign of Prince Pribina, a Christian church was standing in the ancient home of the Slovak princes of Nitra. It was the first Christian church, not only in Slovakia, but in the entire territory of the western Slavs. With the Christian faith , which took root in Slovakia rapidly and firmly, Christian civilization entered the country. In the 9th century, therefore, the Slovak nation was already a member of the civilized, that is, Christian, nations of Europe. The entire region settled by Slovaks and divided into small principalities was successfully united by prince Mojmir, who ruled the country until the year 846. His successor, Prince Rastislav (846-869 ), fully realinzing the outward dangers, wanted to provide his country with an internal strength that would be able to resist any attack. In the year 863 he invited SS. Cyril and Method, who completed the Christianizing of the Slovaks, �78 SLOVAKIA laid the foundations of Christian education, and sought to establish a self-sustaining church organization to support the political independence of Slovaks. The headquarters of the Slovak princes in Nitra was also the residence of the bishop as early as 879. Svatopluk ( 870-894), whom contemporary sources call a king and consider "the most glorious of the Slavonic rulers and almost as mighty as an emperor", extended his domain to include the neigboring Czech and Polish tribes. He waged successful wars against his Western neighbors, maintained diplomatic relations and concluded diplomatic peace treaties with neighboring rulers, safeguarded the independent status of his country, and, in the year 880, placed himself, his country and his people under the protection of the Holy See. His son and successor, Mojmir II ( 894-906) , stalwartly defended the heritage of his great ancestors against threats not only from the West, but also from the East. By the end of the 10th century, the Danube basin was invaded by the Magyars. In these battles, waged on two fronts, the Slovaks were bled. 4 Slovakia, at the threshold of the 10th century, lost the conditions necessary for independent development. A great and glorious chapter of Slovak history was ended, but neither its inspiring memory, nor the right of the Slovak nation to liberty and independence, ever faded. The Slovak nation, at the very beginning of its history, passed the test which proved its ability to govern its own land and keep pace with the development of Europe. Firmly implanted in the great family of civilized nations, it could not be shaken loose later by the pounding waves of historical movements. A THOUSAND YEARS UNDER A FOREIGN ROOF The invasion of the Danube basin by the pagan Magyars disrupted the political and cultural development of this region of Central Europe. Marauding bands of Magyars frequently traversed the devastated land of Slovakia and terrorized neighboring countries. Under these circumstances the organization of the Slovak State collapsed, the ecclesiastical management of Slovak territory disintegrated generally, many churches fell victim to destruction, and �SLOVAKIA 79 the advance of civilization was halted momentarily by the wide-spread ruin. But Slovakia, even after these calamities, was not left a barren wilderness. All the attainments of Western civilization appropriated by the Slovaks in the 9th century and all the spiritual values which they had constructed under their own rules were not to be destroyed by fire and sword. In the 10th century Slovak territory was no longer organized as an independent state, but neither did it belong to any other government, for there was no established government along the central Danube in those days. The Slovaks lived on their ancient homeland but they had no roof of their own above them to insure their peaceful growth. In the years 955 Emperor Otto dealt the Magyars a defeat which put an end to their sorties and former manner of life. Because of this blow they were forced to settle down permanently, establish their standing among their neighbors and adjust themselves to their new circumstances. They occupied the central region of the Danube basin and at the end of the 10th century, under the leadership of the princes of the Arpad dynasty, began to build a new state: Hungary. Sometime around the year 1000 Slovakia became a part of the Hungarian State. The Slovak people did not come into Hungary as a nation defeated and subdued. Exhausted as it was by long battles and devastated by wars, Slovakia had no alternative but to become a member of the new government which had begun to form in the Danube basin. The Slovaks did not enter the Hungarian State empty-handed, dependent upon the favor or disfavor of the new government. In addition to the territory of their own country, the Slovaks brought into the budding Hungarian State their entire material and spiritual heritage which had survived the tragedy of the Slovak State and the storms of the 10th century. This Slovak heritage served as a partial foundation for the government, the church organization, the economic life and the cultural growth of Hungary.5 For a long time Slovakia was the most Christian and most cultured region of medieval Hungary and remained so until the most recent times. �80 SLOVAKIA Gradually the entire Danube basin entered the union of the Hungarian State. Although Slovakia did not constitute a separate political and administrative unit in ancient Hungary, its geographical location, its topographical features, its national character, its historical past and its cultural maturity provided it with a special position and a role of its own, even in the framework of the Hungarian State. From the formation of the Hungarian State until the end of the 11th century Slovakia was a vassal principality. At the junction of the 13th and 14th centuries it was the political and military center of power of the "Master of the Vah and the Tatras", Matus cak Trenciansky. During the first half of the 15th century, in the hands of Jan Jiskra, Slovakia played a role in the internal conflicts of Hungary. From the year 1540, when the Turks occupied a large area of Hungary, and for more than a century and a half thereafter, it continued to become more prominent in the affairs of the Hungarian State. Hungary never was and never became a purely Magyar state. The Danube basin has always been a living mosaic composed of diversified national units: Slovaks, Ruthenians, Rumanians, Serbs, Croats, Slovenes and Germans . Among these nations and national minorities the Magyars never comprised a numerical majority, but by virtue of their origin, language and character they were strangers to all other inhabitants of the Danube basin. Nevertheless, because of this very fact and because they occupied the most advantageous location in the very center of the Danube basin, they were able to attain the leading position in the State of Hungary. The ruling families which mounted the Hungarian throne, after the extinction of the Arpads in 1301, were of non-Magyar origin. The official language until the end of the 18th century was Latin. Furthermore, the culture which developed in Hungary was the common product of all the inhabitants of the Danube basin. Thanks to these circumstances, Slovakia, even though it did not enjoy the conditions necessary for independent growth, was not menaced in medieval Hungary and retained its individual ethnical character. The vitality of the �SLOVAKIA 81 Slovak nation was such that not only isolated immigrants of Eastern origin ( the Sikuli, Pecenci, Polovci, Kumani), but also large groups of German colonists who settled in Slovakia particularly during the 13th century, lost their identity in the Slovak surrounding by natural assimilation. The distinctly Slovak character of Slovakia, though frequently imperiled by foreign influences, remained inviolate until the most recent times. The Slovak language thrived not only among larger groups of people in the villages but was heard also in the castles of mighty lords. Not even the cities with their centuries-old privileged German population could withstand the strong influence of the Slovak environment; gradually they too assumed a Slovak character. A certain Slovak scholar, contemplating the strange fate of Slovakia in Hungary, compared the life of the Slovak nation to the life of the dense forest which covers a great part of the Slovak land surface. Storms can cause much damage in a forest. Windstorms can uproot centuryold trees. Woodchoppers can cut down the forest piecemeal. But in the place of the old uprooted or cut-down forest grows a new and strong stand of trees with roots penetrating deep into the earth, between the rocks, clinging tenaciously to the earth which nourishes it. The Slovak nation is like an indestructible Slovak forest, firmly rooted in its native earth and its age-old traditions. Only such a nation could survive a thousand years without a roof of its own. ON THE BOUNDARY LINE OF TWO CIVILIZATIONS The Carpathians constitute not only the eastern boundary of the Danube basin, but, in the Middle Ages, they formed also the eastern boundary of Western civilization, Roman Christianity and Latin culture. Because this basin is more exposed to the West, it was open to all the cultural trends of the neighboring Western countries. Slovakia's particular position in the Danube basin placed it under the constant influence of Western European culture directly from the west (through Vienna), from the north (via Prague and Cracow), and from the south (via Budin). Byzantine Christianity and Eastern civilization �82 SLOVAKIA did make an entry through the Carpathian passes, but its influence covered only the easternmost part of Slovakia. The military expeditions of the German kings who waged war with the Hungarian kings and the campaigns of the Czech Hussites in the 15th century were a menace to the economic life of Slovakia but not to its cultural development. However, through the Carpathians from the East, even during the Middle Ages, came bands of fierce nomads bringing new dangers to the cultural life of the Danube basin. Aftear the Avars who completely disappeared from the domestic population of the central Danube, and after the Magyars who embraced Christianity and adjusted themselves to their new circumstances, and after the small groups of other Eastern nomads of Mongolian origin, a great calamity was visited upon Slovakia by the Tatars who invaded Central Europe in the year 1241 and devastated some sections of Slovakia. Not only the economic and cultural life of the Danube basin, but also the Christianity of the inhabitants was threatened by the Turks who, following their occupation of the Balkans, extended their power to the foothills of the Slovak mountains after the Battle of Mohac in the year 1526. Although Slovakia felt the effects of all these attacks and upheavals, it managed to maintain throughout the Middle Ages a close and unbroken connection with Western Europe, and this fact had a determining influence on the economic progress, the social development and the cultural life of Slovakia. This lasting and living contact of Slovakia with Western Europe is attested to by the rich relics of creative art which we find from the western to the eastern boundaries of Slovakia. The oldest historical remains, relics of the Roman style which dominated in Slovakia until the 13th century, have succumbed to the ravages of time and the devastation of war, or they have been replaced by newer relics; but many are in a state of partial preservation to this day. In contrast with these, there are unusually valuable Gothic relics from the 13th to 15th centuries which testify that Slovakia, at the peak of the Middle Ages, had attained a high level of culture. The parish churches of certain Slovak cities (Bratislava, Trnava, Levoca, Presov, Bardejov, Kosice ) are magnificent monuments of Gothic architecture, �SLOVAKIA 83 and some of them with their rich interior decoration are true museums of Gothic art. Imposing Slovak cities, especially the rich mining centers in central Slovakia (Kremnica-where gold ducats were minted as early as 1333-Banska Bystrica and Banska ~tiavnica ) and cities in the Spis region (Spisska Nova Ves, Levoca, Kezmarok) , have retained much of their medieval character to this day, proving that a vigorous culture bloomed in these cities in addition to industry, commerce and prosperity. Nowhere in Central Europe have there been as many medieval castles created and preserved as in Slovakia. They were the headquarters of powerful rulers; they played an important role in political history and in the military defense of the country, and stand as monuments of medieval feudalism and mute witnesses of the fate of a loyal nation. Many of these castles have fallen into ruin with the passing of time; only portions of their stout walls still tower above the rocky cliffs and wooded mountains to heighten the romance of Slovakia's natural beauty. Some escaped destruction and are still intact today. Their collections of historical relics tell the past of the entire region. The Slovak people who lived in the cities and in the villages surrounding these castles for centuries survived not only the feudal lords, but the splendor of their dwellings as well . Interesting legends recall their ancient past and their plight in the shadows of these castles. Slovaks have had an opportunity to learn to believe- as the Slovak adage puts it-that "everything is temporary except God."6 Slovakia was touched also by waves of the cultural movement which had its cradle in Italy: Renaissance or Humanism. This new intellectual and artistic trend entered Slovakia in the second half of the 15th century when Gothic culture was in full bloom there. In Bratislava, already in the year 1460, a university was founded that was to become a center of Humanism. Renaissance architecture developed chiefly in the eastern part of Slovakia, leaving its mark on the construction of Slovak homes. This cultural movement, which was so strong in the land of its origin-where ancient traditions have always had a home-,was not able to develop more fully either in Central Europe or in Slovakia because, simul- �84 SLOVAKIA taneously with the Turkish invasion of the Danube basin, the calm life of the country was disrupted by the Reformation. Slovakia also became a participant in this new phase of history. SLOVAKIA AS A BASTION OF EUROPE Implausible as it may sound, it is nonetheless a historical fact that Slovakia served as a bastion in the bulwark that defended Christian Europe against the danger from the East. It played this role when the Turks were in control of the central region of the Danube basin and were attempting to conquer the neighboring European countries. Life was difficult for the Slovaks in their mountainous homeland, but these mountains often proved to be their strongest protection. In the endless wooded mountains of their country they had found shelter from the Tatars. and they found in them the same kind of refuge from the Turks. Life in the hills was hard enough, but the proximity of the Turks brought new hardships to the Slovaks. Upon the shoulders of the Slovak people fell the burden 01 responsibility attending an organized defense against the attacks of the Turks. Plundering bands of Turkish wariors disturbed the population of Slovakia by plunging deep into Slovak territory, against the current of the Slovak rivers, and returning with captives as well as spoil. In order to resist the Turks and provide sanctuars for large numbers of the population, it was necessary to repair and maintain the ancient castles in Slovakia. This work was done by the Slovaks as faithful subjects. The cities strengthened their defenses, and those cities wich previously did not have to be fortified had to erect bulwarks. Even some cloisters in the vicinity of the Turks were transformed into temporary fortresses. To support the military forces which were to fight in the event of a Turkish assault, higher taxes had to be paid. These contributions had to be made by those inhabitants of Hungary who were not in the hands of the Turksprimarely Slovakia. Along the southern border of Slovakia, new forts were erected according to the new military �SLOVAKIA 85 strategy, and these were to obstruct the advance of the Turks toward the mining cities of central Slovakia. For a century and a half (from 1540 until the end of the 17th century), Slovakia lived in continual military preparedness and had to bear the tremendous burdens connected with such an abnormal situation. In addition to this, the land of Slovakia provided the stage on which were enacted, first of all, the wars between the antikings, Ferdinand I of Hapsburg (1526-1564) and Jan Zapol'a (1526-1540 ), and, later, the uprisings against the Hapsburgs . These revolts, apart from other reasons, were caused chiefly by the developments of the religious situation stemming from the Reformation and the Catholic Restoration. The teachings of the Reformation proclaimed by Martin Luther found welcome soil at an early date, particularly among the German urban population, and later spread over all Slovakia. The Protestant Church had a strong organization by the year 1612. In the Protestant centers, schools and publishing houses sprang up and books were printed to spread the new teachings among the inhabitants of Slovakia. However, this movement had hardly gained a foothold in Slovakia when, upon the invitation of the archbishop of Ostrihom, whose headquarters were in Trnava, Jesuits entered the country and began to carry out a zealous program of recatholization.7 This activity was centered in Trnava, where a Catholic university was founded in the year 1635. Near the university a large publishing firm was set up to print, in addition to scholarly Latin books, popular writings in all the languages of Central Europe. 8 Even though these two movements met in open conflict on Slovak soil, and the struggle was attended by various tragic occurences, the results were not as catastrophic as they were in other countries because the conflict was waged mostly on a spiritual plane-on the floor of the diet in city council-and predominantly with cultural weapons. For that reason Slovakia kept on growing culturally despite these religious disturbances. Strong traces of this fervent religious experience in Slovakia are found in the numerous and lovely relics of �86 SLOVAKIA baroque art. The unusually well-developed period of Gothic art was followed by a relatively weak impression of the Renaissance; but baroque culture spread far and wide and reached a high level in Slovakia. This period is represented by several still extant majestic churches of which the university church in Trnava and the Jesuit church in Trencin are outstanding for their size and perfection of form. The new style became popular in secular architecture also. Slovak cities took on a new appearance as the wealthy lords left their highly-situated and uncomfortable castles and built their palaces on the plains. Various elements of baroque art crept into Slovak folk art as well. This is evident proof that the Slovak people, while suffering under oppression, retained their deep emotions, their sense of beauty, their creative abilities, and their facility in adapting foreign artistic values to their own taste. It was not until the end of the 18th century that the religious conflicts came to an end. Protestantism, after its early successes, withdrew into the background, and the Catholic Church regained the upper hand. One important feature of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation was that both parties, in trying to gain the largest number of adherents, concentrated on the use of the vernacular. Alongside official and cultural Latin, the Slovak language begins to emerge and express itself in literary form. And with the revival of the Slovak language, a Slovak national consciousness and a longing for a new form of national life begins to bud, supported by the influx of new intel-lectual trends. ON THE WAY TO A LIFE OF THEIR OWN In the year 1683 the Polish king Jan Sobieski dealt the Turks a defeat, at the walls of Vienna, which marked the beginning of their withdrawal from Central Europe. In 1686 they had to surrender Budin, and by the end of the 17th century they were pushed out of the Danube basin into the Balkans. In these battles against the Turks and their anti-Hapsburg allies, economic misery in Slovakia increased and the social position of the subjugated people became practically unbearable. It is no wonder that the Slovak people saw in Juraj Janosik-who was hanged in 1713 because "he robbed the rich and gave to the poor"-their �SLOVAKIA 87 heroic champion and immortalized him and his deeds in legends, songs and art glass. 9 Hungary was finally liberated from the Turks and unified, but it was devastated, and areas which had been under the Turkish domination for a long time were virtually depopulated. The Slovaks contributed to the reconstruction and elevation of Hungary not only by paying higher taxes but also by leaving their mountainous homeland in large numbers and emigrating to the southern region of Hungary which was more fertile but lacked inhabitants and manpower. Hungary, in the meantime, developed closer ties with the countries ruled by the Hapsburgs. Charles VI ( 171117 40) , lacking a male heir, decreed that female descendants of the Hapsburg lineage could succeed him. This was the first law governing all the countries under the rule of the Haps burgs. The successors of Charles VI, Maria Theresa ( 17401780) and her son Joseph II (1780-1790), sought to perfect and intergrate the rule of their countries by introducing social, administrative and ecclesiastical reforms in the liberal spirit of current intellectual trends, which, together with other new measures, formed the groundwork for centralization and the beginning of Germanization. These reforms evoked a stormy reaction especially from the Magyars, because they ignored the rights of individual nations and imposed on them the German language instead of Latin. The new ideas which later, under the slogan "Liberty, Equality and Fraternity", resulted in the French Revolution, made their way into the Danube basin and affected also the nations of that region. These ideas found fertile soil not only among the Magyars, but also among the other nations which occupied Hungary. While the Magyars opposed the centralization of power in Vienna and the attempts at Germanization by the Hapsburgs, the nonMagyar nations of Hungary were preparing to defend themselves against the Magyars whose dream was to eventually build a single Hungarian State. In the 18th century the Magyars constituted about one-third of the population of Hungary. Next in numerical �88 SLOVAKIA size were the Slovaks, who were becoming as conscious of their nationality as the Magyars. Slovak national consciousness sprang and grew from several sources: besides the contemporary trends of thought entering Slovakia from the outside and the pressure exerted upon the Slovaks by the Magyars, Slovak national consciousness was strongly rooted in Slovak life itself. The Slovaks were becoming convinced anew that the country which they occupied was their own country and that they were its autonomous inhabitants with all rights of ownership to that region of Hungary. Reflecting this conviction, Jan Baltazar Magin emphasized the rights of the Slovak nation in a book published in 1728.10 Slovak writers revived the memory of Slovak antiquity, especially the glorious deeds of the Slovak rulers of the 9th century, in order to awaken among their people a longing for a free national future. In this vein, Juraj Papanek returned to the Slovak past in a book entitled Of Slovak Kings and Kingdoms, published in the year 1780; Juraj Sklenar, in a book on Vel'ka Morava printed in 1783; and Juraj Fandli, in 1793, with a revision of Papanek's book. The great events of ancient Slovak history were portrayed in the epic poems of the highly-gifted Slovak poet Jan Holly, entitled Svdtopluk ( 1833), in his book S ldv (1834) and in Cyrilo-M ethodidda (1835). With the Reformation, the Czech language spread throughout Slovakia and took root chiefly among Slovak Protestants. But Czech proved to be as foreign and as dead a language in Slovakia as Latin; hence the Slovaks began to cultivate their own language. The scholar Matej BelFuntik (1687-1749), in Latin work, wrote of the Slovak language that "in no respect does it fall behind the ponderousness and grandeur of Spanish, the charm and smoothness of French, the loftiness and strength of English, the richness and emphasis of German, the softness and tenderness of Italian, or the imperious sternness of Hungarian." Anton Bernolak, in the year 1787, wrote a grammar of literary Slovak, and later published a six-volume SlovakCzech-Latin-German-Hungarian dictionary. In the year �SLOVAKIA 89 1843 definitive rules of Slovak grammar were established, and these then became the instrument of an independent Slovak literature. As with their language, the Slovaks began to pay attention to the distinctive products of Slovak folk culture, in which they recognized the creative abilities of the Slovak spirit. All this filled the Slovaks with a feeling of national consciousness and instilled them with courage to win for themselves the rights that belong to people who consider themselves a separate nation and yearn to live as such. The Slovaks did not forget, but rather remainded themselves clearly at this time, that their position on the western border of the Slavic world and their immediate proximity to non-Slavic countries exposed to new perils. They felt that they were not strong enough numerically to defend themselves against the pressure of their neighbors. Therefore, in addition to fostering their own national individuality, they began to take into consideration their relationship to the other Slavonic nations, hoping to find support for the growth of their own life in the great family of Slavs. The idea of Slavic brotherhood found expression in Sldvy dcera (Daughter of Shiva), 1824, a poem by Jan Kollar, and in the scholarly work of Pavol Jozef ~afarik Slovanske starozitnosti (Slavic Antiquities). These thoughts influenced Slovak national consciousness very much and were re-echoed especially in Slovak literature. Slovak literature, filled with such a spirit, did not penetrate the large masses of Slovak people who lived in feudal bondage until 1848 and therefore could not take part in public life. Slovak leaders, aware of the situation of the Slovak people, strove to elevate them economically, socially, morally and culturally so that they might be capable of grasping their political rights and assist in achieving a free national life. In the first half of the 19th century the Slovak people, who for many ages occupied the northern section of Hungary, became a nation which was prepared to go its own way and live its own life.11 �90 SLOVAKIA POINT OF NO RETURN Just as the Slovaks had awakened to a new life, had become conscious of their national identity, and were preparing to defend their rights, they found themselves in a strange and difficult situation. They lost that stratum of society whos~ standing, education and economic independence had given it a leading role in politics as well. The upper and lower aristocracy of Slovak origin, having reneged its Slovak identity, left the Slovak nation standing on the threshold of its new life with large masses of leaderless people. Under these circumstances, the educated sons of the Slovak nation assumed the leadership, combining their struggle for the political rights of their people with a fight for their economic welfare, social elevation and cultural progress. The struggle for liberty was at the same time a struggle for democracy. In this struggle an unusually important part was played by the clergy, who, by reason of their calling and their constant contact with the people, best understood their troubles and their needs. It should not surprise anyone therefore to see large numbers of Catholic and Protestant clergymen working zealously in every area of Slovak national life and making outstanding sacrifices for their cause. The writings of the great Slovak poet, the Catholic priest Jan Holly (1785-1849 ) , inspired his entire generation, the actual leader of which was Ludovit stur (1815-1856 ), teacher, writer, editor and political fighter. stur, together with the Lutheran pastors Jozef Miloslav Hurban (18171888 ) and Michal Miloslav Hodza (1811-1870) established the definitive form of literary Slovak, founded a literary and publishing society, Tatrin ( 1844 ) , began to print political journal, Slovenske narodnie noviny-"Slovak National News"-(1845 ) , and the literary monthly, Slovenske pohl'ady-"Slovak Views"-(1846), achieved the unification of all Slovaks (1847), and gave Slovak national life a clear goal and a firm direction in the spirit of stur's slogan: "Backward We Cannot, Forward We Must!" "Forward" means to liberate the Slovak people from the yoke of slavery and lead them down the road of independent national and cultural growth to a free nation- �SLOVAKIA 91 al life. To achieve this goal the Slovak nation needed a political program. The Revolution which erupted in Paris in February, 1848, and reverberated throughout Europe, inspired a strong movement in Hungary also, affecting the development of Slovak life and speeding the ripening of the Slovak political program. Individual regions of Slovakia rebelled against the imposition of Hungarian as the only legal language and strove to get Slovak recognized as their official language. The language of the Slovak people represented the very existence of Slovakia, and the fight for "our Slovak language" was essentially a fight for all the rights of the Slovak nation. The foremost leaders of the Slovaks followed carefully the progress of revolutionary activity in Europe and Hungary and decided definitely that the Slovak nation must not stand in the background, gazing passively at these tempestuous changes. They made the necessary preparations in the various parts of Slovakia, and in May of 1848 gathered at the parsonage of Michal Miloslav Hodza in Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas where they drew up a program for Slovakia's political future under the heading "Petitions of the Slovak Nation." The Slovaks, in creating their political program, took into consideration not only their aims and desires, but existing circumstances as well. One such prominent circumstance was the fact that Slovakia was part of the Hungarian State, in which it did not even constitute a separate administrative unit. The Slovaks were not planning to tear away from Hungary; they merely wished to have the boundaries of the Slovak lands clearly defined so that the Slovak people might have guaranteed equality with the Magyars in Hungary, and that this equality might apply in all areas of political, social, and especially in cultural life. They intended to present these petitions to the King, the Parliament and the Government, but first they wanted the opinion of the Slovak people regarding them and their achievement. The Magyars, who fought for their own national rights with such determination and revolutionary boldness, opposed the just and justified petitions of the Slovak nation. They outlawed the assembling of Slovaks and �92 SLOVAKIA treated their political leaders as traitors worthy of imprisonment. When the Slovaks saw what obstacles their political program met and would meet in Hungary, they resorted to armed insurrection against the Magyars, who themselves were engaged in a rebellion against the Emperor and were fighting for the independence of Hungary. The Slovak uprising of 1848-49 ended without result. The Emperor, from whom the Slovaks expected understanding and protection, suppressed the revolt of the Magyars with the help of the Russian army, and introduced absolute rule. He punished the Magyars, and completely forgot the Slovaks.12 The Emperor failed to crush the Magyars, and the Slovaks likewise refused to surrender their rights. In the year 1860 the Emperor terminated absolute rule and sought an agreement with the Magyars that would not only placate the Magyars but would also not jeopardize the interests of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Immediately in the spring of 1861 the Slovaks renewed their political activity. First they detailed the principles of their political program in the newspapers, and then they called a general assembly to Turciansky Sv. Martin where the prominent attorney Stefan Marko Daxner formulated Slovak policy anew in the comprehensive "Memorandum of the Slovak Nation." Pointing to the conditions which had developed in Hungary, they asked that the Slovak nation be recognized by a special edict, that Slovakia constitute a distinctive administrative unit in Hungary, and that the Slovak people in their own territory be given the right to develop their own life without restriction.13 These petitions were submitted in a separate memorial document to Emperor Franz Jozef (1849-1916 ) by the noble Slovak bishop Stefan Moyses. 14 All that resulted was that the Slovaks, in 1863-on the 1000th anniversary of the coming of Cyril and Method to Slovakia-were permitted to establish a cultural institution called the "Matica Slovenska" and with their own funds opened three high schools for the training of Slovak youth. In 1867 the Emperor came to terms with the Magyars, with the result that Hungary gained a wide degree of independence and a decided influence in matters of mutual �SLOVAKIA 93 concern in the Monarchy. The position of the Slovaks in Hungary not only worsened but grew steadily and unbearably more desperate. By the year 1875 Slovak cultural and educational institutions were closed and Magyarization was spreading throughout Hungary. Hungary was not a Magyar state even now, but the aim of Budapest policy was to make it such as quickly as possible. The goal of Magyar political ideology was to mold Hungary into a unified state with a population politically unified under one official language. All nonMagyar nations and national minorities in Hungary were to be just "nationalities" comprising parts of a single Hungarian-that is, Magyar-nation. The Danube basin resembles a large bowl. The center was settled by the Magyars. Feeling strange and alone and numerically weak in their central position, they made every effort to grow and become strong, in order to make their future sure. To do that, their growth had to be artificial and at the expense of the non-Magyar peoples of Hungary. For many centuries a variety of nations and national minorities occupied the rim of this huge bowl, the mountainous regions of the Danube basin. These were pushed toward the center by their growing populations and hard living conditions, thus posing a threat to the Magyars. This interesting conflict to be or not to be was waged in the Danube basin until Hungary ceased to exist as a state. Feeling the pressure of denationalization at every step, the Slovaks saw danger that threatened them and loomed ever larger above them. Even so, they did not stop stating their allegiance to Hungary, and made several new attempts to achieve a state of equality with the Magyars. All these attempts came to naught because the Magyar politicians, blinded by the alluring features of a future Magyar Hungary, were determined to press their objectives persistently and ruthlessly. 15 The Emperor, who was also the King of Hungary, took no interest in the development of internal conditions in Hungary and was likewise deaf and blind to the situation o! the Slovak nation. Because of the election laws and practices which obtained in Hungary, Slovaks either did not get into the Budapest Parliament, or, if they did, �94 SLOVAKIA only in negligible numbers. The Hungarian Parliament passed legislation which suppressed Slovak life. Magyarization increased, especially at the beginning of the 20th century. Count Albert Apponyi, as Minister of Education, saw to it that school laws were enacted to bring about the complete Magyarization of all schools in Slovakia. And, of course, the Magyar schools which the Slovak young people had to attend, did not train them in the Slovak spirit nor for a Slovak existence. If any Slovak in these circumstances dared to defend the honor and rights of his own nation, as did Andrej Hlinka (1864-1938)-called a rebel, a Panslav and a traitor-with such exemplary fearlessness, he found himself in prison, unable to go on with his work. Yet not even these adversities broke the Slovak nation, for the Slovaks believed, with Andrej Hlinka, that "Truth has never yet suffered in vain, nor will our Slovak truth suffer needlessly," as Hlinka himself prophesied in 1907 as he was being led to prison. 16 1) A comprehensive picture of the prehistoric settlement of Slovakia is given in the work of Jan Eisner, Slovensko v praveku (Slovakia in Prehistoric Times), Bratislava, Slovakia, 1933. 2) Several studies on the contacts of Slovakia with the Romans have been written by Vojtech Ondrouch. He presents a review of these questions in his work Slovensko v dobe fimsko-germanske ( Slovakia in the Roman-Germanic Period), Prague, 1936. 3) Approximately 40 % of Slovakia's land area is still covered with forests . In the Middle Ages the forested area was much larger. 4) The ancient history of Slovakia is covered by Frantisek Hrusovsk~· in his book Slovenski vladari (Slovak Rulers), Obrana Press, Inc., Scranton, Pa., 1948. 5) Pavol Bujnak, "Obratenie Mad'arov na vieru krest'ansku" (The Conversion of the Magyars to Christianity), Risa vel'komoravskci (The Greater Moravian Empire), Praha, 1933. The latest wrinting on Slovak influence at the beginning of the Hungarian State comes from Juraj Hodal, "Vclenenie sa starych Mad'arov do staroslovenskeho spolocenskeho zriadenia" (The Integration of the Ancient Magyars into Old-Slovak Society), Historicky sbornik (Historical Review), Turc. Sv. Martin, Slovakia, 1940. 6) A lucid study of the history of creative art in Slovakia is fount! in Vladimir Wagner's book Dejiny vytvarneho umenia na Slovensku (A History of Creative Art in Slovakia), Trnava, Slovakia, 1930. 7) Of the more recent literature on the Reformation in Slovakia, the book by Branislav Varsik, deserves attention, Husiti a reformacia na Slovensku do Zilinskej synody (The Hussites and the Reforma- �SLOVAKIA 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13) 14) 15) 16) 95 tion in Slovakia up to the Synod of 2ilina), Bratislava, Slovakia, 1932. The beginnings of the Catholic Counter-Reformation are discribed by Vojtech Bucko, Reformne hnutie v arcibiskupstve ostrihomskom do roku 1564 (The Reform Movement in the Ostrihom Archbishopric up to 1564), Bratislava, Slovakia, 1939. The origin, history and significance of this cultural institution were memorialized in an anniversary anthology in 1935 under the title Trnavskci univerzita (The University of Trnava), Trnava, Slovakia, 1935. The economic and social status of the Slovak people in the time of oppression is described in the scholarly work of Stefan Jansak, Slovensko v dobe uhorskeho feudalizmu (Slovakia in the Period of Hungarian Feudalism) , Bratislava, Slovakia, 1932. Janosik as a champion of social justice was portrayed widely not only in literature, but also in the creative arts, in music and films. The comprehensive monography by A. A. Banik, Jan Baltazar Magin a jeho politickci, ncirodnci i kulturna obrana Slovcikov v roku 1728 (Jan Baltazar Magin and His Political, National and Cultural Defense of the Slovaks in 1728) , Trnava, Slovakia, 1936. The indications of tendencies to turn ancient Hungary into a monolithic Hungarian state are taken up in detail by Daniel Rapant, K pociatkom mad'arizcicie (The Beginnings of Magyarization), Vols. I and II, Bratislava, Slovakia, 1927, 1931. Daniel Rapant, Slovenske povstanie v roku 1848-49 (The Slovak Uprising of 1848-49), Vols. I and II, Turc. Sv. Martin, Slovakia, 1937. Frantisek Hrusovsky, Slovenske ncirodne shromazdenie v roku 1861 (The Slovak National Assembly of 1861) Turciansky Svaty Martin, Slovakia, 1944. Daniel Rapant, Viedenske memorandum slovenske z roku 1861 (The Slovak Memorandum of Vienna, 1861) , Turciansky Svaty Martin, Slovakia, 1944. Frantisek Bokes, Slovenske pokusy o vyrovnanie s Mad'armi (Slovak Attempts at Agreement with the Magyars), Turciansky Svaty Martin, Slovakia, 1944. Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka, Bratislava, Slovakia, 1934, p. 198. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation, whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the right of every nation to freely choose its own form of government and freely elect persons of its own choice by whom it shall be governed. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1969, Vol. 19 Description An account of the resource Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 74 SLOVAKIA This is Slovakia By Francis Hrusovsk:J}, Ph. D. Slovakia lies along the northern shore of the central Danube, where the eastern slopes of the Alps touch the western slopes of the Carpathian mountains, and its territory covers the northern part of the Danubian basin. Since the dawn of European history, a route has run through the gate of the Danube, connecting the West and the East. This important route was intersected at this very point by several routes which ran from south to north and linked the coasts of the Adriatic with those of the Baltic and North Seas. According to ancient Slovak legend, evil spirits used to gather at crossroads and there would lie in wait for travelers. Crossroads have always harbored danger, and still do. Therefore the Slovaks erect crosses at intersections, to protect travelers who ·pass these dangerous places. From earliest times, nations seeking new homelands have flowed over these routes which intersect along the Danube. Through the portals of the Danube marched aggressive conquerors, and the soil of this land frequently served as the stage for bloody conflicts. The nation which settled in such a bustling spot experienced little peace, continually having to defend itself to keep from being swept away by the raging storms. In defending its life its strength was exhausted, and hence it could not grow and develop as it might have in a peaceful atmosphere where catastrophe is not always imminent. Precisely because of their country's location, however, the Slovaks became accustomed to danger, learned not to yield to threats, and now know how to endure numerous hardships. Over the routes which crossed at the center of the Danube traveled not only nations which had no permanent home as yet, but also conquerors lusting for booty and the expansion of their power. At this noisy crossroads between the Alps and the Carpathians, spiritual movements SLOVAKIA 75 met and penetrated each other, and these defined the cultural developement and progress of Central Europe. All these trends touched Slovakia, fertilized the soil of its spiritual growth, and enriched the life of a nation which had settled this country and occupied it for centuries. For all the disadvantages resulting from the geographical location of its country, the Slovak nation had this great advantage: it was in constant touch with the trends of European cultural life. Slovakia has behind it a rich and vibrant past, and the Slovak people have acquired sufficient historical experience to realize not only their position and vital strength, but also the right to their own life in their own ancient homeland. IN A COUNTRY OF HIGH MOUNTAINS AND DEEP VALLEYS Life was not easy in a country which for the greater part is covered with high mountains and furrowed with deep valleys . In ancient times, people who had to struggle with Nature for their daily bread with bare hands and primitive implements, sought out the broad plains where the fertile soil required less work and provided them with easier living conditions. The tributaries of the Vistula River, which flows into the Baltic Sea, and the tributaries of the Danube, which empties into the Black Sea, indicated the route to the passes in the Carpathian mountains, and through these passes people traveled from north to south and from south to north. Through Slovak territory, from the early Stone Age until deep into the Middle Ages, passed a great assortment of tribes, leaving behind in his country material relics of their life and cultural level.1 Also in the historical period, which in Slovakia begins around the birth of Christ, Slovakia was inhabited by people of various origins who stayed for a shorter or longer time at this crossroads. After the Celts, who left behind in Slovakia their names of the mountains and rivers, this region was occupied by the German Marcomanni and Quaddi. At the very beginning of the Christian era, the central section of the Danube became the northern boundary of the Roman Empire. The Roman legions which had built a string of 76 SLOVAKIA fortresses along both banks of the Danube, tried to restrict the attacts of the barbarians to the provinces on the far side of the Danube, and at the same time attempted to conquer the land of Slovakia and thus advance the imperial boundaries from the Danube to the Carpathians. Finally, the Roman emperors themselves had to come to the territory of Slovakia in order to subdue the stubborn Germans who were trying to push deeper into the Danubian basin. 2 When, at the end of the 4th century, the Romans had to withdraw from the Danube, and when, subsequently, the German tribes also left Slovakia, the Slavs flooded Central Europe from the Baltic Sea to the Balkans. Hardly had the ancestors of the Slovaks moved through the Carpathian passes into the southern foothills of these mountains when the Danube basin was invaded from the east by the warlike Avars who then held control of Slovakia from the end of the 6th to the end of the 8th century. At the turn of the 8th and 9th centuries, the armies of emperor Charlemagne broke the power of the Avars, and his successors strove to conquer the neighboring Slovak lands. These battles were waged along the entire Germano-Slovak border and were often repeated especially along the Danube, which was the natural route to the East for the Western population. It is no wonder that this kind of territory would attract many nations who were seeking new homelands in their search for a safe and peaceful life. When the Slovaks settled along the Danube, there was no longer any available space in Europe which would accomodate new inhabitants. The Slovaks occupied this country when it belonged to no one, and so it was that they found themselves on the western rim of the Slavic world as immediate neighbors of the Germans. The ancestors of the Slovak people attached to this country the destiny of all the succeeding Slovak generations, who, in turn established their claim to this land by the fact that during their more than thousand year history they never deserted or renounced it. Life in this country was hard, as hard as the rocks of the Slovak mountains and the rocky terrain of their foothills. As a result, the Slovaks had an opportunity to SLOVAKIA 77 learn how to work hard, to live meagerly, and to hold firmly to the hereditary land of their ancestors. Only thus were they able to survive all the storms of history and the hardships of life. Above the rocky floor of this country there is always heard the soft murmur of impenetrable forests, and in the quiet valleys echoes the song of lively rivers and swift streams.3 This country with its particular geography pressed the seal of its character into the nature of the Slovak people, who have enough vital courage to wrestle with the hardships of their fate and with their deep emotion manage to find beauty and joy in living even among these hardships. IN THE FAMILY OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS OF EUROPE The external peril which constantly threatened Slovakia at this historical crossroads led the Slovak tribes living along the central Danube and its tributaries to unite and defend themselves with their combined strength. Out of the tiny Slovak principalities a united Slovak state came into existence already in the first half of the 9th century. It was the first organized state in Central Europe . Simultaneously with this development, Christianity penetrated Slovakia. The first teachers of the pagan Slovaks were missionaries from neighboring Bavaria. By the year 830, during the reign of Prince Pribina, a Christian church was standing in the ancient home of the Slovak princes of Nitra. It was the first Christian church, not only in Slovakia, but in the entire territory of the western Slavs. With the Christian faith , which took root in Slovakia rapidly and firmly, Christian civilization entered the country. In the 9th century, therefore, the Slovak nation was already a member of the civilized, that is, Christian, nations of Europe. The entire region settled by Slovaks and divided into small principalities was successfully united by prince Mojmir, who ruled the country until the year 846. His successor, Prince Rastislav (846-869 ), fully realinzing the outward dangers, wanted to provide his country with an internal strength that would be able to resist any attack. In the year 863 he invited SS. Cyril and Method, who completed the Christianizing of the Slovaks, 78 SLOVAKIA laid the foundations of Christian education, and sought to establish a self-sustaining church organization to support the political independence of Slovaks. The headquarters of the Slovak princes in Nitra was also the residence of the bishop as early as 879. Svatopluk ( 870-894), whom contemporary sources call a king and consider "the most glorious of the Slavonic rulers and almost as mighty as an emperor", extended his domain to include the neigboring Czech and Polish tribes. He waged successful wars against his Western neighbors, maintained diplomatic relations and concluded diplomatic peace treaties with neighboring rulers, safeguarded the independent status of his country, and, in the year 880, placed himself, his country and his people under the protection of the Holy See. His son and successor, Mojmir II ( 894-906) , stalwartly defended the heritage of his great ancestors against threats not only from the West, but also from the East. By the end of the 10th century, the Danube basin was invaded by the Magyars. In these battles, waged on two fronts, the Slovaks were bled. 4 Slovakia, at the threshold of the 10th century, lost the conditions necessary for independent development. A great and glorious chapter of Slovak history was ended, but neither its inspiring memory, nor the right of the Slovak nation to liberty and independence, ever faded. The Slovak nation, at the very beginning of its history, passed the test which proved its ability to govern its own land and keep pace with the development of Europe. Firmly implanted in the great family of civilized nations, it could not be shaken loose later by the pounding waves of historical movements. A THOUSAND YEARS UNDER A FOREIGN ROOF The invasion of the Danube basin by the pagan Magyars disrupted the political and cultural development of this region of Central Europe. Marauding bands of Magyars frequently traversed the devastated land of Slovakia and terrorized neighboring countries. Under these circumstances the organization of the Slovak State collapsed, the ecclesiastical management of Slovak territory disintegrated generally, many churches fell victim to destruction, and SLOVAKIA 79 the advance of civilization was halted momentarily by the wide-spread ruin. But Slovakia, even after these calamities, was not left a barren wilderness. All the attainments of Western civilization appropriated by the Slovaks in the 9th century and all the spiritual values which they had constructed under their own rules were not to be destroyed by fire and sword. In the 10th century Slovak territory was no longer organized as an independent state, but neither did it belong to any other government, for there was no established government along the central Danube in those days. The Slovaks lived on their ancient homeland but they had no roof of their own above them to insure their peaceful growth. In the years 955 Emperor Otto dealt the Magyars a defeat which put an end to their sorties and former manner of life. Because of this blow they were forced to settle down permanently, establish their standing among their neighbors and adjust themselves to their new circumstances. They occupied the central region of the Danube basin and at the end of the 10th century, under the leadership of the princes of the Arpad dynasty, began to build a new state: Hungary. Sometime around the year 1000 Slovakia became a part of the Hungarian State. The Slovak people did not come into Hungary as a nation defeated and subdued. Exhausted as it was by long battles and devastated by wars, Slovakia had no alternative but to become a member of the new government which had begun to form in the Danube basin. The Slovaks did not enter the Hungarian State empty-handed, dependent upon the favor or disfavor of the new government. In addition to the territory of their own country, the Slovaks brought into the budding Hungarian State their entire material and spiritual heritage which had survived the tragedy of the Slovak State and the storms of the 10th century. This Slovak heritage served as a partial foundation for the government, the church organization, the economic life and the cultural growth of Hungary.5 For a long time Slovakia was the most Christian and most cultured region of medieval Hungary and remained so until the most recent times. 80 SLOVAKIA Gradually the entire Danube basin entered the union of the Hungarian State. Although Slovakia did not constitute a separate political and administrative unit in ancient Hungary, its geographical location, its topographical features, its national character, its historical past and its cultural maturity provided it with a special position and a role of its own, even in the framework of the Hungarian State. From the formation of the Hungarian State until the end of the 11th century Slovakia was a vassal principality. At the junction of the 13th and 14th centuries it was the political and military center of power of the "Master of the Vah and the Tatras", Matus cak Trenciansky. During the first half of the 15th century, in the hands of Jan Jiskra, Slovakia played a role in the internal conflicts of Hungary. From the year 1540, when the Turks occupied a large area of Hungary, and for more than a century and a half thereafter, it continued to become more prominent in the affairs of the Hungarian State. Hungary never was and never became a purely Magyar state. The Danube basin has always been a living mosaic composed of diversified national units: Slovaks, Ruthenians, Rumanians, Serbs, Croats, Slovenes and Germans . Among these nations and national minorities the Magyars never comprised a numerical majority, but by virtue of their origin, language and character they were strangers to all other inhabitants of the Danube basin. Nevertheless, because of this very fact and because they occupied the most advantageous location in the very center of the Danube basin, they were able to attain the leading position in the State of Hungary. The ruling families which mounted the Hungarian throne, after the extinction of the Arpads in 1301, were of non-Magyar origin. The official language until the end of the 18th century was Latin. Furthermore, the culture which developed in Hungary was the common product of all the inhabitants of the Danube basin. Thanks to these circumstances, Slovakia, even though it did not enjoy the conditions necessary for independent growth, was not menaced in medieval Hungary and retained its individual ethnical character. The vitality of the SLOVAKIA 81 Slovak nation was such that not only isolated immigrants of Eastern origin ( the Sikuli, Pecenci, Polovci, Kumani), but also large groups of German colonists who settled in Slovakia particularly during the 13th century, lost their identity in the Slovak surrounding by natural assimilation. The distinctly Slovak character of Slovakia, though frequently imperiled by foreign influences, remained inviolate until the most recent times. The Slovak language thrived not only among larger groups of people in the villages but was heard also in the castles of mighty lords. Not even the cities with their centuries-old privileged German population could withstand the strong influence of the Slovak environment; gradually they too assumed a Slovak character. A certain Slovak scholar, contemplating the strange fate of Slovakia in Hungary, compared the life of the Slovak nation to the life of the dense forest which covers a great part of the Slovak land surface. Storms can cause much damage in a forest. Windstorms can uproot centuryold trees. Woodchoppers can cut down the forest piecemeal. But in the place of the old uprooted or cut-down forest grows a new and strong stand of trees with roots penetrating deep into the earth, between the rocks, clinging tenaciously to the earth which nourishes it. The Slovak nation is like an indestructible Slovak forest, firmly rooted in its native earth and its age-old traditions. Only such a nation could survive a thousand years without a roof of its own. ON THE BOUNDARY LINE OF TWO CIVILIZATIONS The Carpathians constitute not only the eastern boundary of the Danube basin, but, in the Middle Ages, they formed also the eastern boundary of Western civilization, Roman Christianity and Latin culture. Because this basin is more exposed to the West, it was open to all the cultural trends of the neighboring Western countries. Slovakia's particular position in the Danube basin placed it under the constant influence of Western European culture directly from the west (through Vienna), from the north (via Prague and Cracow), and from the south (via Budin). Byzantine Christianity and Eastern civilization 82 SLOVAKIA did make an entry through the Carpathian passes, but its influence covered only the easternmost part of Slovakia. The military expeditions of the German kings who waged war with the Hungarian kings and the campaigns of the Czech Hussites in the 15th century were a menace to the economic life of Slovakia but not to its cultural development. However, through the Carpathians from the East, even during the Middle Ages, came bands of fierce nomads bringing new dangers to the cultural life of the Danube basin. Aftear the Avars who completely disappeared from the domestic population of the central Danube, and after the Magyars who embraced Christianity and adjusted themselves to their new circumstances, and after the small groups of other Eastern nomads of Mongolian origin, a great calamity was visited upon Slovakia by the Tatars who invaded Central Europe in the year 1241 and devastated some sections of Slovakia. Not only the economic and cultural life of the Danube basin, but also the Christianity of the inhabitants was threatened by the Turks who, following their occupation of the Balkans, extended their power to the foothills of the Slovak mountains after the Battle of Mohac in the year 1526. Although Slovakia felt the effects of all these attacks and upheavals, it managed to maintain throughout the Middle Ages a close and unbroken connection with Western Europe, and this fact had a determining influence on the economic progress, the social development and the cultural life of Slovakia. This lasting and living contact of Slovakia with Western Europe is attested to by the rich relics of creative art which we find from the western to the eastern boundaries of Slovakia. The oldest historical remains, relics of the Roman style which dominated in Slovakia until the 13th century, have succumbed to the ravages of time and the devastation of war, or they have been replaced by newer relics; but many are in a state of partial preservation to this day. In contrast with these, there are unusually valuable Gothic relics from the 13th to 15th centuries which testify that Slovakia, at the peak of the Middle Ages, had attained a high level of culture. The parish churches of certain Slovak cities (Bratislava, Trnava, Levoca, Presov, Bardejov, Kosice ) are magnificent monuments of Gothic architecture, SLOVAKIA 83 and some of them with their rich interior decoration are true museums of Gothic art. Imposing Slovak cities, especially the rich mining centers in central Slovakia (Kremnica-where gold ducats were minted as early as 1333-Banska Bystrica and Banska ~tiavnica ) and cities in the Spis region (Spisska Nova Ves, Levoca, Kezmarok) , have retained much of their medieval character to this day, proving that a vigorous culture bloomed in these cities in addition to industry, commerce and prosperity. Nowhere in Central Europe have there been as many medieval castles created and preserved as in Slovakia. They were the headquarters of powerful rulers; they played an important role in political history and in the military defense of the country, and stand as monuments of medieval feudalism and mute witnesses of the fate of a loyal nation. Many of these castles have fallen into ruin with the passing of time; only portions of their stout walls still tower above the rocky cliffs and wooded mountains to heighten the romance of Slovakia's natural beauty. Some escaped destruction and are still intact today. Their collections of historical relics tell the past of the entire region. The Slovak people who lived in the cities and in the villages surrounding these castles for centuries survived not only the feudal lords, but the splendor of their dwellings as well . Interesting legends recall their ancient past and their plight in the shadows of these castles. Slovaks have had an opportunity to learn to believe- as the Slovak adage puts it-that "everything is temporary except God."6 Slovakia was touched also by waves of the cultural movement which had its cradle in Italy: Renaissance or Humanism. This new intellectual and artistic trend entered Slovakia in the second half of the 15th century when Gothic culture was in full bloom there. In Bratislava, already in the year 1460, a university was founded that was to become a center of Humanism. Renaissance architecture developed chiefly in the eastern part of Slovakia, leaving its mark on the construction of Slovak homes. This cultural movement, which was so strong in the land of its origin-where ancient traditions have always had a home-,was not able to develop more fully either in Central Europe or in Slovakia because, simul- 84 SLOVAKIA taneously with the Turkish invasion of the Danube basin, the calm life of the country was disrupted by the Reformation. Slovakia also became a participant in this new phase of history. SLOVAKIA AS A BASTION OF EUROPE Implausible as it may sound, it is nonetheless a historical fact that Slovakia served as a bastion in the bulwark that defended Christian Europe against the danger from the East. It played this role when the Turks were in control of the central region of the Danube basin and were attempting to conquer the neighboring European countries. Life was difficult for the Slovaks in their mountainous homeland, but these mountains often proved to be their strongest protection. In the endless wooded mountains of their country they had found shelter from the Tatars. and they found in them the same kind of refuge from the Turks. Life in the hills was hard enough, but the proximity of the Turks brought new hardships to the Slovaks. Upon the shoulders of the Slovak people fell the burden 01 responsibility attending an organized defense against the attacks of the Turks. Plundering bands of Turkish wariors disturbed the population of Slovakia by plunging deep into Slovak territory, against the current of the Slovak rivers, and returning with captives as well as spoil. In order to resist the Turks and provide sanctuars for large numbers of the population, it was necessary to repair and maintain the ancient castles in Slovakia. This work was done by the Slovaks as faithful subjects. The cities strengthened their defenses, and those cities wich previously did not have to be fortified had to erect bulwarks. Even some cloisters in the vicinity of the Turks were transformed into temporary fortresses. To support the military forces which were to fight in the event of a Turkish assault, higher taxes had to be paid. These contributions had to be made by those inhabitants of Hungary who were not in the hands of the Turksprimarely Slovakia. Along the southern border of Slovakia, new forts were erected according to the new military SLOVAKIA 85 strategy, and these were to obstruct the advance of the Turks toward the mining cities of central Slovakia. For a century and a half (from 1540 until the end of the 17th century), Slovakia lived in continual military preparedness and had to bear the tremendous burdens connected with such an abnormal situation. In addition to this, the land of Slovakia provided the stage on which were enacted, first of all, the wars between the antikings, Ferdinand I of Hapsburg (1526-1564) and Jan Zapol'a (1526-1540 ), and, later, the uprisings against the Hapsburgs . These revolts, apart from other reasons, were caused chiefly by the developments of the religious situation stemming from the Reformation and the Catholic Restoration. The teachings of the Reformation proclaimed by Martin Luther found welcome soil at an early date, particularly among the German urban population, and later spread over all Slovakia. The Protestant Church had a strong organization by the year 1612. In the Protestant centers, schools and publishing houses sprang up and books were printed to spread the new teachings among the inhabitants of Slovakia. However, this movement had hardly gained a foothold in Slovakia when, upon the invitation of the archbishop of Ostrihom, whose headquarters were in Trnava, Jesuits entered the country and began to carry out a zealous program of recatholization.7 This activity was centered in Trnava, where a Catholic university was founded in the year 1635. Near the university a large publishing firm was set up to print, in addition to scholarly Latin books, popular writings in all the languages of Central Europe. 8 Even though these two movements met in open conflict on Slovak soil, and the struggle was attended by various tragic occurences, the results were not as catastrophic as they were in other countries because the conflict was waged mostly on a spiritual plane-on the floor of the diet in city council-and predominantly with cultural weapons. For that reason Slovakia kept on growing culturally despite these religious disturbances. Strong traces of this fervent religious experience in Slovakia are found in the numerous and lovely relics of 86 SLOVAKIA baroque art. The unusually well-developed period of Gothic art was followed by a relatively weak impression of the Renaissance; but baroque culture spread far and wide and reached a high level in Slovakia. This period is represented by several still extant majestic churches of which the university church in Trnava and the Jesuit church in Trencin are outstanding for their size and perfection of form. The new style became popular in secular architecture also. Slovak cities took on a new appearance as the wealthy lords left their highly-situated and uncomfortable castles and built their palaces on the plains. Various elements of baroque art crept into Slovak folk art as well. This is evident proof that the Slovak people, while suffering under oppression, retained their deep emotions, their sense of beauty, their creative abilities, and their facility in adapting foreign artistic values to their own taste. It was not until the end of the 18th century that the religious conflicts came to an end. Protestantism, after its early successes, withdrew into the background, and the Catholic Church regained the upper hand. One important feature of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation was that both parties, in trying to gain the largest number of adherents, concentrated on the use of the vernacular. Alongside official and cultural Latin, the Slovak language begins to emerge and express itself in literary form. And with the revival of the Slovak language, a Slovak national consciousness and a longing for a new form of national life begins to bud, supported by the influx of new intel-lectual trends. ON THE WAY TO A LIFE OF THEIR OWN In the year 1683 the Polish king Jan Sobieski dealt the Turks a defeat, at the walls of Vienna, which marked the beginning of their withdrawal from Central Europe. In 1686 they had to surrender Budin, and by the end of the 17th century they were pushed out of the Danube basin into the Balkans. In these battles against the Turks and their anti-Hapsburg allies, economic misery in Slovakia increased and the social position of the subjugated people became practically unbearable. It is no wonder that the Slovak people saw in Juraj Janosik-who was hanged in 1713 because "he robbed the rich and gave to the poor"-their SLOVAKIA 87 heroic champion and immortalized him and his deeds in legends, songs and art glass. 9 Hungary was finally liberated from the Turks and unified, but it was devastated, and areas which had been under the Turkish domination for a long time were virtually depopulated. The Slovaks contributed to the reconstruction and elevation of Hungary not only by paying higher taxes but also by leaving their mountainous homeland in large numbers and emigrating to the southern region of Hungary which was more fertile but lacked inhabitants and manpower. Hungary, in the meantime, developed closer ties with the countries ruled by the Hapsburgs. Charles VI ( 171117 40) , lacking a male heir, decreed that female descendants of the Hapsburg lineage could succeed him. This was the first law governing all the countries under the rule of the Haps burgs. The successors of Charles VI, Maria Theresa ( 17401780) and her son Joseph II (1780-1790), sought to perfect and intergrate the rule of their countries by introducing social, administrative and ecclesiastical reforms in the liberal spirit of current intellectual trends, which, together with other new measures, formed the groundwork for centralization and the beginning of Germanization. These reforms evoked a stormy reaction especially from the Magyars, because they ignored the rights of individual nations and imposed on them the German language instead of Latin. The new ideas which later, under the slogan "Liberty, Equality and Fraternity", resulted in the French Revolution, made their way into the Danube basin and affected also the nations of that region. These ideas found fertile soil not only among the Magyars, but also among the other nations which occupied Hungary. While the Magyars opposed the centralization of power in Vienna and the attempts at Germanization by the Hapsburgs, the nonMagyar nations of Hungary were preparing to defend themselves against the Magyars whose dream was to eventually build a single Hungarian State. In the 18th century the Magyars constituted about one-third of the population of Hungary. Next in numerical 88 SLOVAKIA size were the Slovaks, who were becoming as conscious of their nationality as the Magyars. Slovak national consciousness sprang and grew from several sources: besides the contemporary trends of thought entering Slovakia from the outside and the pressure exerted upon the Slovaks by the Magyars, Slovak national consciousness was strongly rooted in Slovak life itself. The Slovaks were becoming convinced anew that the country which they occupied was their own country and that they were its autonomous inhabitants with all rights of ownership to that region of Hungary. Reflecting this conviction, Jan Baltazar Magin emphasized the rights of the Slovak nation in a book published in 1728.10 Slovak writers revived the memory of Slovak antiquity, especially the glorious deeds of the Slovak rulers of the 9th century, in order to awaken among their people a longing for a free national future. In this vein, Juraj Papanek returned to the Slovak past in a book entitled Of Slovak Kings and Kingdoms, published in the year 1780; Juraj Sklenar, in a book on Vel'ka Morava printed in 1783; and Juraj Fandli, in 1793, with a revision of Papanek's book. The great events of ancient Slovak history were portrayed in the epic poems of the highly-gifted Slovak poet Jan Holly, entitled Svdtopluk ( 1833), in his book S ldv (1834) and in Cyrilo-M ethodidda (1835). With the Reformation, the Czech language spread throughout Slovakia and took root chiefly among Slovak Protestants. But Czech proved to be as foreign and as dead a language in Slovakia as Latin; hence the Slovaks began to cultivate their own language. The scholar Matej BelFuntik (1687-1749), in Latin work, wrote of the Slovak language that "in no respect does it fall behind the ponderousness and grandeur of Spanish, the charm and smoothness of French, the loftiness and strength of English, the richness and emphasis of German, the softness and tenderness of Italian, or the imperious sternness of Hungarian." Anton Bernolak, in the year 1787, wrote a grammar of literary Slovak, and later published a six-volume SlovakCzech-Latin-German-Hungarian dictionary. In the year SLOVAKIA 89 1843 definitive rules of Slovak grammar were established, and these then became the instrument of an independent Slovak literature. As with their language, the Slovaks began to pay attention to the distinctive products of Slovak folk culture, in which they recognized the creative abilities of the Slovak spirit. All this filled the Slovaks with a feeling of national consciousness and instilled them with courage to win for themselves the rights that belong to people who consider themselves a separate nation and yearn to live as such. The Slovaks did not forget, but rather remainded themselves clearly at this time, that their position on the western border of the Slavic world and their immediate proximity to non-Slavic countries exposed to new perils. They felt that they were not strong enough numerically to defend themselves against the pressure of their neighbors. Therefore, in addition to fostering their own national individuality, they began to take into consideration their relationship to the other Slavonic nations, hoping to find support for the growth of their own life in the great family of Slavs. The idea of Slavic brotherhood found expression in Sldvy dcera (Daughter of Shiva), 1824, a poem by Jan Kollar, and in the scholarly work of Pavol Jozef ~afarik Slovanske starozitnosti (Slavic Antiquities). These thoughts influenced Slovak national consciousness very much and were re-echoed especially in Slovak literature. Slovak literature, filled with such a spirit, did not penetrate the large masses of Slovak people who lived in feudal bondage until 1848 and therefore could not take part in public life. Slovak leaders, aware of the situation of the Slovak people, strove to elevate them economically, socially, morally and culturally so that they might be capable of grasping their political rights and assist in achieving a free national life. In the first half of the 19th century the Slovak people, who for many ages occupied the northern section of Hungary, became a nation which was prepared to go its own way and live its own life.11 90 SLOVAKIA POINT OF NO RETURN Just as the Slovaks had awakened to a new life, had become conscious of their national identity, and were preparing to defend their rights, they found themselves in a strange and difficult situation. They lost that stratum of society whos~ standing, education and economic independence had given it a leading role in politics as well. The upper and lower aristocracy of Slovak origin, having reneged its Slovak identity, left the Slovak nation standing on the threshold of its new life with large masses of leaderless people. Under these circumstances, the educated sons of the Slovak nation assumed the leadership, combining their struggle for the political rights of their people with a fight for their economic welfare, social elevation and cultural progress. The struggle for liberty was at the same time a struggle for democracy. In this struggle an unusually important part was played by the clergy, who, by reason of their calling and their constant contact with the people, best understood their troubles and their needs. It should not surprise anyone therefore to see large numbers of Catholic and Protestant clergymen working zealously in every area of Slovak national life and making outstanding sacrifices for their cause. The writings of the great Slovak poet, the Catholic priest Jan Holly (1785-1849 ) , inspired his entire generation, the actual leader of which was Ludovit stur (1815-1856 ), teacher, writer, editor and political fighter. stur, together with the Lutheran pastors Jozef Miloslav Hurban (18171888 ) and Michal Miloslav Hodza (1811-1870) established the definitive form of literary Slovak, founded a literary and publishing society, Tatrin ( 1844 ) , began to print political journal, Slovenske narodnie noviny-"Slovak National News"-(1845 ) , and the literary monthly, Slovenske pohl'ady-"Slovak Views"-(1846), achieved the unification of all Slovaks (1847), and gave Slovak national life a clear goal and a firm direction in the spirit of stur's slogan: "Backward We Cannot, Forward We Must!" "Forward" means to liberate the Slovak people from the yoke of slavery and lead them down the road of independent national and cultural growth to a free nation- SLOVAKIA 91 al life. To achieve this goal the Slovak nation needed a political program. The Revolution which erupted in Paris in February, 1848, and reverberated throughout Europe, inspired a strong movement in Hungary also, affecting the development of Slovak life and speeding the ripening of the Slovak political program. Individual regions of Slovakia rebelled against the imposition of Hungarian as the only legal language and strove to get Slovak recognized as their official language. The language of the Slovak people represented the very existence of Slovakia, and the fight for "our Slovak language" was essentially a fight for all the rights of the Slovak nation. The foremost leaders of the Slovaks followed carefully the progress of revolutionary activity in Europe and Hungary and decided definitely that the Slovak nation must not stand in the background, gazing passively at these tempestuous changes. They made the necessary preparations in the various parts of Slovakia, and in May of 1848 gathered at the parsonage of Michal Miloslav Hodza in Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas where they drew up a program for Slovakia's political future under the heading "Petitions of the Slovak Nation." The Slovaks, in creating their political program, took into consideration not only their aims and desires, but existing circumstances as well. One such prominent circumstance was the fact that Slovakia was part of the Hungarian State, in which it did not even constitute a separate administrative unit. The Slovaks were not planning to tear away from Hungary; they merely wished to have the boundaries of the Slovak lands clearly defined so that the Slovak people might have guaranteed equality with the Magyars in Hungary, and that this equality might apply in all areas of political, social, and especially in cultural life. They intended to present these petitions to the King, the Parliament and the Government, but first they wanted the opinion of the Slovak people regarding them and their achievement. The Magyars, who fought for their own national rights with such determination and revolutionary boldness, opposed the just and justified petitions of the Slovak nation. They outlawed the assembling of Slovaks and 92 SLOVAKIA treated their political leaders as traitors worthy of imprisonment. When the Slovaks saw what obstacles their political program met and would meet in Hungary, they resorted to armed insurrection against the Magyars, who themselves were engaged in a rebellion against the Emperor and were fighting for the independence of Hungary. The Slovak uprising of 1848-49 ended without result. The Emperor, from whom the Slovaks expected understanding and protection, suppressed the revolt of the Magyars with the help of the Russian army, and introduced absolute rule. He punished the Magyars, and completely forgot the Slovaks.12 The Emperor failed to crush the Magyars, and the Slovaks likewise refused to surrender their rights. In the year 1860 the Emperor terminated absolute rule and sought an agreement with the Magyars that would not only placate the Magyars but would also not jeopardize the interests of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Immediately in the spring of 1861 the Slovaks renewed their political activity. First they detailed the principles of their political program in the newspapers, and then they called a general assembly to Turciansky Sv. Martin where the prominent attorney Stefan Marko Daxner formulated Slovak policy anew in the comprehensive "Memorandum of the Slovak Nation." Pointing to the conditions which had developed in Hungary, they asked that the Slovak nation be recognized by a special edict, that Slovakia constitute a distinctive administrative unit in Hungary, and that the Slovak people in their own territory be given the right to develop their own life without restriction.13 These petitions were submitted in a separate memorial document to Emperor Franz Jozef (1849-1916 ) by the noble Slovak bishop Stefan Moyses. 14 All that resulted was that the Slovaks, in 1863-on the 1000th anniversary of the coming of Cyril and Method to Slovakia-were permitted to establish a cultural institution called the "Matica Slovenska" and with their own funds opened three high schools for the training of Slovak youth. In 1867 the Emperor came to terms with the Magyars, with the result that Hungary gained a wide degree of independence and a decided influence in matters of mutual SLOVAKIA 93 concern in the Monarchy. The position of the Slovaks in Hungary not only worsened but grew steadily and unbearably more desperate. By the year 1875 Slovak cultural and educational institutions were closed and Magyarization was spreading throughout Hungary. Hungary was not a Magyar state even now, but the aim of Budapest policy was to make it such as quickly as possible. The goal of Magyar political ideology was to mold Hungary into a unified state with a population politically unified under one official language. All nonMagyar nations and national minorities in Hungary were to be just "nationalities" comprising parts of a single Hungarian-that is, Magyar-nation. The Danube basin resembles a large bowl. The center was settled by the Magyars. Feeling strange and alone and numerically weak in their central position, they made every effort to grow and become strong, in order to make their future sure. To do that, their growth had to be artificial and at the expense of the non-Magyar peoples of Hungary. For many centuries a variety of nations and national minorities occupied the rim of this huge bowl, the mountainous regions of the Danube basin. These were pushed toward the center by their growing populations and hard living conditions, thus posing a threat to the Magyars. This interesting conflict to be or not to be was waged in the Danube basin until Hungary ceased to exist as a state. Feeling the pressure of denationalization at every step, the Slovaks saw danger that threatened them and loomed ever larger above them. Even so, they did not stop stating their allegiance to Hungary, and made several new attempts to achieve a state of equality with the Magyars. All these attempts came to naught because the Magyar politicians, blinded by the alluring features of a future Magyar Hungary, were determined to press their objectives persistently and ruthlessly. 15 The Emperor, who was also the King of Hungary, took no interest in the development of internal conditions in Hungary and was likewise deaf and blind to the situation o! the Slovak nation. Because of the election laws and practices which obtained in Hungary, Slovaks either did not get into the Budapest Parliament, or, if they did, 94 SLOVAKIA only in negligible numbers. The Hungarian Parliament passed legislation which suppressed Slovak life. Magyarization increased, especially at the beginning of the 20th century. Count Albert Apponyi, as Minister of Education, saw to it that school laws were enacted to bring about the complete Magyarization of all schools in Slovakia. And, of course, the Magyar schools which the Slovak young people had to attend, did not train them in the Slovak spirit nor for a Slovak existence. If any Slovak in these circumstances dared to defend the honor and rights of his own nation, as did Andrej Hlinka (1864-1938)-called a rebel, a Panslav and a traitor-with such exemplary fearlessness, he found himself in prison, unable to go on with his work. Yet not even these adversities broke the Slovak nation, for the Slovaks believed, with Andrej Hlinka, that "Truth has never yet suffered in vain, nor will our Slovak truth suffer needlessly," as Hlinka himself prophesied in 1907 as he was being led to prison. 16 1) A comprehensive picture of the prehistoric settlement of Slovakia is given in the work of Jan Eisner, Slovensko v praveku (Slovakia in Prehistoric Times), Bratislava, Slovakia, 1933. 2) Several studies on the contacts of Slovakia with the Romans have been written by Vojtech Ondrouch. He presents a review of these questions in his work Slovensko v dobe fimsko-germanske ( Slovakia in the Roman-Germanic Period), Prague, 1936. 3) Approximately 40 % of Slovakia's land area is still covered with forests . In the Middle Ages the forested area was much larger. 4) The ancient history of Slovakia is covered by Frantisek Hrusovsk~· in his book Slovenski vladari (Slovak Rulers), Obrana Press, Inc., Scranton, Pa., 1948. 5) Pavol Bujnak, "Obratenie Mad'arov na vieru krest'ansku" (The Conversion of the Magyars to Christianity), Risa vel'komoravskci (The Greater Moravian Empire), Praha, 1933. The latest wrinting on Slovak influence at the beginning of the Hungarian State comes from Juraj Hodal, "Vclenenie sa starych Mad'arov do staroslovenskeho spolocenskeho zriadenia" (The Integration of the Ancient Magyars into Old-Slovak Society), Historicky sbornik (Historical Review), Turc. Sv. Martin, Slovakia, 1940. 6) A lucid study of the history of creative art in Slovakia is fount! in Vladimir Wagner's book Dejiny vytvarneho umenia na Slovensku (A History of Creative Art in Slovakia), Trnava, Slovakia, 1930. 7) Of the more recent literature on the Reformation in Slovakia, the book by Branislav Varsik, deserves attention, Husiti a reformacia na Slovensku do Zilinskej synody (The Hussites and the Reforma- SLOVAKIA 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13) 14) 15) 16) 95 tion in Slovakia up to the Synod of 2ilina), Bratislava, Slovakia, 1932. The beginnings of the Catholic Counter-Reformation are discribed by Vojtech Bucko, Reformne hnutie v arcibiskupstve ostrihomskom do roku 1564 (The Reform Movement in the Ostrihom Archbishopric up to 1564), Bratislava, Slovakia, 1939. The origin, history and significance of this cultural institution were memorialized in an anniversary anthology in 1935 under the title Trnavskci univerzita (The University of Trnava), Trnava, Slovakia, 1935. The economic and social status of the Slovak people in the time of oppression is described in the scholarly work of Stefan Jansak, Slovensko v dobe uhorskeho feudalizmu (Slovakia in the Period of Hungarian Feudalism) , Bratislava, Slovakia, 1932. Janosik as a champion of social justice was portrayed widely not only in literature, but also in the creative arts, in music and films. The comprehensive monography by A. A. Banik, Jan Baltazar Magin a jeho politickci, ncirodnci i kulturna obrana Slovcikov v roku 1728 (Jan Baltazar Magin and His Political, National and Cultural Defense of the Slovaks in 1728) , Trnava, Slovakia, 1936. The indications of tendencies to turn ancient Hungary into a monolithic Hungarian state are taken up in detail by Daniel Rapant, K pociatkom mad'arizcicie (The Beginnings of Magyarization), Vols. I and II, Bratislava, Slovakia, 1927, 1931. Daniel Rapant, Slovenske povstanie v roku 1848-49 (The Slovak Uprising of 1848-49), Vols. I and II, Turc. Sv. Martin, Slovakia, 1937. Frantisek Hrusovsky, Slovenske ncirodne shromazdenie v roku 1861 (The Slovak National Assembly of 1861) Turciansky Svaty Martin, Slovakia, 1944. Daniel Rapant, Viedenske memorandum slovenske z roku 1861 (The Slovak Memorandum of Vienna, 1861) , Turciansky Svaty Martin, Slovakia, 1944. Frantisek Bokes, Slovenske pokusy o vyrovnanie s Mad'armi (Slovak Attempts at Agreement with the Magyars), Turciansky Svaty Martin, Slovakia, 1944. Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka, Bratislava, Slovakia, 1934, p. 198. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation, whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the right of every nation to freely choose its own form of government and freely elect persons of its own choice by whom it shall be governed.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource This is Slovakia Description An account of the resource Francis Hrušovský, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969 pp. 74-95 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrušovský, František, 1903-1956 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2a4b83e16a2e4ecc21626e84333fa6cb.pdf e39d5329f6fef123f4b813fdf01964ef PDF Text Text 64 SLOVAKIA The United State~ of A111erica The Nation With a Purpose Stephen B . Roman, LL.D. We know from history that the process man learned, which distinguished him from the animals he hunted, was and still is, the civilizing process of a society. Out of tribes--nations emerged. Their leaders guided them through a life which the civilized man found to be satisfying for himself and his family. The world went through many upheavals that, in retrospect, we realize were hard evolutionary processes. Man that evolved as an individual endorsed and accepted his first immediate grouping-his family. Later, through necessity, he organized himself into a stronger unit-a tribe. Again, by necessity of hard evolutionary fact, tribes evolved into modern nations. In Europe and Asia where history has best been documented, we have seen the emergence of powers which tried to dominate the entire world before. And again, we have seen governments which sought to offer the freedoms with which all human beings were endowed as their birthright. Looking in retrospect, we can analyze those values which enhanced man's progress; and those which retarded most of his efforts. The former, offered the individual a chance to develop the power which were really his to use to his best ability. The latter, bound the very energies which a state needs for its fullest development. At the beginning of the 17th century, events in Europe appeared to stifle the human spirit. The urge, by man, to venture to other areas of the world developed into an exodus to a newly discovered continent-to America. The first American settler yearned for the values which came from his heart and soul, and were nurtured by his intellect. He set about fulfilling his visions with his own might, and the blessing from the One in whom he found his greatest trust- his God. But, as the honest man proposes and flounders about, �SLOVAKIA 65 t hrough trial and error, so must he use his spirit and his intellect responsibly to reach his goals. Goals which not only prime his inspiration, but become the guide for others to follow. Guided by their desire to build America free and prosperous, the generations of Americans not only marvelled at the human concepts they were promoting, but had set a new poli tical philosophy to work . This concept required a new sense of realism in dealing with problems that were sure to emerge. It was a pragmatic approach in every sense, but one which always acknowledged the Divine Creator in Whose trust the nation was dedicated. George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln -and others after them-will forever guide the spirit of free men, not only in the United States but everywhere. The young nation tried to do a lot, and surely accomplished a lot. The country expanded its horizons, and within its borders accepted the men, women and children who wanted to live in the free and peaceful environment. However, we see the erroneous effect of the American policy in recent decades, that stemmed from the confusion created by the ideologists, that wanted to set America on a new course. Though Mr. Roosevelt had offered the greatest freedom of movement and practical affluence to his generation of Americans, which touched the hearts of all the people everywhere, he failed to use that which was his greatest contribution to the American nation-the natural, practical and idealistic approach that had guided America before. The Second World War emerged as a conflict between strong nations-not so much to gain territorial possessions; but more to impose its national philosophies on weaker nations. We all know the course of history. Where freedom once flourished, people were left to their horrible fate , to endure decades of misery. In my opinion, what should have been the destruction of dangerous ideologies turned out to be the war of interests of national philosophies; and thus, extended the possibility to another major war. The ideological confrontation that we are in constant fear of, can bring our world to destruction, such as no civilization has witnessed before. During the past half century the world witnessed �66 SLOVAKIA several forms of domination, along with expanding colonial empires. Several compromises by honourable men dealing in good faith. But, always the same result. The good intentions on one side would not eliminate the treachery and intrigue on the other. The free world, dealing in good faith, always lost and compromised the principles of freedom and democracy. Tyranny, using its devious ways and forms, always triumphed for a time. There was no doubt in Hitler's plans to conquer the world. But why were there doubts-doubts that still remain -that Soviet communism seeks to do the same? One sought to enslave man's bodies. But the other, seeks to destroy every vestige of his previous political and philosophical persuasion. To compel him, without mercy, to adopt a form of totalitarian exploitation-bod y and soul alike. Why is it then that the nation's leaders, calling upon Divine Providence to lead the world in freedom, justice, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, could not recognize the dangers of confusion, that they were creating by trying to resolve long term problems by expedient means. As such a close neighbour to your great and powerful nation, you must realize Canada tends to be extra-sensitive to your every thought and action. It is a trite Canadian expression that when the United States sneezes, Canada catches the cold. That I should be standing here about to discuss the role of the United States in the world today, indicates your awareness of the sensitive and friendly reactions of Canadians to your way of life, and the factors which influence your country. Why is it that we are unable to ferret out the essence of imminent aggression and its accompanying consequences, before millions of people are compelled to bow to the whim and wish of a tyrannical system? The hope of mankind was riding high when the Atlantic Charter and Four Freedoms were held as a beacon for man everywhere. But how depressed and low it fell when, in spite of that American ideal, one hundred million people that had known freedom, were placed under communism against their will! How depressing it gets when one action leads to another, and shows that the American ideal of free men everywhere slides into the background! Ravaging �SLOVAKIA 67 communism emerges stronger and stronger, with complete government apparatus supporting its every move for further expansion. · Must we succumb to the devious schemes of dictators who always seem to be right on time to create confusion and turmoil? Can we not analyze a potential threat to humanity? Can we not offer a solution which would alleviate the situation before it gets out of hand? Before it engulfs man ~n despair, and leads the entire world into catastrophe? Ladies and gentlemen, I feel that the title of my comments-A Nation With a Purpose-indicates what Canadians think about you, Americans; and, the position of the United States in the world today. Many of you must be bewildered by some of the terrible events which have occured in your nation. By political assassinations, by riots and near anarchy, and by crime. The cynic might say, today, that the United States has lost its purpose . I disagree violently. I can tell you that most people in the world, disagree. To most people in the world the United States r epresents hope ; and to many of them the only hope, that their fate will be changed for the better. The man broken under the abuses of those political and ideological systems looks hopefully-and secretly-to the United States. I can stand back at a distance and tell you that to men and women living outside your borders, you appear as a strong nation created by pioneers; and perpetuated by ideals of freedom, justice and liberty. Your forefathers were fighting to establish the uniqueness of the individual in a society. They worked to help that individual achieve his fondest aspirations-to live in freedom . Let us not forget the beginnings of your American history. The downtrodden, the beaten and weary came to America from societies where political and social systems had taken away the dignity of man. From societies that turned man into a lesser creature-than Divine Providence intended him to be. The purpose of the American nation was established, from its earliest days; to provide opportunity for men to �68 SLOVAKIA be free; to show the rest of the world that only in free societies can man evolve to his ultimate. Contrast this root of the American culture and purpose, and American history with other parts of the world. The world which is under the domination of what we define as a communist system. In that world, man as an individual is non-existent. Man is only a tool to be manipulated-to be used, by a select few within the power structure. My viewpoint is, that this essential purpose of the American nation-this constant drive for individual freedom-is the greatest strength which less fortunate man everywhere can look up to, today. Despite occasional setbacks of the American policy, the American purpose remains the only hope of those people who are locked into the communist system and ideologies. Your nation is the only hope of the free world, if the world, as we know it today, is to survive. The United States is the only nation capable of deterring the expansion of the evil ideology that is so vehemently trying to encircle individual man. As I have mentioned, this role of champion of individual dignity, and freedom, was thrust on the United States by history. It has taken two world wars to arrive at the present crucial stage of direct confrontation. The confrontation between the ideology of the innate dignity and freedom of man; and, the opposing ideology that man has no b asic individuality, but is only another animal to b e used , by the state. Champi oning individual liberties has become part of y our nation's identi ty. Naturally, this task has never been easy nor always crowned with success. Two world wars have been fought over fundamental issues which are more relevant today than they were in 1918. The confrontation between the ideology which is used as a mask for enslavement, on one side, and, the ideology that contains freedom, and liberty, and pursuit of happiness of the individual, on the other. The struggle of these ideologies continues, and this confrontation will go on unti l free men will win. Communism, which might have started with the intention of helping the individual to improve his lot, cannot be defended today as such. Even its own theorists cannot �SLOVAKIA 69 show that the continuation of that intention is the purpose of the system. Events and facts show us the grotesque size of this fallacy. For . over 50 years Russia, as the core of the communist way, has used all its strength for only one purposethe imposition of the dominance of its state, and its government, and its ideology on the rest of the world. In other words-for the destruction of freedom and liberty. The Kremlin leaders try to convince the world that its difficulties stem from a difference in ideas. The true situation is, that the world's biggest problem is a fight between free nations willing to give freedom to all people, on one side; and, Soviet imperialism, on the other. The Soviet tactics have been terrifyingly successful. The communist area, today, covers one-quarter of the world's land territory, and one-third of the world's peoples. Why have we permitted this situation to develop? We have developed this crisis situation because of mistakes both, in the way we think, and in the methods we employ. Because we have taken our freedom for granted, we have been trapped into making mistakes which have furthered the efforts of communists to dominate mankind. The United States, as leader and mentor, has been unwittingly tricked into fighting the battle between freedom and slavery, under the rules laid down by the enslavers. As your nation rose in stature, and sought to influence the world-it made mistakes. These mistakes were inevitable at times. But the major errors, I feel were the results of confusion and hesitation. It may have been a possible lack of confidence among leading Americans in the historical purpose of the nation. It was almost as if some of your politicians felt guilty, or somewhat ashamed, about words like freedom, justice, liberty, equality-and, phrases like, the pursuit of happiness. You may feel self-conscious hearing them now. I am proud to be free--and able--to use these words. As your President, Mr. Nixon, stated in his Inaugural Address: "America must appraise her weaknesses". But let me say, the entire world shouts to you to appraise �70 SLOVAKIA the weakness of yours, and mankind's adverseries. And, he also said: "the American dream does not come to those who fall asleep". So must America understand, when the people of the world call on this generation of Americans to awaken from its lethargy and pursue its American purpose. Yes, no man can be fully free when his neighbour is not. The purpose of your nation, today, is to recognize the choice between your original idealistic goal of freedom , and self-respect of man, on one side; and, his enslavement by communism, on the other. Today, ladies and gentlemen, time has passed when international order can be guaranteed by power, alone. A good example of this is the result of the Second World War. I believe, and believe very strongly, that in our world of ideas and ideals, military confrontation will be the end result:-unless , we are willing, to weaken the enemy by the greatest strength we have at our disposal-the yearning for freedom by enslaved men. I , for one, believe that mankind would survive a nuclear war, but only as a small fragment of what man and civilization represent today. But, I also believe that the confrontation is not necessary. Re-appraisal of the way to go about strengthening our side, and weakening the adverseries, is an immediate need-and, a high priority item . We hear a cry from a number of responsible thoughtmolders in the United States, and some beyond your borders, about the lack of American leadership, on the international scene. It, therefore, become the task of this generation of Americans to clearly re-establish that leadership which will capture the imagination of, not only America and the free world, but also the people that are suffering tyranny. Surely American leadership must understand the plight of nations seeking freedom, and inspire them to promote their self-determination. The indecisions, and hesitancies, and contradictions of our leaders in recent years, have only confused the rest �SLOVAKIA 71 of the world. They have given ammunitio n to the communist argument that the United States is an arrogant nation, and not a liberator, and fighter for freedom and liberty. But, ladies and gentlemen, let us hope that this is in the past. I am heartened by the evidence of realistic thinking about the basic aim and role, of your nation, on the world stage. I sense a return to the purpose which drives America. The right of the individual to seek-to achieve his aspirations in an atmospher e of freedom , and equality. What does the world long for today? I am convinced that the solution of the problem is, simply: First. Establishm ent of American leadership that will freely entice all the peoples fighting for, and respecting freedom, under its banner. Second. Re-apprais al of the policy of containme nt and status quo should be considered . In today's world-sta tus quo-is virtually the same as standing still in our fastmoving world. Therefore, unless the Western nations begin making their own revolution -a revolution to extend and expand the areas of freedom-t he free man will not survive as such. It is indeed time for America to remember the strength and power of the people yearning for freedom in the Soviet system. Only through that particular power can we expect, and eventually achieve, victory of free men without nuclear holocaust. Let our systems compete peacefully. But let the competitio n be based on equal hadicaps. The test is, to bring to light the real motivating force , and seek to understand its future moves. Knowledge is free man's most important asset, as well as dictators' greatest liability. The picture I can see in this kind of competitio n will not be bleak for our side. The competitiv e spirit of free man is, today, one of his greatest assets-an asset that will triumph in the end. The power of free man is the power of America. A power which is unparallell ed with any of its adverseries . �72 SLOVAKIA Make use of it! Give your youth the visions of conquering man's ills! Stimulate the interest in that power, in the masses of enslaved people! Do this with a courage and zeal that gets the job done, and instills responsibility for the objectives. Third. It is in your interest, and in the interest of free people everywhere to neutralize communists' two most powerful states-The Soviet Union and Communist China. An elastic and skillful policy towards China on the part of the United States and the free world shoul be considered. I would like to stress that nothing is more remote from my mind than backing the political concepts which could lead to strengthening the communist tyranny in any way, even in the smallest country in the world. I am interested in not missing any opportunities that would give the idea of freedom a little time to germinate. In order to survive, the communist world must keep its people in constant fear and turmoil. It must obtain from its subjects the greatest possible sacrifices. Is it not better then, that two of our adverseries are fighting between themselves, rather than both be left free to fight with us? I feel the world would not be in danger of a nuclear holocaust if the strength of communism could be diminished by its own inherent, internal weaknesses. Fourth. The free world's communications media must be committed to developing the strains of understanding which make up the moral fiber of the Western man, rather than inflame the antagonisms which promote conflict. The ideologists of all dictatorships will be pleased to see America flounder; and therefore, responsible communication is a must. If the best is required of political leaders today; if the highest qualities are demanded of your scientists; then certainly, not any less should be the criteria by which the communicators in the West should be motivated. Ultimately each must seek the same goal-to promote t he best which the Free Society can inspire. Fifth. Expanding your horizons is, indeed, very im- �SLOVAKIA 73 portant for America today. Think in terms of the future problems that you can surmount, rather than be dismayed by them. Freedom has the same meaning to all people, whether one lives in the United States, in Russia, or in Czecho-Slovakia. It is this concept of freedom which eventually overcomes dictatorships. Communism carries within itself a seed of self-destruction. Let's nurture that seed for our benefit, and for the benefit of freedom. Your nation stands on the foundation with the wonderful human goals. The goals of freedom and justice for all-equality of opportunity to achieve one's personal happiness. Your nation recognizes the dignity of man. The United States was formed for a purpose, and with the purpose, to provide a home whether physical or spiritual for those who love freedom and crave for dignity. That purpose is more vital to the world today than ever before. It is your purpose-your nation's purpose. And the people yearning for freedom see, in the United States, an irreplaceable leader of their hope and their trust. And I know, that people held down by political and ideological tyrannies are waiting to hear you proclaim it. This address was delivered on February 17, 1969 to Palm Beach Round Table meeting and we are pleased to publish it because of its interesting and timely contents. - Editor. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America lias always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth. � 64 SLOVAKIA The United State~ of A111erica The Nation With a Purpose Stephen B . Roman, LL.D. We know from history that the process man learned, which distinguished him from the animals he hunted, was and still is, the civilizing process of a society. Out of tribes--nations emerged. Their leaders guided them through a life which the civilized man found to be satisfying for himself and his family. The world went through many upheavals that, in retrospect, we realize were hard evolutionary processes. Man that evolved as an individual endorsed and accepted his first immediate grouping-his family. Later, through necessity, he organized himself into a stronger unit-a tribe. Again, by necessity of hard evolutionary fact, tribes evolved into modern nations. In Europe and Asia where history has best been documented, we have seen the emergence of powers which tried to dominate the entire world before. And again, we have seen governments which sought to offer the freedoms with which all human beings were endowed as their birthright. Looking in retrospect, we can analyze those values which enhanced man's progress; and those which retarded most of his efforts. The former, offered the individual a chance to develop the power which were really his to use to his best ability. The latter, bound the very energies which a state needs for its fullest development. At the beginning of the 17th century, events in Europe appeared to stifle the human spirit. The urge, by man, to venture to other areas of the world developed into an exodus to a newly discovered continent-to America. The first American settler yearned for the values which came from his heart and soul, and were nurtured by his intellect. He set about fulfilling his visions with his own might, and the blessing from the One in whom he found his greatest trust- his God. But, as the honest man proposes and flounders about, �SLOVAKIA 65 t hrough trial and error, so must he use his spirit and his intellect responsibly to reach his goals. Goals which not only prime his inspiration, but become the guide for others to follow. Guided by their desire to build America free and prosperous, the generations of Americans not only marvelled at the human concepts they were promoting, but had set a new poli tical philosophy to work . This concept required a new sense of realism in dealing with problems that were sure to emerge. It was a pragmatic approach in every sense, but one which always acknowledged the Divine Creator in Whose trust the nation was dedicated. George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln -and others after them-will forever guide the spirit of free men, not only in the United States but everywhere. The young nation tried to do a lot, and surely accomplished a lot. The country expanded its horizons, and within its borders accepted the men, women and children who wanted to live in the free and peaceful environment. However, we see the erroneous effect of the American policy in recent decades, that stemmed from the confusion created by the ideologists, that wanted to set America on a new course. Though Mr. Roosevelt had offered the greatest freedom of movement and practical affluence to his generation of Americans, which touched the hearts of all the people everywhere, he failed to use that which was his greatest contribution to the American nation-the natural, practical and idealistic approach that had guided America before. The Second World War emerged as a conflict between strong nations-not so much to gain territorial possessions; but more to impose its national philosophies on weaker nations. We all know the course of history. Where freedom once flourished, people were left to their horrible fate , to endure decades of misery. In my opinion, what should have been the destruction of dangerous ideologies turned out to be the war of interests of national philosophies; and thus, extended the possibility to another major war. The ideological confrontation that we are in constant fear of, can bring our world to destruction, such as no civilization has witnessed before. During the past half century the world witnessed �66 SLOVAKIA several forms of domination, along with expanding colonial empires. Several compromises by honourable men dealing in good faith. But, always the same result. The good intentions on one side would not eliminate the treachery and intrigue on the other. The free world, dealing in good faith, always lost and compromised the principles of freedom and democracy. Tyranny, using its devious ways and forms, always triumphed for a time. There was no doubt in Hitler's plans to conquer the world. But why were there doubts-doubts that still remain -that Soviet communism seeks to do the same? One sought to enslave man's bodies. But the other, seeks to destroy every vestige of his previous political and philosophical persuasion. To compel him, without mercy, to adopt a form of totalitarian exploitation-bod y and soul alike. Why is it then that the nation's leaders, calling upon Divine Providence to lead the world in freedom, justice, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, could not recognize the dangers of confusion, that they were creating by trying to resolve long term problems by expedient means. As such a close neighbour to your great and powerful nation, you must realize Canada tends to be extra-sensitive to your every thought and action. It is a trite Canadian expression that when the United States sneezes, Canada catches the cold. That I should be standing here about to discuss the role of the United States in the world today, indicates your awareness of the sensitive and friendly reactions of Canadians to your way of life, and the factors which influence your country. Why is it that we are unable to ferret out the essence of imminent aggression and its accompanying consequences, before millions of people are compelled to bow to the whim and wish of a tyrannical system? The hope of mankind was riding high when the Atlantic Charter and Four Freedoms were held as a beacon for man everywhere. But how depressed and low it fell when, in spite of that American ideal, one hundred million people that had known freedom, were placed under communism against their will! How depressing it gets when one action leads to another, and shows that the American ideal of free men everywhere slides into the background! Ravaging �SLOVAKIA 67 communism emerges stronger and stronger, with complete government apparatus supporting its every move for further expansion. · Must we succumb to the devious schemes of dictators who always seem to be right on time to create confusion and turmoil? Can we not analyze a potential threat to humanity? Can we not offer a solution which would alleviate the situation before it gets out of hand? Before it engulfs man ~n despair, and leads the entire world into catastrophe? Ladies and gentlemen, I feel that the title of my comments-A Nation With a Purpose-indicates what Canadians think about you, Americans; and, the position of the United States in the world today. Many of you must be bewildered by some of the terrible events which have occured in your nation. By political assassinations, by riots and near anarchy, and by crime. The cynic might say, today, that the United States has lost its purpose . I disagree violently. I can tell you that most people in the world, disagree. To most people in the world the United States r epresents hope ; and to many of them the only hope, that their fate will be changed for the better. The man broken under the abuses of those political and ideological systems looks hopefully-and secretly-to the United States. I can stand back at a distance and tell you that to men and women living outside your borders, you appear as a strong nation created by pioneers; and perpetuated by ideals of freedom, justice and liberty. Your forefathers were fighting to establish the uniqueness of the individual in a society. They worked to help that individual achieve his fondest aspirations-to live in freedom . Let us not forget the beginnings of your American history. The downtrodden, the beaten and weary came to America from societies where political and social systems had taken away the dignity of man. From societies that turned man into a lesser creature-than Divine Providence intended him to be. The purpose of the American nation was established, from its earliest days; to provide opportunity for men to �68 SLOVAKIA be free; to show the rest of the world that only in free societies can man evolve to his ultimate. Contrast this root of the American culture and purpose, and American history with other parts of the world. The world which is under the domination of what we define as a communist system. In that world, man as an individual is non-existent. Man is only a tool to be manipulated-to be used, by a select few within the power structure. My viewpoint is, that this essential purpose of the American nation-this constant drive for individual freedom-is the greatest strength which less fortunate man everywhere can look up to, today. Despite occasional setbacks of the American policy, the American purpose remains the only hope of those people who are locked into the communist system and ideologies. Your nation is the only hope of the free world, if the world, as we know it today, is to survive. The United States is the only nation capable of deterring the expansion of the evil ideology that is so vehemently trying to encircle individual man. As I have mentioned, this role of champion of individual dignity, and freedom, was thrust on the United States by history. It has taken two world wars to arrive at the present crucial stage of direct confrontation. The confrontation between the ideology of the innate dignity and freedom of man; and, the opposing ideology that man has no b asic individuality, but is only another animal to b e used , by the state. Champi oning individual liberties has become part of y our nation's identi ty. Naturally, this task has never been easy nor always crowned with success. Two world wars have been fought over fundamental issues which are more relevant today than they were in 1918. The confrontation between the ideology which is used as a mask for enslavement, on one side, and, the ideology that contains freedom, and liberty, and pursuit of happiness of the individual, on the other. The struggle of these ideologies continues, and this confrontation will go on unti l free men will win. Communism, which might have started with the intention of helping the individual to improve his lot, cannot be defended today as such. Even its own theorists cannot �SLOVAKIA 69 show that the continuation of that intention is the purpose of the system. Events and facts show us the grotesque size of this fallacy. For . over 50 years Russia, as the core of the communist way, has used all its strength for only one purposethe imposition of the dominance of its state, and its government, and its ideology on the rest of the world. In other words-for the destruction of freedom and liberty. The Kremlin leaders try to convince the world that its difficulties stem from a difference in ideas. The true situation is, that the world's biggest problem is a fight between free nations willing to give freedom to all people, on one side; and, Soviet imperialism, on the other. The Soviet tactics have been terrifyingly successful. The communist area, today, covers one-quarter of the world's land territory, and one-third of the world's peoples. Why have we permitted this situation to develop? We have developed this crisis situation because of mistakes both, in the way we think, and in the methods we employ. Because we have taken our freedom for granted, we have been trapped into making mistakes which have furthered the efforts of communists to dominate mankind. The United States, as leader and mentor, has been unwittingly tricked into fighting the battle between freedom and slavery, under the rules laid down by the enslavers. As your nation rose in stature, and sought to influence the world-it made mistakes. These mistakes were inevitable at times. But the major errors, I feel were the results of confusion and hesitation. It may have been a possible lack of confidence among leading Americans in the historical purpose of the nation. It was almost as if some of your politicians felt guilty, or somewhat ashamed, about words like freedom, justice, liberty, equality-and, phrases like, the pursuit of happiness. You may feel self-conscious hearing them now. I am proud to be free--and able--to use these words. As your President, Mr. Nixon, stated in his Inaugural Address: "America must appraise her weaknesses". But let me say, the entire world shouts to you to appraise �70 SLOVAKIA the weakness of yours, and mankind's adverseries. And, he also said: "the American dream does not come to those who fall asleep". So must America understand, when the people of the world call on this generation of Americans to awaken from its lethargy and pursue its American purpose. Yes, no man can be fully free when his neighbour is not. The purpose of your nation, today, is to recognize the choice between your original idealistic goal of freedom , and self-respect of man, on one side; and, his enslavement by communism, on the other. Today, ladies and gentlemen, time has passed when international order can be guaranteed by power, alone. A good example of this is the result of the Second World War. I believe, and believe very strongly, that in our world of ideas and ideals, military confrontation will be the end result:-unless , we are willing, to weaken the enemy by the greatest strength we have at our disposal-the yearning for freedom by enslaved men. I , for one, believe that mankind would survive a nuclear war, but only as a small fragment of what man and civilization represent today. But, I also believe that the confrontation is not necessary. Re-appraisal of the way to go about strengthening our side, and weakening the adverseries, is an immediate need-and, a high priority item . We hear a cry from a number of responsible thoughtmolders in the United States, and some beyond your borders, about the lack of American leadership, on the international scene. It, therefore, become the task of this generation of Americans to clearly re-establish that leadership which will capture the imagination of, not only America and the free world, but also the people that are suffering tyranny. Surely American leadership must understand the plight of nations seeking freedom, and inspire them to promote their self-determination. The indecisions, and hesitancies, and contradictions of our leaders in recent years, have only confused the rest �SLOVAKIA 71 of the world. They have given ammunitio n to the communist argument that the United States is an arrogant nation, and not a liberator, and fighter for freedom and liberty. But, ladies and gentlemen, let us hope that this is in the past. I am heartened by the evidence of realistic thinking about the basic aim and role, of your nation, on the world stage. I sense a return to the purpose which drives America. The right of the individual to seek-to achieve his aspirations in an atmospher e of freedom , and equality. What does the world long for today? I am convinced that the solution of the problem is, simply: First. Establishm ent of American leadership that will freely entice all the peoples fighting for, and respecting freedom, under its banner. Second. Re-apprais al of the policy of containme nt and status quo should be considered . In today's world-sta tus quo-is virtually the same as standing still in our fastmoving world. Therefore, unless the Western nations begin making their own revolution -a revolution to extend and expand the areas of freedom-t he free man will not survive as such. It is indeed time for America to remember the strength and power of the people yearning for freedom in the Soviet system. Only through that particular power can we expect, and eventually achieve, victory of free men without nuclear holocaust. Let our systems compete peacefully. But let the competitio n be based on equal hadicaps. The test is, to bring to light the real motivating force , and seek to understand its future moves. Knowledge is free man's most important asset, as well as dictators' greatest liability. The picture I can see in this kind of competitio n will not be bleak for our side. The competitiv e spirit of free man is, today, one of his greatest assets-an asset that will triumph in the end. The power of free man is the power of America. A power which is unparallell ed with any of its adverseries . �72 SLOVAKIA Make use of it! Give your youth the visions of conquering man's ills! Stimulate the interest in that power, in the masses of enslaved people! Do this with a courage and zeal that gets the job done, and instills responsibility for the objectives. Third. It is in your interest, and in the interest of free people everywhere to neutralize communists' two most powerful states-The Soviet Union and Communist China. An elastic and skillful policy towards China on the part of the United States and the free world shoul be considered. I would like to stress that nothing is more remote from my mind than backing the political concepts which could lead to strengthening the communist tyranny in any way, even in the smallest country in the world. I am interested in not missing any opportunities that would give the idea of freedom a little time to germinate. In order to survive, the communist world must keep its people in constant fear and turmoil. It must obtain from its subjects the greatest possible sacrifices. Is it not better then, that two of our adverseries are fighting between themselves, rather than both be left free to fight with us? I feel the world would not be in danger of a nuclear holocaust if the strength of communism could be diminished by its own inherent, internal weaknesses. Fourth. The free world's communications media must be committed to developing the strains of understanding which make up the moral fiber of the Western man, rather than inflame the antagonisms which promote conflict. The ideologists of all dictatorships will be pleased to see America flounder; and therefore, responsible communication is a must. If the best is required of political leaders today; if the highest qualities are demanded of your scientists; then certainly, not any less should be the criteria by which the communicators in the West should be motivated. Ultimately each must seek the same goal-to promote t he best which the Free Society can inspire. Fifth. Expanding your horizons is, indeed, very im- �SLOVAKIA 73 portant for America today. Think in terms of the future problems that you can surmount, rather than be dismayed by them. Freedom has the same meaning to all people, whether one lives in the United States, in Russia, or in Czecho-Slovakia. It is this concept of freedom which eventually overcomes dictatorships. Communism carries within itself a seed of self-destruction. Let's nurture that seed for our benefit, and for the benefit of freedom. Your nation stands on the foundation with the wonderful human goals. The goals of freedom and justice for all-equality of opportunity to achieve one's personal happiness. Your nation recognizes the dignity of man. The United States was formed for a purpose, and with the purpose, to provide a home whether physical or spiritual for those who love freedom and crave for dignity. That purpose is more vital to the world today than ever before. It is your purpose-your nation's purpose. And the people yearning for freedom see, in the United States, an irreplaceable leader of their hope and their trust. And I know, that people held down by political and ideological tyrannies are waiting to hear you proclaim it. This address was delivered on February 17, 1969 to Palm Beach Round Table meeting and we are pleased to publish it because of its interesting and timely contents. - Editor. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America lias always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1969, Vol. 19 Description An account of the resource Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 64 SLOVAKIA The United State~ of A111erica The Nation With a Purpose Stephen B . Roman, LL.D. We know from history that the process man learned, which distinguished him from the animals he hunted, was and still is, the civilizing process of a society. Out of tribes--nations emerged. Their leaders guided them through a life which the civilized man found to be satisfying for himself and his family. The world went through many upheavals that, in retrospect, we realize were hard evolutionary processes. Man that evolved as an individual endorsed and accepted his first immediate grouping-his family. Later, through necessity, he organized himself into a stronger unit-a tribe. Again, by necessity of hard evolutionary fact, tribes evolved into modern nations. In Europe and Asia where history has best been documented, we have seen the emergence of powers which tried to dominate the entire world before. And again, we have seen governments which sought to offer the freedoms with which all human beings were endowed as their birthright. Looking in retrospect, we can analyze those values which enhanced man's progress; and those which retarded most of his efforts. The former, offered the individual a chance to develop the power which were really his to use to his best ability. The latter, bound the very energies which a state needs for its fullest development. At the beginning of the 17th century, events in Europe appeared to stifle the human spirit. The urge, by man, to venture to other areas of the world developed into an exodus to a newly discovered continent-to America. The first American settler yearned for the values which came from his heart and soul, and were nurtured by his intellect. He set about fulfilling his visions with his own might, and the blessing from the One in whom he found his greatest trust- his God. But, as the honest man proposes and flounders about, SLOVAKIA 65 t hrough trial and error, so must he use his spirit and his intellect responsibly to reach his goals. Goals which not only prime his inspiration, but become the guide for others to follow. Guided by their desire to build America free and prosperous, the generations of Americans not only marvelled at the human concepts they were promoting, but had set a new poli tical philosophy to work . This concept required a new sense of realism in dealing with problems that were sure to emerge. It was a pragmatic approach in every sense, but one which always acknowledged the Divine Creator in Whose trust the nation was dedicated. George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln -and others after them-will forever guide the spirit of free men, not only in the United States but everywhere. The young nation tried to do a lot, and surely accomplished a lot. The country expanded its horizons, and within its borders accepted the men, women and children who wanted to live in the free and peaceful environment. However, we see the erroneous effect of the American policy in recent decades, that stemmed from the confusion created by the ideologists, that wanted to set America on a new course. Though Mr. Roosevelt had offered the greatest freedom of movement and practical affluence to his generation of Americans, which touched the hearts of all the people everywhere, he failed to use that which was his greatest contribution to the American nation-the natural, practical and idealistic approach that had guided America before. The Second World War emerged as a conflict between strong nations-not so much to gain territorial possessions; but more to impose its national philosophies on weaker nations. We all know the course of history. Where freedom once flourished, people were left to their horrible fate , to endure decades of misery. In my opinion, what should have been the destruction of dangerous ideologies turned out to be the war of interests of national philosophies; and thus, extended the possibility to another major war. The ideological confrontation that we are in constant fear of, can bring our world to destruction, such as no civilization has witnessed before. During the past half century the world witnessed 66 SLOVAKIA several forms of domination, along with expanding colonial empires. Several compromises by honourable men dealing in good faith. But, always the same result. The good intentions on one side would not eliminate the treachery and intrigue on the other. The free world, dealing in good faith, always lost and compromised the principles of freedom and democracy. Tyranny, using its devious ways and forms, always triumphed for a time. There was no doubt in Hitler's plans to conquer the world. But why were there doubts-doubts that still remain -that Soviet communism seeks to do the same? One sought to enslave man's bodies. But the other, seeks to destroy every vestige of his previous political and philosophical persuasion. To compel him, without mercy, to adopt a form of totalitarian exploitation-bod y and soul alike. Why is it then that the nation's leaders, calling upon Divine Providence to lead the world in freedom, justice, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, could not recognize the dangers of confusion, that they were creating by trying to resolve long term problems by expedient means. As such a close neighbour to your great and powerful nation, you must realize Canada tends to be extra-sensitive to your every thought and action. It is a trite Canadian expression that when the United States sneezes, Canada catches the cold. That I should be standing here about to discuss the role of the United States in the world today, indicates your awareness of the sensitive and friendly reactions of Canadians to your way of life, and the factors which influence your country. Why is it that we are unable to ferret out the essence of imminent aggression and its accompanying consequences, before millions of people are compelled to bow to the whim and wish of a tyrannical system? The hope of mankind was riding high when the Atlantic Charter and Four Freedoms were held as a beacon for man everywhere. But how depressed and low it fell when, in spite of that American ideal, one hundred million people that had known freedom, were placed under communism against their will! How depressing it gets when one action leads to another, and shows that the American ideal of free men everywhere slides into the background! Ravaging SLOVAKIA 67 communism emerges stronger and stronger, with complete government apparatus supporting its every move for further expansion. · Must we succumb to the devious schemes of dictators who always seem to be right on time to create confusion and turmoil? Can we not analyze a potential threat to humanity? Can we not offer a solution which would alleviate the situation before it gets out of hand? Before it engulfs man ~n despair, and leads the entire world into catastrophe? Ladies and gentlemen, I feel that the title of my comments-A Nation With a Purpose-indicates what Canadians think about you, Americans; and, the position of the United States in the world today. Many of you must be bewildered by some of the terrible events which have occured in your nation. By political assassinations, by riots and near anarchy, and by crime. The cynic might say, today, that the United States has lost its purpose . I disagree violently. I can tell you that most people in the world, disagree. To most people in the world the United States r epresents hope ; and to many of them the only hope, that their fate will be changed for the better. The man broken under the abuses of those political and ideological systems looks hopefully-and secretly-to the United States. I can stand back at a distance and tell you that to men and women living outside your borders, you appear as a strong nation created by pioneers; and perpetuated by ideals of freedom, justice and liberty. Your forefathers were fighting to establish the uniqueness of the individual in a society. They worked to help that individual achieve his fondest aspirations-to live in freedom . Let us not forget the beginnings of your American history. The downtrodden, the beaten and weary came to America from societies where political and social systems had taken away the dignity of man. From societies that turned man into a lesser creature-than Divine Providence intended him to be. The purpose of the American nation was established, from its earliest days; to provide opportunity for men to 68 SLOVAKIA be free; to show the rest of the world that only in free societies can man evolve to his ultimate. Contrast this root of the American culture and purpose, and American history with other parts of the world. The world which is under the domination of what we define as a communist system. In that world, man as an individual is non-existent. Man is only a tool to be manipulated-to be used, by a select few within the power structure. My viewpoint is, that this essential purpose of the American nation-this constant drive for individual freedom-is the greatest strength which less fortunate man everywhere can look up to, today. Despite occasional setbacks of the American policy, the American purpose remains the only hope of those people who are locked into the communist system and ideologies. Your nation is the only hope of the free world, if the world, as we know it today, is to survive. The United States is the only nation capable of deterring the expansion of the evil ideology that is so vehemently trying to encircle individual man. As I have mentioned, this role of champion of individual dignity, and freedom, was thrust on the United States by history. It has taken two world wars to arrive at the present crucial stage of direct confrontation. The confrontation between the ideology of the innate dignity and freedom of man; and, the opposing ideology that man has no b asic individuality, but is only another animal to b e used , by the state. Champi oning individual liberties has become part of y our nation's identi ty. Naturally, this task has never been easy nor always crowned with success. Two world wars have been fought over fundamental issues which are more relevant today than they were in 1918. The confrontation between the ideology which is used as a mask for enslavement, on one side, and, the ideology that contains freedom, and liberty, and pursuit of happiness of the individual, on the other. The struggle of these ideologies continues, and this confrontation will go on unti l free men will win. Communism, which might have started with the intention of helping the individual to improve his lot, cannot be defended today as such. Even its own theorists cannot SLOVAKIA 69 show that the continuation of that intention is the purpose of the system. Events and facts show us the grotesque size of this fallacy. For . over 50 years Russia, as the core of the communist way, has used all its strength for only one purposethe imposition of the dominance of its state, and its government, and its ideology on the rest of the world. In other words-for the destruction of freedom and liberty. The Kremlin leaders try to convince the world that its difficulties stem from a difference in ideas. The true situation is, that the world's biggest problem is a fight between free nations willing to give freedom to all people, on one side; and, Soviet imperialism, on the other. The Soviet tactics have been terrifyingly successful. The communist area, today, covers one-quarter of the world's land territory, and one-third of the world's peoples. Why have we permitted this situation to develop? We have developed this crisis situation because of mistakes both, in the way we think, and in the methods we employ. Because we have taken our freedom for granted, we have been trapped into making mistakes which have furthered the efforts of communists to dominate mankind. The United States, as leader and mentor, has been unwittingly tricked into fighting the battle between freedom and slavery, under the rules laid down by the enslavers. As your nation rose in stature, and sought to influence the world-it made mistakes. These mistakes were inevitable at times. But the major errors, I feel were the results of confusion and hesitation. It may have been a possible lack of confidence among leading Americans in the historical purpose of the nation. It was almost as if some of your politicians felt guilty, or somewhat ashamed, about words like freedom, justice, liberty, equality-and, phrases like, the pursuit of happiness. You may feel self-conscious hearing them now. I am proud to be free--and able--to use these words. As your President, Mr. Nixon, stated in his Inaugural Address: "America must appraise her weaknesses". But let me say, the entire world shouts to you to appraise 70 SLOVAKIA the weakness of yours, and mankind's adverseries. And, he also said: "the American dream does not come to those who fall asleep". So must America understand, when the people of the world call on this generation of Americans to awaken from its lethargy and pursue its American purpose. Yes, no man can be fully free when his neighbour is not. The purpose of your nation, today, is to recognize the choice between your original idealistic goal of freedom , and self-respect of man, on one side; and, his enslavement by communism, on the other. Today, ladies and gentlemen, time has passed when international order can be guaranteed by power, alone. A good example of this is the result of the Second World War. I believe, and believe very strongly, that in our world of ideas and ideals, military confrontation will be the end result:-unless , we are willing, to weaken the enemy by the greatest strength we have at our disposal-the yearning for freedom by enslaved men. I , for one, believe that mankind would survive a nuclear war, but only as a small fragment of what man and civilization represent today. But, I also believe that the confrontation is not necessary. Re-appraisal of the way to go about strengthening our side, and weakening the adverseries, is an immediate need-and, a high priority item . We hear a cry from a number of responsible thoughtmolders in the United States, and some beyond your borders, about the lack of American leadership, on the international scene. It, therefore, become the task of this generation of Americans to clearly re-establish that leadership which will capture the imagination of, not only America and the free world, but also the people that are suffering tyranny. Surely American leadership must understand the plight of nations seeking freedom, and inspire them to promote their self-determination. The indecisions, and hesitancies, and contradictions of our leaders in recent years, have only confused the rest SLOVAKIA 71 of the world. They have given ammunitio n to the communist argument that the United States is an arrogant nation, and not a liberator, and fighter for freedom and liberty. But, ladies and gentlemen, let us hope that this is in the past. I am heartened by the evidence of realistic thinking about the basic aim and role, of your nation, on the world stage. I sense a return to the purpose which drives America. The right of the individual to seek-to achieve his aspirations in an atmospher e of freedom , and equality. What does the world long for today? I am convinced that the solution of the problem is, simply: First. Establishm ent of American leadership that will freely entice all the peoples fighting for, and respecting freedom, under its banner. Second. Re-apprais al of the policy of containme nt and status quo should be considered . In today's world-sta tus quo-is virtually the same as standing still in our fastmoving world. Therefore, unless the Western nations begin making their own revolution -a revolution to extend and expand the areas of freedom-t he free man will not survive as such. It is indeed time for America to remember the strength and power of the people yearning for freedom in the Soviet system. Only through that particular power can we expect, and eventually achieve, victory of free men without nuclear holocaust. Let our systems compete peacefully. But let the competitio n be based on equal hadicaps. The test is, to bring to light the real motivating force , and seek to understand its future moves. Knowledge is free man's most important asset, as well as dictators' greatest liability. The picture I can see in this kind of competitio n will not be bleak for our side. The competitiv e spirit of free man is, today, one of his greatest assets-an asset that will triumph in the end. The power of free man is the power of America. A power which is unparallell ed with any of its adverseries . 72 SLOVAKIA Make use of it! Give your youth the visions of conquering man's ills! Stimulate the interest in that power, in the masses of enslaved people! Do this with a courage and zeal that gets the job done, and instills responsibility for the objectives. Third. It is in your interest, and in the interest of free people everywhere to neutralize communists' two most powerful states-The Soviet Union and Communist China. An elastic and skillful policy towards China on the part of the United States and the free world shoul be considered. I would like to stress that nothing is more remote from my mind than backing the political concepts which could lead to strengthening the communist tyranny in any way, even in the smallest country in the world. I am interested in not missing any opportunities that would give the idea of freedom a little time to germinate. In order to survive, the communist world must keep its people in constant fear and turmoil. It must obtain from its subjects the greatest possible sacrifices. Is it not better then, that two of our adverseries are fighting between themselves, rather than both be left free to fight with us? I feel the world would not be in danger of a nuclear holocaust if the strength of communism could be diminished by its own inherent, internal weaknesses. Fourth. The free world's communications media must be committed to developing the strains of understanding which make up the moral fiber of the Western man, rather than inflame the antagonisms which promote conflict. The ideologists of all dictatorships will be pleased to see America flounder; and therefore, responsible communication is a must. If the best is required of political leaders today; if the highest qualities are demanded of your scientists; then certainly, not any less should be the criteria by which the communicators in the West should be motivated. Ultimately each must seek the same goal-to promote t he best which the Free Society can inspire. Fifth. Expanding your horizons is, indeed, very im- SLOVAKIA 73 portant for America today. Think in terms of the future problems that you can surmount, rather than be dismayed by them. Freedom has the same meaning to all people, whether one lives in the United States, in Russia, or in Czecho-Slovakia. It is this concept of freedom which eventually overcomes dictatorships. Communism carries within itself a seed of self-destruction. Let's nurture that seed for our benefit, and for the benefit of freedom. Your nation stands on the foundation with the wonderful human goals. The goals of freedom and justice for all-equality of opportunity to achieve one's personal happiness. Your nation recognizes the dignity of man. The United States was formed for a purpose, and with the purpose, to provide a home whether physical or spiritual for those who love freedom and crave for dignity. That purpose is more vital to the world today than ever before. It is your purpose-your nation's purpose. And the people yearning for freedom see, in the United States, an irreplaceable leader of their hope and their trust. And I know, that people held down by political and ideological tyrannies are waiting to hear you proclaim it. This address was delivered on February 17, 1969 to Palm Beach Round Table meeting and we are pleased to publish it because of its interesting and timely contents. - Editor. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America lias always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The United States of America: The Nation With a Purpose Description An account of the resource Stephen B. Roman, LL.D. Slovakia, Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969 pp. 64-73 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Roman, Stephen, 1921-1988 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/e26395098503e9145779b9594b2e3ed9.pdf f52f8a6221be5fc5cc87761f0ba0db9e PDF Text Text 32 SLOVAKIA The Slovaks of Chicago DR. PETER P. HLETKO The first Slovaks in Chicago While the records are vague, according to some pub lic and official records it would seem that probably the first Slovak who came to Chicago was one G. Michalovic alias Mihal6cy (a Magyar spelling). He took active part in the Civil War. He joined the forces of Abraham Lincoln and supposedly organized an artillery battalion consisting of various Slavic nationalities. He was cited by President Lincoln, who wrote Michalovic a personal letter, thanking him for his services. Around 1872 another Slovak named Dorocak same to Chicago from County Spis in Slovakia. He was followed by Daniel Schustek, whose name was well known in the life of the early Chicago Slovaks. Then more Slovaks came and by 1892 there were some 300 in Chicago. That is not a very big number but already then they began to organize into a fraternal system. In that year-two years after the National Slovak Society was organized in Pennsylvania, the Slovaks in Chicago organized an assembly (Odbor 65) of the N. S.S., a non-denominational society. After the First Catholic Slovak Union ( the Jednota) was founded in Cleveland, the Chicago Catholic Slovaks organized St. Stephen's Society as Branch 224 of the FCSU. The third society organized was the "First Slovak Sokol," an independent and nondenominational gymnastic society. The group no longer exists. In 1893 these Slovak fraternal groups participated in the parade arranged by the committee of the Columbian Exposition held in Chicago. They paraded under the Slovak banner, and they had some difficulty in obtaining a Slovak flag. They had one made. The early Slovaks in Chicago By 1900 the Slovaks kept coming from the old country, from all parts of Slovakia. It is well-nigh impossible to find records about all of them but at least the following �SLOVAKIA 33 are definitely known to have been here between 1890 and 1900. The year of their arrival is in parentheses: · Andrej Adamcik (1894), Jan Balek (1894), J . Bavlsik, Jan Belcik (1893), Jan Bugajsky (1898), Jan Canik (1894) , Jan Druska, Jozef Gabaj 1886), Karol Grohovsky (1893), Andrej Gura (1899) ), Anton Gura (1899), Karol Gura (1889), stefan Gura (1889), Jan Haluska, Martin Hletko (father of Dr. Peter P. Hletko and Dr. S. J . Hletko 1899) , Jan Horvat (1899), Jan Ivorik, Imrich Jezisik (1877), Jozef Juranka (1894), Jan Keblusek (1890), Klinovsky (1888) , Florian Kojis (1898), Mikulas Krajci (1889), Peter Krajci (1889), Samuel Krc (1896), Pavel Kvorka (1890), Frantisek Kubis (1898), Pavel Kubis (1888), Frantisek Kuna (1899), Pavel Kurucar, Stulik (1892), Michal Laca (1892), Jan Majer (1893), Jozef Mally (1891), Karol Mally (1893 ), Jan Matejicko (1898), stefan Meliska (1898), Andrej Micuda (1899), Gustav Micuda (1899), Jozef Novota (1898), Jan Orendac (1899), Samuel Papanek (1890), Jan Paur 0893), Jan Pavelcik (1886), Pavel Pavelcik (1893), Jozef Pircoft (1889), Andrej Schustek (1889), Jan slahor (1891), Imrich Podkrivacky, Jan Podmajersky (1896), Juraj Pucik (1884), Daniel Samuel (1898), Andrej Sedory (1888), Andrej Schustek (1889), Jan Schustek, Jan slahor (1891), Jan Sokolik, Andrej Sokolik, Jan Svehla, Adam Trubacek (1890), Juraj Vatral, Jozef Zahumensky (1897), Adam Ziska, Frantisek Ziska and Jozef Ziska, Stefan Kovac (1897), Martin Dujmovic (1897). Others known to be here prior to 1900 were: M. Vitko, (father of the late Rev. Joseph Vitko, who died in Omaha. Nebraska). J. Madeja, John Lipovsky, J. Hajzus, J. L'e hocky, J. Jurik, John Micus, Kollarik, candar, Ducaj, Podhorsky, Pelikan and others. Because the Slovaks are a religious people, whether they are Catholic or Lutheran, they began attending their respective church services in the churches existing here already. But they were not satisfied with Latin or English services. They yearned for their own. Many of them attended St. Procopius Church, a Czech church at 18th and Allport St. Many of the Slovak Catholics settled on the West side in the vicinity of De Keven St., St. Wenceslaus parish ( site of Mrs. Oleary's barn where the cow kicked over a lantern and started the great Chicago fire of 1871. A humorous story has it that the cow was owned �34 SLOVAKIA by a Czech women, Mrs. Uhlir, but because the newspaper reporters could not spell or pronounce "Uhlir", it became Mrs. O'Leary, because that seemed close enough.) Another contigent gravitated south and west where they found the first Catholic Slovak church in Chicago, St. Michael's, at 48th and Winchester. Originally land was purchased for a church on Archer Ave., but this was given up. Church services began to be held every Sunday in a hall back of a tavern at 49th St. and Paulina St. Father Bronkala was the first pastor. A church was built at 48th and Winchester with two rooms in 1900. Sisters Walburga and Paulina, both of the Czech Benedictine convent in Lisle, Ill., and both being Slovaks, were the first two teachers in the school. The next pastor was Rev. S. Pavolcik, but when financial troubles arose, the Bohemian Benedictine Fathers in Lisle, Ill., were appointed in charge of the parish. Rev. Bartolomej Kvitek, OSB., became the pastor and he did much to build the parish and put it on solid foundation . He left about 1911 and was followed by Rev. Thomas Vopatek, OSB., and eventually by Rev. Gregory Vaniscak, OSB., the so-called "first Slovak Benedictine in America", who later organized the Slovak Benedictine Fathers in Cleveland, Ohio. The Slovaks in Chicago have 8 Slovak Catholic parishes St. Michael's at 48th and Darnen Avenue_ A new combination church and school building was built in 1907. A few years later another school building was erected to accomodate a total of some 1,200 school children. SL Michael's parish at one time was the largest Slovak Catholic parish in America. Recently the original old church was taken down and a fine new social center was erected. Rev. Armand Gress, OSB., pastor, Rev_ L. Hudak, OSB. , and Rev. Maruskin, OSB., asistants. The parish has a large convent and a large rectory. After Rev. Gregory Vaniscak, OSR left for Cleveland, the late Rev. Charles Florek, OSB., was pastor for many years and his assistant for 22 years was the Rev. Ambrose Ondrak, OSB., who later became abbot of the Bohemian Benedictine Abbey in Lisle, Ill., and had to leave St. Michael's to assume his new duties as abbot. �SLOVAKIA 35 Assumption of the B. V. M. at 24th St. and California. Organized in 1903, at about the same time as St. Joseph's parish was being organized. The parish has a combination church and school building, a Sisters' convent, a rectory and an assembly hall under the church, besides several meeting halls. Msgr. Chvojka, pastor emeritus, Rev. J . Spitkovsky, acting pastor. St. Joseph's parish. Organized in 1904. Has a combination church and school building on 17th Pl., near Halsted St. Recently a new school building was built, with a large auditorium and bowling alleys in the basement. The area is becoming a changing neighborhood in recent years and the Slovak parishioners are leaving the locality and moving to newer neighborhoods. For that reason the parish is on the decline. The new school has been turned over to combined classes from a neighboring Lithuanian parish and the former rectory has been loaned to the Lithuanian sisters after the Slovak sisters from the Bohemian Order of St. Benedict in Lisle, Ill., gave up the school. The administrator of the parish, Rev. Slosarcik, lives at the nearby Lithuanian rectory. Msgr. John Rondzik, now retired, has been pastor for many years. The latest report is that parish will cease to exist. Holy Rosary parish at 108th and Perry Sts. Organized in 1907. The parish built a new church in recent years . A school, convent and rectory complete the properties of the parish. Rev. Andrew Valcicak is pastor, Rev. J . Dilla is assistant. The parish is located in the Pullman-Roseland area. St. John the Baptist. Organized in 1909 at 91st and So. Burley Ave., in the South Chicago district. The parish purchased an existing church in 1910. The property consists of this original church, with a hall in the basement and a rectory adjoining. The parish has no school. This parish has never prospered too much and is in a declining neighborhood but Rev. J. Petrik, the present pastor, has given the parish a big lift. Sacred Heart parish. Organized in 1910. At Huron and Oakley Blvd. A combination church and school building and a new rectory adjacent. For years, Rev. Victor Blahunka, who became the first Slovak Monsignor in America, was pastor. The present pastor is Rev. Francis Kosjak. �36 SLOVAKIA SS. Cyril and Methodius parish. At Walton St. and Kildare Ave. Organized January 3, 1914. Rev. Michael Bajor, pastor of the Sacred Heart parish, was the one who promoted the idea of organizing this parish. Rev. Victor Blahunka became the Slovak pastor on March 2, 1915. The parish used the hall of the Guardian Angels parish at Avers and Iowa Sts. as a temporary church. Other pastors who followed were Rev. Michael Bue, Rev. John Fedor and now Rev. A. Chisek. The church is a combination school and church building. St. Simon parish. This is the youngest Slovak parish. Organized October 1, 1926 at 52nd and So. California Ave., after many years of effort. Rev. E. Sendek was the first pastor. The parish has a combination school and church building, a rectory, a sisters' convent and recently an additional new school building. Rev. Joseph Job, a good Slovak nationalist, was pastor for many years, until his death there. He followed Rev. Sendek, who was transferred to St. Paul's parish in Chicago Heights, Ill. a suburb of Chicago. Father Job was popular and successful as a pastor of St. Simon's. He left a portion of his estate to the Sisters in Tinley Park, Ill., the Slovak League and the St. Adalbert Society of Slovakia. The present pastor is Rev. D. Romancik and Rev. Richard skriba is assistant. Slovak Protestant Churches in Chicago Holy Trinity Evangelical Lutheran Church is the oldest Lutheran Slovak congregation. It was founded in 1893 and incorporated in 1897. The original church was in the vicinity of Noble St., and Chicago Ave. In time the old neighborhood began declining and the parishioners moved to Mayfair and Jefferson Park so that an auxiliary church was built in Mayfair in 1924. But in 1948 the congregation built a large, modern new church on the north side on Foster and Lacrosse Sts., with an outlay of some $400,000. SS. Peter and Paul Lutheran Church. Originally located on 19th St., near Halsted St. on the West Side. Organized in October 1901. With the neighborhood also undergoing changes for the worst, the congregation moved to Riverside into a new church about 10 years ago. Just recently the congregation celebrated 10 years of this moving to Riverside in appropriate church services assisted by some �SLOVAKIA 37 of the local Catholic clergy, in a real spirit of ecumenism. Rev. Kalny is pastor. Rev. John Body was pastor of the church when it was on the West Side. He is now retired in California. Zion Slovak Lutheran Church organized in 1909 at Huron St. and Bickerdike. The Bethlehem church merged with the Zion church in about 1926. Later they bought their present church at Iowa St. and Springfield Avenue. Slovak Evangelical Lutheran Cl?,urch of Dr. Martin Luther. Its first permanent church was at 50th and Honore Sts. from April 1918 to December 1947. In 1949 a new church was built at 54th and Francisco Ave. At one time Rev. Jaroslav Pelikan, Sr., was pastor, who later became involved in "Czecho-Slovak" politics and then transferred to Holy Trinity. The present pastor, after Rev. Roh, is Rev. Figuly. The son of the original pastor, Rev. Jaroslav Pelikan, Sr., who is Rev. Jaroslav Pelikan also, is a respected teacher of the history of religion at Yale University. He wrote the "Riddle of Catholicism" which was well received in Catholic circles, and he is a weekly contributor to the Catholic News Register. Slovak Baptist New Covenant Church. The beginings of the Slovak Baptists date back to 1908 when the first Slovak woman, Miss Catherine Nikodem, later Hudacek, became a Baptist by being baptized by immersion. She had been influenced by Vaclav Hlada, a Czech preacher from the Bohemian Baptist Emmanuel congregation. During some of his visits to the homes in the neighborhood he visited the Nikodems and left some books written by the Slovak authoress, Kristina Roy. Young Miss Catherine Nikodem began reading these books and she eventually received the Lord and accepted his truths. The early services were held in the Nikodem home and the newly accepted members belonged to the Czech congregation. In 1915 the Slovak Baptists, numbering 64, met to organize an independent organization of Slovak Baptists. Out of respect to the Czech mother church they accepted the name Emmanuel Slovak Baptist church. Public services were held regularly until 1925 in a synagogue at 1410 W. Augusta Blvd., and from 1925 to 1930 at 2015 W . Augusta Blvd. In 1930 they dedicated a new church at 5857-59 W. Giddings, corner of Marmora Ave. Up to the year 1929 �38 SLOVAKIA half of the congregation lived on the south side. In that year they became independent and assumed the name Czechoslovak Baptist Church, but later changed it to Trinity Church. Their church was at 5845 So. Rockwell St. The new name, Covenant, was accepted in 1947. The Slovak Baptist church is entirely independent from 1944. Up to that time it was helped and the pastor's salary financed by American Baptists. Some of the names that have appeared in the list of officers over the years include Michal Stancik, Jan Dinga, Pavel Kubik, Michal Placko, Michal Frano, Pavel Hanko and Jan Firak. The Greek-Catholics There are any number of Greek-Catholic churches in Chicago, but the Slovaks belong principally to two of them-St. Mary's , 49th and So. Seeley, is one. The members of this parish are all Slovaks of the Byzantine Eastern Rit~, headed by and directly connected with the Holy See, the Roman Catholic Church. The parish has a large church, a school, a rectory and a Sister's Convent. Rev. J. Kurty is pastor. SS. Peter and Paul Church at 53rd and So. Western is a split-off of St. Mary's parish, and the split-off was so complete that they broke ties with Rome, and joined the Greek-Russian Orthodox Church. Rev. Shimkoff is pastor and his son has been his assistent. Like many of the parishioners of St. Mary's, many in the SS. Peter and Paul Church mistakenly call themselves "Russians," "Sub-Carpatian Russians," "Greek Catholics," "Rusins," "Rusnaks" etc. Many belligerently deny that they are Slovaks. It's a case of faulty bringing up and lack of proper information or education along these lines . Yet, the members of both of these parishes are Slovaksfrom the Spis, saris and Zemplin counties in Slovakia. They are Slovaks who profess the Byzantine Rite, or the Orthodox Rite. Neither of these rites makes them "Russians" or anything else but Slovaks, no more than the Lutheran faith makes our Slovak Lutherans Germans or anything but Slovaks. These Lutherans are Slovaks whn profess the Lutheran faith, and they are Slovaks. The "Rusnaks" are Slovaks, who profess the Byzantine rite or Orthodox rite. There are other ethnic groups who profess �SLOVAKIA 39 these rites or faiths, like the Magyars, but their faith does not change them from Magyars to "Rusnaks," "Russians" or anything else but Magyars. The "Rusnaks" should call a spade and admit that ethnically they are Slovaks. Societies and Lodges Although there is a noticable decline in society and lodge activity in Chicago in the last 25 years, in the main it has remained stable. A few lodges, and even whole societies merged (Tatran Slovak Union, based in Chicago merged with the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol, Slovak Evangelical Society, also based in Chicago, merged with The Slovak Lutheran Union now called United Lutheran) . Others, like the "Veniec Katolickych Slovakov (Wreath of Catholic Slovaks) just plainly liquidated and stopped existing. But in the main, the lodges have remained in existence. In 1930, at the height of our lodge activity, the following Societies were represented by their lodges as follows: First Catholic Slovak Union - 26 assemblies; Total 6,811 members. First Catholic Slovak Ladies' Union - 19 lodges; Total 10,549 members. Slovak Catholic Sokol - 5 male assemblies and 4 female Wreaths; Total 2,906 members. Penna. Slovak Catholic Union - 4 local assemblies ; 24 7 members. Ladies Penna. Slovak Catholic Union - 3 branches ; 704 members. National Slovak Society - 11 assemblies; 2,726 members. Tatran Slovak Union - 15 of its 27 assemblies were in Chicago; The Society merged with S. G. U.S. Catholic Order of Foresters - 9 Slovak Courts; Catholic Order of Ladies Foresters- 4 Slovak Courts; First Slovak Wreath of Free Eagle - 3 groups (based in Bridgeport, Conn.); Western Slovak Union - 2 assemblies; Independent Society of St. Martin - 1 assembly; Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol - 5 assemblies; 2,82b members. �40 SLOVAKIA Club " Furdek" Club "Furdek" was a social and educational Club designed to unite the intelligentia of the Chicago Catholic Slovaks. Started in 1930 by Dr. Peter P. Hletko, it lasted some 25 years, then went into abeyance. During its existence it exerted much good influence on the life of the Chicago Slovaks and Slovaks in America, as well. All the local Catholic Slovak priests were members, so were many of the lawyers, physicians and other professional people and the formal annual installation dinners were an outstanding feature of the social season. Many college students and professional people were thus given an opportunity to meet and become mutually acquainted. Savings and Loan Associations One of the more profitable businesses of industries in which some of our Chicago Slovaks are engaged is the savings and loan business. The Slovaks, next to the Czechs, were the earliest entrants into this business. No other nationality ·was in that business any earlier. However, none of our savings and loan institutions controlled and managed by Slovaks ever rose to such gigantic multimillion dollar institutions as have some of those controlled b y other ethnic groups. They came into this business much later but have passed up Slovak people and they have built financial giants. But the Slovak S & L's are doing very, very well. Their accounts are insured by the FSLIC to S15,000 and practically all of them pay 4}'1 % on regular passbook accounts and more on certificate deposits. How early our Slovaks were in the savings and loan business in Chicago may be seen from the history of the First Slovak S & L in Chicago - the " Dunaj" (Danube). It was organized on April 1, 1907 in St. Michael's parish on the south side of the city - some 7 years after the founding of the parish. Rev. Bartolomej Kvitek, OSB. , a Czech, friendly to the Slovak people, was then pastor and it was he who saw the need for a savings and loan association for his parishioners. His theory was that if the association helped his parishioners to buy and acquire homes in the vicinity of the church, the parishioners would be apt to stay in the neighborhood longer, around �SLOVAKIA 41 the church, and they would not run off to other areas and to other parishes and churches. This would help keep the parish stable and intact, it would thus help the parish and it would also help the parishioners to home ownership. Father Kvitek called a few parishioners for consultation, they then called a meeting and founded the "Dunaj" S & L Assoc. The men present at the meeting and elected as members of the first board of directors were: Albert Vincek, President; John Dluhy, a local retail butcher shop owner, Treasurer; Vaclav Pesicka, a fine Czech gentleman and a banker, Secretary; Anton Charvat, Thomas Griglak ( then organist and choir director at St. Michael's ), Martin Skorupa (a builder ), Joseph Adam, a local tavern owner, and Joseph Tomala (real estate and insurance broker ) , as directors. Soon after its founding, the parishioners and others in the locality applied for membership in the "Dunaj " in big numbers. The association helped many to save their money and it helped many others to home ownership. "Dunaj" kept graving rapidly every year and in a short span of a few years it was the second largest saving and loan association in Chicago, and the largest Slovak association in all America, just as St. Michael's parish became the largest Slovak parish in America at that time. In 1931 the association opened its 99th series and its directors at that time were ( just to get their names on paper ) : Joseph Trubiroha, Paul Havlicek, John Dluhy, Charles Tupy, Andrew Valachovic, Matthew Vadovsky, Peter Hello, A. B. Suhany, John M. Nemec. For years the association held weekly meetings on Tuesday evening in the basement of the old church, until the time of an attempted hold-up, which, happily, was unsuccessful. But the management of the "Dunaj" decided to transfer it into Depositors State Bank, of which Vaclav Pesicka was then president. But "Dunaj " stopped prospering in the bank. It was merely vegetating. Finally, John M. Nemec, an employee of the bank managed to extricate the association from the bank and move it closer to the church, its original location. He housed it in his newly set up insurance and real estate office and he became "Dunaj 's" secretary. But even this did not help and did not save the association from demise. Pressure of the Great Depression brought about eventual liquidation and the "Dunaj," �42 SLOVAKIA the daddy of them all, became a happy and revered memory. "Gage Park S & L. Assn. " was organized in February 1921 by Joseph Tomala, who became secretary. Some of the names of officers and directors associated with "Gage Park" in the early years were: Joseph L. Reppa, Michael Cerny (a business man), John Slovinec (an architect), John Massura and Joseph Massura (mason-build ers), Fr. steffek, sanitation, John Bomba, Jr. (a timekeeper), Vincent 0. snep, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, Joseph Hubalik (insurance agency); John Bomba and others. The first office of the association was at 2650 West 51st Street. It moved to its present location in 1938. The association is now in its 48th year and has assets over 22 million dollars. It pays the highest permissible dividend rate. It maintains a nice office at 2740 W. 55th St. Its present officers and directors are: Dr. Peter P. Hletko, President; Wendell Tylka, Vice-Presiden t; Michael S. Rehak, Secretary-Tre asurer; John Keblusek, Joseph Hubalik, Joseph Karas and George Galos are the other directors. All the officers and directors are Slovaks. Office hours are 5 days per week, Tuesday and Friday evenings and till noon on Saturday. The " Darnen S & L. Assn." is another early entrant. It was organized in September and held its first meeting on October 4, 1916. John Gurka, a tavern-owner and later a soft drink manufacture r and distributor, was its first moving spirit, and the weekly meetings were held in the hall to the rear of Gurka's Tavern at 45th and S. Fairfield. It was originally organized under the name "Slovenska Wlast'" (Slovak Fatherland). When A. B. Tabola became secretary after a few years, he legally changed the name to the correct Slovak spelling, "Slovenska Vlast' ," since the Slovak language has no consonant like "w" in its alphabet. In 1922 the association moved its headquarters into St. Michael's parish hall where it continued for several years, until A. B. Tabola again legally changed the name to "Darnen" after the street on which his real estate office was located and he moved the association there, later to 51st St., just west of Darnen Ave. Assets are $13,099,366.00. Other names connected with this successful association: John M. Kubina (deceased, an undertaker for 50 years, long time President), V. Dobias, Stefan Pastyak, �SLOVAKIA 43 Thadeus Macejak, Joseph Kempiak, all now deceased. Its present officers are: Mary Tabola-Poronsky, President; Joseph Judickas, Vice-President; Dr. John Poronsky, Secretary-Treasurer; Frank Bohula, Michal Mladucky and Frank Kacmarcik, directors. The association is housed in a beautiful new office at 51st and Darnen Avenue. All officers and directors except one are Slovaks. " National Security" was also an early entry. Organized in 1907 as "Choe" S & L. Assn. For many years it was the "baby" of the late Steve s kriba, Sr., on the west side of Chicago. Later it was moved from S . California Avenue to 26th and Troy St., and eventually to its own beautiful building at 6859 W. Archer Ave. Its assets are over $121/~ million. Office hours are 5 days a week, closed on Wednesday. Its officers and directors are practically all Slovaks: William skriba, President; Andrew Babka, 1st Vice-President, Joseph Demko, Secretary-Treasurer, and Thomas Chuhak, Ernest Cibira, John Skultety and Edward Skriba, directors . Security Federal, organized in 1907. Address: 1209 Milwaukee Ave. Total assets: $30,042, 279. 83 . Officers are: Sam s lahor, President; John Janae, Vice-President; Ivan Kovac, Executive Vice-President; Elizabeth Andrisek, Assistant Secretary. Other directors are: Joseph Zilka, Joseph s andrik and William Machacek. " American Home" S & L. Assn. - 3924 W. North Ave. Organized in 1910. Assets $3,017,391.00. All of its officers and directors are Slovaks: John Bilka, President; Albert Jancovic, Executive Secretary; John Homola, Vice-President; Joseph Peterka, Treasurer. Other directors are : Edward Jancovic and Joseph Flaska. " Economy" S & L . Assn. is the latest entry. It was organized by Attorney Frank Matavovsky in 1949. It owns its very nice office building at 2650 W. 51st St., the original home site of Gage Park S & L. Assn. Assets: $11,921 ,865.00. Officers: Frank Matovsky, President; Marie Matovsky (Frank's wife ) is Secretary-Treasurer. Anthony Matavosky (a brother ) is Vice-President, George skodon, comptroller. Other directors : Michael Rusnak, Dr. Wendel Kapustiak ( an eye specialist ) . All the officers and two directors are Slovak. Two additional directors are : D. Varraveto and 0. J. VanMale. �44 SLOVAKIA " Andrej Hlinka" S & L. Assn., named after the national hero and political leader in Slovakia, Msgr. Andrej Hlinka, P.A., existed for some 35 years at 2234 W. Chicago Ave. The association was managed by Vencel Roth ands. Velba. Eventually the association was taken over by Oran Mensik and its name changed to City Savings. After some additional 15 years, the supervisory authorities stepped in and began liquidating the institution. Oran Mensik had not applied for insurance of accounts by the FSLIC. " Hemlock" Federal S & L . Assn., while not a typically Slovak institution as far as the make-up of its board of directors, is managed and supervised by a Slovak, Joseph P. Gavron, its President. Its assets are: $40,601 ,000.00. Founded in 1904 by Czechs. Its office is at 5140 South Ashland Avenue. " Talman Federal," founded in 1922 by Ben F. Bohac and other Czechs on West 51st St., near Talman Avenue . This association is one of the giants in the industry. Its assets : £476,209,255.01. Its Assistant Secretary is Joseph Seliga, Slovak. His brother, Emil, was president of the association for a number of years, but later resigned and went to California. The president of "Talman" is Bernard A. Polek, the son-in-law of Ben F . Bohac. Present address: 55th and So. Kedzie Avenue. Other Slovaks in savings-loan work are: Attorney John Dluhy - in the legal department of "Home Federal S & L., a $362,000,000.00 institution; Mr. Dluhy was retired recently. J . Batis of Joliet, Ill., with Olympic Federal in Berwyn, Ill., and Miss Irene Kocur, Assistant Secretary-Treasurer of "American S & L." on West 47th Street. Dr. Joseph Mitric is a director in Midlothian S & L. Assn. In the past, two Slovak Savings-Loan associations existed on the West Side-' 'Bratstvo" and" Ferdis Juriga". Steve Balek was the secretary of "Bratstvo" but when the depression hit the country, "Bratstvo" went into voluntary liquidation and paid all its depositors in full and ceased to exist. "Ferdis Juriga" began having much the same diffi. culties at that time and it merged with another association, the "Oak", and passed out of Slovak control, despite the fact that a few of the Slovak directors were retained for a while. In that way "Ferdis Juriga" ceased to exist also. �SLOVAKIA 45 Joseph Pokora had been the moving spirit during its existence. "stefdnikova Dvorana" (stefdnik's Court) Already on December 13, 1899 the Chicago Slovaks held a meeting to organize a "Slovensky Dom" (Slovak Home), a social center, where they could meet, hold lodge meetings and other social affairs. By activity they raised money and soon bought a building on Canalport Street, near Halsted St. There they continued until 1924. This original venture was started by 4 assemblies of the National Slovak Society. Later they renamed the Home as "Narodna Slovenska Dvorana" (National Slovak Court). In the meantime, on October 26, 1921, representatives of Assembly 39 Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol met with representatives of the "Slovenska Beseda" for the purpose of discussing the possibilities of erecting a "stefanik's Court", named after the big Slovak hero, Gen. Milan R . Stefanik, a French general, an astronomer and one of the organizers of Czecho-Slovakia. With again much activity, this group raised money by various endeavors and ultimately built the Court at 24th and S. Pulaski. On January 8, 1925, the original "Narodna Slovenska Dvorana" merged with M. R. Stefanik Dvorana. The Stefanik Dvorana contains a large auditorium, meeting halls a dining hall, bar-room, etc. The building houses a 5,000 volume Slovak library, catalogued according to the A. L.A. classification system, which was donated to the Chicago Slovaks by the "Matica Slovenska" (Slovak Institute of Slovakia) and accepted in their behalf by the chairman of the welcoming Chicago committee, Dr. P. P. Hletko. The library, as well as the "Dvorana" itself were a bee-hive of activity for many years. But with balls and dances becoming more scarce in our Slovak community, no stage plays being put on, various lectures or celebrations and banquets also being less profitable whatwith radio, television and motor cars taking over, stefanik's Court is falling into disuse. Many of our lodges, as well as some individuals hold shares in this venture. Radio hours The late Vincent Kalnik was the originator of "Slovak Hours" in Chicago when he established one on WHFC in �46 SLOVAKIA the early 30's. Then others followed like Eden Radie, Macharek, ·Lutheran religious hours, the broadcast of the pro-labor group, the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol broadcast hour, etc. At present Rudolf Reis-Cerven conducts a full hour of Slovak music, songs, news and entertainment every Sunday morning 9-10 A. M. from station WXRT-FM - 93.1 kc. Chicago Slovaks have two Charitable organizations The Catholic group has the Katolicka Slovenska Dobrocinna Spolocnost' ( Catholic Slovak Charitable Assn. ) which has been conducting the Catholic Slovak Days for over 33 years. The proceeds accrue to the Charitable Assn., originally organized to conduct charity among the poor of the community, but with the decline of poverty, money that accumulated has been turned over by the Charitable Assn. to the Slovak Benedictine Sisters in Tinley Park, Ill. The Association turned over some $65,000.00 for the purchase of the original building for the Convent. Additional contributions have also been made. The Association at one time owned a picnic grove with necessary building and accomodations, but the Argome National (Atomic) Laboratory took over the site. With the proceeds, the Association purchased "McDermott's Oaks Grove" on 119th and Archer Ave. The grove was improved and the buildings renovated and much activity ensued. But with changing times, picnics are no longer being held, the venture is less and less profitable and the Charitable Assn. is considering the selling of the grove. Rev. Richard skriba is president. The other group of Chicago Slovaks have their "Slovenska Americka Dobrocinna Spolocnost"' (The Slovak American Charitable Assn.), a non-denominational association. They too have been doing charity, but lately they are accumulating funds for construction of an Old Peoples' Home. They have purchased a site for the future home on North Ave., in Glen Ellyn, Ill., some 15 miles west of Chicago. There is still another group, the Slovak Catholic Old Peoples Home (Katolicko-Slovensky Starobinec) which is raising funds towards building or purchasing a home for our Senior citizens. This group has about $100,000.00 �SLOVAKIA 47 available for this purpose. Various moves are under consideration, even the possibility of the Catholic Slovak Charitable Assn. and this Old Peoples Home group merging into one joint organization. Their pooled assets might give the proposed Old Peoples' Home a very good and promising start. Both groups are actually composed of the same and identical people and there is very little use to keep the two groups apart. Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, who originated the Slovak Catholic Charitable Assn., was its President for years, then organized the Starobinec group and was its President for years. After her recent death Dr. Peter P. Hletko was drafted as President. Permanent Slovak Theatre in Chicago Slovak enthusiasts for the theatre have fostered the "Americke Slovenske Narodne Divadlo" (The American National Theater) for very many years. It was organized in 1919. It has produced some 250 Slovak stage plays. Some of those active in this undertaking over the years were: Jesensky, Ondrejkovic, the Lesaks, the Matises, stevkova, Lamos, Matuskova, Letrich, Tibensky and many others. Most of their plays were produced at their "home" - the stage of the OSPS, hall at 18th and May Sts. With changing times and the loss of national consciousness in the youth, and the departure of the older folks, the need for a permanent Slovak theater died out. Slovak Days The so-called "National Slovak Days", conducted by a non-de.--,ominational group and back-boned by the Slovak American .'fational Charitable Assn., these "Days" are the older. But in 1931, the Slovak Catholics put on their First Catholic Slovak Day in Pilsen Park, 26th and Albany on October 11, 1931, which turned out to be a huge moral and financial success. The proceeds at that time, in times of the depression, were $5,100.00 in clear money. These "Days" have been held every year since then, and while some of them in subsequent years were even more successful than the first one, their attraction is also losing out. They have been a source of much money for the various causes of the Chicago Slovaks and the Slovaks of the USA. The "National Days" have been keeping up better �48 SLOVAK.IA in the last several years than the "Catholic Slovak Days" in Chicago. Slovak Catholic Cemetery In the early years, Slovak Catholics were being buried in Resurrection Cemetery, Justice, Ill. (a cemetery serving Czech, Polish and Slovak people ) , and in St. Adalbert's Cemetery, Niles, Ill., which also served the three nationalities. Those on the very far South Side used their local cemeteries there. On May 30, 1923, the Slovak Cemetery of Seven Dolors was dedicated in Hillside, Ill. It was adjacent to the newly forming diocesan Queen of Heaven cemetery but with the expansion of both cemeteries, Our Lady of Sorrows Slovak Cemetery will soon be a part of Queen of Heaven. Msgr. V. Blahunka was the chief moving spirit in organizing the Our Lady of Sorrows Slovak Cemetery. Across the road (Roosevelt Rd.) from our Slovak Cemetery is the huge diocesan Mt. Carmel Cemetery. Slovak A. A. For many years, the Slovaks maintained the "Mudron Athletic Club" (Mudron AC.) on the West Side. They participated in many sports, but also in social activities . Years later they re-organized and formed the "Slovak A. A." (Slovak Athletic Assn.) . The main activity of this club is soccer. They have produced very good, championship teams, and they participated in a soccer league which comprises teams of many ethnic groups- the Poles, the Germans, the Sweedes and others. The club maintains a clubhouse at 27th St. and So. Hamlin for social purposes. The public is invited to their club rooms. Slovak Newspapers in Chi cago Over the years many Slovak newspapers were founded and published in Chicago. Some had a very short existence, others lasted a long time. Prior to 1900 there was actually no need for a Slovak newspaper, and one could hardly have succeeded since the number of Slovaks here at that time was insufficient to support a newspaper. The earliest attempt to publish one was in 1902 by one Chudatsik, a controversial character because he had strong leanings towards the Magyars, whom the Slovaks �SLOVAKIA 49 despised because it was the Hungarian government under which the Slovaks have suffered a thousand years, being denied all rights and privileges of a nation, which forced many Slovaks to emigrate to this country in quest of a little liberty, a piece of bread and pursuit of happiness. Chudatsik with his pro-Magyar proclivities was not favored very much by the Slovaks and for that reason his newspaper, the "Katolicke N oviny" ( Catholic Slovak News), and the half dozen other papers which he founded under various names in subsequent years, never found wide acceptance. He began publishing his "Katolicke Slovenske Noviny" on the South Side in the vicinity of 46th and So. Marshfield Ave. The paper was a weekly. Later he founded dailies, publishing some two or even three simultaneously, with the news contents identical in all of them, only the advertizing being different from one paper to the other, thus being a source of revenue. At times some of these newspapers had no circulation and no readers. All his newspapers ceased publication in about 1926. The last known address was 2117 W. Grand Avenue. "Nove Casy" (New Times) was established at 1702 So. Halsted St. in 1918, after the establishment of CzechoSlovakia, with which the Catholic Slovak People's party (Hlinka's autonomist party), and most of the Catholic Slovaks became disenchanted. The editor was Stephen Huska. Ceased publication in 1942 because the Catholic Slovaks in Chicago refused to support the paper and to subscribe for it. "Narodny Slovensky Dennik" (National Slovak Daily), established in 1913 on Milwaukee Ave., was a pretty serious attempt to establish a good daily in Chicago. Some of its editors were S . Huska, Michael Laucik, then Gustav Marsal Petrovsky, John Feriencik and others. It lasted only four years and ceased in 191 7. "Katolicky Slovak" (Catholic Slovak) was a weekly, established in 1921 by V. Tylka and Louis Kycko at 17th and So. Union Ave. It lasted a few years and was eventually converted into a daily, the " Chicagsky Dennik" ( Chicago Daily) and moved to St. Michael's parish, at 48th and So. Winchester Ave. It lasted only one year, 1921-22, almost to the day, and failed because the new owner, �50 SLOVAKIA Rudolph Pollak, a real estate operator and insurance broker, got himself into a tight financial squeeze in his own private business and the revenue from the daily was not sufficient as yet to bail him out of his own troubles. Dr. Peter P. Hletko, then a college student, was the editor, later M. Bozek, Florian Tylka and Rudolph Pollak himself served as assistant editors. The daily was Catholic in its ideologies. After the "Chicagsky Dennik" ceased publication the Chicago Catholic Slovaks felt a big void. They had become accustomed to the services of the "Katolicky Slovak" and the "Chicagsky Dennik" and now felt they must again have a newspaper. The Tylka Brothers (Florian and Wendel), operators of a tiny printing shop at 830 W. 18th started publishing the weekly "Osadne Hlasy" (Slovak Parish News) amid much enthusiasm among the Chicago Slovaks, and with the moral support of Rev. Gregory Vaniscak, OSB., pastor at St. Michael's (he is the one who suggested the name "Osadne Hlasy", Parish News). But shortly after the start, Rev. Gregory left for Cleveland, Ohio, to begin his work of organizing the Slovak Benedictine monastery there as its first prior. "Osadne Hlasy" continued and prospered for many years, 36 to be exact, from 1928 to April 1963. Dr. Peter P. Hletko became contributing editor in 1928 and lasted to the end. Florian Tylka was the editor, and when he died, Vendel Tylka assumed ownership and editorship. This was undoubtedly the most successful venture in the newspaper publishing business that the Chicago Slovaks ever had. The paper, through the contacts of Dr. Hletko became an influential force in the life of the Slovaks all over America, not only in Chicago. It should never have ceased publication. Another void followed the demise of "Osadne Hlasy" in the life of the Chicago Slovaks. The Slovak Catholic Charitable Association sensing the lack of contact among the Chicago Slovak Catholics, decided to help in a small way, and it established and promised to subsidize a small monthly news-pamphl et, the "Nase Hlasy" (Our Voice). It is being published in the Tylka Bros. printery at 2548 W. 63rd St. Much different in its politics from the "Osadne Hlasy," the new paper is totally non-controve rsial and feeble in its editorial program leadership of its readers. �SLOVAKIA 51 Other newspapers and publications which have appeared in Chicago over the many years: "Pravda" (The Truth), a labor weekly, established in 1933. Publishers: Pravda Publishing Co., 1510 W. 18th St. "Rovnost' Ludu" (Peoples' Equality), labor, pro-Socialist, later pro-Communist, established 1926, by the same people and at the same address as "Pravda". "Slovensko-Americky Dennik" (Slovak American Daily ) established 1904 in the Chudatsik newspaper chain on Grand Ave. "Slovensko--Americke Noviny" (Slovak American News), another in that chain. "Slovenske Slovo" (The Slovak Word), weekly, established in 1914. Ceased in 1916. Gustav Marsal Petrovsky editor. Publisher Slovak Printing Co., 19th and So. Halsted Street. "Tatran" (Tatranian), fraternal monthly, was the official organ of the Tatran Slovak Union (a Chicago-based fraternal society), until the organization merged with the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol of New Jersey. John Matlocha was editor since its beginning in 1916 and it was printed in the Mally Press Printing shop, 1702 S. Halsted, where the "Nove easy" had been published for many years. "Viestnik" (a Slovak monthly) established in 1913 for the parishioners of St. Michael's. Publishers: Hurban Bros. Press at 47th St., near Darnen Ave. Editor: Ladislav Hurban. Lasted until 1918 when L. Hurban ceased being organist at St. Michael's. "Ludovy Dennik" (Peoples' Daily), pro-Communist, published by the same people and at the same address as "Rovnost' Ludu," "Pravda," etc. "Nas Svet" (Our World) was published on North Ashland Avenue, as a non-denominational weekly for a number of years. Its owner, editor and publisher was John Dend'ur, now in New York City. "Slovenska Zena" (The Slovak Woman) was a nice, illustrated monthly catering to the needs of Slovak women, but it lasted only a short time. The editor was Mrs. John Dend'ur, and the publisher her husband John. �52 SLOVAKIA Slovak newspapermen Besides the Slovak newspapermen mentioned in connection with the above Slovak newspapers over the years, we now have Slovaks engaged in American newspaper work. One is Ronald Kotulak, science editor of the Chicago Daily Tribune, who frequently writes medical and health articles for the Chicago Tribune. At the annual awards luncheon of the Chicago Heart Association held in June 1968 at the Palmer House, Mr. Kotulak received the meritorious service award. He was cited for his outstanding role in making· the public aware of the progress against heart disease and heart association programs and accomplishments. The guest speakers were Jimmy Durante and Jim Conway, radio and television personality. Mr. Kotulak is well known in Chicago and North-West Indiana for his outstanding articles on the latest advancements in scientific research. His late mother, Mary Kotulak was a long time officer of the 403 Branch of the Catholic Slovak Ladies Association branch in Chicago. John Husar is a sports writer for the Chicago Daily Tribune, covering football games and practically all other sports. He is the son of John 'Firpo' Husar of Chicago, well known for his sports activities at St. Procopius College, Lisle, Ill. and Purdue University. John Jr. also conducts a weekly column in the Tribune called the "Locker Room" on golf topics. Lawyers and Judges The Slovaks of Chicago have produced and developed a fine group of lawyers. Most of them are native born. The first to achieve a position on the judicial bench was the late Michael Tremko as a Judge of the Municipal Court. A present day Judge is Judge John Pavlik, a St. Michael's school graduate, University of Chicago law school graduate, elected in Calumet City, Ill., but sitting in the Chicago courts practically every day. We have had two assistant State's Attorneys, Sam Papanek and Rudolph Janega, who is still serving. Judge Louis Hyde (Hajdusek), son of the late Dr. L. J. Hajdusek, is Probate Judge. Among the attorneys, past and present, we find such names as these: Michael S. Rehak, John Hlavacka, Joseph Hlavacka, J. Hlavacka, Jr., Paul Dolenak, Frank Matavov- �SLOVAKIA 53 sky, Edward Kerpec, John Skultety, R. Ptacin, E. Haranta, W. Lesak, John Golosinec, Sam Susina, Steve Svatik, John Svatik, Vlado Hojsa, Ann Kubicek, St. Schostok, John Dluhy, Igor Kovac, Thos Chuhack, Anton Mikula, Edward Fusek, Joseph Steller (former vice-president of the National Slovak Society), now in Milwaukee, Wis., S . Michuda (was also an engineer and Chicago City Bridge engineer ) now out of Chicago, and the late attorneys: Adam Poliak, J. Slifka, Anna Svatik and John Balko. Physicians and Surgeons The Slovaks of Chicago are well represented in the medical field with their proportionate share of good, adequate, dedicated and able physicians, who minister well to the health needs not only of Chicago Slovaks but also Chicagoans of all ethnic groups. The first Slovak comers to this city had to depend on various other group physicians for their medical needs and care. Eventually they developed their own as time went on. One of the first Slovak physicians here was Dr. f>uro Guca on the West Side, an immigrant from the southern part of Slovakia. Soon others-some foreign born, most native born, followed. Thus, the late Dr. Joseph Gazda at 52nd and S. Darnen Ave., now his son, Dr. Mace Gazda. Also, the late Dr. L. J. Hajdusek in Town of Lake on W. 47th St., Dr. Raymond on W. 18th St. (his wife is also an M.D.). Dr. Peter P. Hletko (former clinical instructor in clinical neurology at Loyola U. Strich School of Medicine, former Cook Co . Hospital interne); Dr. Paul Hletko, psychiatrist, former assistant Managing Officer of the State Hospital in Manteno, Ill., now chief Medical Officer of the State Welfare Dept.; Dr. Louis Wajay (his wife is also an M.D.), Dr. John Turcan, Dr. Fr. Soltis, Dr. Wendell Kapustiak (specializing in ophthalmology), Dr. Louis Dvonch and Dr. Wm. Dvonch ( these two are brothers of Fred Dvonch, the orchestra leader on Broadway), Dr. John Vyboch (an orthopedic surgeon now in Los Angeles, Cal.,), Dr. Joseph Mitrick, Dr. Mary Patras (former instructor in Loyola U. Medical School-now she lives and practices in Miami, Fla); Dr. Michael Vanecko (his son is also a physician-the young Vanecko is son-in-law of Mayor Daley); Dr. William Rurik and others. �54 SLOVAKIA The following physicians have died: Dr. Raymond Jezisik, Blue Island, Ill.; Dr. Emil Zidek, Dr. Martin t>asko (his wife also an MD.), Dr. John Belensky, Dr. L. J. Hajdusek and Dr. Martin Kostelny. Dentists Right along with the physicians-surgeons Slovaks in Chicago have a fine crop of capable dentists. We should mention the following: Dr. Steve J . Hletko (former English editor of the Slovak Catholic Sokol "Falcon," now sports director of National Slovak Society, Secretary of the Slovak Bowling Congress and recent president of the Illinois Bowling Congress, a former Lt. Col. of the U. S . Army at Ft. Hood, Texas ), Dr. Richard Remijas, Dr. George Matula, Dr. G. Tilley, three Bunta brothers (Albert, Paul and Joseph ), Dr. Michael Rak, Dr. Michael Orth, Dr. Michael Vitek, Dr. Joseph F. Solus and his wife Dr. Eleanor Solus, Dr . Joseph Biel, Dr. Joseph Tisoncik, Dr. John Poronsky (Secretary of "Darnen" S & L. Assn.), and Dr. Daniel Tylka, now practising in Toledo, Ill. Pharmacists The drug profession is not quite as well represented as the physicians, dentists and lawyers, but at least the following are known: the late four Lesko brothers, Joseph Duleba and his son, Messrs (two ) zibrida (Bernard died since this article was written ), Mr. Grigus, B. Mensik and John Miklian on West 63rd St. The Arts In the arts the Slovaks here have produced such stars as Mary Halama from the neighborhood of Chicago Ave., and Frederick Sts., an operatic concert singer whose career was rather short. She moved to New York, married and apparently gave up her career. Lillian Michuda from Roseland was a splendid singer and entered the movies. One of her first movies was with Jack Benny, under the movie name of "Lillian Cornell." Other movies followed but she too married and forsook the cinema and settled down. The one real luminary is Frederick Dvonch, a graduate of the Juilliard School of Music in New York. He is an orchestra leader and composer. He conducted the �SLOVAKIA 55 orchestra for Allegheny-Ludlum Steel in a series of radio musical programs. He also conducted for "Show Boat," "Song of Norway," "Carousel" and other Broadway musicals, both on and off Broadway. Freddie Dvonch is a real talent and an artist, descended from a musical family-his father, a tailor, was a band musician, his uncle, Anton Olach, was a band musician, and Freddie's two brothers , the physicians, were also good violinists at early ages. Freddie has a doctorate in music. Other good singers are Irene Kocur and Mary ( skriba ) Koys, who at one time had short season appearances with the chorus in Chicago opera. Orchestra leaders Besides many small local bands and orchestras and combos, some amateur, some semi-professional, Joe Pat(erek) has a popular polka band, much like the wellknown Frankie Yankovich. They play polkas, waltzes, schottisches etc. He plays Slovak, Czech, Polish and international numbers. He puts on quite an act. One of his parents was Slovak, the other Polish. - Frankie Slaboda is a good violinist, a good entertainer and a good orchestra leader. - Dr. Isidore Mlecko, a chiropodist from Chicago Heights, originally came from Roseland, was much like Frankie Slaboda. But unfortunately he died a short time ago. R el i gi ous orders The "Our Lady of Sorrows Convent" is the Convent of the Slovak Benedictine Sisters in Tinley Park, Ill., a suburb of Chicago. They branched off the Czech Benedictine Convent in Lisle, Ill. Mother Theresita, OSB., was the first prioress. The present Rev. Mother is Mother Geraldine, OSB. Besides the old convent building, they have a new Convent, built and dedicated only two years ago . Rt. Rev. Abbot Kojis, OSB., from St. Andrew's Abbey in Cleveland, is chaplain. Chicago Slovaks contribute heavily. The Slovak Franciscan Fathers in Valparaiso, Indiana, although a short distance from Chicago, are close to the hearts of many Chicago Slovak Catholics and they support the Franciscan Fathers very generously. The Chicago Slovak Catholics hold annual pilgrimages to the Seven �56 SLOVAKIA Dolors Shrine on the grounds of the monastery. A new Church has been built there recently. Old peoples' and nursing homes The Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius from Danville, Pa., conduct the St. Cyril Villa, in Highland Park, Ill., a suburb of Chicago, Ill. Some Chicago Slovaks avail themselves of this service. Others support the Villa financially. The Daughters of St. Francis, a Slovak Sisters Franciscan order, conduct the Nursing Home of St. Joseph in Lacon, Illinois. Many Chicago Slovaks have contributed generously to these Sisters since they came from Slovakia as immigrants and also contributed to the building of the Nursing Home. The home accomodates 50 patients. A new addition is being built to accomodate another 50 patients. Also a new million dollar mother-house. These Sisters also run a hospital in Mountainview, Mo. Undertakers Of these, the late John M. Kubina was probably the first Slovak undertaker here. He celebrated his 50th anniversary as a funeral director four years ago, shortly before his death. He was active in many extra-curricular fields, including fishing and bowling (he was President of the Slovak Bowling Congress and savings and loan work, President and Chairman of the board at "Darnen S & L.). Many other Slovak undertakers have died here: Sam Kostelny, Steve Kostelny, John Zidek (his son is carrying on), Martin Mensik (son is continuing the business), Charles Machacek, Thomas Barosko, John Palenica and John Lattyak. Well known names were also Paterek and John Posuch. Some of those still active today are: John Satala, Edward Tybor, William Machacek, B. Mensik, John t>Oltis, Miss Judy Tybor, John Palenica, Jr., and Fred Kubasak, now in California. Edward Dluhy in now in Florida. Theater Owners There have not been many of these from the Slovak ranks. In 1913 the late John Remijas and the late Charles Kobilak teamed up and conducted the theater business in the "Gaelic Theater" on W. 47th St., near Western �SLOVAKIA 57 Ave. Mr. Kobilak died and Mr. Remijas carried on, in fact expanded when he built the "Acadia Theater" at 55th and Fairfield Ave. in 1929 and kept both theaters going for many years, even during the depression. He was the father of Dr. Richard Remijas, a dentist, and father-in-law of Dr. Peter P . Hletko (wife Anna). With advancing years and failing health, he eventually sold both theaters but did not live too long after that. He died in 1947. Both theaters are now converted to other businesses. Brokers In the investment field we have at least two account representatives with brokerage houses: Milan Blazek with Francis Du Pont Co., 122 So. LaSalle St., and Godfrey Labda, with Howe, Barnes & Co., 208 S . LaSalle Street. Banks and bankers Some of Chicago Slovaks even tried banking as a business, but did not have much success. Perhaps the earliest was John Haluska on the West Side shortly after the turn of the century. He never attained great success, but he enjoyed a good folloving among his people. Later Papanek-Kovac State Bank operated for a few years at 886 Milwaukee Ave., but the Great Depression took its toll here. It was said that if the supervisory state authorities had not been so quick on the draw and had they been just a little more lenient, the P. K . Bank would have worked out its temporary squeeze. John S. Jurik was perhaps the most successful Slovak banker in Chicago, while it lasted. For years he had been a real estate and insurance broker on West 47th St. near Darnen Avenue ( then called Robey St. ) . Eventually he organized the Robey State Bank, on West 47th St., just west of Robey St. The bank enjoyed pretty good success for a long time . The writer of this article worked in this bank for several summers (during student vacations ) as a bookkeeper and teller. Just before the depression, Robey State Bank merged with Depositors State Bank at 47th and Ashland Ave. and Mr. Jurik became one of the vice-presidents of the merged bank. Mr. Vaclav Pesicka, former secretary of "Dunaj" S & L. Assn., was the president of Depositors. But the depression eventually cut down Depositors Bank �58 SLOVAKIA too, as it did many other banks at that time. So, Robey State Bank and Depositors State Bank vanished off the face of the earth. Slovak Manufacturers in Chicago Soon after the Slovaks reached Chicago many of them began looking around and after acclimating themselves started various business enterprises. Many of them started or purchased taverns and at one time this was probably the most profitable business for the Slovaks. Many entered the grocery and meat market business but these ventures, like milk stores or dairies are fading out of the picture since merchandising chains and shopping centers grew up profusely. One outstanding exception is the wholesale dairy owned and managed by J. Ziak and his sons in South Chicago. Other Chicago Slovaks, particularly those from a town of Brezova, in Slovakia, who brought good experience to this country about tanning hides, these entered the tanning business, wood processing, and manufacturing of other hide products, such as drum heads, belts, brief cases etc. Others brought varied experiences and abilities such as wire workers. In Trencin county in Slovakia many were wire workers and many travelled all over the world plying their craft. They were called "drotari" and were able not only to manufacture wire products, but were also handy in repairing various objects in the home with the aid of wiring, such as broken pots, vases, ceramic objects etc. Their travel experiences were many and some of them were away from home many months, or even years. travelling from country to country. One of them, a wireworker by the name of Adam Dzudzi, told me he travelled extensively in Russia, knew the country well and spent much time in Tiflis, capital of the Georgian Republic. Others knew Baku well in Azerbajdjan USSR. Let us list at least a few of the manufacturing businesses that the Slovaks owned and conducted in Chicago at one time or another: Tanners and wool processors White Eagle Rawhide Mfg. Co., 1652 N. Throop St. Owners: George :ourkovic and John R. Janae. Organized �SLOVAKIA 59 in 1924. Manufacture of drum heads, banjos, tamborines, children's toys and drums etc. Employed 12 people. Liberty Rawhide and Tanning Co., 2020 N. Paulina Street. Manufacture of belts and belting. Representative : Steve Nosko. Kruty and Kruty. Organized 1939. Wool and sheep and goat hide processing. Employed seven people. John Kruty, representative. 1716 W. Webster Avenue. Vrablik & Co. Organized 1947. Carried on the same business as Kruty & Kruty, at the same address. Employed five people. Bachar & Mizialko. Organized 1935 by George Bachar and John Mizialko. Later the owners were: John Mizialko, Edward Mizialko and George Bachar. Manager of the business: John Mizialko, Sr. Their business was pulling of sheep pelts and the pickling of sheep skins. Paul Konecnik & Son. Stripping of wool. Martin slahor was in the wool and hide business since 1916. Samuel slahor-in the same business. National Wool Pulling and Scouring Co. Organized in 1921. President John Svatik (a brother-in-law of Dr. Stefan Osusky, the former ambasador from Czecho-Slovakia to France); Stefan Svatik, secretary, and Paul Konecnik, treasurer. Yearly output: 700,000 lbs. of wool shorn, washed and dried. Employed 10 people. 1117 W. Webster Avenue. F &B Mfg. Co. Owner: John Filko, Cable address : Filko-Chicago. Motto: "The crown jewels of ignition." The firm makes various automotive parts and various plastic caps, tops, and other objects. Filko Ignition-5840 North Northwest Hwy, is a Division of F & B. John Filko has been in this business for a long, long time. During the World War II, he was the recipient of many government orders and he received government subsidies for expansion purposes and for increasing his facilities for production of necessary work and manufacture. An interesting sidelight on John Filko and his F & B Co. Many of the products, particularly the plastic items, bear the name of the manufacturer, Filko, or Filko Co. Some years ago, the Philco Radio Company felt that this �60 SLOVAKIA was some sort of an encroachment on their name, and they sued to prevent John Filko using this trade-mark. Many and long, and expensive court battles followed. Filko claimed that this is his family name and he would protect it, and his right to use it, to the end of the world and to the limit of his treasury and all his resources. After extended litigation and appeals in courts, John Filko won out. Besides the lower courts, the litigation went through the Appelate Court and the Philco Co. ran the case up to the Supreme Court of the U.S. But John Filko won his case in all the courts, including the Supreme Court. Defending this case cost John Filko $42,000.00. John Filko has five plants, including two in Chicago at 4248 W. Chicago Ave. and Crawford and Chicago Avenue, one in Phoenix, Arizona, and even one in Bogota, Columbia. They manufacture electric parts for automobiles , electrical relays, parts for helicopters and jets for the U. S. Army and Navy. They do many millions of dollars of business every year. John Filko employs 500 people. John Filko's is a remarkable story. This fantastic success in business is certainly remarkable for a poor immigrant Slovak from Slovakia. This should encourage many of our native born to strive as hard as John Filko did, and while not every one can attain such success through hard work and application without some luck, many certainly can and would, if they go about it seriously and industriously. In World War I, Mr. Filko was a volunteer Czecho-Slovak Legionaire. The Legion helped establish Czecho-Slovakia. Wire workers Chillo Mfg. Co. 2106 So. Kedzie Avenue. Owner: Paul Chillo. Everede Tool Co. 2000 N. Parkside Avenue. Owner : J. Proksa. Canning, Pekara Inc. Representative: Gustav Pekara, Jr. 1809 W. Webster Avenue. Philadelphia Wire Lamp Frame Co. 1126 West 18th Street. Avondale Machinery Works Mfg. Co. 5546 N. Harlem Avenue. Milan Filip represented the company. �SLOVAKIA 61 Van Dyke Industries. 2259 W. 21st Street. Stephen Zidek. Supreme Wire & Metal Products Co. 317 East 29th Street. Premier Wire Lamp Shade Frame Co. 1716 S. Michigan Avenue. Western Wire Works Inc. Michael Martinek and Sons, 951 W. 18th Place. Manufactured various wire products, bird cages, wire cages for offices, elevators etc. Premier Metal Works, Inc. 1616 Clinton Street. Owner: Andrew Micjeta, who at one time was very active in Slovak fraternal work. Wood workers Arrow Parlor Furniture Frames. J. Havlik. 629 West Cermak Road. Marcek Furniture, Division of Central Parlor Frame Co. Inc. 1311 W. 47th Street. Olach Furniture Frames, Inc. 2527 W. Moffat Street. Owner: Anton Olach (an uncle of Dr. Frederick Dvonch, the violin virtuoso and orchestra leader on radio, TV and Broadway). Manufactured home furniture, church furnishings, institutional furniture etc. Had a subdivision: Mountainview Wood Prod. Co., Mountainview City, Arkansas. Has retired from this business several years ago. Other Businesses and Occupations The Slovaks in Chicago have been engaged in every kind of imaginable business, profession and occupation. While at one time, the saloon or tavern business was most popular, Slovak people have expanded into other lines. P. Kvorka has a large furniture store and so did Emil Arbet and J. Kostolansky. Soltis Radio and appliance store is a large establishment owned by John Soltis on 51st and Washtenaw now on 55th and South Pulaski Road. John zacek owns and operates a large trucking and hauling firm, the Fairfield Motors. Emil Arbet also had the Arbet Truck Lines. At one time, every side street had a grocery and meat market for the convenience of the local people. Now the large supermarkets, and shopping plazas have taken over this business, which even the automobile has made more �62 SLOVAKIA accessible to the housewife. Such local retail butchers and grocers should be mentioned as John Bistyak for a very large number of years on 48th and Darnen Ave., Joseph Peterka on Iowa St., on the northwest side. John Tybor and Ernest Keblusek p.as been on the south side. The late Mrs. Pitak was on the west side, so were the Sadeckis. The Turcans were at 24th Street, in Cicero. The Rafa.e's on the south side, so were the Bzduch's, and so was Mrs. Panko and the John Pirohar's. Also J . Dluhy, Sr., and Mrs. Oskvarek. We have also had chiropractors--e.g. Fred Kabana and his wife (now in Daytona Beach, Fla.) , the John and Johns (man and wife) and others. Vendel Tylka and his two sons still operate the Tylka Bros. Press, a commercial printery on West 63rd Street. John and Mrs. Keblusek, and their two sons, operate a very large and modern Ace Hardware store at 155th and South Cicero, in Oak Forest, Ill. Tony Pastyak and his wife Florence conduct a restaurant business on W. 63rd St., catering to parties, weddings and after-funeral luncheons. Also cocktail lounge. Many had retail shoe stores (like Nick Vratanina, J. Jurgovsky, Facuna, etc.). Galos is secretary and co-owner of the James Coal Co. on South Halsted Street. He has been in the coal business for many years. Many are, or have been in the real estate business, or in the insurance business e.g. Joseph Hubalik, ~oltis Realty, Karkoska, Dusan Augustiny and J. Fabry and others. And we had many in the travel bureau business e . g. Eden Radie, Michael Kaplan, Cerven Tvrdy and others. Large numbers of Slovak young ladies have become nurses and others devoted themselves to laboratory work. Very many are public school teachers. BIBLIOGRAPHY Souv enir of the F irst Catholic Slovak Day in Chicago, 1931. Dr. P eter P. Hletko, Edi tor. P. V. Rovnianek-Rovinov: Zcipisky za ziva pochov aneho. (Memoirs of one buried alive). 1924. Savings & Loan Statistics. Cook County Council. 1967. Statistics of Frat ernal Benefi t Soci eti es. 1967. Fraternal Monitor. Adam Podkrivacky: Slovaks in Chi cago 1872-1962. �SLOVAKIA 63 Souvenir Program of the 20th regular convention of the National Slovak Society - held in Chicago, 1950. Czechs and Slovaks (World's Fair Memorial), Chicago, Ill., 1933. Czech and Slovak leaders in Metropolitan Chicago. Edited by Daniel D. Droba, M. A., Ph. D. Published by the Slavonic Club of the University of Chicago. 1934. DR. PETER P. HLETKO was the Supreme Medical Examiner for the Slovak Catholic Sok-01 for some 36 years, from 1927 to 1963. The Youngstown convention of the or• ganization named him Honorary Supreme Medical Examiner for life. He was born in Chicago, Ill., in 1902, attended and was graduated from St. Michael's Slovak Parrish school, then ·attended St. Procopius Academy and College (19151921) in Lisle, Ill. The next two years he spent at De Paul University in Chicago and received his Bachelor of Science degree in Chemistry. From 1923-1927 he attended Loyola University (now Stritch School of Medicine of Loyola University) in Chicago and in 1928 received his Doctor of Medicine degree. He then spent 1½ years interning at Cook County Hospital in Chicago and began his private practise of medicine on December 31, 1928. Some eight month later he was invited to join the faculty of the Loyola University School of Medicine and became instructor in clinical neurology for the junior students in their third year of medical school. He kept this post for a number of years, but later resigned because of his increasing medical practise and other civic and political commitments. He was twice president of the Slovak League of America and is now Honorary Supreme President. At one time he served as secretary of the Supreme Court of the Nat. Slovak Society and for the last number of years is the President of the Literary Committee of that organization. In 1938 he led a delegation of the Slovak League of America to Slovakia, CzechoSlovakia and Poland on the the 25th anniversary of the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact, in an effort to convince or compel the Czecho Slovak government to recognize the stipulations of that Pact to yield to demands of the Slovak people for complete equality in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Starting with the April 13, 1927 issue, he was editor of the "Jaro", a monthly supplement of <the "Jednota" for a number of years. The "Jaro" was published for the benefit of the Junior Branch and Sokols of the First Catholic Slovak Union. For 35 years Dr. Hletko was c-0ntributing editor of the 'Osadne Hlasy' (Slovak Parish News) in Chicago, writing weekly editorials regularly and also writing such columns of comment and criticism as the 'Iskry' (Sparks) by 'Nitran', 'Paberky' (Gleamings) and others. For some 39 years he is a director and president of the 'Gage Park Savings and Loan Association' in Chicago, a $22,000,000.00 plus fi. nancial institullion. Dr. Hletko is now semi-retired but maintains his interest in this savings-loan association, in the Slovak Catholic Sokol (he is a member of the all-important Executive Committee), in the Slovak League of America and in all matters Slovak and civic. � 32 SLOVAKIA The Slovaks of Chicago DR. PETER P. HLETKO The first Slovaks in Chicago While the records are vague, according to some pub lic and official records it would seem that probably the first Slovak who came to Chicago was one G. Michalovic alias Mihal6cy (a Magyar spelling). He took active part in the Civil War. He joined the forces of Abraham Lincoln and supposedly organized an artillery battalion consisting of various Slavic nationalities. He was cited by President Lincoln, who wrote Michalovic a personal letter, thanking him for his services. Around 1872 another Slovak named Dorocak same to Chicago from County Spis in Slovakia. He was followed by Daniel Schustek, whose name was well known in the life of the early Chicago Slovaks. Then more Slovaks came and by 1892 there were some 300 in Chicago. That is not a very big number but already then they began to organize into a fraternal system. In that year-two years after the National Slovak Society was organized in Pennsylvania, the Slovaks in Chicago organized an assembly (Odbor 65) of the N. S.S., a non-denominational society. After the First Catholic Slovak Union ( the Jednota) was founded in Cleveland, the Chicago Catholic Slovaks organized St. Stephen's Society as Branch 224 of the FCSU. The third society organized was the "First Slovak Sokol," an independent and nondenominational gymnastic society. The group no longer exists. In 1893 these Slovak fraternal groups participated in the parade arranged by the committee of the Columbian Exposition held in Chicago. They paraded under the Slovak banner, and they had some difficulty in obtaining a Slovak flag. They had one made. The early Slovaks in Chicago By 1900 the Slovaks kept coming from the old country, from all parts of Slovakia. It is well-nigh impossible to find records about all of them but at least the following �SLOVAKIA 33 are definitely known to have been here between 1890 and 1900. The year of their arrival is in parentheses: · Andrej Adamcik (1894), Jan Balek (1894), J . Bavlsik, Jan Belcik (1893), Jan Bugajsky (1898), Jan Canik (1894) , Jan Druska, Jozef Gabaj 1886), Karol Grohovsky (1893), Andrej Gura (1899) ), Anton Gura (1899), Karol Gura (1889), stefan Gura (1889), Jan Haluska, Martin Hletko (father of Dr. Peter P. Hletko and Dr. S. J . Hletko 1899) , Jan Horvat (1899), Jan Ivorik, Imrich Jezisik (1877), Jozef Juranka (1894), Jan Keblusek (1890), Klinovsky (1888) , Florian Kojis (1898), Mikulas Krajci (1889), Peter Krajci (1889), Samuel Krc (1896), Pavel Kvorka (1890), Frantisek Kubis (1898), Pavel Kubis (1888), Frantisek Kuna (1899), Pavel Kurucar, Stulik (1892), Michal Laca (1892), Jan Majer (1893), Jozef Mally (1891), Karol Mally (1893 ), Jan Matejicko (1898), stefan Meliska (1898), Andrej Micuda (1899), Gustav Micuda (1899), Jozef Novota (1898), Jan Orendac (1899), Samuel Papanek (1890), Jan Paur 0893), Jan Pavelcik (1886), Pavel Pavelcik (1893), Jozef Pircoft (1889), Andrej Schustek (1889), Jan slahor (1891), Imrich Podkrivacky, Jan Podmajersky (1896), Juraj Pucik (1884), Daniel Samuel (1898), Andrej Sedory (1888), Andrej Schustek (1889), Jan Schustek, Jan slahor (1891), Jan Sokolik, Andrej Sokolik, Jan Svehla, Adam Trubacek (1890), Juraj Vatral, Jozef Zahumensky (1897), Adam Ziska, Frantisek Ziska and Jozef Ziska, Stefan Kovac (1897), Martin Dujmovic (1897). Others known to be here prior to 1900 were: M. Vitko, (father of the late Rev. Joseph Vitko, who died in Omaha. Nebraska). J. Madeja, John Lipovsky, J. Hajzus, J. L'e hocky, J. Jurik, John Micus, Kollarik, candar, Ducaj, Podhorsky, Pelikan and others. Because the Slovaks are a religious people, whether they are Catholic or Lutheran, they began attending their respective church services in the churches existing here already. But they were not satisfied with Latin or English services. They yearned for their own. Many of them attended St. Procopius Church, a Czech church at 18th and Allport St. Many of the Slovak Catholics settled on the West side in the vicinity of De Keven St., St. Wenceslaus parish ( site of Mrs. Oleary's barn where the cow kicked over a lantern and started the great Chicago fire of 1871. A humorous story has it that the cow was owned �34 SLOVAKIA by a Czech women, Mrs. Uhlir, but because the newspaper reporters could not spell or pronounce "Uhlir", it became Mrs. O'Leary, because that seemed close enough.) Another contigent gravitated south and west where they found the first Catholic Slovak church in Chicago, St. Michael's, at 48th and Winchester. Originally land was purchased for a church on Archer Ave., but this was given up. Church services began to be held every Sunday in a hall back of a tavern at 49th St. and Paulina St. Father Bronkala was the first pastor. A church was built at 48th and Winchester with two rooms in 1900. Sisters Walburga and Paulina, both of the Czech Benedictine convent in Lisle, Ill., and both being Slovaks, were the first two teachers in the school. The next pastor was Rev. S. Pavolcik, but when financial troubles arose, the Bohemian Benedictine Fathers in Lisle, Ill., were appointed in charge of the parish. Rev. Bartolomej Kvitek, OSB., became the pastor and he did much to build the parish and put it on solid foundation . He left about 1911 and was followed by Rev. Thomas Vopatek, OSB., and eventually by Rev. Gregory Vaniscak, OSB., the so-called "first Slovak Benedictine in America", who later organized the Slovak Benedictine Fathers in Cleveland, Ohio. The Slovaks in Chicago have 8 Slovak Catholic parishes St. Michael's at 48th and Darnen Avenue_ A new combination church and school building was built in 1907. A few years later another school building was erected to accomodate a total of some 1,200 school children. SL Michael's parish at one time was the largest Slovak Catholic parish in America. Recently the original old church was taken down and a fine new social center was erected. Rev. Armand Gress, OSB., pastor, Rev_ L. Hudak, OSB. , and Rev. Maruskin, OSB., asistants. The parish has a large convent and a large rectory. After Rev. Gregory Vaniscak, OSR left for Cleveland, the late Rev. Charles Florek, OSB., was pastor for many years and his assistant for 22 years was the Rev. Ambrose Ondrak, OSB., who later became abbot of the Bohemian Benedictine Abbey in Lisle, Ill., and had to leave St. Michael's to assume his new duties as abbot. �SLOVAKIA 35 Assumption of the B. V. M. at 24th St. and California. Organized in 1903, at about the same time as St. Joseph's parish was being organized. The parish has a combination church and school building, a Sisters' convent, a rectory and an assembly hall under the church, besides several meeting halls. Msgr. Chvojka, pastor emeritus, Rev. J . Spitkovsky, acting pastor. St. Joseph's parish. Organized in 1904. Has a combination church and school building on 17th Pl., near Halsted St. Recently a new school building was built, with a large auditorium and bowling alleys in the basement. The area is becoming a changing neighborhood in recent years and the Slovak parishioners are leaving the locality and moving to newer neighborhoods. For that reason the parish is on the decline. The new school has been turned over to combined classes from a neighboring Lithuanian parish and the former rectory has been loaned to the Lithuanian sisters after the Slovak sisters from the Bohemian Order of St. Benedict in Lisle, Ill., gave up the school. The administrator of the parish, Rev. Slosarcik, lives at the nearby Lithuanian rectory. Msgr. John Rondzik, now retired, has been pastor for many years. The latest report is that parish will cease to exist. Holy Rosary parish at 108th and Perry Sts. Organized in 1907. The parish built a new church in recent years . A school, convent and rectory complete the properties of the parish. Rev. Andrew Valcicak is pastor, Rev. J . Dilla is assistant. The parish is located in the Pullman-Roseland area. St. John the Baptist. Organized in 1909 at 91st and So. Burley Ave., in the South Chicago district. The parish purchased an existing church in 1910. The property consists of this original church, with a hall in the basement and a rectory adjoining. The parish has no school. This parish has never prospered too much and is in a declining neighborhood but Rev. J. Petrik, the present pastor, has given the parish a big lift. Sacred Heart parish. Organized in 1910. At Huron and Oakley Blvd. A combination church and school building and a new rectory adjacent. For years, Rev. Victor Blahunka, who became the first Slovak Monsignor in America, was pastor. The present pastor is Rev. Francis Kosjak. �36 SLOVAKIA SS. Cyril and Methodius parish. At Walton St. and Kildare Ave. Organized January 3, 1914. Rev. Michael Bajor, pastor of the Sacred Heart parish, was the one who promoted the idea of organizing this parish. Rev. Victor Blahunka became the Slovak pastor on March 2, 1915. The parish used the hall of the Guardian Angels parish at Avers and Iowa Sts. as a temporary church. Other pastors who followed were Rev. Michael Bue, Rev. John Fedor and now Rev. A. Chisek. The church is a combination school and church building. St. Simon parish. This is the youngest Slovak parish. Organized October 1, 1926 at 52nd and So. California Ave., after many years of effort. Rev. E. Sendek was the first pastor. The parish has a combination school and church building, a rectory, a sisters' convent and recently an additional new school building. Rev. Joseph Job, a good Slovak nationalist, was pastor for many years, until his death there. He followed Rev. Sendek, who was transferred to St. Paul's parish in Chicago Heights, Ill. a suburb of Chicago. Father Job was popular and successful as a pastor of St. Simon's. He left a portion of his estate to the Sisters in Tinley Park, Ill., the Slovak League and the St. Adalbert Society of Slovakia. The present pastor is Rev. D. Romancik and Rev. Richard skriba is assistant. Slovak Protestant Churches in Chicago Holy Trinity Evangelical Lutheran Church is the oldest Lutheran Slovak congregation. It was founded in 1893 and incorporated in 1897. The original church was in the vicinity of Noble St., and Chicago Ave. In time the old neighborhood began declining and the parishioners moved to Mayfair and Jefferson Park so that an auxiliary church was built in Mayfair in 1924. But in 1948 the congregation built a large, modern new church on the north side on Foster and Lacrosse Sts., with an outlay of some $400,000. SS. Peter and Paul Lutheran Church. Originally located on 19th St., near Halsted St. on the West Side. Organized in October 1901. With the neighborhood also undergoing changes for the worst, the congregation moved to Riverside into a new church about 10 years ago. Just recently the congregation celebrated 10 years of this moving to Riverside in appropriate church services assisted by some �SLOVAKIA 37 of the local Catholic clergy, in a real spirit of ecumenism. Rev. Kalny is pastor. Rev. John Body was pastor of the church when it was on the West Side. He is now retired in California. Zion Slovak Lutheran Church organized in 1909 at Huron St. and Bickerdike. The Bethlehem church merged with the Zion church in about 1926. Later they bought their present church at Iowa St. and Springfield Avenue. Slovak Evangelical Lutheran Cl?,urch of Dr. Martin Luther. Its first permanent church was at 50th and Honore Sts. from April 1918 to December 1947. In 1949 a new church was built at 54th and Francisco Ave. At one time Rev. Jaroslav Pelikan, Sr., was pastor, who later became involved in "Czecho-Slovak" politics and then transferred to Holy Trinity. The present pastor, after Rev. Roh, is Rev. Figuly. The son of the original pastor, Rev. Jaroslav Pelikan, Sr., who is Rev. Jaroslav Pelikan also, is a respected teacher of the history of religion at Yale University. He wrote the "Riddle of Catholicism" which was well received in Catholic circles, and he is a weekly contributor to the Catholic News Register. Slovak Baptist New Covenant Church. The beginings of the Slovak Baptists date back to 1908 when the first Slovak woman, Miss Catherine Nikodem, later Hudacek, became a Baptist by being baptized by immersion. She had been influenced by Vaclav Hlada, a Czech preacher from the Bohemian Baptist Emmanuel congregation. During some of his visits to the homes in the neighborhood he visited the Nikodems and left some books written by the Slovak authoress, Kristina Roy. Young Miss Catherine Nikodem began reading these books and she eventually received the Lord and accepted his truths. The early services were held in the Nikodem home and the newly accepted members belonged to the Czech congregation. In 1915 the Slovak Baptists, numbering 64, met to organize an independent organization of Slovak Baptists. Out of respect to the Czech mother church they accepted the name Emmanuel Slovak Baptist church. Public services were held regularly until 1925 in a synagogue at 1410 W. Augusta Blvd., and from 1925 to 1930 at 2015 W . Augusta Blvd. In 1930 they dedicated a new church at 5857-59 W. Giddings, corner of Marmora Ave. Up to the year 1929 �38 SLOVAKIA half of the congregation lived on the south side. In that year they became independent and assumed the name Czechoslovak Baptist Church, but later changed it to Trinity Church. Their church was at 5845 So. Rockwell St. The new name, Covenant, was accepted in 1947. The Slovak Baptist church is entirely independent from 1944. Up to that time it was helped and the pastor's salary financed by American Baptists. Some of the names that have appeared in the list of officers over the years include Michal Stancik, Jan Dinga, Pavel Kubik, Michal Placko, Michal Frano, Pavel Hanko and Jan Firak. The Greek-Catholics There are any number of Greek-Catholic churches in Chicago, but the Slovaks belong principally to two of them-St. Mary's , 49th and So. Seeley, is one. The members of this parish are all Slovaks of the Byzantine Eastern Rit~, headed by and directly connected with the Holy See, the Roman Catholic Church. The parish has a large church, a school, a rectory and a Sister's Convent. Rev. J. Kurty is pastor. SS. Peter and Paul Church at 53rd and So. Western is a split-off of St. Mary's parish, and the split-off was so complete that they broke ties with Rome, and joined the Greek-Russian Orthodox Church. Rev. Shimkoff is pastor and his son has been his assistent. Like many of the parishioners of St. Mary's, many in the SS. Peter and Paul Church mistakenly call themselves "Russians," "Sub-Carpatian Russians," "Greek Catholics," "Rusins," "Rusnaks" etc. Many belligerently deny that they are Slovaks. It's a case of faulty bringing up and lack of proper information or education along these lines . Yet, the members of both of these parishes are Slovaksfrom the Spis, saris and Zemplin counties in Slovakia. They are Slovaks who profess the Byzantine Rite, or the Orthodox Rite. Neither of these rites makes them "Russians" or anything else but Slovaks, no more than the Lutheran faith makes our Slovak Lutherans Germans or anything but Slovaks. These Lutherans are Slovaks whn profess the Lutheran faith, and they are Slovaks. The "Rusnaks" are Slovaks, who profess the Byzantine rite or Orthodox rite. There are other ethnic groups who profess �SLOVAKIA 39 these rites or faiths, like the Magyars, but their faith does not change them from Magyars to "Rusnaks," "Russians" or anything else but Magyars. The "Rusnaks" should call a spade and admit that ethnically they are Slovaks. Societies and Lodges Although there is a noticable decline in society and lodge activity in Chicago in the last 25 years, in the main it has remained stable. A few lodges, and even whole societies merged (Tatran Slovak Union, based in Chicago merged with the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol, Slovak Evangelical Society, also based in Chicago, merged with The Slovak Lutheran Union now called United Lutheran) . Others, like the "Veniec Katolickych Slovakov (Wreath of Catholic Slovaks) just plainly liquidated and stopped existing. But in the main, the lodges have remained in existence. In 1930, at the height of our lodge activity, the following Societies were represented by their lodges as follows: First Catholic Slovak Union - 26 assemblies; Total 6,811 members. First Catholic Slovak Ladies' Union - 19 lodges; Total 10,549 members. Slovak Catholic Sokol - 5 male assemblies and 4 female Wreaths; Total 2,906 members. Penna. Slovak Catholic Union - 4 local assemblies ; 24 7 members. Ladies Penna. Slovak Catholic Union - 3 branches ; 704 members. National Slovak Society - 11 assemblies; 2,726 members. Tatran Slovak Union - 15 of its 27 assemblies were in Chicago; The Society merged with S. G. U.S. Catholic Order of Foresters - 9 Slovak Courts; Catholic Order of Ladies Foresters- 4 Slovak Courts; First Slovak Wreath of Free Eagle - 3 groups (based in Bridgeport, Conn.); Western Slovak Union - 2 assemblies; Independent Society of St. Martin - 1 assembly; Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol - 5 assemblies; 2,82b members. �40 SLOVAKIA Club " Furdek" Club "Furdek" was a social and educational Club designed to unite the intelligentia of the Chicago Catholic Slovaks. Started in 1930 by Dr. Peter P. Hletko, it lasted some 25 years, then went into abeyance. During its existence it exerted much good influence on the life of the Chicago Slovaks and Slovaks in America, as well. All the local Catholic Slovak priests were members, so were many of the lawyers, physicians and other professional people and the formal annual installation dinners were an outstanding feature of the social season. Many college students and professional people were thus given an opportunity to meet and become mutually acquainted. Savings and Loan Associations One of the more profitable businesses of industries in which some of our Chicago Slovaks are engaged is the savings and loan business. The Slovaks, next to the Czechs, were the earliest entrants into this business. No other nationality ·was in that business any earlier. However, none of our savings and loan institutions controlled and managed by Slovaks ever rose to such gigantic multimillion dollar institutions as have some of those controlled b y other ethnic groups. They came into this business much later but have passed up Slovak people and they have built financial giants. But the Slovak S & L's are doing very, very well. Their accounts are insured by the FSLIC to S15,000 and practically all of them pay 4}'1 % on regular passbook accounts and more on certificate deposits. How early our Slovaks were in the savings and loan business in Chicago may be seen from the history of the First Slovak S & L in Chicago - the " Dunaj" (Danube). It was organized on April 1, 1907 in St. Michael's parish on the south side of the city - some 7 years after the founding of the parish. Rev. Bartolomej Kvitek, OSB. , a Czech, friendly to the Slovak people, was then pastor and it was he who saw the need for a savings and loan association for his parishioners. His theory was that if the association helped his parishioners to buy and acquire homes in the vicinity of the church, the parishioners would be apt to stay in the neighborhood longer, around �SLOVAKIA 41 the church, and they would not run off to other areas and to other parishes and churches. This would help keep the parish stable and intact, it would thus help the parish and it would also help the parishioners to home ownership. Father Kvitek called a few parishioners for consultation, they then called a meeting and founded the "Dunaj" S & L Assoc. The men present at the meeting and elected as members of the first board of directors were: Albert Vincek, President; John Dluhy, a local retail butcher shop owner, Treasurer; Vaclav Pesicka, a fine Czech gentleman and a banker, Secretary; Anton Charvat, Thomas Griglak ( then organist and choir director at St. Michael's ), Martin Skorupa (a builder ), Joseph Adam, a local tavern owner, and Joseph Tomala (real estate and insurance broker ) , as directors. Soon after its founding, the parishioners and others in the locality applied for membership in the "Dunaj " in big numbers. The association helped many to save their money and it helped many others to home ownership. "Dunaj" kept graving rapidly every year and in a short span of a few years it was the second largest saving and loan association in Chicago, and the largest Slovak association in all America, just as St. Michael's parish became the largest Slovak parish in America at that time. In 1931 the association opened its 99th series and its directors at that time were ( just to get their names on paper ) : Joseph Trubiroha, Paul Havlicek, John Dluhy, Charles Tupy, Andrew Valachovic, Matthew Vadovsky, Peter Hello, A. B. Suhany, John M. Nemec. For years the association held weekly meetings on Tuesday evening in the basement of the old church, until the time of an attempted hold-up, which, happily, was unsuccessful. But the management of the "Dunaj" decided to transfer it into Depositors State Bank, of which Vaclav Pesicka was then president. But "Dunaj " stopped prospering in the bank. It was merely vegetating. Finally, John M. Nemec, an employee of the bank managed to extricate the association from the bank and move it closer to the church, its original location. He housed it in his newly set up insurance and real estate office and he became "Dunaj 's" secretary. But even this did not help and did not save the association from demise. Pressure of the Great Depression brought about eventual liquidation and the "Dunaj," �42 SLOVAKIA the daddy of them all, became a happy and revered memory. "Gage Park S & L. Assn. " was organized in February 1921 by Joseph Tomala, who became secretary. Some of the names of officers and directors associated with "Gage Park" in the early years were: Joseph L. Reppa, Michael Cerny (a business man), John Slovinec (an architect), John Massura and Joseph Massura (mason-build ers), Fr. steffek, sanitation, John Bomba, Jr. (a timekeeper), Vincent 0. snep, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, Joseph Hubalik (insurance agency); John Bomba and others. The first office of the association was at 2650 West 51st Street. It moved to its present location in 1938. The association is now in its 48th year and has assets over 22 million dollars. It pays the highest permissible dividend rate. It maintains a nice office at 2740 W. 55th St. Its present officers and directors are: Dr. Peter P. Hletko, President; Wendell Tylka, Vice-Presiden t; Michael S. Rehak, Secretary-Tre asurer; John Keblusek, Joseph Hubalik, Joseph Karas and George Galos are the other directors. All the officers and directors are Slovaks. Office hours are 5 days per week, Tuesday and Friday evenings and till noon on Saturday. The " Darnen S & L. Assn." is another early entrant. It was organized in September and held its first meeting on October 4, 1916. John Gurka, a tavern-owner and later a soft drink manufacture r and distributor, was its first moving spirit, and the weekly meetings were held in the hall to the rear of Gurka's Tavern at 45th and S. Fairfield. It was originally organized under the name "Slovenska Wlast'" (Slovak Fatherland). When A. B. Tabola became secretary after a few years, he legally changed the name to the correct Slovak spelling, "Slovenska Vlast' ," since the Slovak language has no consonant like "w" in its alphabet. In 1922 the association moved its headquarters into St. Michael's parish hall where it continued for several years, until A. B. Tabola again legally changed the name to "Darnen" after the street on which his real estate office was located and he moved the association there, later to 51st St., just west of Darnen Ave. Assets are $13,099,366.00. Other names connected with this successful association: John M. Kubina (deceased, an undertaker for 50 years, long time President), V. Dobias, Stefan Pastyak, �SLOVAKIA 43 Thadeus Macejak, Joseph Kempiak, all now deceased. Its present officers are: Mary Tabola-Poronsky, President; Joseph Judickas, Vice-President; Dr. John Poronsky, Secretary-Treasurer; Frank Bohula, Michal Mladucky and Frank Kacmarcik, directors. The association is housed in a beautiful new office at 51st and Darnen Avenue. All officers and directors except one are Slovaks. " National Security" was also an early entry. Organized in 1907 as "Choe" S & L. Assn. For many years it was the "baby" of the late Steve s kriba, Sr., on the west side of Chicago. Later it was moved from S . California Avenue to 26th and Troy St., and eventually to its own beautiful building at 6859 W. Archer Ave. Its assets are over $121/~ million. Office hours are 5 days a week, closed on Wednesday. Its officers and directors are practically all Slovaks: William skriba, President; Andrew Babka, 1st Vice-President, Joseph Demko, Secretary-Treasurer, and Thomas Chuhak, Ernest Cibira, John Skultety and Edward Skriba, directors . Security Federal, organized in 1907. Address: 1209 Milwaukee Ave. Total assets: $30,042, 279. 83 . Officers are: Sam s lahor, President; John Janae, Vice-President; Ivan Kovac, Executive Vice-President; Elizabeth Andrisek, Assistant Secretary. Other directors are: Joseph Zilka, Joseph s andrik and William Machacek. " American Home" S & L. Assn. - 3924 W. North Ave. Organized in 1910. Assets $3,017,391.00. All of its officers and directors are Slovaks: John Bilka, President; Albert Jancovic, Executive Secretary; John Homola, Vice-President; Joseph Peterka, Treasurer. Other directors are : Edward Jancovic and Joseph Flaska. " Economy" S & L . Assn. is the latest entry. It was organized by Attorney Frank Matavovsky in 1949. It owns its very nice office building at 2650 W. 51st St., the original home site of Gage Park S & L. Assn. Assets: $11,921 ,865.00. Officers: Frank Matovsky, President; Marie Matovsky (Frank's wife ) is Secretary-Treasurer. Anthony Matavosky (a brother ) is Vice-President, George skodon, comptroller. Other directors : Michael Rusnak, Dr. Wendel Kapustiak ( an eye specialist ) . All the officers and two directors are Slovak. Two additional directors are : D. Varraveto and 0. J. VanMale. �44 SLOVAKIA " Andrej Hlinka" S & L. Assn., named after the national hero and political leader in Slovakia, Msgr. Andrej Hlinka, P.A., existed for some 35 years at 2234 W. Chicago Ave. The association was managed by Vencel Roth ands. Velba. Eventually the association was taken over by Oran Mensik and its name changed to City Savings. After some additional 15 years, the supervisory authorities stepped in and began liquidating the institution. Oran Mensik had not applied for insurance of accounts by the FSLIC. " Hemlock" Federal S & L . Assn., while not a typically Slovak institution as far as the make-up of its board of directors, is managed and supervised by a Slovak, Joseph P. Gavron, its President. Its assets are: $40,601 ,000.00. Founded in 1904 by Czechs. Its office is at 5140 South Ashland Avenue. " Talman Federal," founded in 1922 by Ben F. Bohac and other Czechs on West 51st St., near Talman Avenue . This association is one of the giants in the industry. Its assets : £476,209,255.01. Its Assistant Secretary is Joseph Seliga, Slovak. His brother, Emil, was president of the association for a number of years, but later resigned and went to California. The president of "Talman" is Bernard A. Polek, the son-in-law of Ben F . Bohac. Present address: 55th and So. Kedzie Avenue. Other Slovaks in savings-loan work are: Attorney John Dluhy - in the legal department of "Home Federal S & L., a $362,000,000.00 institution; Mr. Dluhy was retired recently. J . Batis of Joliet, Ill., with Olympic Federal in Berwyn, Ill., and Miss Irene Kocur, Assistant Secretary-Treasurer of "American S & L." on West 47th Street. Dr. Joseph Mitric is a director in Midlothian S & L. Assn. In the past, two Slovak Savings-Loan associations existed on the West Side-' 'Bratstvo" and" Ferdis Juriga". Steve Balek was the secretary of "Bratstvo" but when the depression hit the country, "Bratstvo" went into voluntary liquidation and paid all its depositors in full and ceased to exist. "Ferdis Juriga" began having much the same diffi. culties at that time and it merged with another association, the "Oak", and passed out of Slovak control, despite the fact that a few of the Slovak directors were retained for a while. In that way "Ferdis Juriga" ceased to exist also. �SLOVAKIA 45 Joseph Pokora had been the moving spirit during its existence. "stefdnikova Dvorana" (stefdnik's Court) Already on December 13, 1899 the Chicago Slovaks held a meeting to organize a "Slovensky Dom" (Slovak Home), a social center, where they could meet, hold lodge meetings and other social affairs. By activity they raised money and soon bought a building on Canalport Street, near Halsted St. There they continued until 1924. This original venture was started by 4 assemblies of the National Slovak Society. Later they renamed the Home as "Narodna Slovenska Dvorana" (National Slovak Court). In the meantime, on October 26, 1921, representatives of Assembly 39 Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol met with representatives of the "Slovenska Beseda" for the purpose of discussing the possibilities of erecting a "stefanik's Court", named after the big Slovak hero, Gen. Milan R . Stefanik, a French general, an astronomer and one of the organizers of Czecho-Slovakia. With again much activity, this group raised money by various endeavors and ultimately built the Court at 24th and S. Pulaski. On January 8, 1925, the original "Narodna Slovenska Dvorana" merged with M. R. Stefanik Dvorana. The Stefanik Dvorana contains a large auditorium, meeting halls a dining hall, bar-room, etc. The building houses a 5,000 volume Slovak library, catalogued according to the A. L.A. classification system, which was donated to the Chicago Slovaks by the "Matica Slovenska" (Slovak Institute of Slovakia) and accepted in their behalf by the chairman of the welcoming Chicago committee, Dr. P. P. Hletko. The library, as well as the "Dvorana" itself were a bee-hive of activity for many years. But with balls and dances becoming more scarce in our Slovak community, no stage plays being put on, various lectures or celebrations and banquets also being less profitable whatwith radio, television and motor cars taking over, stefanik's Court is falling into disuse. Many of our lodges, as well as some individuals hold shares in this venture. Radio hours The late Vincent Kalnik was the originator of "Slovak Hours" in Chicago when he established one on WHFC in �46 SLOVAKIA the early 30's. Then others followed like Eden Radie, Macharek, ·Lutheran religious hours, the broadcast of the pro-labor group, the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol broadcast hour, etc. At present Rudolf Reis-Cerven conducts a full hour of Slovak music, songs, news and entertainment every Sunday morning 9-10 A. M. from station WXRT-FM - 93.1 kc. Chicago Slovaks have two Charitable organizations The Catholic group has the Katolicka Slovenska Dobrocinna Spolocnost' ( Catholic Slovak Charitable Assn. ) which has been conducting the Catholic Slovak Days for over 33 years. The proceeds accrue to the Charitable Assn., originally organized to conduct charity among the poor of the community, but with the decline of poverty, money that accumulated has been turned over by the Charitable Assn. to the Slovak Benedictine Sisters in Tinley Park, Ill. The Association turned over some $65,000.00 for the purchase of the original building for the Convent. Additional contributions have also been made. The Association at one time owned a picnic grove with necessary building and accomodations, but the Argome National (Atomic) Laboratory took over the site. With the proceeds, the Association purchased "McDermott's Oaks Grove" on 119th and Archer Ave. The grove was improved and the buildings renovated and much activity ensued. But with changing times, picnics are no longer being held, the venture is less and less profitable and the Charitable Assn. is considering the selling of the grove. Rev. Richard skriba is president. The other group of Chicago Slovaks have their "Slovenska Americka Dobrocinna Spolocnost"' (The Slovak American Charitable Assn.), a non-denominational association. They too have been doing charity, but lately they are accumulating funds for construction of an Old Peoples' Home. They have purchased a site for the future home on North Ave., in Glen Ellyn, Ill., some 15 miles west of Chicago. There is still another group, the Slovak Catholic Old Peoples Home (Katolicko-Slovensky Starobinec) which is raising funds towards building or purchasing a home for our Senior citizens. This group has about $100,000.00 �SLOVAKIA 47 available for this purpose. Various moves are under consideration, even the possibility of the Catholic Slovak Charitable Assn. and this Old Peoples Home group merging into one joint organization. Their pooled assets might give the proposed Old Peoples' Home a very good and promising start. Both groups are actually composed of the same and identical people and there is very little use to keep the two groups apart. Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, who originated the Slovak Catholic Charitable Assn., was its President for years, then organized the Starobinec group and was its President for years. After her recent death Dr. Peter P. Hletko was drafted as President. Permanent Slovak Theatre in Chicago Slovak enthusiasts for the theatre have fostered the "Americke Slovenske Narodne Divadlo" (The American National Theater) for very many years. It was organized in 1919. It has produced some 250 Slovak stage plays. Some of those active in this undertaking over the years were: Jesensky, Ondrejkovic, the Lesaks, the Matises, stevkova, Lamos, Matuskova, Letrich, Tibensky and many others. Most of their plays were produced at their "home" - the stage of the OSPS, hall at 18th and May Sts. With changing times and the loss of national consciousness in the youth, and the departure of the older folks, the need for a permanent Slovak theater died out. Slovak Days The so-called "National Slovak Days", conducted by a non-de.--,ominational group and back-boned by the Slovak American .'fational Charitable Assn., these "Days" are the older. But in 1931, the Slovak Catholics put on their First Catholic Slovak Day in Pilsen Park, 26th and Albany on October 11, 1931, which turned out to be a huge moral and financial success. The proceeds at that time, in times of the depression, were $5,100.00 in clear money. These "Days" have been held every year since then, and while some of them in subsequent years were even more successful than the first one, their attraction is also losing out. They have been a source of much money for the various causes of the Chicago Slovaks and the Slovaks of the USA. The "National Days" have been keeping up better �48 SLOVAK.IA in the last several years than the "Catholic Slovak Days" in Chicago. Slovak Catholic Cemetery In the early years, Slovak Catholics were being buried in Resurrection Cemetery, Justice, Ill. (a cemetery serving Czech, Polish and Slovak people ) , and in St. Adalbert's Cemetery, Niles, Ill., which also served the three nationalities. Those on the very far South Side used their local cemeteries there. On May 30, 1923, the Slovak Cemetery of Seven Dolors was dedicated in Hillside, Ill. It was adjacent to the newly forming diocesan Queen of Heaven cemetery but with the expansion of both cemeteries, Our Lady of Sorrows Slovak Cemetery will soon be a part of Queen of Heaven. Msgr. V. Blahunka was the chief moving spirit in organizing the Our Lady of Sorrows Slovak Cemetery. Across the road (Roosevelt Rd.) from our Slovak Cemetery is the huge diocesan Mt. Carmel Cemetery. Slovak A. A. For many years, the Slovaks maintained the "Mudron Athletic Club" (Mudron AC.) on the West Side. They participated in many sports, but also in social activities . Years later they re-organized and formed the "Slovak A. A." (Slovak Athletic Assn.) . The main activity of this club is soccer. They have produced very good, championship teams, and they participated in a soccer league which comprises teams of many ethnic groups- the Poles, the Germans, the Sweedes and others. The club maintains a clubhouse at 27th St. and So. Hamlin for social purposes. The public is invited to their club rooms. Slovak Newspapers in Chi cago Over the years many Slovak newspapers were founded and published in Chicago. Some had a very short existence, others lasted a long time. Prior to 1900 there was actually no need for a Slovak newspaper, and one could hardly have succeeded since the number of Slovaks here at that time was insufficient to support a newspaper. The earliest attempt to publish one was in 1902 by one Chudatsik, a controversial character because he had strong leanings towards the Magyars, whom the Slovaks �SLOVAKIA 49 despised because it was the Hungarian government under which the Slovaks have suffered a thousand years, being denied all rights and privileges of a nation, which forced many Slovaks to emigrate to this country in quest of a little liberty, a piece of bread and pursuit of happiness. Chudatsik with his pro-Magyar proclivities was not favored very much by the Slovaks and for that reason his newspaper, the "Katolicke N oviny" ( Catholic Slovak News), and the half dozen other papers which he founded under various names in subsequent years, never found wide acceptance. He began publishing his "Katolicke Slovenske Noviny" on the South Side in the vicinity of 46th and So. Marshfield Ave. The paper was a weekly. Later he founded dailies, publishing some two or even three simultaneously, with the news contents identical in all of them, only the advertizing being different from one paper to the other, thus being a source of revenue. At times some of these newspapers had no circulation and no readers. All his newspapers ceased publication in about 1926. The last known address was 2117 W. Grand Avenue. "Nove Casy" (New Times) was established at 1702 So. Halsted St. in 1918, after the establishment of CzechoSlovakia, with which the Catholic Slovak People's party (Hlinka's autonomist party), and most of the Catholic Slovaks became disenchanted. The editor was Stephen Huska. Ceased publication in 1942 because the Catholic Slovaks in Chicago refused to support the paper and to subscribe for it. "Narodny Slovensky Dennik" (National Slovak Daily), established in 1913 on Milwaukee Ave., was a pretty serious attempt to establish a good daily in Chicago. Some of its editors were S . Huska, Michael Laucik, then Gustav Marsal Petrovsky, John Feriencik and others. It lasted only four years and ceased in 191 7. "Katolicky Slovak" (Catholic Slovak) was a weekly, established in 1921 by V. Tylka and Louis Kycko at 17th and So. Union Ave. It lasted a few years and was eventually converted into a daily, the " Chicagsky Dennik" ( Chicago Daily) and moved to St. Michael's parish, at 48th and So. Winchester Ave. It lasted only one year, 1921-22, almost to the day, and failed because the new owner, �50 SLOVAKIA Rudolph Pollak, a real estate operator and insurance broker, got himself into a tight financial squeeze in his own private business and the revenue from the daily was not sufficient as yet to bail him out of his own troubles. Dr. Peter P. Hletko, then a college student, was the editor, later M. Bozek, Florian Tylka and Rudolph Pollak himself served as assistant editors. The daily was Catholic in its ideologies. After the "Chicagsky Dennik" ceased publication the Chicago Catholic Slovaks felt a big void. They had become accustomed to the services of the "Katolicky Slovak" and the "Chicagsky Dennik" and now felt they must again have a newspaper. The Tylka Brothers (Florian and Wendel), operators of a tiny printing shop at 830 W. 18th started publishing the weekly "Osadne Hlasy" (Slovak Parish News) amid much enthusiasm among the Chicago Slovaks, and with the moral support of Rev. Gregory Vaniscak, OSB., pastor at St. Michael's (he is the one who suggested the name "Osadne Hlasy", Parish News). But shortly after the start, Rev. Gregory left for Cleveland, Ohio, to begin his work of organizing the Slovak Benedictine monastery there as its first prior. "Osadne Hlasy" continued and prospered for many years, 36 to be exact, from 1928 to April 1963. Dr. Peter P. Hletko became contributing editor in 1928 and lasted to the end. Florian Tylka was the editor, and when he died, Vendel Tylka assumed ownership and editorship. This was undoubtedly the most successful venture in the newspaper publishing business that the Chicago Slovaks ever had. The paper, through the contacts of Dr. Hletko became an influential force in the life of the Slovaks all over America, not only in Chicago. It should never have ceased publication. Another void followed the demise of "Osadne Hlasy" in the life of the Chicago Slovaks. The Slovak Catholic Charitable Association sensing the lack of contact among the Chicago Slovak Catholics, decided to help in a small way, and it established and promised to subsidize a small monthly news-pamphl et, the "Nase Hlasy" (Our Voice). It is being published in the Tylka Bros. printery at 2548 W. 63rd St. Much different in its politics from the "Osadne Hlasy," the new paper is totally non-controve rsial and feeble in its editorial program leadership of its readers. �SLOVAKIA 51 Other newspapers and publications which have appeared in Chicago over the many years: "Pravda" (The Truth), a labor weekly, established in 1933. Publishers: Pravda Publishing Co., 1510 W. 18th St. "Rovnost' Ludu" (Peoples' Equality), labor, pro-Socialist, later pro-Communist, established 1926, by the same people and at the same address as "Pravda". "Slovensko-Americky Dennik" (Slovak American Daily ) established 1904 in the Chudatsik newspaper chain on Grand Ave. "Slovensko--Americke Noviny" (Slovak American News), another in that chain. "Slovenske Slovo" (The Slovak Word), weekly, established in 1914. Ceased in 1916. Gustav Marsal Petrovsky editor. Publisher Slovak Printing Co., 19th and So. Halsted Street. "Tatran" (Tatranian), fraternal monthly, was the official organ of the Tatran Slovak Union (a Chicago-based fraternal society), until the organization merged with the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol of New Jersey. John Matlocha was editor since its beginning in 1916 and it was printed in the Mally Press Printing shop, 1702 S. Halsted, where the "Nove easy" had been published for many years. "Viestnik" (a Slovak monthly) established in 1913 for the parishioners of St. Michael's. Publishers: Hurban Bros. Press at 47th St., near Darnen Ave. Editor: Ladislav Hurban. Lasted until 1918 when L. Hurban ceased being organist at St. Michael's. "Ludovy Dennik" (Peoples' Daily), pro-Communist, published by the same people and at the same address as "Rovnost' Ludu," "Pravda," etc. "Nas Svet" (Our World) was published on North Ashland Avenue, as a non-denominational weekly for a number of years. Its owner, editor and publisher was John Dend'ur, now in New York City. "Slovenska Zena" (The Slovak Woman) was a nice, illustrated monthly catering to the needs of Slovak women, but it lasted only a short time. The editor was Mrs. John Dend'ur, and the publisher her husband John. �52 SLOVAKIA Slovak newspapermen Besides the Slovak newspapermen mentioned in connection with the above Slovak newspapers over the years, we now have Slovaks engaged in American newspaper work. One is Ronald Kotulak, science editor of the Chicago Daily Tribune, who frequently writes medical and health articles for the Chicago Tribune. At the annual awards luncheon of the Chicago Heart Association held in June 1968 at the Palmer House, Mr. Kotulak received the meritorious service award. He was cited for his outstanding role in making· the public aware of the progress against heart disease and heart association programs and accomplishments. The guest speakers were Jimmy Durante and Jim Conway, radio and television personality. Mr. Kotulak is well known in Chicago and North-West Indiana for his outstanding articles on the latest advancements in scientific research. His late mother, Mary Kotulak was a long time officer of the 403 Branch of the Catholic Slovak Ladies Association branch in Chicago. John Husar is a sports writer for the Chicago Daily Tribune, covering football games and practically all other sports. He is the son of John 'Firpo' Husar of Chicago, well known for his sports activities at St. Procopius College, Lisle, Ill. and Purdue University. John Jr. also conducts a weekly column in the Tribune called the "Locker Room" on golf topics. Lawyers and Judges The Slovaks of Chicago have produced and developed a fine group of lawyers. Most of them are native born. The first to achieve a position on the judicial bench was the late Michael Tremko as a Judge of the Municipal Court. A present day Judge is Judge John Pavlik, a St. Michael's school graduate, University of Chicago law school graduate, elected in Calumet City, Ill., but sitting in the Chicago courts practically every day. We have had two assistant State's Attorneys, Sam Papanek and Rudolph Janega, who is still serving. Judge Louis Hyde (Hajdusek), son of the late Dr. L. J. Hajdusek, is Probate Judge. Among the attorneys, past and present, we find such names as these: Michael S. Rehak, John Hlavacka, Joseph Hlavacka, J. Hlavacka, Jr., Paul Dolenak, Frank Matavov- �SLOVAKIA 53 sky, Edward Kerpec, John Skultety, R. Ptacin, E. Haranta, W. Lesak, John Golosinec, Sam Susina, Steve Svatik, John Svatik, Vlado Hojsa, Ann Kubicek, St. Schostok, John Dluhy, Igor Kovac, Thos Chuhack, Anton Mikula, Edward Fusek, Joseph Steller (former vice-president of the National Slovak Society), now in Milwaukee, Wis., S . Michuda (was also an engineer and Chicago City Bridge engineer ) now out of Chicago, and the late attorneys: Adam Poliak, J. Slifka, Anna Svatik and John Balko. Physicians and Surgeons The Slovaks of Chicago are well represented in the medical field with their proportionate share of good, adequate, dedicated and able physicians, who minister well to the health needs not only of Chicago Slovaks but also Chicagoans of all ethnic groups. The first Slovak comers to this city had to depend on various other group physicians for their medical needs and care. Eventually they developed their own as time went on. One of the first Slovak physicians here was Dr. f>uro Guca on the West Side, an immigrant from the southern part of Slovakia. Soon others-some foreign born, most native born, followed. Thus, the late Dr. Joseph Gazda at 52nd and S. Darnen Ave., now his son, Dr. Mace Gazda. Also, the late Dr. L. J. Hajdusek in Town of Lake on W. 47th St., Dr. Raymond on W. 18th St. (his wife is also an M.D.). Dr. Peter P. Hletko (former clinical instructor in clinical neurology at Loyola U. Strich School of Medicine, former Cook Co . Hospital interne); Dr. Paul Hletko, psychiatrist, former assistant Managing Officer of the State Hospital in Manteno, Ill., now chief Medical Officer of the State Welfare Dept.; Dr. Louis Wajay (his wife is also an M.D.), Dr. John Turcan, Dr. Fr. Soltis, Dr. Wendell Kapustiak (specializing in ophthalmology), Dr. Louis Dvonch and Dr. Wm. Dvonch ( these two are brothers of Fred Dvonch, the orchestra leader on Broadway), Dr. John Vyboch (an orthopedic surgeon now in Los Angeles, Cal.,), Dr. Joseph Mitrick, Dr. Mary Patras (former instructor in Loyola U. Medical School-now she lives and practices in Miami, Fla); Dr. Michael Vanecko (his son is also a physician-the young Vanecko is son-in-law of Mayor Daley); Dr. William Rurik and others. �54 SLOVAKIA The following physicians have died: Dr. Raymond Jezisik, Blue Island, Ill.; Dr. Emil Zidek, Dr. Martin t>asko (his wife also an MD.), Dr. John Belensky, Dr. L. J. Hajdusek and Dr. Martin Kostelny. Dentists Right along with the physicians-surgeons Slovaks in Chicago have a fine crop of capable dentists. We should mention the following: Dr. Steve J . Hletko (former English editor of the Slovak Catholic Sokol "Falcon," now sports director of National Slovak Society, Secretary of the Slovak Bowling Congress and recent president of the Illinois Bowling Congress, a former Lt. Col. of the U. S . Army at Ft. Hood, Texas ), Dr. Richard Remijas, Dr. George Matula, Dr. G. Tilley, three Bunta brothers (Albert, Paul and Joseph ), Dr. Michael Rak, Dr. Michael Orth, Dr. Michael Vitek, Dr. Joseph F. Solus and his wife Dr. Eleanor Solus, Dr . Joseph Biel, Dr. Joseph Tisoncik, Dr. John Poronsky (Secretary of "Darnen" S & L. Assn.), and Dr. Daniel Tylka, now practising in Toledo, Ill. Pharmacists The drug profession is not quite as well represented as the physicians, dentists and lawyers, but at least the following are known: the late four Lesko brothers, Joseph Duleba and his son, Messrs (two ) zibrida (Bernard died since this article was written ), Mr. Grigus, B. Mensik and John Miklian on West 63rd St. The Arts In the arts the Slovaks here have produced such stars as Mary Halama from the neighborhood of Chicago Ave., and Frederick Sts., an operatic concert singer whose career was rather short. She moved to New York, married and apparently gave up her career. Lillian Michuda from Roseland was a splendid singer and entered the movies. One of her first movies was with Jack Benny, under the movie name of "Lillian Cornell." Other movies followed but she too married and forsook the cinema and settled down. The one real luminary is Frederick Dvonch, a graduate of the Juilliard School of Music in New York. He is an orchestra leader and composer. He conducted the �SLOVAKIA 55 orchestra for Allegheny-Ludlum Steel in a series of radio musical programs. He also conducted for "Show Boat," "Song of Norway," "Carousel" and other Broadway musicals, both on and off Broadway. Freddie Dvonch is a real talent and an artist, descended from a musical family-his father, a tailor, was a band musician, his uncle, Anton Olach, was a band musician, and Freddie's two brothers , the physicians, were also good violinists at early ages. Freddie has a doctorate in music. Other good singers are Irene Kocur and Mary ( skriba ) Koys, who at one time had short season appearances with the chorus in Chicago opera. Orchestra leaders Besides many small local bands and orchestras and combos, some amateur, some semi-professional, Joe Pat(erek) has a popular polka band, much like the wellknown Frankie Yankovich. They play polkas, waltzes, schottisches etc. He plays Slovak, Czech, Polish and international numbers. He puts on quite an act. One of his parents was Slovak, the other Polish. - Frankie Slaboda is a good violinist, a good entertainer and a good orchestra leader. - Dr. Isidore Mlecko, a chiropodist from Chicago Heights, originally came from Roseland, was much like Frankie Slaboda. But unfortunately he died a short time ago. R el i gi ous orders The "Our Lady of Sorrows Convent" is the Convent of the Slovak Benedictine Sisters in Tinley Park, Ill., a suburb of Chicago. They branched off the Czech Benedictine Convent in Lisle, Ill. Mother Theresita, OSB., was the first prioress. The present Rev. Mother is Mother Geraldine, OSB. Besides the old convent building, they have a new Convent, built and dedicated only two years ago . Rt. Rev. Abbot Kojis, OSB., from St. Andrew's Abbey in Cleveland, is chaplain. Chicago Slovaks contribute heavily. The Slovak Franciscan Fathers in Valparaiso, Indiana, although a short distance from Chicago, are close to the hearts of many Chicago Slovak Catholics and they support the Franciscan Fathers very generously. The Chicago Slovak Catholics hold annual pilgrimages to the Seven �56 SLOVAKIA Dolors Shrine on the grounds of the monastery. A new Church has been built there recently. Old peoples' and nursing homes The Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius from Danville, Pa., conduct the St. Cyril Villa, in Highland Park, Ill., a suburb of Chicago, Ill. Some Chicago Slovaks avail themselves of this service. Others support the Villa financially. The Daughters of St. Francis, a Slovak Sisters Franciscan order, conduct the Nursing Home of St. Joseph in Lacon, Illinois. Many Chicago Slovaks have contributed generously to these Sisters since they came from Slovakia as immigrants and also contributed to the building of the Nursing Home. The home accomodates 50 patients. A new addition is being built to accomodate another 50 patients. Also a new million dollar mother-house. These Sisters also run a hospital in Mountainview, Mo. Undertakers Of these, the late John M. Kubina was probably the first Slovak undertaker here. He celebrated his 50th anniversary as a funeral director four years ago, shortly before his death. He was active in many extra-curricular fields, including fishing and bowling (he was President of the Slovak Bowling Congress and savings and loan work, President and Chairman of the board at "Darnen S & L.). Many other Slovak undertakers have died here: Sam Kostelny, Steve Kostelny, John Zidek (his son is carrying on), Martin Mensik (son is continuing the business), Charles Machacek, Thomas Barosko, John Palenica and John Lattyak. Well known names were also Paterek and John Posuch. Some of those still active today are: John Satala, Edward Tybor, William Machacek, B. Mensik, John t>Oltis, Miss Judy Tybor, John Palenica, Jr., and Fred Kubasak, now in California. Edward Dluhy in now in Florida. Theater Owners There have not been many of these from the Slovak ranks. In 1913 the late John Remijas and the late Charles Kobilak teamed up and conducted the theater business in the "Gaelic Theater" on W. 47th St., near Western �SLOVAKIA 57 Ave. Mr. Kobilak died and Mr. Remijas carried on, in fact expanded when he built the "Acadia Theater" at 55th and Fairfield Ave. in 1929 and kept both theaters going for many years, even during the depression. He was the father of Dr. Richard Remijas, a dentist, and father-in-law of Dr. Peter P . Hletko (wife Anna). With advancing years and failing health, he eventually sold both theaters but did not live too long after that. He died in 1947. Both theaters are now converted to other businesses. Brokers In the investment field we have at least two account representatives with brokerage houses: Milan Blazek with Francis Du Pont Co., 122 So. LaSalle St., and Godfrey Labda, with Howe, Barnes & Co., 208 S . LaSalle Street. Banks and bankers Some of Chicago Slovaks even tried banking as a business, but did not have much success. Perhaps the earliest was John Haluska on the West Side shortly after the turn of the century. He never attained great success, but he enjoyed a good folloving among his people. Later Papanek-Kovac State Bank operated for a few years at 886 Milwaukee Ave., but the Great Depression took its toll here. It was said that if the supervisory state authorities had not been so quick on the draw and had they been just a little more lenient, the P. K . Bank would have worked out its temporary squeeze. John S. Jurik was perhaps the most successful Slovak banker in Chicago, while it lasted. For years he had been a real estate and insurance broker on West 47th St. near Darnen Avenue ( then called Robey St. ) . Eventually he organized the Robey State Bank, on West 47th St., just west of Robey St. The bank enjoyed pretty good success for a long time . The writer of this article worked in this bank for several summers (during student vacations ) as a bookkeeper and teller. Just before the depression, Robey State Bank merged with Depositors State Bank at 47th and Ashland Ave. and Mr. Jurik became one of the vice-presidents of the merged bank. Mr. Vaclav Pesicka, former secretary of "Dunaj" S & L. Assn., was the president of Depositors. But the depression eventually cut down Depositors Bank �58 SLOVAKIA too, as it did many other banks at that time. So, Robey State Bank and Depositors State Bank vanished off the face of the earth. Slovak Manufacturers in Chicago Soon after the Slovaks reached Chicago many of them began looking around and after acclimating themselves started various business enterprises. Many of them started or purchased taverns and at one time this was probably the most profitable business for the Slovaks. Many entered the grocery and meat market business but these ventures, like milk stores or dairies are fading out of the picture since merchandising chains and shopping centers grew up profusely. One outstanding exception is the wholesale dairy owned and managed by J. Ziak and his sons in South Chicago. Other Chicago Slovaks, particularly those from a town of Brezova, in Slovakia, who brought good experience to this country about tanning hides, these entered the tanning business, wood processing, and manufacturing of other hide products, such as drum heads, belts, brief cases etc. Others brought varied experiences and abilities such as wire workers. In Trencin county in Slovakia many were wire workers and many travelled all over the world plying their craft. They were called "drotari" and were able not only to manufacture wire products, but were also handy in repairing various objects in the home with the aid of wiring, such as broken pots, vases, ceramic objects etc. Their travel experiences were many and some of them were away from home many months, or even years. travelling from country to country. One of them, a wireworker by the name of Adam Dzudzi, told me he travelled extensively in Russia, knew the country well and spent much time in Tiflis, capital of the Georgian Republic. Others knew Baku well in Azerbajdjan USSR. Let us list at least a few of the manufacturing businesses that the Slovaks owned and conducted in Chicago at one time or another: Tanners and wool processors White Eagle Rawhide Mfg. Co., 1652 N. Throop St. Owners: George :ourkovic and John R. Janae. Organized �SLOVAKIA 59 in 1924. Manufacture of drum heads, banjos, tamborines, children's toys and drums etc. Employed 12 people. Liberty Rawhide and Tanning Co., 2020 N. Paulina Street. Manufacture of belts and belting. Representative : Steve Nosko. Kruty and Kruty. Organized 1939. Wool and sheep and goat hide processing. Employed seven people. John Kruty, representative. 1716 W. Webster Avenue. Vrablik & Co. Organized 1947. Carried on the same business as Kruty & Kruty, at the same address. Employed five people. Bachar & Mizialko. Organized 1935 by George Bachar and John Mizialko. Later the owners were: John Mizialko, Edward Mizialko and George Bachar. Manager of the business: John Mizialko, Sr. Their business was pulling of sheep pelts and the pickling of sheep skins. Paul Konecnik & Son. Stripping of wool. Martin slahor was in the wool and hide business since 1916. Samuel slahor-in the same business. National Wool Pulling and Scouring Co. Organized in 1921. President John Svatik (a brother-in-law of Dr. Stefan Osusky, the former ambasador from Czecho-Slovakia to France); Stefan Svatik, secretary, and Paul Konecnik, treasurer. Yearly output: 700,000 lbs. of wool shorn, washed and dried. Employed 10 people. 1117 W. Webster Avenue. F &B Mfg. Co. Owner: John Filko, Cable address : Filko-Chicago. Motto: "The crown jewels of ignition." The firm makes various automotive parts and various plastic caps, tops, and other objects. Filko Ignition-5840 North Northwest Hwy, is a Division of F & B. John Filko has been in this business for a long, long time. During the World War II, he was the recipient of many government orders and he received government subsidies for expansion purposes and for increasing his facilities for production of necessary work and manufacture. An interesting sidelight on John Filko and his F & B Co. Many of the products, particularly the plastic items, bear the name of the manufacturer, Filko, or Filko Co. Some years ago, the Philco Radio Company felt that this �60 SLOVAKIA was some sort of an encroachment on their name, and they sued to prevent John Filko using this trade-mark. Many and long, and expensive court battles followed. Filko claimed that this is his family name and he would protect it, and his right to use it, to the end of the world and to the limit of his treasury and all his resources. After extended litigation and appeals in courts, John Filko won out. Besides the lower courts, the litigation went through the Appelate Court and the Philco Co. ran the case up to the Supreme Court of the U.S. But John Filko won his case in all the courts, including the Supreme Court. Defending this case cost John Filko $42,000.00. John Filko has five plants, including two in Chicago at 4248 W. Chicago Ave. and Crawford and Chicago Avenue, one in Phoenix, Arizona, and even one in Bogota, Columbia. They manufacture electric parts for automobiles , electrical relays, parts for helicopters and jets for the U. S. Army and Navy. They do many millions of dollars of business every year. John Filko employs 500 people. John Filko's is a remarkable story. This fantastic success in business is certainly remarkable for a poor immigrant Slovak from Slovakia. This should encourage many of our native born to strive as hard as John Filko did, and while not every one can attain such success through hard work and application without some luck, many certainly can and would, if they go about it seriously and industriously. In World War I, Mr. Filko was a volunteer Czecho-Slovak Legionaire. The Legion helped establish Czecho-Slovakia. Wire workers Chillo Mfg. Co. 2106 So. Kedzie Avenue. Owner: Paul Chillo. Everede Tool Co. 2000 N. Parkside Avenue. Owner : J. Proksa. Canning, Pekara Inc. Representative: Gustav Pekara, Jr. 1809 W. Webster Avenue. Philadelphia Wire Lamp Frame Co. 1126 West 18th Street. Avondale Machinery Works Mfg. Co. 5546 N. Harlem Avenue. Milan Filip represented the company. �SLOVAKIA 61 Van Dyke Industries. 2259 W. 21st Street. Stephen Zidek. Supreme Wire & Metal Products Co. 317 East 29th Street. Premier Wire Lamp Shade Frame Co. 1716 S. Michigan Avenue. Western Wire Works Inc. Michael Martinek and Sons, 951 W. 18th Place. Manufactured various wire products, bird cages, wire cages for offices, elevators etc. Premier Metal Works, Inc. 1616 Clinton Street. Owner: Andrew Micjeta, who at one time was very active in Slovak fraternal work. Wood workers Arrow Parlor Furniture Frames. J. Havlik. 629 West Cermak Road. Marcek Furniture, Division of Central Parlor Frame Co. Inc. 1311 W. 47th Street. Olach Furniture Frames, Inc. 2527 W. Moffat Street. Owner: Anton Olach (an uncle of Dr. Frederick Dvonch, the violin virtuoso and orchestra leader on radio, TV and Broadway). Manufactured home furniture, church furnishings, institutional furniture etc. Had a subdivision: Mountainview Wood Prod. Co., Mountainview City, Arkansas. Has retired from this business several years ago. Other Businesses and Occupations The Slovaks in Chicago have been engaged in every kind of imaginable business, profession and occupation. While at one time, the saloon or tavern business was most popular, Slovak people have expanded into other lines. P. Kvorka has a large furniture store and so did Emil Arbet and J. Kostolansky. Soltis Radio and appliance store is a large establishment owned by John Soltis on 51st and Washtenaw now on 55th and South Pulaski Road. John zacek owns and operates a large trucking and hauling firm, the Fairfield Motors. Emil Arbet also had the Arbet Truck Lines. At one time, every side street had a grocery and meat market for the convenience of the local people. Now the large supermarkets, and shopping plazas have taken over this business, which even the automobile has made more �62 SLOVAKIA accessible to the housewife. Such local retail butchers and grocers should be mentioned as John Bistyak for a very large number of years on 48th and Darnen Ave., Joseph Peterka on Iowa St., on the northwest side. John Tybor and Ernest Keblusek p.as been on the south side. The late Mrs. Pitak was on the west side, so were the Sadeckis. The Turcans were at 24th Street, in Cicero. The Rafa.e's on the south side, so were the Bzduch's, and so was Mrs. Panko and the John Pirohar's. Also J . Dluhy, Sr., and Mrs. Oskvarek. We have also had chiropractors--e.g. Fred Kabana and his wife (now in Daytona Beach, Fla.) , the John and Johns (man and wife) and others. Vendel Tylka and his two sons still operate the Tylka Bros. Press, a commercial printery on West 63rd Street. John and Mrs. Keblusek, and their two sons, operate a very large and modern Ace Hardware store at 155th and South Cicero, in Oak Forest, Ill. Tony Pastyak and his wife Florence conduct a restaurant business on W. 63rd St., catering to parties, weddings and after-funeral luncheons. Also cocktail lounge. Many had retail shoe stores (like Nick Vratanina, J. Jurgovsky, Facuna, etc.). Galos is secretary and co-owner of the James Coal Co. on South Halsted Street. He has been in the coal business for many years. Many are, or have been in the real estate business, or in the insurance business e.g. Joseph Hubalik, ~oltis Realty, Karkoska, Dusan Augustiny and J. Fabry and others. And we had many in the travel bureau business e . g. Eden Radie, Michael Kaplan, Cerven Tvrdy and others. Large numbers of Slovak young ladies have become nurses and others devoted themselves to laboratory work. Very many are public school teachers. BIBLIOGRAPHY Souv enir of the F irst Catholic Slovak Day in Chicago, 1931. Dr. P eter P. Hletko, Edi tor. P. V. Rovnianek-Rovinov: Zcipisky za ziva pochov aneho. (Memoirs of one buried alive). 1924. Savings & Loan Statistics. Cook County Council. 1967. Statistics of Frat ernal Benefi t Soci eti es. 1967. Fraternal Monitor. Adam Podkrivacky: Slovaks in Chi cago 1872-1962. �SLOVAKIA 63 Souvenir Program of the 20th regular convention of the National Slovak Society - held in Chicago, 1950. Czechs and Slovaks (World's Fair Memorial), Chicago, Ill., 1933. Czech and Slovak leaders in Metropolitan Chicago. Edited by Daniel D. Droba, M. A., Ph. D. Published by the Slavonic Club of the University of Chicago. 1934. DR. PETER P. HLETKO was the Supreme Medical Examiner for the Slovak Catholic Sok-01 for some 36 years, from 1927 to 1963. The Youngstown convention of the or• ganization named him Honorary Supreme Medical Examiner for life. He was born in Chicago, Ill., in 1902, attended and was graduated from St. Michael's Slovak Parrish school, then ·attended St. Procopius Academy and College (19151921) in Lisle, Ill. The next two years he spent at De Paul University in Chicago and received his Bachelor of Science degree in Chemistry. From 1923-1927 he attended Loyola University (now Stritch School of Medicine of Loyola University) in Chicago and in 1928 received his Doctor of Medicine degree. He then spent 1½ years interning at Cook County Hospital in Chicago and began his private practise of medicine on December 31, 1928. Some eight month later he was invited to join the faculty of the Loyola University School of Medicine and became instructor in clinical neurology for the junior students in their third year of medical school. He kept this post for a number of years, but later resigned because of his increasing medical practise and other civic and political commitments. He was twice president of the Slovak League of America and is now Honorary Supreme President. At one time he served as secretary of the Supreme Court of the Nat. Slovak Society and for the last number of years is the President of the Literary Committee of that organization. In 1938 he led a delegation of the Slovak League of America to Slovakia, CzechoSlovakia and Poland on the the 25th anniversary of the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact, in an effort to convince or compel the Czecho Slovak government to recognize the stipulations of that Pact to yield to demands of the Slovak people for complete equality in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Starting with the April 13, 1927 issue, he was editor of the "Jaro", a monthly supplement of <the "Jednota" for a number of years. The "Jaro" was published for the benefit of the Junior Branch and Sokols of the First Catholic Slovak Union. For 35 years Dr. Hletko was c-0ntributing editor of the 'Osadne Hlasy' (Slovak Parish News) in Chicago, writing weekly editorials regularly and also writing such columns of comment and criticism as the 'Iskry' (Sparks) by 'Nitran', 'Paberky' (Gleamings) and others. For some 39 years he is a director and president of the 'Gage Park Savings and Loan Association' in Chicago, a $22,000,000.00 plus fi. nancial institullion. Dr. Hletko is now semi-retired but maintains his interest in this savings-loan association, in the Slovak Catholic Sokol (he is a member of the all-important Executive Committee), in the Slovak League of America and in all matters Slovak and civic. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1969, Vol. 19 Description An account of the resource Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 32 SLOVAKIA The Slovaks of Chicago DR. PETER P. HLETKO The first Slovaks in Chicago While the records are vague, according to some pub lic and official records it would seem that probably the first Slovak who came to Chicago was one G. Michalovic alias Mihal6cy (a Magyar spelling). He took active part in the Civil War. He joined the forces of Abraham Lincoln and supposedly organized an artillery battalion consisting of various Slavic nationalities. He was cited by President Lincoln, who wrote Michalovic a personal letter, thanking him for his services. Around 1872 another Slovak named Dorocak same to Chicago from County Spis in Slovakia. He was followed by Daniel Schustek, whose name was well known in the life of the early Chicago Slovaks. Then more Slovaks came and by 1892 there were some 300 in Chicago. That is not a very big number but already then they began to organize into a fraternal system. In that year-two years after the National Slovak Society was organized in Pennsylvania, the Slovaks in Chicago organized an assembly (Odbor 65) of the N. S.S., a non-denominational society. After the First Catholic Slovak Union ( the Jednota) was founded in Cleveland, the Chicago Catholic Slovaks organized St. Stephen's Society as Branch 224 of the FCSU. The third society organized was the "First Slovak Sokol," an independent and nondenominational gymnastic society. The group no longer exists. In 1893 these Slovak fraternal groups participated in the parade arranged by the committee of the Columbian Exposition held in Chicago. They paraded under the Slovak banner, and they had some difficulty in obtaining a Slovak flag. They had one made. The early Slovaks in Chicago By 1900 the Slovaks kept coming from the old country, from all parts of Slovakia. It is well-nigh impossible to find records about all of them but at least the following SLOVAKIA 33 are definitely known to have been here between 1890 and 1900. The year of their arrival is in parentheses: · Andrej Adamcik (1894), Jan Balek (1894), J . Bavlsik, Jan Belcik (1893), Jan Bugajsky (1898), Jan Canik (1894) , Jan Druska, Jozef Gabaj 1886), Karol Grohovsky (1893), Andrej Gura (1899) ), Anton Gura (1899), Karol Gura (1889), stefan Gura (1889), Jan Haluska, Martin Hletko (father of Dr. Peter P. Hletko and Dr. S. J . Hletko 1899) , Jan Horvat (1899), Jan Ivorik, Imrich Jezisik (1877), Jozef Juranka (1894), Jan Keblusek (1890), Klinovsky (1888) , Florian Kojis (1898), Mikulas Krajci (1889), Peter Krajci (1889), Samuel Krc (1896), Pavel Kvorka (1890), Frantisek Kubis (1898), Pavel Kubis (1888), Frantisek Kuna (1899), Pavel Kurucar, Stulik (1892), Michal Laca (1892), Jan Majer (1893), Jozef Mally (1891), Karol Mally (1893 ), Jan Matejicko (1898), stefan Meliska (1898), Andrej Micuda (1899), Gustav Micuda (1899), Jozef Novota (1898), Jan Orendac (1899), Samuel Papanek (1890), Jan Paur 0893), Jan Pavelcik (1886), Pavel Pavelcik (1893), Jozef Pircoft (1889), Andrej Schustek (1889), Jan slahor (1891), Imrich Podkrivacky, Jan Podmajersky (1896), Juraj Pucik (1884), Daniel Samuel (1898), Andrej Sedory (1888), Andrej Schustek (1889), Jan Schustek, Jan slahor (1891), Jan Sokolik, Andrej Sokolik, Jan Svehla, Adam Trubacek (1890), Juraj Vatral, Jozef Zahumensky (1897), Adam Ziska, Frantisek Ziska and Jozef Ziska, Stefan Kovac (1897), Martin Dujmovic (1897). Others known to be here prior to 1900 were: M. Vitko, (father of the late Rev. Joseph Vitko, who died in Omaha. Nebraska). J. Madeja, John Lipovsky, J. Hajzus, J. L'e hocky, J. Jurik, John Micus, Kollarik, candar, Ducaj, Podhorsky, Pelikan and others. Because the Slovaks are a religious people, whether they are Catholic or Lutheran, they began attending their respective church services in the churches existing here already. But they were not satisfied with Latin or English services. They yearned for their own. Many of them attended St. Procopius Church, a Czech church at 18th and Allport St. Many of the Slovak Catholics settled on the West side in the vicinity of De Keven St., St. Wenceslaus parish ( site of Mrs. Oleary's barn where the cow kicked over a lantern and started the great Chicago fire of 1871. A humorous story has it that the cow was owned 34 SLOVAKIA by a Czech women, Mrs. Uhlir, but because the newspaper reporters could not spell or pronounce "Uhlir", it became Mrs. O'Leary, because that seemed close enough.) Another contigent gravitated south and west where they found the first Catholic Slovak church in Chicago, St. Michael's, at 48th and Winchester. Originally land was purchased for a church on Archer Ave., but this was given up. Church services began to be held every Sunday in a hall back of a tavern at 49th St. and Paulina St. Father Bronkala was the first pastor. A church was built at 48th and Winchester with two rooms in 1900. Sisters Walburga and Paulina, both of the Czech Benedictine convent in Lisle, Ill., and both being Slovaks, were the first two teachers in the school. The next pastor was Rev. S. Pavolcik, but when financial troubles arose, the Bohemian Benedictine Fathers in Lisle, Ill., were appointed in charge of the parish. Rev. Bartolomej Kvitek, OSB., became the pastor and he did much to build the parish and put it on solid foundation . He left about 1911 and was followed by Rev. Thomas Vopatek, OSB., and eventually by Rev. Gregory Vaniscak, OSB., the so-called "first Slovak Benedictine in America", who later organized the Slovak Benedictine Fathers in Cleveland, Ohio. The Slovaks in Chicago have 8 Slovak Catholic parishes St. Michael's at 48th and Darnen Avenue_ A new combination church and school building was built in 1907. A few years later another school building was erected to accomodate a total of some 1,200 school children. SL Michael's parish at one time was the largest Slovak Catholic parish in America. Recently the original old church was taken down and a fine new social center was erected. Rev. Armand Gress, OSB., pastor, Rev_ L. Hudak, OSB. , and Rev. Maruskin, OSB., asistants. The parish has a large convent and a large rectory. After Rev. Gregory Vaniscak, OSR left for Cleveland, the late Rev. Charles Florek, OSB., was pastor for many years and his assistant for 22 years was the Rev. Ambrose Ondrak, OSB., who later became abbot of the Bohemian Benedictine Abbey in Lisle, Ill., and had to leave St. Michael's to assume his new duties as abbot. SLOVAKIA 35 Assumption of the B. V. M. at 24th St. and California. Organized in 1903, at about the same time as St. Joseph's parish was being organized. The parish has a combination church and school building, a Sisters' convent, a rectory and an assembly hall under the church, besides several meeting halls. Msgr. Chvojka, pastor emeritus, Rev. J . Spitkovsky, acting pastor. St. Joseph's parish. Organized in 1904. Has a combination church and school building on 17th Pl., near Halsted St. Recently a new school building was built, with a large auditorium and bowling alleys in the basement. The area is becoming a changing neighborhood in recent years and the Slovak parishioners are leaving the locality and moving to newer neighborhoods. For that reason the parish is on the decline. The new school has been turned over to combined classes from a neighboring Lithuanian parish and the former rectory has been loaned to the Lithuanian sisters after the Slovak sisters from the Bohemian Order of St. Benedict in Lisle, Ill., gave up the school. The administrator of the parish, Rev. Slosarcik, lives at the nearby Lithuanian rectory. Msgr. John Rondzik, now retired, has been pastor for many years. The latest report is that parish will cease to exist. Holy Rosary parish at 108th and Perry Sts. Organized in 1907. The parish built a new church in recent years . A school, convent and rectory complete the properties of the parish. Rev. Andrew Valcicak is pastor, Rev. J . Dilla is assistant. The parish is located in the Pullman-Roseland area. St. John the Baptist. Organized in 1909 at 91st and So. Burley Ave., in the South Chicago district. The parish purchased an existing church in 1910. The property consists of this original church, with a hall in the basement and a rectory adjoining. The parish has no school. This parish has never prospered too much and is in a declining neighborhood but Rev. J. Petrik, the present pastor, has given the parish a big lift. Sacred Heart parish. Organized in 1910. At Huron and Oakley Blvd. A combination church and school building and a new rectory adjacent. For years, Rev. Victor Blahunka, who became the first Slovak Monsignor in America, was pastor. The present pastor is Rev. Francis Kosjak. 36 SLOVAKIA SS. Cyril and Methodius parish. At Walton St. and Kildare Ave. Organized January 3, 1914. Rev. Michael Bajor, pastor of the Sacred Heart parish, was the one who promoted the idea of organizing this parish. Rev. Victor Blahunka became the Slovak pastor on March 2, 1915. The parish used the hall of the Guardian Angels parish at Avers and Iowa Sts. as a temporary church. Other pastors who followed were Rev. Michael Bue, Rev. John Fedor and now Rev. A. Chisek. The church is a combination school and church building. St. Simon parish. This is the youngest Slovak parish. Organized October 1, 1926 at 52nd and So. California Ave., after many years of effort. Rev. E. Sendek was the first pastor. The parish has a combination school and church building, a rectory, a sisters' convent and recently an additional new school building. Rev. Joseph Job, a good Slovak nationalist, was pastor for many years, until his death there. He followed Rev. Sendek, who was transferred to St. Paul's parish in Chicago Heights, Ill. a suburb of Chicago. Father Job was popular and successful as a pastor of St. Simon's. He left a portion of his estate to the Sisters in Tinley Park, Ill., the Slovak League and the St. Adalbert Society of Slovakia. The present pastor is Rev. D. Romancik and Rev. Richard skriba is assistant. Slovak Protestant Churches in Chicago Holy Trinity Evangelical Lutheran Church is the oldest Lutheran Slovak congregation. It was founded in 1893 and incorporated in 1897. The original church was in the vicinity of Noble St., and Chicago Ave. In time the old neighborhood began declining and the parishioners moved to Mayfair and Jefferson Park so that an auxiliary church was built in Mayfair in 1924. But in 1948 the congregation built a large, modern new church on the north side on Foster and Lacrosse Sts., with an outlay of some $400,000. SS. Peter and Paul Lutheran Church. Originally located on 19th St., near Halsted St. on the West Side. Organized in October 1901. With the neighborhood also undergoing changes for the worst, the congregation moved to Riverside into a new church about 10 years ago. Just recently the congregation celebrated 10 years of this moving to Riverside in appropriate church services assisted by some SLOVAKIA 37 of the local Catholic clergy, in a real spirit of ecumenism. Rev. Kalny is pastor. Rev. John Body was pastor of the church when it was on the West Side. He is now retired in California. Zion Slovak Lutheran Church organized in 1909 at Huron St. and Bickerdike. The Bethlehem church merged with the Zion church in about 1926. Later they bought their present church at Iowa St. and Springfield Avenue. Slovak Evangelical Lutheran Cl?,urch of Dr. Martin Luther. Its first permanent church was at 50th and Honore Sts. from April 1918 to December 1947. In 1949 a new church was built at 54th and Francisco Ave. At one time Rev. Jaroslav Pelikan, Sr., was pastor, who later became involved in "Czecho-Slovak" politics and then transferred to Holy Trinity. The present pastor, after Rev. Roh, is Rev. Figuly. The son of the original pastor, Rev. Jaroslav Pelikan, Sr., who is Rev. Jaroslav Pelikan also, is a respected teacher of the history of religion at Yale University. He wrote the "Riddle of Catholicism" which was well received in Catholic circles, and he is a weekly contributor to the Catholic News Register. Slovak Baptist New Covenant Church. The beginings of the Slovak Baptists date back to 1908 when the first Slovak woman, Miss Catherine Nikodem, later Hudacek, became a Baptist by being baptized by immersion. She had been influenced by Vaclav Hlada, a Czech preacher from the Bohemian Baptist Emmanuel congregation. During some of his visits to the homes in the neighborhood he visited the Nikodems and left some books written by the Slovak authoress, Kristina Roy. Young Miss Catherine Nikodem began reading these books and she eventually received the Lord and accepted his truths. The early services were held in the Nikodem home and the newly accepted members belonged to the Czech congregation. In 1915 the Slovak Baptists, numbering 64, met to organize an independent organization of Slovak Baptists. Out of respect to the Czech mother church they accepted the name Emmanuel Slovak Baptist church. Public services were held regularly until 1925 in a synagogue at 1410 W. Augusta Blvd., and from 1925 to 1930 at 2015 W . Augusta Blvd. In 1930 they dedicated a new church at 5857-59 W. Giddings, corner of Marmora Ave. Up to the year 1929 38 SLOVAKIA half of the congregation lived on the south side. In that year they became independent and assumed the name Czechoslovak Baptist Church, but later changed it to Trinity Church. Their church was at 5845 So. Rockwell St. The new name, Covenant, was accepted in 1947. The Slovak Baptist church is entirely independent from 1944. Up to that time it was helped and the pastor's salary financed by American Baptists. Some of the names that have appeared in the list of officers over the years include Michal Stancik, Jan Dinga, Pavel Kubik, Michal Placko, Michal Frano, Pavel Hanko and Jan Firak. The Greek-Catholics There are any number of Greek-Catholic churches in Chicago, but the Slovaks belong principally to two of them-St. Mary's , 49th and So. Seeley, is one. The members of this parish are all Slovaks of the Byzantine Eastern Rit~, headed by and directly connected with the Holy See, the Roman Catholic Church. The parish has a large church, a school, a rectory and a Sister's Convent. Rev. J. Kurty is pastor. SS. Peter and Paul Church at 53rd and So. Western is a split-off of St. Mary's parish, and the split-off was so complete that they broke ties with Rome, and joined the Greek-Russian Orthodox Church. Rev. Shimkoff is pastor and his son has been his assistent. Like many of the parishioners of St. Mary's, many in the SS. Peter and Paul Church mistakenly call themselves "Russians," "Sub-Carpatian Russians," "Greek Catholics," "Rusins," "Rusnaks" etc. Many belligerently deny that they are Slovaks. It's a case of faulty bringing up and lack of proper information or education along these lines . Yet, the members of both of these parishes are Slovaksfrom the Spis, saris and Zemplin counties in Slovakia. They are Slovaks who profess the Byzantine Rite, or the Orthodox Rite. Neither of these rites makes them "Russians" or anything else but Slovaks, no more than the Lutheran faith makes our Slovak Lutherans Germans or anything but Slovaks. These Lutherans are Slovaks whn profess the Lutheran faith, and they are Slovaks. The "Rusnaks" are Slovaks, who profess the Byzantine rite or Orthodox rite. There are other ethnic groups who profess SLOVAKIA 39 these rites or faiths, like the Magyars, but their faith does not change them from Magyars to "Rusnaks," "Russians" or anything else but Magyars. The "Rusnaks" should call a spade and admit that ethnically they are Slovaks. Societies and Lodges Although there is a noticable decline in society and lodge activity in Chicago in the last 25 years, in the main it has remained stable. A few lodges, and even whole societies merged (Tatran Slovak Union, based in Chicago merged with the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol, Slovak Evangelical Society, also based in Chicago, merged with The Slovak Lutheran Union now called United Lutheran) . Others, like the "Veniec Katolickych Slovakov (Wreath of Catholic Slovaks) just plainly liquidated and stopped existing. But in the main, the lodges have remained in existence. In 1930, at the height of our lodge activity, the following Societies were represented by their lodges as follows: First Catholic Slovak Union - 26 assemblies; Total 6,811 members. First Catholic Slovak Ladies' Union - 19 lodges; Total 10,549 members. Slovak Catholic Sokol - 5 male assemblies and 4 female Wreaths; Total 2,906 members. Penna. Slovak Catholic Union - 4 local assemblies ; 24 7 members. Ladies Penna. Slovak Catholic Union - 3 branches ; 704 members. National Slovak Society - 11 assemblies; 2,726 members. Tatran Slovak Union - 15 of its 27 assemblies were in Chicago; The Society merged with S. G. U.S. Catholic Order of Foresters - 9 Slovak Courts; Catholic Order of Ladies Foresters- 4 Slovak Courts; First Slovak Wreath of Free Eagle - 3 groups (based in Bridgeport, Conn.); Western Slovak Union - 2 assemblies; Independent Society of St. Martin - 1 assembly; Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol - 5 assemblies; 2,82b members. 40 SLOVAKIA Club " Furdek" Club "Furdek" was a social and educational Club designed to unite the intelligentia of the Chicago Catholic Slovaks. Started in 1930 by Dr. Peter P. Hletko, it lasted some 25 years, then went into abeyance. During its existence it exerted much good influence on the life of the Chicago Slovaks and Slovaks in America, as well. All the local Catholic Slovak priests were members, so were many of the lawyers, physicians and other professional people and the formal annual installation dinners were an outstanding feature of the social season. Many college students and professional people were thus given an opportunity to meet and become mutually acquainted. Savings and Loan Associations One of the more profitable businesses of industries in which some of our Chicago Slovaks are engaged is the savings and loan business. The Slovaks, next to the Czechs, were the earliest entrants into this business. No other nationality ·was in that business any earlier. However, none of our savings and loan institutions controlled and managed by Slovaks ever rose to such gigantic multimillion dollar institutions as have some of those controlled b y other ethnic groups. They came into this business much later but have passed up Slovak people and they have built financial giants. But the Slovak S & L's are doing very, very well. Their accounts are insured by the FSLIC to S15,000 and practically all of them pay 4}'1 % on regular passbook accounts and more on certificate deposits. How early our Slovaks were in the savings and loan business in Chicago may be seen from the history of the First Slovak S & L in Chicago - the " Dunaj" (Danube). It was organized on April 1, 1907 in St. Michael's parish on the south side of the city - some 7 years after the founding of the parish. Rev. Bartolomej Kvitek, OSB. , a Czech, friendly to the Slovak people, was then pastor and it was he who saw the need for a savings and loan association for his parishioners. His theory was that if the association helped his parishioners to buy and acquire homes in the vicinity of the church, the parishioners would be apt to stay in the neighborhood longer, around SLOVAKIA 41 the church, and they would not run off to other areas and to other parishes and churches. This would help keep the parish stable and intact, it would thus help the parish and it would also help the parishioners to home ownership. Father Kvitek called a few parishioners for consultation, they then called a meeting and founded the "Dunaj" S & L Assoc. The men present at the meeting and elected as members of the first board of directors were: Albert Vincek, President; John Dluhy, a local retail butcher shop owner, Treasurer; Vaclav Pesicka, a fine Czech gentleman and a banker, Secretary; Anton Charvat, Thomas Griglak ( then organist and choir director at St. Michael's ), Martin Skorupa (a builder ), Joseph Adam, a local tavern owner, and Joseph Tomala (real estate and insurance broker ) , as directors. Soon after its founding, the parishioners and others in the locality applied for membership in the "Dunaj " in big numbers. The association helped many to save their money and it helped many others to home ownership. "Dunaj" kept graving rapidly every year and in a short span of a few years it was the second largest saving and loan association in Chicago, and the largest Slovak association in all America, just as St. Michael's parish became the largest Slovak parish in America at that time. In 1931 the association opened its 99th series and its directors at that time were ( just to get their names on paper ) : Joseph Trubiroha, Paul Havlicek, John Dluhy, Charles Tupy, Andrew Valachovic, Matthew Vadovsky, Peter Hello, A. B. Suhany, John M. Nemec. For years the association held weekly meetings on Tuesday evening in the basement of the old church, until the time of an attempted hold-up, which, happily, was unsuccessful. But the management of the "Dunaj" decided to transfer it into Depositors State Bank, of which Vaclav Pesicka was then president. But "Dunaj " stopped prospering in the bank. It was merely vegetating. Finally, John M. Nemec, an employee of the bank managed to extricate the association from the bank and move it closer to the church, its original location. He housed it in his newly set up insurance and real estate office and he became "Dunaj 's" secretary. But even this did not help and did not save the association from demise. Pressure of the Great Depression brought about eventual liquidation and the "Dunaj," 42 SLOVAKIA the daddy of them all, became a happy and revered memory. "Gage Park S & L. Assn. " was organized in February 1921 by Joseph Tomala, who became secretary. Some of the names of officers and directors associated with "Gage Park" in the early years were: Joseph L. Reppa, Michael Cerny (a business man), John Slovinec (an architect), John Massura and Joseph Massura (mason-build ers), Fr. steffek, sanitation, John Bomba, Jr. (a timekeeper), Vincent 0. snep, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, Joseph Hubalik (insurance agency); John Bomba and others. The first office of the association was at 2650 West 51st Street. It moved to its present location in 1938. The association is now in its 48th year and has assets over 22 million dollars. It pays the highest permissible dividend rate. It maintains a nice office at 2740 W. 55th St. Its present officers and directors are: Dr. Peter P. Hletko, President; Wendell Tylka, Vice-Presiden t; Michael S. Rehak, Secretary-Tre asurer; John Keblusek, Joseph Hubalik, Joseph Karas and George Galos are the other directors. All the officers and directors are Slovaks. Office hours are 5 days per week, Tuesday and Friday evenings and till noon on Saturday. The " Darnen S & L. Assn." is another early entrant. It was organized in September and held its first meeting on October 4, 1916. John Gurka, a tavern-owner and later a soft drink manufacture r and distributor, was its first moving spirit, and the weekly meetings were held in the hall to the rear of Gurka's Tavern at 45th and S. Fairfield. It was originally organized under the name "Slovenska Wlast'" (Slovak Fatherland). When A. B. Tabola became secretary after a few years, he legally changed the name to the correct Slovak spelling, "Slovenska Vlast' ," since the Slovak language has no consonant like "w" in its alphabet. In 1922 the association moved its headquarters into St. Michael's parish hall where it continued for several years, until A. B. Tabola again legally changed the name to "Darnen" after the street on which his real estate office was located and he moved the association there, later to 51st St., just west of Darnen Ave. Assets are $13,099,366.00. Other names connected with this successful association: John M. Kubina (deceased, an undertaker for 50 years, long time President), V. Dobias, Stefan Pastyak, SLOVAKIA 43 Thadeus Macejak, Joseph Kempiak, all now deceased. Its present officers are: Mary Tabola-Poronsky, President; Joseph Judickas, Vice-President; Dr. John Poronsky, Secretary-Treasurer; Frank Bohula, Michal Mladucky and Frank Kacmarcik, directors. The association is housed in a beautiful new office at 51st and Darnen Avenue. All officers and directors except one are Slovaks. " National Security" was also an early entry. Organized in 1907 as "Choe" S & L. Assn. For many years it was the "baby" of the late Steve s kriba, Sr., on the west side of Chicago. Later it was moved from S . California Avenue to 26th and Troy St., and eventually to its own beautiful building at 6859 W. Archer Ave. Its assets are over $121/~ million. Office hours are 5 days a week, closed on Wednesday. Its officers and directors are practically all Slovaks: William skriba, President; Andrew Babka, 1st Vice-President, Joseph Demko, Secretary-Treasurer, and Thomas Chuhak, Ernest Cibira, John Skultety and Edward Skriba, directors . Security Federal, organized in 1907. Address: 1209 Milwaukee Ave. Total assets: $30,042, 279. 83 . Officers are: Sam s lahor, President; John Janae, Vice-President; Ivan Kovac, Executive Vice-President; Elizabeth Andrisek, Assistant Secretary. Other directors are: Joseph Zilka, Joseph s andrik and William Machacek. " American Home" S & L. Assn. - 3924 W. North Ave. Organized in 1910. Assets $3,017,391.00. All of its officers and directors are Slovaks: John Bilka, President; Albert Jancovic, Executive Secretary; John Homola, Vice-President; Joseph Peterka, Treasurer. Other directors are : Edward Jancovic and Joseph Flaska. " Economy" S & L . Assn. is the latest entry. It was organized by Attorney Frank Matavovsky in 1949. It owns its very nice office building at 2650 W. 51st St., the original home site of Gage Park S & L. Assn. Assets: $11,921 ,865.00. Officers: Frank Matovsky, President; Marie Matovsky (Frank's wife ) is Secretary-Treasurer. Anthony Matavosky (a brother ) is Vice-President, George skodon, comptroller. Other directors : Michael Rusnak, Dr. Wendel Kapustiak ( an eye specialist ) . All the officers and two directors are Slovak. Two additional directors are : D. Varraveto and 0. J. VanMale. 44 SLOVAKIA " Andrej Hlinka" S & L. Assn., named after the national hero and political leader in Slovakia, Msgr. Andrej Hlinka, P.A., existed for some 35 years at 2234 W. Chicago Ave. The association was managed by Vencel Roth ands. Velba. Eventually the association was taken over by Oran Mensik and its name changed to City Savings. After some additional 15 years, the supervisory authorities stepped in and began liquidating the institution. Oran Mensik had not applied for insurance of accounts by the FSLIC. " Hemlock" Federal S & L . Assn., while not a typically Slovak institution as far as the make-up of its board of directors, is managed and supervised by a Slovak, Joseph P. Gavron, its President. Its assets are: $40,601 ,000.00. Founded in 1904 by Czechs. Its office is at 5140 South Ashland Avenue. " Talman Federal," founded in 1922 by Ben F. Bohac and other Czechs on West 51st St., near Talman Avenue . This association is one of the giants in the industry. Its assets : £476,209,255.01. Its Assistant Secretary is Joseph Seliga, Slovak. His brother, Emil, was president of the association for a number of years, but later resigned and went to California. The president of "Talman" is Bernard A. Polek, the son-in-law of Ben F . Bohac. Present address: 55th and So. Kedzie Avenue. Other Slovaks in savings-loan work are: Attorney John Dluhy - in the legal department of "Home Federal S & L., a $362,000,000.00 institution; Mr. Dluhy was retired recently. J . Batis of Joliet, Ill., with Olympic Federal in Berwyn, Ill., and Miss Irene Kocur, Assistant Secretary-Treasurer of "American S & L." on West 47th Street. Dr. Joseph Mitric is a director in Midlothian S & L. Assn. In the past, two Slovak Savings-Loan associations existed on the West Side-' 'Bratstvo" and" Ferdis Juriga". Steve Balek was the secretary of "Bratstvo" but when the depression hit the country, "Bratstvo" went into voluntary liquidation and paid all its depositors in full and ceased to exist. "Ferdis Juriga" began having much the same diffi. culties at that time and it merged with another association, the "Oak", and passed out of Slovak control, despite the fact that a few of the Slovak directors were retained for a while. In that way "Ferdis Juriga" ceased to exist also. SLOVAKIA 45 Joseph Pokora had been the moving spirit during its existence. "stefdnikova Dvorana" (stefdnik's Court) Already on December 13, 1899 the Chicago Slovaks held a meeting to organize a "Slovensky Dom" (Slovak Home), a social center, where they could meet, hold lodge meetings and other social affairs. By activity they raised money and soon bought a building on Canalport Street, near Halsted St. There they continued until 1924. This original venture was started by 4 assemblies of the National Slovak Society. Later they renamed the Home as "Narodna Slovenska Dvorana" (National Slovak Court). In the meantime, on October 26, 1921, representatives of Assembly 39 Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol met with representatives of the "Slovenska Beseda" for the purpose of discussing the possibilities of erecting a "stefanik's Court", named after the big Slovak hero, Gen. Milan R . Stefanik, a French general, an astronomer and one of the organizers of Czecho-Slovakia. With again much activity, this group raised money by various endeavors and ultimately built the Court at 24th and S. Pulaski. On January 8, 1925, the original "Narodna Slovenska Dvorana" merged with M. R. Stefanik Dvorana. The Stefanik Dvorana contains a large auditorium, meeting halls a dining hall, bar-room, etc. The building houses a 5,000 volume Slovak library, catalogued according to the A. L.A. classification system, which was donated to the Chicago Slovaks by the "Matica Slovenska" (Slovak Institute of Slovakia) and accepted in their behalf by the chairman of the welcoming Chicago committee, Dr. P. P. Hletko. The library, as well as the "Dvorana" itself were a bee-hive of activity for many years. But with balls and dances becoming more scarce in our Slovak community, no stage plays being put on, various lectures or celebrations and banquets also being less profitable whatwith radio, television and motor cars taking over, stefanik's Court is falling into disuse. Many of our lodges, as well as some individuals hold shares in this venture. Radio hours The late Vincent Kalnik was the originator of "Slovak Hours" in Chicago when he established one on WHFC in 46 SLOVAKIA the early 30's. Then others followed like Eden Radie, Macharek, ·Lutheran religious hours, the broadcast of the pro-labor group, the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol broadcast hour, etc. At present Rudolf Reis-Cerven conducts a full hour of Slovak music, songs, news and entertainment every Sunday morning 9-10 A. M. from station WXRT-FM - 93.1 kc. Chicago Slovaks have two Charitable organizations The Catholic group has the Katolicka Slovenska Dobrocinna Spolocnost' ( Catholic Slovak Charitable Assn. ) which has been conducting the Catholic Slovak Days for over 33 years. The proceeds accrue to the Charitable Assn., originally organized to conduct charity among the poor of the community, but with the decline of poverty, money that accumulated has been turned over by the Charitable Assn. to the Slovak Benedictine Sisters in Tinley Park, Ill. The Association turned over some $65,000.00 for the purchase of the original building for the Convent. Additional contributions have also been made. The Association at one time owned a picnic grove with necessary building and accomodations, but the Argome National (Atomic) Laboratory took over the site. With the proceeds, the Association purchased "McDermott's Oaks Grove" on 119th and Archer Ave. The grove was improved and the buildings renovated and much activity ensued. But with changing times, picnics are no longer being held, the venture is less and less profitable and the Charitable Assn. is considering the selling of the grove. Rev. Richard skriba is president. The other group of Chicago Slovaks have their "Slovenska Americka Dobrocinna Spolocnost"' (The Slovak American Charitable Assn.), a non-denominational association. They too have been doing charity, but lately they are accumulating funds for construction of an Old Peoples' Home. They have purchased a site for the future home on North Ave., in Glen Ellyn, Ill., some 15 miles west of Chicago. There is still another group, the Slovak Catholic Old Peoples Home (Katolicko-Slovensky Starobinec) which is raising funds towards building or purchasing a home for our Senior citizens. This group has about $100,000.00 SLOVAKIA 47 available for this purpose. Various moves are under consideration, even the possibility of the Catholic Slovak Charitable Assn. and this Old Peoples Home group merging into one joint organization. Their pooled assets might give the proposed Old Peoples' Home a very good and promising start. Both groups are actually composed of the same and identical people and there is very little use to keep the two groups apart. Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, who originated the Slovak Catholic Charitable Assn., was its President for years, then organized the Starobinec group and was its President for years. After her recent death Dr. Peter P. Hletko was drafted as President. Permanent Slovak Theatre in Chicago Slovak enthusiasts for the theatre have fostered the "Americke Slovenske Narodne Divadlo" (The American National Theater) for very many years. It was organized in 1919. It has produced some 250 Slovak stage plays. Some of those active in this undertaking over the years were: Jesensky, Ondrejkovic, the Lesaks, the Matises, stevkova, Lamos, Matuskova, Letrich, Tibensky and many others. Most of their plays were produced at their "home" - the stage of the OSPS, hall at 18th and May Sts. With changing times and the loss of national consciousness in the youth, and the departure of the older folks, the need for a permanent Slovak theater died out. Slovak Days The so-called "National Slovak Days", conducted by a non-de.--,ominational group and back-boned by the Slovak American .'fational Charitable Assn., these "Days" are the older. But in 1931, the Slovak Catholics put on their First Catholic Slovak Day in Pilsen Park, 26th and Albany on October 11, 1931, which turned out to be a huge moral and financial success. The proceeds at that time, in times of the depression, were $5,100.00 in clear money. These "Days" have been held every year since then, and while some of them in subsequent years were even more successful than the first one, their attraction is also losing out. They have been a source of much money for the various causes of the Chicago Slovaks and the Slovaks of the USA. The "National Days" have been keeping up better 48 SLOVAK.IA in the last several years than the "Catholic Slovak Days" in Chicago. Slovak Catholic Cemetery In the early years, Slovak Catholics were being buried in Resurrection Cemetery, Justice, Ill. (a cemetery serving Czech, Polish and Slovak people ) , and in St. Adalbert's Cemetery, Niles, Ill., which also served the three nationalities. Those on the very far South Side used their local cemeteries there. On May 30, 1923, the Slovak Cemetery of Seven Dolors was dedicated in Hillside, Ill. It was adjacent to the newly forming diocesan Queen of Heaven cemetery but with the expansion of both cemeteries, Our Lady of Sorrows Slovak Cemetery will soon be a part of Queen of Heaven. Msgr. V. Blahunka was the chief moving spirit in organizing the Our Lady of Sorrows Slovak Cemetery. Across the road (Roosevelt Rd.) from our Slovak Cemetery is the huge diocesan Mt. Carmel Cemetery. Slovak A. A. For many years, the Slovaks maintained the "Mudron Athletic Club" (Mudron AC.) on the West Side. They participated in many sports, but also in social activities . Years later they re-organized and formed the "Slovak A. A." (Slovak Athletic Assn.) . The main activity of this club is soccer. They have produced very good, championship teams, and they participated in a soccer league which comprises teams of many ethnic groups- the Poles, the Germans, the Sweedes and others. The club maintains a clubhouse at 27th St. and So. Hamlin for social purposes. The public is invited to their club rooms. Slovak Newspapers in Chi cago Over the years many Slovak newspapers were founded and published in Chicago. Some had a very short existence, others lasted a long time. Prior to 1900 there was actually no need for a Slovak newspaper, and one could hardly have succeeded since the number of Slovaks here at that time was insufficient to support a newspaper. The earliest attempt to publish one was in 1902 by one Chudatsik, a controversial character because he had strong leanings towards the Magyars, whom the Slovaks SLOVAKIA 49 despised because it was the Hungarian government under which the Slovaks have suffered a thousand years, being denied all rights and privileges of a nation, which forced many Slovaks to emigrate to this country in quest of a little liberty, a piece of bread and pursuit of happiness. Chudatsik with his pro-Magyar proclivities was not favored very much by the Slovaks and for that reason his newspaper, the "Katolicke N oviny" ( Catholic Slovak News), and the half dozen other papers which he founded under various names in subsequent years, never found wide acceptance. He began publishing his "Katolicke Slovenske Noviny" on the South Side in the vicinity of 46th and So. Marshfield Ave. The paper was a weekly. Later he founded dailies, publishing some two or even three simultaneously, with the news contents identical in all of them, only the advertizing being different from one paper to the other, thus being a source of revenue. At times some of these newspapers had no circulation and no readers. All his newspapers ceased publication in about 1926. The last known address was 2117 W. Grand Avenue. "Nove Casy" (New Times) was established at 1702 So. Halsted St. in 1918, after the establishment of CzechoSlovakia, with which the Catholic Slovak People's party (Hlinka's autonomist party), and most of the Catholic Slovaks became disenchanted. The editor was Stephen Huska. Ceased publication in 1942 because the Catholic Slovaks in Chicago refused to support the paper and to subscribe for it. "Narodny Slovensky Dennik" (National Slovak Daily), established in 1913 on Milwaukee Ave., was a pretty serious attempt to establish a good daily in Chicago. Some of its editors were S . Huska, Michael Laucik, then Gustav Marsal Petrovsky, John Feriencik and others. It lasted only four years and ceased in 191 7. "Katolicky Slovak" (Catholic Slovak) was a weekly, established in 1921 by V. Tylka and Louis Kycko at 17th and So. Union Ave. It lasted a few years and was eventually converted into a daily, the " Chicagsky Dennik" ( Chicago Daily) and moved to St. Michael's parish, at 48th and So. Winchester Ave. It lasted only one year, 1921-22, almost to the day, and failed because the new owner, 50 SLOVAKIA Rudolph Pollak, a real estate operator and insurance broker, got himself into a tight financial squeeze in his own private business and the revenue from the daily was not sufficient as yet to bail him out of his own troubles. Dr. Peter P. Hletko, then a college student, was the editor, later M. Bozek, Florian Tylka and Rudolph Pollak himself served as assistant editors. The daily was Catholic in its ideologies. After the "Chicagsky Dennik" ceased publication the Chicago Catholic Slovaks felt a big void. They had become accustomed to the services of the "Katolicky Slovak" and the "Chicagsky Dennik" and now felt they must again have a newspaper. The Tylka Brothers (Florian and Wendel), operators of a tiny printing shop at 830 W. 18th started publishing the weekly "Osadne Hlasy" (Slovak Parish News) amid much enthusiasm among the Chicago Slovaks, and with the moral support of Rev. Gregory Vaniscak, OSB., pastor at St. Michael's (he is the one who suggested the name "Osadne Hlasy", Parish News). But shortly after the start, Rev. Gregory left for Cleveland, Ohio, to begin his work of organizing the Slovak Benedictine monastery there as its first prior. "Osadne Hlasy" continued and prospered for many years, 36 to be exact, from 1928 to April 1963. Dr. Peter P. Hletko became contributing editor in 1928 and lasted to the end. Florian Tylka was the editor, and when he died, Vendel Tylka assumed ownership and editorship. This was undoubtedly the most successful venture in the newspaper publishing business that the Chicago Slovaks ever had. The paper, through the contacts of Dr. Hletko became an influential force in the life of the Slovaks all over America, not only in Chicago. It should never have ceased publication. Another void followed the demise of "Osadne Hlasy" in the life of the Chicago Slovaks. The Slovak Catholic Charitable Association sensing the lack of contact among the Chicago Slovak Catholics, decided to help in a small way, and it established and promised to subsidize a small monthly news-pamphl et, the "Nase Hlasy" (Our Voice). It is being published in the Tylka Bros. printery at 2548 W. 63rd St. Much different in its politics from the "Osadne Hlasy," the new paper is totally non-controve rsial and feeble in its editorial program leadership of its readers. SLOVAKIA 51 Other newspapers and publications which have appeared in Chicago over the many years: "Pravda" (The Truth), a labor weekly, established in 1933. Publishers: Pravda Publishing Co., 1510 W. 18th St. "Rovnost' Ludu" (Peoples' Equality), labor, pro-Socialist, later pro-Communist, established 1926, by the same people and at the same address as "Pravda". "Slovensko-Americky Dennik" (Slovak American Daily ) established 1904 in the Chudatsik newspaper chain on Grand Ave. "Slovensko--Americke Noviny" (Slovak American News), another in that chain. "Slovenske Slovo" (The Slovak Word), weekly, established in 1914. Ceased in 1916. Gustav Marsal Petrovsky editor. Publisher Slovak Printing Co., 19th and So. Halsted Street. "Tatran" (Tatranian), fraternal monthly, was the official organ of the Tatran Slovak Union (a Chicago-based fraternal society), until the organization merged with the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol of New Jersey. John Matlocha was editor since its beginning in 1916 and it was printed in the Mally Press Printing shop, 1702 S. Halsted, where the "Nove easy" had been published for many years. "Viestnik" (a Slovak monthly) established in 1913 for the parishioners of St. Michael's. Publishers: Hurban Bros. Press at 47th St., near Darnen Ave. Editor: Ladislav Hurban. Lasted until 1918 when L. Hurban ceased being organist at St. Michael's. "Ludovy Dennik" (Peoples' Daily), pro-Communist, published by the same people and at the same address as "Rovnost' Ludu," "Pravda," etc. "Nas Svet" (Our World) was published on North Ashland Avenue, as a non-denominational weekly for a number of years. Its owner, editor and publisher was John Dend'ur, now in New York City. "Slovenska Zena" (The Slovak Woman) was a nice, illustrated monthly catering to the needs of Slovak women, but it lasted only a short time. The editor was Mrs. John Dend'ur, and the publisher her husband John. 52 SLOVAKIA Slovak newspapermen Besides the Slovak newspapermen mentioned in connection with the above Slovak newspapers over the years, we now have Slovaks engaged in American newspaper work. One is Ronald Kotulak, science editor of the Chicago Daily Tribune, who frequently writes medical and health articles for the Chicago Tribune. At the annual awards luncheon of the Chicago Heart Association held in June 1968 at the Palmer House, Mr. Kotulak received the meritorious service award. He was cited for his outstanding role in making· the public aware of the progress against heart disease and heart association programs and accomplishments. The guest speakers were Jimmy Durante and Jim Conway, radio and television personality. Mr. Kotulak is well known in Chicago and North-West Indiana for his outstanding articles on the latest advancements in scientific research. His late mother, Mary Kotulak was a long time officer of the 403 Branch of the Catholic Slovak Ladies Association branch in Chicago. John Husar is a sports writer for the Chicago Daily Tribune, covering football games and practically all other sports. He is the son of John 'Firpo' Husar of Chicago, well known for his sports activities at St. Procopius College, Lisle, Ill. and Purdue University. John Jr. also conducts a weekly column in the Tribune called the "Locker Room" on golf topics. Lawyers and Judges The Slovaks of Chicago have produced and developed a fine group of lawyers. Most of them are native born. The first to achieve a position on the judicial bench was the late Michael Tremko as a Judge of the Municipal Court. A present day Judge is Judge John Pavlik, a St. Michael's school graduate, University of Chicago law school graduate, elected in Calumet City, Ill., but sitting in the Chicago courts practically every day. We have had two assistant State's Attorneys, Sam Papanek and Rudolph Janega, who is still serving. Judge Louis Hyde (Hajdusek), son of the late Dr. L. J. Hajdusek, is Probate Judge. Among the attorneys, past and present, we find such names as these: Michael S. Rehak, John Hlavacka, Joseph Hlavacka, J. Hlavacka, Jr., Paul Dolenak, Frank Matavov- SLOVAKIA 53 sky, Edward Kerpec, John Skultety, R. Ptacin, E. Haranta, W. Lesak, John Golosinec, Sam Susina, Steve Svatik, John Svatik, Vlado Hojsa, Ann Kubicek, St. Schostok, John Dluhy, Igor Kovac, Thos Chuhack, Anton Mikula, Edward Fusek, Joseph Steller (former vice-president of the National Slovak Society), now in Milwaukee, Wis., S . Michuda (was also an engineer and Chicago City Bridge engineer ) now out of Chicago, and the late attorneys: Adam Poliak, J. Slifka, Anna Svatik and John Balko. Physicians and Surgeons The Slovaks of Chicago are well represented in the medical field with their proportionate share of good, adequate, dedicated and able physicians, who minister well to the health needs not only of Chicago Slovaks but also Chicagoans of all ethnic groups. The first Slovak comers to this city had to depend on various other group physicians for their medical needs and care. Eventually they developed their own as time went on. One of the first Slovak physicians here was Dr. f>uro Guca on the West Side, an immigrant from the southern part of Slovakia. Soon others-some foreign born, most native born, followed. Thus, the late Dr. Joseph Gazda at 52nd and S. Darnen Ave., now his son, Dr. Mace Gazda. Also, the late Dr. L. J. Hajdusek in Town of Lake on W. 47th St., Dr. Raymond on W. 18th St. (his wife is also an M.D.). Dr. Peter P. Hletko (former clinical instructor in clinical neurology at Loyola U. Strich School of Medicine, former Cook Co . Hospital interne); Dr. Paul Hletko, psychiatrist, former assistant Managing Officer of the State Hospital in Manteno, Ill., now chief Medical Officer of the State Welfare Dept.; Dr. Louis Wajay (his wife is also an M.D.), Dr. John Turcan, Dr. Fr. Soltis, Dr. Wendell Kapustiak (specializing in ophthalmology), Dr. Louis Dvonch and Dr. Wm. Dvonch ( these two are brothers of Fred Dvonch, the orchestra leader on Broadway), Dr. John Vyboch (an orthopedic surgeon now in Los Angeles, Cal.,), Dr. Joseph Mitrick, Dr. Mary Patras (former instructor in Loyola U. Medical School-now she lives and practices in Miami, Fla); Dr. Michael Vanecko (his son is also a physician-the young Vanecko is son-in-law of Mayor Daley); Dr. William Rurik and others. 54 SLOVAKIA The following physicians have died: Dr. Raymond Jezisik, Blue Island, Ill.; Dr. Emil Zidek, Dr. Martin t>asko (his wife also an MD.), Dr. John Belensky, Dr. L. J. Hajdusek and Dr. Martin Kostelny. Dentists Right along with the physicians-surgeons Slovaks in Chicago have a fine crop of capable dentists. We should mention the following: Dr. Steve J . Hletko (former English editor of the Slovak Catholic Sokol "Falcon," now sports director of National Slovak Society, Secretary of the Slovak Bowling Congress and recent president of the Illinois Bowling Congress, a former Lt. Col. of the U. S . Army at Ft. Hood, Texas ), Dr. Richard Remijas, Dr. George Matula, Dr. G. Tilley, three Bunta brothers (Albert, Paul and Joseph ), Dr. Michael Rak, Dr. Michael Orth, Dr. Michael Vitek, Dr. Joseph F. Solus and his wife Dr. Eleanor Solus, Dr . Joseph Biel, Dr. Joseph Tisoncik, Dr. John Poronsky (Secretary of "Darnen" S & L. Assn.), and Dr. Daniel Tylka, now practising in Toledo, Ill. Pharmacists The drug profession is not quite as well represented as the physicians, dentists and lawyers, but at least the following are known: the late four Lesko brothers, Joseph Duleba and his son, Messrs (two ) zibrida (Bernard died since this article was written ), Mr. Grigus, B. Mensik and John Miklian on West 63rd St. The Arts In the arts the Slovaks here have produced such stars as Mary Halama from the neighborhood of Chicago Ave., and Frederick Sts., an operatic concert singer whose career was rather short. She moved to New York, married and apparently gave up her career. Lillian Michuda from Roseland was a splendid singer and entered the movies. One of her first movies was with Jack Benny, under the movie name of "Lillian Cornell." Other movies followed but she too married and forsook the cinema and settled down. The one real luminary is Frederick Dvonch, a graduate of the Juilliard School of Music in New York. He is an orchestra leader and composer. He conducted the SLOVAKIA 55 orchestra for Allegheny-Ludlum Steel in a series of radio musical programs. He also conducted for "Show Boat," "Song of Norway," "Carousel" and other Broadway musicals, both on and off Broadway. Freddie Dvonch is a real talent and an artist, descended from a musical family-his father, a tailor, was a band musician, his uncle, Anton Olach, was a band musician, and Freddie's two brothers , the physicians, were also good violinists at early ages. Freddie has a doctorate in music. Other good singers are Irene Kocur and Mary ( skriba ) Koys, who at one time had short season appearances with the chorus in Chicago opera. Orchestra leaders Besides many small local bands and orchestras and combos, some amateur, some semi-professional, Joe Pat(erek) has a popular polka band, much like the wellknown Frankie Yankovich. They play polkas, waltzes, schottisches etc. He plays Slovak, Czech, Polish and international numbers. He puts on quite an act. One of his parents was Slovak, the other Polish. - Frankie Slaboda is a good violinist, a good entertainer and a good orchestra leader. - Dr. Isidore Mlecko, a chiropodist from Chicago Heights, originally came from Roseland, was much like Frankie Slaboda. But unfortunately he died a short time ago. R el i gi ous orders The "Our Lady of Sorrows Convent" is the Convent of the Slovak Benedictine Sisters in Tinley Park, Ill., a suburb of Chicago. They branched off the Czech Benedictine Convent in Lisle, Ill. Mother Theresita, OSB., was the first prioress. The present Rev. Mother is Mother Geraldine, OSB. Besides the old convent building, they have a new Convent, built and dedicated only two years ago . Rt. Rev. Abbot Kojis, OSB., from St. Andrew's Abbey in Cleveland, is chaplain. Chicago Slovaks contribute heavily. The Slovak Franciscan Fathers in Valparaiso, Indiana, although a short distance from Chicago, are close to the hearts of many Chicago Slovak Catholics and they support the Franciscan Fathers very generously. The Chicago Slovak Catholics hold annual pilgrimages to the Seven 56 SLOVAKIA Dolors Shrine on the grounds of the monastery. A new Church has been built there recently. Old peoples' and nursing homes The Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius from Danville, Pa., conduct the St. Cyril Villa, in Highland Park, Ill., a suburb of Chicago, Ill. Some Chicago Slovaks avail themselves of this service. Others support the Villa financially. The Daughters of St. Francis, a Slovak Sisters Franciscan order, conduct the Nursing Home of St. Joseph in Lacon, Illinois. Many Chicago Slovaks have contributed generously to these Sisters since they came from Slovakia as immigrants and also contributed to the building of the Nursing Home. The home accomodates 50 patients. A new addition is being built to accomodate another 50 patients. Also a new million dollar mother-house. These Sisters also run a hospital in Mountainview, Mo. Undertakers Of these, the late John M. Kubina was probably the first Slovak undertaker here. He celebrated his 50th anniversary as a funeral director four years ago, shortly before his death. He was active in many extra-curricular fields, including fishing and bowling (he was President of the Slovak Bowling Congress and savings and loan work, President and Chairman of the board at "Darnen S & L.). Many other Slovak undertakers have died here: Sam Kostelny, Steve Kostelny, John Zidek (his son is carrying on), Martin Mensik (son is continuing the business), Charles Machacek, Thomas Barosko, John Palenica and John Lattyak. Well known names were also Paterek and John Posuch. Some of those still active today are: John Satala, Edward Tybor, William Machacek, B. Mensik, John t>Oltis, Miss Judy Tybor, John Palenica, Jr., and Fred Kubasak, now in California. Edward Dluhy in now in Florida. Theater Owners There have not been many of these from the Slovak ranks. In 1913 the late John Remijas and the late Charles Kobilak teamed up and conducted the theater business in the "Gaelic Theater" on W. 47th St., near Western SLOVAKIA 57 Ave. Mr. Kobilak died and Mr. Remijas carried on, in fact expanded when he built the "Acadia Theater" at 55th and Fairfield Ave. in 1929 and kept both theaters going for many years, even during the depression. He was the father of Dr. Richard Remijas, a dentist, and father-in-law of Dr. Peter P . Hletko (wife Anna). With advancing years and failing health, he eventually sold both theaters but did not live too long after that. He died in 1947. Both theaters are now converted to other businesses. Brokers In the investment field we have at least two account representatives with brokerage houses: Milan Blazek with Francis Du Pont Co., 122 So. LaSalle St., and Godfrey Labda, with Howe, Barnes & Co., 208 S . LaSalle Street. Banks and bankers Some of Chicago Slovaks even tried banking as a business, but did not have much success. Perhaps the earliest was John Haluska on the West Side shortly after the turn of the century. He never attained great success, but he enjoyed a good folloving among his people. Later Papanek-Kovac State Bank operated for a few years at 886 Milwaukee Ave., but the Great Depression took its toll here. It was said that if the supervisory state authorities had not been so quick on the draw and had they been just a little more lenient, the P. K . Bank would have worked out its temporary squeeze. John S. Jurik was perhaps the most successful Slovak banker in Chicago, while it lasted. For years he had been a real estate and insurance broker on West 47th St. near Darnen Avenue ( then called Robey St. ) . Eventually he organized the Robey State Bank, on West 47th St., just west of Robey St. The bank enjoyed pretty good success for a long time . The writer of this article worked in this bank for several summers (during student vacations ) as a bookkeeper and teller. Just before the depression, Robey State Bank merged with Depositors State Bank at 47th and Ashland Ave. and Mr. Jurik became one of the vice-presidents of the merged bank. Mr. Vaclav Pesicka, former secretary of "Dunaj" S & L. Assn., was the president of Depositors. But the depression eventually cut down Depositors Bank 58 SLOVAKIA too, as it did many other banks at that time. So, Robey State Bank and Depositors State Bank vanished off the face of the earth. Slovak Manufacturers in Chicago Soon after the Slovaks reached Chicago many of them began looking around and after acclimating themselves started various business enterprises. Many of them started or purchased taverns and at one time this was probably the most profitable business for the Slovaks. Many entered the grocery and meat market business but these ventures, like milk stores or dairies are fading out of the picture since merchandising chains and shopping centers grew up profusely. One outstanding exception is the wholesale dairy owned and managed by J. Ziak and his sons in South Chicago. Other Chicago Slovaks, particularly those from a town of Brezova, in Slovakia, who brought good experience to this country about tanning hides, these entered the tanning business, wood processing, and manufacturing of other hide products, such as drum heads, belts, brief cases etc. Others brought varied experiences and abilities such as wire workers. In Trencin county in Slovakia many were wire workers and many travelled all over the world plying their craft. They were called "drotari" and were able not only to manufacture wire products, but were also handy in repairing various objects in the home with the aid of wiring, such as broken pots, vases, ceramic objects etc. Their travel experiences were many and some of them were away from home many months, or even years. travelling from country to country. One of them, a wireworker by the name of Adam Dzudzi, told me he travelled extensively in Russia, knew the country well and spent much time in Tiflis, capital of the Georgian Republic. Others knew Baku well in Azerbajdjan USSR. Let us list at least a few of the manufacturing businesses that the Slovaks owned and conducted in Chicago at one time or another: Tanners and wool processors White Eagle Rawhide Mfg. Co., 1652 N. Throop St. Owners: George :ourkovic and John R. Janae. Organized SLOVAKIA 59 in 1924. Manufacture of drum heads, banjos, tamborines, children's toys and drums etc. Employed 12 people. Liberty Rawhide and Tanning Co., 2020 N. Paulina Street. Manufacture of belts and belting. Representative : Steve Nosko. Kruty and Kruty. Organized 1939. Wool and sheep and goat hide processing. Employed seven people. John Kruty, representative. 1716 W. Webster Avenue. Vrablik & Co. Organized 1947. Carried on the same business as Kruty & Kruty, at the same address. Employed five people. Bachar & Mizialko. Organized 1935 by George Bachar and John Mizialko. Later the owners were: John Mizialko, Edward Mizialko and George Bachar. Manager of the business: John Mizialko, Sr. Their business was pulling of sheep pelts and the pickling of sheep skins. Paul Konecnik & Son. Stripping of wool. Martin slahor was in the wool and hide business since 1916. Samuel slahor-in the same business. National Wool Pulling and Scouring Co. Organized in 1921. President John Svatik (a brother-in-law of Dr. Stefan Osusky, the former ambasador from Czecho-Slovakia to France); Stefan Svatik, secretary, and Paul Konecnik, treasurer. Yearly output: 700,000 lbs. of wool shorn, washed and dried. Employed 10 people. 1117 W. Webster Avenue. F &B Mfg. Co. Owner: John Filko, Cable address : Filko-Chicago. Motto: "The crown jewels of ignition." The firm makes various automotive parts and various plastic caps, tops, and other objects. Filko Ignition-5840 North Northwest Hwy, is a Division of F & B. John Filko has been in this business for a long, long time. During the World War II, he was the recipient of many government orders and he received government subsidies for expansion purposes and for increasing his facilities for production of necessary work and manufacture. An interesting sidelight on John Filko and his F & B Co. Many of the products, particularly the plastic items, bear the name of the manufacturer, Filko, or Filko Co. Some years ago, the Philco Radio Company felt that this 60 SLOVAKIA was some sort of an encroachment on their name, and they sued to prevent John Filko using this trade-mark. Many and long, and expensive court battles followed. Filko claimed that this is his family name and he would protect it, and his right to use it, to the end of the world and to the limit of his treasury and all his resources. After extended litigation and appeals in courts, John Filko won out. Besides the lower courts, the litigation went through the Appelate Court and the Philco Co. ran the case up to the Supreme Court of the U.S. But John Filko won his case in all the courts, including the Supreme Court. Defending this case cost John Filko $42,000.00. John Filko has five plants, including two in Chicago at 4248 W. Chicago Ave. and Crawford and Chicago Avenue, one in Phoenix, Arizona, and even one in Bogota, Columbia. They manufacture electric parts for automobiles , electrical relays, parts for helicopters and jets for the U. S. Army and Navy. They do many millions of dollars of business every year. John Filko employs 500 people. John Filko's is a remarkable story. This fantastic success in business is certainly remarkable for a poor immigrant Slovak from Slovakia. This should encourage many of our native born to strive as hard as John Filko did, and while not every one can attain such success through hard work and application without some luck, many certainly can and would, if they go about it seriously and industriously. In World War I, Mr. Filko was a volunteer Czecho-Slovak Legionaire. The Legion helped establish Czecho-Slovakia. Wire workers Chillo Mfg. Co. 2106 So. Kedzie Avenue. Owner: Paul Chillo. Everede Tool Co. 2000 N. Parkside Avenue. Owner : J. Proksa. Canning, Pekara Inc. Representative: Gustav Pekara, Jr. 1809 W. Webster Avenue. Philadelphia Wire Lamp Frame Co. 1126 West 18th Street. Avondale Machinery Works Mfg. Co. 5546 N. Harlem Avenue. Milan Filip represented the company. SLOVAKIA 61 Van Dyke Industries. 2259 W. 21st Street. Stephen Zidek. Supreme Wire & Metal Products Co. 317 East 29th Street. Premier Wire Lamp Shade Frame Co. 1716 S. Michigan Avenue. Western Wire Works Inc. Michael Martinek and Sons, 951 W. 18th Place. Manufactured various wire products, bird cages, wire cages for offices, elevators etc. Premier Metal Works, Inc. 1616 Clinton Street. Owner: Andrew Micjeta, who at one time was very active in Slovak fraternal work. Wood workers Arrow Parlor Furniture Frames. J. Havlik. 629 West Cermak Road. Marcek Furniture, Division of Central Parlor Frame Co. Inc. 1311 W. 47th Street. Olach Furniture Frames, Inc. 2527 W. Moffat Street. Owner: Anton Olach (an uncle of Dr. Frederick Dvonch, the violin virtuoso and orchestra leader on radio, TV and Broadway). Manufactured home furniture, church furnishings, institutional furniture etc. Had a subdivision: Mountainview Wood Prod. Co., Mountainview City, Arkansas. Has retired from this business several years ago. Other Businesses and Occupations The Slovaks in Chicago have been engaged in every kind of imaginable business, profession and occupation. While at one time, the saloon or tavern business was most popular, Slovak people have expanded into other lines. P. Kvorka has a large furniture store and so did Emil Arbet and J. Kostolansky. Soltis Radio and appliance store is a large establishment owned by John Soltis on 51st and Washtenaw now on 55th and South Pulaski Road. John zacek owns and operates a large trucking and hauling firm, the Fairfield Motors. Emil Arbet also had the Arbet Truck Lines. At one time, every side street had a grocery and meat market for the convenience of the local people. Now the large supermarkets, and shopping plazas have taken over this business, which even the automobile has made more 62 SLOVAKIA accessible to the housewife. Such local retail butchers and grocers should be mentioned as John Bistyak for a very large number of years on 48th and Darnen Ave., Joseph Peterka on Iowa St., on the northwest side. John Tybor and Ernest Keblusek p.as been on the south side. The late Mrs. Pitak was on the west side, so were the Sadeckis. The Turcans were at 24th Street, in Cicero. The Rafa.e's on the south side, so were the Bzduch's, and so was Mrs. Panko and the John Pirohar's. Also J . Dluhy, Sr., and Mrs. Oskvarek. We have also had chiropractors--e.g. Fred Kabana and his wife (now in Daytona Beach, Fla.) , the John and Johns (man and wife) and others. Vendel Tylka and his two sons still operate the Tylka Bros. Press, a commercial printery on West 63rd Street. John and Mrs. Keblusek, and their two sons, operate a very large and modern Ace Hardware store at 155th and South Cicero, in Oak Forest, Ill. Tony Pastyak and his wife Florence conduct a restaurant business on W. 63rd St., catering to parties, weddings and after-funeral luncheons. Also cocktail lounge. Many had retail shoe stores (like Nick Vratanina, J. Jurgovsky, Facuna, etc.). Galos is secretary and co-owner of the James Coal Co. on South Halsted Street. He has been in the coal business for many years. Many are, or have been in the real estate business, or in the insurance business e.g. Joseph Hubalik, ~oltis Realty, Karkoska, Dusan Augustiny and J. Fabry and others. And we had many in the travel bureau business e . g. Eden Radie, Michael Kaplan, Cerven Tvrdy and others. Large numbers of Slovak young ladies have become nurses and others devoted themselves to laboratory work. Very many are public school teachers. BIBLIOGRAPHY Souv enir of the F irst Catholic Slovak Day in Chicago, 1931. Dr. P eter P. Hletko, Edi tor. P. V. Rovnianek-Rovinov: Zcipisky za ziva pochov aneho. (Memoirs of one buried alive). 1924. Savings & Loan Statistics. Cook County Council. 1967. Statistics of Frat ernal Benefi t Soci eti es. 1967. Fraternal Monitor. Adam Podkrivacky: Slovaks in Chi cago 1872-1962. SLOVAKIA 63 Souvenir Program of the 20th regular convention of the National Slovak Society - held in Chicago, 1950. Czechs and Slovaks (World's Fair Memorial), Chicago, Ill., 1933. Czech and Slovak leaders in Metropolitan Chicago. Edited by Daniel D. Droba, M. A., Ph. D. Published by the Slavonic Club of the University of Chicago. 1934. DR. PETER P. HLETKO was the Supreme Medical Examiner for the Slovak Catholic Sok-01 for some 36 years, from 1927 to 1963. The Youngstown convention of the or• ganization named him Honorary Supreme Medical Examiner for life. He was born in Chicago, Ill., in 1902, attended and was graduated from St. Michael's Slovak Parrish school, then ·attended St. Procopius Academy and College (19151921) in Lisle, Ill. The next two years he spent at De Paul University in Chicago and received his Bachelor of Science degree in Chemistry. From 1923-1927 he attended Loyola University (now Stritch School of Medicine of Loyola University) in Chicago and in 1928 received his Doctor of Medicine degree. He then spent 1½ years interning at Cook County Hospital in Chicago and began his private practise of medicine on December 31, 1928. Some eight month later he was invited to join the faculty of the Loyola University School of Medicine and became instructor in clinical neurology for the junior students in their third year of medical school. He kept this post for a number of years, but later resigned because of his increasing medical practise and other civic and political commitments. He was twice president of the Slovak League of America and is now Honorary Supreme President. At one time he served as secretary of the Supreme Court of the Nat. Slovak Society and for the last number of years is the President of the Literary Committee of that organization. In 1938 he led a delegation of the Slovak League of America to Slovakia, CzechoSlovakia and Poland on the the 25th anniversary of the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact, in an effort to convince or compel the Czecho Slovak government to recognize the stipulations of that Pact to yield to demands of the Slovak people for complete equality in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Starting with the April 13, 1927 issue, he was editor of the "Jaro", a monthly supplement of <the "Jednota" for a number of years. The "Jaro" was published for the benefit of the Junior Branch and Sokols of the First Catholic Slovak Union. For 35 years Dr. Hletko was c-0ntributing editor of the 'Osadne Hlasy' (Slovak Parish News) in Chicago, writing weekly editorials regularly and also writing such columns of comment and criticism as the 'Iskry' (Sparks) by 'Nitran', 'Paberky' (Gleamings) and others. For some 39 years he is a director and president of the 'Gage Park Savings and Loan Association' in Chicago, a $22,000,000.00 plus fi. nancial institullion. Dr. Hletko is now semi-retired but maintains his interest in this savings-loan association, in the Slovak Catholic Sokol (he is a member of the all-important Executive Committee), in the Slovak League of America and in all matters Slovak and civic.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovaks of Chicago Description An account of the resource Dr. Peter P. Hletko Slovakia, Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969 pp. 32-63 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hletko, Peter P., 1902-1973 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/f386ca80d4e7dbf70894b8c15c69faad.pdf 96b612dbc0db79ba852efadef9c5bd9c PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 3 Slovakia in the Struggle for Liberalization and Federalization of Czecho-Slovakia J. M. Kirschbaum From the very beginning- of the restoration of CzechoSlovakia in 1945, Slovakia played, directly and indirectly, an important role in the internal policy of Czecho-Slovakia and in the fate of the Stalinist regime. Not ony was this role more important than is generally recognized, but it was also of primary significance in the imposition of the communist system and, since 1962, in its liberalization. Some western experts on Eastern Europe overlooked Slovakia's influence on the course of events in this "loyal" and "most faithful satellite" , as the post-War II CzechoSlovakia was called in the West. 1 From the communist take-over in 1948 to the liberalization and federalization process in 1967-68, they dealt extensively with the changes in Prague's internal and axternal policy, but their analysis of the elements of change involved was often biased, as Prof. S. Z. Pech recently pointed out: Although Western specialists in Eastern European history have usually regarded it as their task to make the West familiar with the entire panorama of the polyglot region, they have in practice often been selective in the favours they bestowed on each nation. They have incorporated in their work, in modified form, the outlook and the prejudices of the nations which they "adopted". To give the most conspicuous examples, they viewed Slovak history through Czech eyes and Ukrainian history through Polish (or Russian) eyes. In so doing, they have in fact created a second-class status for certain nations. The history of the Slovaks in the West has usually been presented from the point of view of "Czechoslovakism " and has appeared as hardly more than a postscript to C:&ech history.2 It is the purpose of this survey to record and to discuss the overlooked elements and to assess the role which Slovakia and her communist elite played, first in imposing the communist system and then in forcing the Stalinist regime of Antonin Novotny to loosen the iron grip, and finally to step down and to free the way for the liberaliza. tion of the regime and the federalization of the state. When Czecho-Slovakia was restored in 1945, an auto- �4 SLOVAKIA nomous status, with extensive powers for Slovak national organs-the Slovak National Council and the Board of Commissioners-was ensured for Slovakia. In the so-called "Kosice programme" it was stated that "the Slovaks should be the masters in their Slovak land just as the Czechs in their Czech homeland" and that the government "will regard the Slovak National Council not only as the rightful representative of the individual Slovak nation, but also as bearer of sovereign right on Slovak territory". 3 Under the constitution of 1948, the National Council as well as the Board of Commissioners was given the powers of an autonomous government, so that Slovakia enjoyed "a special position in a system which was neither federal nor autonomous, but presented a peculiar form of 'dualism'."4 Rejected by a 70 per cent majority of the popular vote in the elections of 1946, the Slovak Communists changed, however, their attitude towards the political status of Slovakia. The defeat angered and surprised the Communist leadership and led them to abandon not only original idea of an independent Slovak Republic 5 or a Slovak Soviet Republic 6 , but also the autonomous status of Slovakia ,vithin a federated Czecho-Slovakia. After the coup d'etat of 1948, the Communists eliminated not only the Slovak Democratic representatives from the National Council and all public offices, but Slovakia lost systematically what was left of her original autono mous status, which underwent several changes by the socalled Prague Agreements. And if the population, especially the Catholic majority, suffered between 1945-48 for not siding with the Communis ts, in the new situation they had to experience persecution not only for political reasons, but also for religious affiliation and non-proletarian background7 or resistance to socialization and collectivization. The "people's democracy" and all that it implied: " socialist patriotism", looking at the Soviet Union as the "patria" of Slovak Communists, "socialist realism" 8 , and the "party spirit", was introduced in Slovakia as in the rest of East Europe in an effort to transform Slovaks into a new type of "socialist" men, who "would be loyal to the existing regime, and obedient to its commands, and faithful also to the Soviet Union and world communism". 9 Life was supposed to be "directed in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism" �SLOVAKIA 5 and the "scientific world outlook" and historical materialism were to replace religion and nationalism. From 1948 on, this transformation was forced upon Slovaks through brute force by the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia which left to the Communist Party of Slovakia practically no influence in the Slovak affairs. The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia "after 1947 subordinated the Slovaks to increasingly centralist rule from Prague, and trod underfoot the nationalist feelings even of Slovak Communists". 10 Those who tried to defend " the gains of the Slovak uprising" or were suspected of such intentions, were, in 1950, removed from public life as "bourgeois nationalists", incarcerated (Husak, Novomesky, Okali, Rasla, etc .) or hanged (Clementis, zingor) and replaced by obedient persons of non-Slovak origin (Siroky, Bacilek) in the Party as well as in the government.11 At the same time in spite of the provisions of the Constitution of May 9, 1948, the legislative and executive powers of the Slovak National Council and of the Board of Commissioners were drastically reduced and both institutions became subordinated to the Prague government. The Board of Commissioners had first to "abide by the directives and instructions of the Cabinet" and later, in 1960, was completely abolished. The Slovak National Council could still legislate, but the Council's laws had to b e signed by the Prime Minister, who could summon, adjourn and even dissolve the Council. Since in the National Assembly and in the Prague government the Slovaks were in minority, there was nothing, not even a theoretical possibility to protect Slovakia against the rule of Prague, because the Constitution "failed to provide for any guarantee that would protect the Slovak minority against the Czech majority ... As more than three-fifths of Czechoslovak legislators came from the Czech provinces, anything could be done with the status of Slovakia, even if all the Slovak reprezentatives opposed it".12 Within a few years Czecho-Slovakia had become "a highly centralized state, and Slovak home rule reduced almost to nil. In the post-1956 climate, some gestures were made to broaden the authority of the Slovak bodies. Increasing emphasis was laid, however, on the necessity �6 SLOVAKIA of integrating Slovakia within a unified economy, and even the bare forms of Slovak autonomy were still the object of suspicion by the regime. The Constitution adopted in 1960 further weakened the position of Slovakia". 13 It was, however, the general political atmosphere, the brutality of the police, the concentration and forced labour camps, the persecution for "deviation" or religious beliefs, which characterized this period, called alternatively "period of dogmatism" , period of the "cult of personality" or period of "deformation" and "Stalinism". 14 Denouced later by L. Novomesky as "monstrous and horrible", this period "wiped out trust, confidence, understanding, yes even loyalty in the life and consciousness of thousands and thousands of people". 15 Slovak national feelings and pride were hurt in this period also by Prague's economic and cultural policy16 and by a transfer of some 400 to 500 thousand Slovaks to the Czech provinces from which the Sudeten Germans had been expelled and where the Slovaks became denationalized, being deprived of Slovak Schools and organizations. While the Hungarian minority in Slovakia, also numbering some 500,000 had schools of all categories, cultural organizations, newspapers and representation in the administration of the state, the Slovak minority in the Czech part of the country was destined for fast denationalization. The economic measures of N ovotny's government hurt Slovaks even more. Slovakia was industrialized mostly by old machinery, transferred from the Sudeten German areas, or large factories lacking raw materials in Slovakia, to serve rather Soviet and Czech, than Slovak needs. From 1960 on, industry was unable to compete or to meet required levels of production. As a result, Slovakia suffered by the lowering of standards, and Slovaks were hurt by the admonitions and reproaches of Prague, particularly after Novotny's regime had curtailed the power of the Slovak administrative organs and had concentrated the administration of Slovakia in Prague and in Czech hands . Thus the years after the coup d'etat present a story of drastic changes in forms and institutions as well as in their practical working. The actual situation was in flagrant contradiction with the promises of the Slovak Communist Party of the autonomous status proposed for �SLOVAKIA 7 Slovakia. It is also a story of the mutual mistrust between the Czechs and Slovaks and the resulting clashes of which the outside world learned very little. In their subservience to Moscow and in their desire to imitate, if not surpass, Stalin's methods and general policy, the Communist leaders in Prague went further than any other satellite. "The system of terror was no less severe than in Albania, Hungary and Bulgaria, and in some respects went even further than these classic practitioners of this art". " Even during the critical months of 1956, Czechoslovakia had remained a model of Stalinist orthodoxy and exhibited none of the "fever" which had infected other satellites, notably the closest neighbours north and south. From the Communist point of view, Czechoslovakia was a most faithful associate of the Soviet Union, showing no evidence of dangerous dissatisfaction or domestic instability, and giving her full support to the Moscow Gospel as interpreted by Krushchev" . "In fact in the year which followed the XXII Congress in October 1961, Czechoslovakia, unlike some of its neighbours, was hardly influenced at all by the new spirit of Moscow, and showed no signs of relaxing its strongly Stalinist course. Paradoxically, this country, almost unique in its devotion and subservience to Moscow, was increasingly out of step with Krushchev's polic)' of de-Stalinization. "Orthodoxy" seemed to envolve into " heterodoxy" . "17 With regard to Slovakia the Prague Government used their power "to sweep away from the history of Slovak culture an entire past", according to Novomesky, and brought "a terrible curse on the life of the country." 18 This treatment of Slovakia could not, of course, influence the Slovaks for Czecho-Slovakia or Communism. On the contrary, even "the slight concessions of 1956-1958 were bound to leave the Slovaks unimpressed and could in no way detract from Slovak bitterness toward the treatment to which they had been exposed ever since the KSc (Communist Party of Czechoslovakia) leaders abandoned their calculative support of Slovak autonomism in 1946."19 This did not remain unnoticed by the Government and its press which deplored the "lack of confidence and the suspicion of fear" between the Czechs and the Slovaks, but laid blame on "the neglect of Leninist principles," 28 and on Slovak "bourgeois nationalistic tendencies". These tendencies according to complaints made by the Slovak Party's First Secretary, Karel Bacilek, at the session of the Central Committee in January 1958, have penetrated �8 SLOVAKIA "various fields of our cultural, political and scientific life; sports; the state apparatus; economic organs; and so on". 21 Slovaks could not be gained for the regime even by retrospective attacks on "Czecho-Slovakism", the concept that the Slovaks and the Czechs were ethnically, linguistically and culturally one nation, which had alienated the Slovaks to Masaryk's republic, and which Vaclav Kopecky, speaking on behalf of the KSC's Czech hierarchy, called in 1958 "an imperialist conception of national oppression of the Slovaks " 22 Since the Slovaks felt even more oppressed, more humiliated and exploited under the Communist regime than by the "bourgeois" regimes of 1918-1938, !5uch proclamations could not change the feelings of Slovaks and their attitude towards Prague. From 1948, and for a great part of Slovak population from 1946, Prague hurt even the pride of the Slovak Communists too deeply to be able to heal the wounds by condemning "Czechoslovakism" of the pre-War years. There was no comparison with the treatment which Slovaks received from Prague between the Wars and from the Communist rule after 1946. And Slovak nationalism, 23 which is a force rarely understood or interpreted properly by Western Scholars, was stronger after the War than at any time before, because the leftist elements also wanted Slovakia governed by Slovaks.24 Already before the Second World War nationalism was a force among Slovaks "directed against any authority residing outside Slovakia". 25 The period of the Slovak republic (1939-1945) and the uprising of 1944 undoubtedly st.renghtened the aversion against any foreign domination of Slovakia. All the restrictions of the powers of Slovak national organs, the trials of the leaders of the uprising as "bourgeois nationalists" and harsh economic centralization by the Prague Communist regime could not but create strong feeling of oppressinn and compromised relations between the Czechs and Slovaks. By 1958 the relations between the Czechs and Slovaks deteriorated to such a degree that even according to E. Taborsky a close collaborator of Dr. E. Benes, " while such declaration as above might have flattered the Slovaks in 1945, they fell on deaf ears in 1958. Nor could the communist leaders derive much comfort from the "improvement" in the Slovak class �SLOVAKIA 9 structure resulting from the communist industrialization and collectivization drive. By building up Slovakia's backwoods areas, the regime has unwittingly prodded the Slovaks' pride and self-confidence, and thus helped to underpin the same Slovak nationalism it has been trying so hard to blot out. Having acquired the know-how and the ability to run the system themselves, the Slovaks Communists and non-communists alike-resent being ordered around by their elder Czech brethren." 26 This rule of party dictatorship and police terror is normally divided into two periods: in a period of strict Stalinist form of rule which in Czecho-Slovakia lasted until 1956 and a period of slow detachment from the Stalinist system, during which a lip service was paid to de-Stalinization, and lasted until 1963. There are many explanations as to why there was a lack of de-Stalinization in Czecho-Slovakia after the XXth and especially after the XXII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Krushchev's denunciation of Stalin and his rule. The Czech and Slovak press dealt from 1963 extensively with this problem and so did some foreign scholars. 27 There is, however, no unanimous explanation, as there is no unanimity in the designation of this period or in definitions of this particular labels, of which the label of "cult of personality" was used more generally than the others. 28 But there is no doubt that the first to attack the social and political aspects of this period and to call for changes were the Slovak Communist intellectuals. "Slovaks inspired by their memorable uprising of 1944 have taken the lead in the process of modernization of the regime, while the Czechs have, until recently, been more cautious or more lethargic." 29 '' The attacks and criticism of Slovak intellectuals were directed mainly against Antonin Novotny who succeeded Klement Gottwald as Secretary General of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia in 1953, and Antonin Zapotocky as President of the Republic in 1957. For ten years his iron grip on the Party and on the State did not allow to modify the totalitarian Stalinist features of the regime, and during his rule by "brute force" were liquidated or imprisoned Slovak Communist leaders, accused of " bourgeois nationalism" and tried in 1954. According to Communist sources, 30 the period of the cult of personality ended in 1953, but due to Novotny's repressive methods, use of police terror, and his brutal struggle against Slovak bourgeois nationalism, the cult of personality in the view �SLOVAKIA of Slovak intellectuals existed from 1949 to 1962.31 Only in the spring of 1963 serious efforts at de-Stalinization marked the political life in Czecho-Slovakia. Western specialists in Eastern Europe offered several answers to the question why the Stalinist regime survived for so many years, but their views do not seem to give a satisfactory explanation. The purge of the potential leader, Clementis, and the bogey of Slovak nationalism which hounded the Czech leadership of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia, as it did the democratic leaders before the second World War, are only partial explanations. The brutal Soviet repression of the Hungarian revolution and the fear of Germany, which is greater among Czech than in any other nation of Central Europe, may be other explanations, but on the whole, these reasons cannot explain why a country with old democratic traditions, with western culture, with a previously high standard of living, praised in the whole world, did not follow the example of Poland and Hungary, except in smallscale disturbances of workers in Pilsen in 1953, the demonstration of Slovak students, which also spread to Prague, 32 and the writers' protest of 1956.33 Nor the fact that the West did not help the East European countries, including Czecho-Slovakia, by a more moderate course in East-West relations can be even less responsible for the Czech obstinacy to de-Stalinize. It was doubtful then-and today it is certain-that any co-operation in Europe between West and East going beyond what has been done, would have "strengthened the ability of the East European states to follow a more independent course".34 The explanation that the Czech communist leaders "had long and open experience in politics prior to the accession to power and perhaps this fact accounts for their unity and their ability to survive"35 and continue to hold the Stalinist grip on the country, is also only partially satisfactory. In the Slansky's purge of 1952 were eliminated the representatives of a rigid Stalinism and not the revisionists, and as a result the new leaders could start a new course after Stalin's death, but they were apparently afraid to de-Stalinize without incriminating themselves. We can find the answer to the question of Stalinism �SLOVAKIA 11 in Czecho-Slovakia in the interplay of all these phenomena, but mainly in the fact, that "the completeness of Stalinist terror had brought about a situation where there was no one capable of giving leadership of a new anti-Stalinist course after 1956"36 and in the "realism" and in the "Good Soldier Schweik's" mentality of the Czech ruling majority of the population. Except for the small scale disturbances of workers in Pilsen, who were irked by the economic difficulties rather than by political oppression, and the students' demonstration in Bratislava and Prague, there was no sign of dissatifaction or open opposition among the Czech intellectuals or large masses.37 A a result the leaders of the Czechoslovak Communist Party were in no mood to depart from the Stalinist position, and the Soviet repression of the Hungarian revolution rather strengthened their belief that it was not necessary to modify their regime. The Czech and Slovak communist leaders "associated themselves with the Soviet verbal onslaught on Stalin, hoping, no doubt, that they might avoid necessity of taking genuine steps to modify their own Stalinism", 38 even later at the time of the clash between Moscow and Bucharest in 1961. The leaders of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia remained equally unnerved by the Sino-Soviet conflict and the idea of polycentricism. They saw in polycentricism a danger to internationalism of the Communist movement and considered the Communist Party of the Soviet Union as the "only center".39 Slovakia in the Struggle of de-Stalinization40 It is important to indicate at the outset, that after the execution of Clementis and the purges of 1954,41 the Communist leaders in Slovakia were handpicked by Prague, that they were neither intellectuals, nor theoreticians, and that some of them, like Siroky and Bacilek were even lacking in Slovak background. They were the hard-line " apparatchiks" of the Gottwald school and as such, unable to take a new course or to take part in the de-Stalinization process. Furthermore, "unlike their Czech comrades, the Slovaks have had no right to determine the fundamental lines of Party policy and, tactics, not even for Slovakia, or to adopt Party programs". 42 After the "Stalinist democratic centralism" was imposed upon Slovakia in 1948, decentral- �12 SLOVAKIA ization was replaced by the "centralizing tendencies, justified officially as being necessary for the successful construction of socialism. This centralization continued throughout the whole Stalinist era and was carried over into post-Stalin days. 43 "The statutory inferiority of the Slovak Party organs was amply corroborated by actual developments". 44 In addition, the Communists were very weak in membership in Slovakia in comparison with Bohemia-Moravia. Of the 2,311,966 members and candidates of the KSc in 1949 only 236,432 were from Slovakia, i.e. slightly over 10 percent, although more than one-quarter of Czecho-Slovakia's population lived in that area. Also, the Party's appeal to the youth was far less effective in Slovakia than in the rest of the country. While the over-all percentages of Party members below twenty-five years of age in 1949 was 14.5, the corresponding figure for Slovakia was only 9.7.45 Notwithstanding all these factors, it was in Slovakia where the open struggle for de-Stalinization began in April 1963,46 The interplay of political, psychological and economic reasons had made the Slovak communist intellectuals, mostly journalists and writers, bitter and they started to assail the Stalinist regime of Antonin Novotny on all three fronts: political, ideological and economic. The Slovaks were also irked by the fact that the resolutions of the XII Congress of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia, held in December 1962 spoke of the rehabilitation of the Communists who were sentenced between 1949-1953 , and disregarded the purges of Slovak "bourgeois nationalists", tried in 1954. The first outburst of open opposition took place at the Congress of Slovak Wr iters, held on April 21-22 in Bratislava, and a month later at the Congress of Slovak Journalists, also in Bratis1 ava, on May 27-28. While at the Congress of Slovak Writers, Karol Rosenbaum spoke of "inhuman methods" during the period of the "personality cult" and about forces sufficiently strong to prevent a return of the terror of that period,47 at the Congress of Slovak Journalists, M. Hysko, professor at the Slovak school of journalism, led the attack against the slowness of de-Stalinization by Novotny's government. Despite Novotny's warnings and personal attacks on Hysko and R. LIBRARY �SLOVAKIA 13 Kalisky a month later, these two Congresses unleashed forces which put the life Jf the country on the tracks of de-Stalinization and liberalization. There had been mounting dissatisfaction in Slovakia since the Congress of Slovak Writers in 1956 among the writers and journalists, who remained, after the imprisonment of the political leaders accused of "bourgeois nationalism", the only spokesmen for the Slovak people. In 1963 the spark for the open criticism of Novotny's regime and insistence on reforms was given by the return from jail of the "bourgeois nationalists". Their accounts 48 of brutality shook the conscience of Slovak writers and journalists, and they were shaken more than anyone else because some of them had contributed to the consideration of Husak and Novomesky, while others had praised the regime and its iron grip and were mute about brutality and persecution of innocent people in all walks of life. As Hysko said at the Congress of Slovak journalists, they also were partly guilty because they presented the innocent comrades as " criminals". 49 They now wanted to repair the damage done and from L. Mflacko, who became well-known abroad, to M. Hysko, V. Mihalik, V. Minac, Kalisky and others, the intellectuals denounced the Stalinist regime and its brutality and asked for reforms. 50 The Congress of Slovak Writers and the Congress of Slovak Journalists became more than mere meetings to discuss literary and cultural problems. As we see it now and as it was considered by many in 1963, it was the beginning of a serious effort to change the ruling system, to clear the atmosphere of the suffocating fear of oppression and to correct injustices and crime of the period of the cult of personality. Slovak writers and journalists played again the role of the "conscience of the nation" which the Stalinist terror not only silenced for many years but had found in some writers eager collaborators. 51 The editorials in Kulturny zivot before th6 Congress were entitled "Literature in the struggle for truth", 52 and the participants proved that they meant to have it thus. After the Congresses furthermore, they asked for "a clean table" and stated that "everything is not in order". 53 Slovak writers spoke in the same fighting spirit against the terror and for a "cult of truth" instead of a cult of 1 �14 SLOVAKIA personality also at the Congress of the Union of Czechoslovak Writers, held in Prague on May 22-24 of the same year. The words fear, falsification of facts, abuse of confidence were repeated time and again. Noteworthy were especially the outspoken speeches by the poets Vojtech Mihalik and Laco Novomesky, the dramatist Peter Karvas and the courageous writer V. Minac,54 the essayist M. Chorvat, Zora Jesenska and others. The Congress "revealed that the mood of discontent was not confined to Slovak writers only, but included their Czech colleagues. Almost without exception, the participants were critical in the extreme, not only of the worst evils prevailing in the cult period, but also of their continuance right down to the present. Speaker after speaker gave vent to the general public outrage at the horrors of the cult and the failure of the party to eliminate them since 1956, and spoke in individual ethical terms which had little to do with partymindedness. Truth and freedom were words frequently invoked". 55 The poet V. Mihalik spoke again about the duty of writers to be the "conscience of the nation" and bitterly critized the period of the cult of personality. 56 L. Mnacko, whose series "Belated Reports", well known for their exposure of the terror and injustices, began to appear in Kulturny zivot, spoke of the "mousetrap" and the "unrosy economic, political and moral situation of the country". 57 L. Novomesky whose contribution to the discussion was published under the heading "With comrade reason" and the contributions by Zora Jesenska and P. Karvas ("About one source of dogmatism") 58 completed the picture of dissatifaction with the past and present, insisting on the necessity of change and reforms. These congresses, as we now see launched CzechoSlovakia upon a new course, with consequences impredictable at that time. If until the early 1960's the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia could have served as a laboratory speciment of die hard dogmatism and appeared practically untouched by the winds of change stirring in the international Communist movement59 after these meetings it was not true any longer. The leaders of the Communist Party realized it and made some further steps in the direction of de-Stalinization �SLOVAKIA 15 but without serious efforts to change the nature of their totalitarian system. Novotny only reluctantly admitted that the cult of personality harmed the country and had such disastrous effects as claimed by the critics. He tried to put the blame on the purged Stalinist R. Shinsky or argued that many changes had already been made to conform with the resolutions of the XII Congress of the Party. In an angry speech in Slovak town of Kosice, on June 12, 1963, he rejected the accusations contained in the speeches of M. Hysko and Roman Kalisky, and categorically proclaimed that the Communist Party would not allow the Slovak newspaper Pravda to become "a tribune of attacks against the leadership of the Party". 60 Slovak Communist intellectuals, however, were not frightened by Novotny's threats and warnings. Throughout 1963 Novotny was subjected to vocal criticism for his failure to break the hold of Stalinism on national life, to rehabilitate publicly those who had suffered most in the era of repression, and to punish those who had borne the main burden of responsibility in that era. Most vehemently did the Slovak writers call for greater freedom in their national life, and for the erasing of the charges of "bourgeois nationalism" on which the purge of leading Slovak personalities had been based. They continued, especially in the organ of the Union of Slovak Writers, Kulturny zivot, to insist on the necessity of reforms and asked for a fair deal for Slovakia. In August they obtained full rehabilitation61 of the Slovak "bourgeois nationalists" whom the XII Congress of the Party in November 1962 had bypassed. In September, they scored another success in the removal of V. siroky62 from the Government as well as from his position in the Party and in the National Assembly. These concessions did not satisfy, however, the awakened conscience of Slovak Communist intellectuals63 and during the months to come they assailed the regime mercilessly, especially in Kulturny zivot. Novotny retaliated by forcing to resign in June 1964 the editor in chief of Kulturny zivot, Paul stevcek, and Roman Kalisky, member of the editorial board, who had fearlessly attacked �16 SLOVAKIA a year before the economic policy of N ovotny's regime in Slovakia. Instead of frightening the intellectuals, these measures added new fuel to the fire of their dissatisfaction. Slovak writers, journalists and economists began to point out the deformations of "socialist legality and morality" and the acts of discrimination against Slovaks in all field of public life. They asked for the revision of the Constitution of July 1960, which formally abolished the limited autonomy of Slovakia granted to Slovaks between 1945 and 1948. Furthermore, they asked for economic reforms, 64 for the re definition of certain principles of socialist ideology,65 for a new cultural policy66 and for the revaluation of the role of the Slovak uprising,67 which was ridiculed and degraded by Novotny's regime and some Czech writers during the imprisonment of the leaders of the uprising-Husak, Novomesky, Okali and others. The regime yielded in some fields, especially in cultural policy and new Minister, C. Cisar, allowed a degree of liberalization and restored some autonomy to universities. The economists could also quite freely discuss their plans from August to November, 1963, and their criticism and proposals were published,68 Novotny's position and Moscow's support for his regime seemed for some time to be in jeopardy. The struggle was, however, far from won. Novotny was re-elected not only as President of the Republic but, at the XIIIth Party Congress of 1966, also as First Secretary. And he was not only unable but also unwilling to proceed with basic reforms or to quiet down the antagonism between the Slovaks and Czechs which had erupted in 1963 and increased in intensity in the Slovak press and in Party meetings with every year. In fact , Novotny fought against the unrest in the minds of Slovaks, and was reluctant to grant any significant concessions. Some Czechs realized, however, that the problem existed and should be solved.69 Under fire by Slovaks, among whom the rehabilitated G. Husak and the Soviet educated Alexander Dubcek gained more and more influence, by the "revisionists" and "pragmatists", all of whom tried to humanize and reform the Party and government, Novotny tried at last to give a new image to Czecho-Slova- �SLOVAKIA 17 kia at home and especially in Western Europe. More personal freedom, including a limited religious freedom, was granted and some economic reforms were introduced. "Most important, the Communist Party, having largely abandoned its dogmatic positions, was no longer the allseeing, all-powerful, unquestioned authority that it once had been. " 70 Furthermore, the writers and journalists were soon joined in their opposition and outspoken criticism of the regime not only by the youth, which increasingly posed a serious problem to the government, but also by the workers and other segments of the population. People were no longer afraid to criticize and opposition was growing. Novotny and his Party apparatus tried to control the winds of change, but it was a hopeless struggle. William Siroky was replaced by the Moscow educated Jozef Lenart, former Secretary General of the Slovak Communist Party, who was not involved in the purges as were Bast'ovansky and Bacflek. 71 Novotny could not control these developments. Too many people suddenly realized that both a change of course and of people in leading functions was inevitable. The struggle for liberalization and federalization By 1967 the internal situation in the country and in the Party had matured to the point that it was possible to remove Novotny from his omnipotent position of First Secretary of the Party and on March 22, 1968 also from ,the Presidency of the country. The masterful co-operation of the factions which had called for reforms on both the Slovak and Czech side, resulted in the "impossible" becoming a fact, and Alexander Dubcek, at the age of 47, assumed the office of the First Secretary and launched the country upon the course of liberalization which surprised the whole world. While intellectuals in the Czech provinces centered their attention mostly on economic and ideological problems (the contribution by E . Lobl or E . Goldstticker, both from Slovakia, should not, however, be underestimated) , in Slovakia political leaders and intellectuals were deeply involved in the problem of humanization of the system �18 SLOVAKIA and the restoration to Slovakia of at least a part of the autonomy which she had enjoyed before 1948. With the political rehabilitation of the "bourgeois nationalists" and the amnesty granted to the military leaders of the 1944 uprising, the status of Slovakia and the "gains of the uprising" were once again the goals to be achieved. 72 Early in 1968 Slovak communist intellectuals were for a while involved in a discussion as to whether priority should be given to liberalization or to federalization, 73 but the controversy ended with the consensus that one does not exclude the other and that both aims should be pursued. A certain reluctance on the side of the Czechs towards federalization,74 nevertheless, led the Slovaks to put stress on the federalization. There also were still alive reminiscences on the "First Czechoslovak republic" when Slovakia suffered discrimination and exploitation inspite of the fact that the Prague governments were known as "the only true democracy in Central Europe between the Wars" . Furthermore, the manner in which all the agreements and declarations guaranteeing an autonomous status for Slovakia after 1945 were forgotten and disregarded, forced the Slovak leaders to put the emphasis on the necessity of constitutional reforms. In fact , Slovaks submitted a plan for a federalization of the Republic in 1963,75 and Alexander Dubcek, after assuming the leadership of the Party and starting the liberalization process, put the Slovak demands for an equal status with the Czechs high on the agenda of his reforms.76 Federalization was in the eyes of Slovak communist leaders, who were attacking Novotny's regime since 1956, and without reserve since 1963, an essential part of the demo cratization process which, on the other hand, was the prerequisite for liberalization. Only by the transformation of the political structure of the state could Slovaks achieve a position of full equality and control of further development of the situation in the right direction. The impression, created in the West by reports from Prague or by some Western analysts of the developments of the situations in Czecho-Slovakia, that the movement for giving communism "a human face" was an expression of the Czech "hussite traditions" and therefore a Czech and not a Slovak affair, is devoid of any serious foundation. �SLOVAKIA 19 Alexander Dubcek, the young Slovak leader of the liberalization movement who spent his formative years in the Soviet Union, hardly knew anything about the "hussite traditions" when he made his first major speech on February 1st, 1968 in which he promised "the development of socialist democracy" in the Party and the state. Nor did Edward Goldstticker, born and educated in Slovakia, who became elected the chairman of the Czechoslovak Writers Union and insisted that a way must be found how to reconcile individual freedom with the communist system, have any connection in his background with the "hussite traditions". 77 A group of Czech intellectuals, especially the youth of Prague, became undoubtedly more vociferous than Slovaks when the movement was launched. 78 It looked at times as if they had desired to make up for years of servile obedience to Novotny's regime. Czechs also were more provocative in their behaviour when the Soviet Union and her satellites condemned the movement after a meeting in Warsaw and as a result they contributed or gave more pretexts than the Slovaks to the final Soviet step which killed the liberalization movement. Objectively, both Slovaks and Czechs desired the changes. Slovaks more than Czechs because they suffered more-communists and non-communists alike-under the Novotny's regime. Slovaks therefore started the opposition and Slovakia gave to the struggle for the "human face of communism" not only the leader, Alexander Dubcek, but also it became the place of two historic conferences: on July 1st at cierna nad Tisou and on August 3rd, in Bratislava. 79 The liberalization process was largely publicized in the West. A survey of the Czech and Slovak press and of statements of the leaders of the movement would indicate, however, that the aims and goals of the liberalization were often magnified and misinterpreted by some Western analysts. To what extent such behaviour of the West contributed to the final decision of Moscow to go with the tanks against the wind of freedom, is of course a matter of conjecture. Skilling correctly assessed the aims of this "interrupted revolution": �20 SLOVAKIA In some respects, the reforms planned in Prague were more modest than analogous efforts in other communist countries. There was not. at least at the outset, a rejection of Soviet domination, as in the case of Yugoslavia, and other later revolts against Moscow ; nor were major changes in foreign orientation envisaged, as in the case of Rumania and others. There was to be no sharp break in relations with the communist camp, and no defection from Comecon or the Warsaw Pact. Nor was there an immediate and spontaneous rejection of collectivization, as in Hungary and Poland, or a radical reconstruction of the economy, such as followed the initial break by Yugoslavia.so It was only in the political realm that "the changes envisaged, and in part introduced were more drastic and more rapid than anything attempted elsewhere, and aimed at nothing less than a "socialist democracy".81 The leaders of the movement firmly indicated that it was the Communist party which should remain in power and rule, if possible, alone. Some intellectuals speculated about a representation of other parties or groups,82 but the leaders in power did not intend to introduce democracy on the basis of a multi-party system. They spoke and wrote about "socialist democracy" with freedom of expression,83 abolition of terror, abolition of censorship and more independence for state organs on the politburo. They also wanted more freedom of discussion in the Parliament, but without any opposition parties, it was particularly freedom only for the communist members of the Parliament, because the number of deputies of the National Front parties is negligible. All these reforms were basically contained in the Action Program of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, approved by the Central Committee on April 5, 1968. The Program confirmed the charges that have taken place since January 1968 and-what the population accepted with great acclaim-it promised legal and political guarantees of the personal and political rights of all citizens. There also was a promis of rehabilitation of those innocently jailed and persecuted and a pledge of constitutional guarantees of freedom of assembly and association. 84 Still more significant than the official statement and programs were the views of writers freely expressed in journals like Kulturny zivot or Nove slovo which, after it had been banned when Husak was condemned as bourgeois nationalist, began to appear again. The writers asked for �SLOVAKIA 21 much more than the political leaders promised, and in hundreds of articles or answers to the question "what could be done to accelerate the process of democratization"85 they created an atmosphere that gave to the population the feeling of freedom and of big hopes for the future. At the same time they irritated, however, Moscow and her satellites. After the treatening letter from Warsaw not only Moscow but also the other communist countries reacted with increasing pressure. Dubcek, supported by the majority of the population, resisted the pressure and it seemed that after the Conference at cierna nad Tisou on July 14, and especially after the meeting of the representatives of all 5 communist countries in Bratislava on August 3rd, the differences were settled and the danger of an intervention avoided. Czechs and Slovaks were still engaged in a free discussion of the necessity of reforms86 and planned the congresses of both the Czechoslovak and Slovak Communist Parties, when during the night of August 20, the country was brutally invaded by the forces of the Warsaw Pact and the liberalization and democratization process was dramatically brought to an end.87 The planned reforms, the atmosphere of freedom, the abolition of censorship and terror, even if the Communist party was to remain in power, was unacceptable for Moscow. All this represented dangerous ideological innovations and seemed to be too contagious to be tolerated by the leaders of the Kremlin and the autocratic rulers in Warsaw, Budapest and East Germany. As it later appeared from Moscow's explanation of the invasion, Hitler's "Lebensraum doctrine" was replaced by Brezhnev's doctrine of the right of the Soviet Union to intervene in the socialist countries and to impose the Soviet system and social order on the lands within the Soviet zone of influence. While the liberalization process was aborted by the invasion, the federalization process was not basically affected. For some time it seemed that Moscow could convince G. Husak, who became leader of the Slovak Communist Party, to accept another solution: an "independent" Slovak Socialist Republic or a Slovak Soviet Republic within the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics. This �22 SLOVAKIA solution of the 50 years old dispute over the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs was considered even in the West as highly probable, because both a Soviet socialist republic and an independent Slovak State were the aim of the Slovak uprising of 1944, in its original stage.BB The reaction to the invasion was, however, of such intensity and the feelings against Moscow were so strong, that neither Husak nor anybody else was ready to lead the Slovaks out of Czecho-Slovakia at this time. Husak accepted the function of the head of a commission in charge of preparing the transformation of Czecho-Slovakia into a confederation of two republics, the Czech and the Slovak Socialist Republic and he used all his perseverance and ability to this end. The constitutional law, transforming the centralist state ruled by the Czechs, was adopted by the Assembly on October 27, 1968, as Law No. 143. It was signed and solemnly proclaimed on October 30, at the Bratislava Castle in Slovakia, with the provision that it will take effect on January 1st, 1969. At the signing ceremonies the President of the Republic, Ludvik Svoboda, termed federalization a progressive and historic act that would improme the social order and welfare of both Czechs and Slovaks. Alexander Dubcek, the First Secretary of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, and G. Husak, the Secretary of the Slovak Communist Party, spoke of federalization as strengthening the unity of the state and creating a basis for better future relations between the Czechs and Slovaks. Slovaks, especially Slovak youth of Bratislava, cheered outside the Bratislava Castle when the law was signed, even though its contents were not known in detail and the reminiscences of a similar law adopted in 1938 and its subsequent violation by Prague 6 months later, were not forgotten by the Slovak people. The fear of a possible inclusion of Slovakia into the Soviet Union, if Slovakia completely separated from the Czechs, compels apparently even many of those Slovaks who do not believe that the Czechs would honor the new agreements, to accept federalization as a solution to the Slovak problem in the present international situation. The constitutional law signed in Bratislava, establishes �SLOVAKIA 23 the basic federal structure, leaving specific prov1s10ns about the rights and responsibilities of the federal organs to another law which was passed by the National Assembly in November. Basically, the constitutional changes solve the problem of the existence of two nations-the Czech and the Slovak-by setting up a federal National Assembly consisting of an Assembly of the People, elected on the basis of proportional representation, and an Assembly of Nations, in which Czechs and Slovaks will have equal representation. In this respect the Soviet constitution seemed to be the model while in other respects the federal structure of Czecho-Slovakia is similar to the structure of European and American constitutions. Law No. 143 reserves to the federal domain responsibilities for foreign policy, defense and curency and the areas of culture and education are reserved to the domain of the member-states to the Czech Socialist Republic and the Slovak Socialist Republic. Both republics have equal status according to this Law and the sovereignty of both "national states" should be respected. However, this "sovereignty" is limited by the articles 7 to 28 of the Law to such an extent, that we can hardly compare the new Czecho-Slovakia with Switzerland or the Canadian Federation. Even less can the federal structure of Czecho-Slovakia be compared with Austria-Hungary after the Ausgleich of 1867, which historically and politically is the closest example. However, one of the interesting features of this constitutional reform is the provision of Law No. 143 about the "right of self-determination" which gives the Slovaks the right to secession. The political autonomy which the "Law on the Federation" provides for Slovakia is, on the other hand, limited by the fact that the Communist Party was not reorganized to reflect the federal structure of the State. As a result the political power remains concentrated in, and the most important decisions will be taken in Prague by bodies composed of a majority of Czech members. Since many Czechs accepted only reluctantly the federalization of the Republic, difficulties and dissensions are to be expected. For the second time in three decades the Slovak struggle for national rig·hts within a federalized Czecho-Slovakia was fought in the middle of an international crisis: in 1938 in the Munich crisis and in 1968 under the Soviet occupa- �24 SLOVAKIA tion. It remains to be seen whether Prague learned the lesson this time or whether there will be an aftermath as in 1939. Slovaks in the free world accepted the federalization with distrust and misgivings and did not ease to advocate the right of the Slovak people for an independent, democratic Slovak Republic. 89 Dr. Joseph M. Kirschbaum is former university professor and author of several books and studies on Slovakia in English and other languages. 1) See H. G. Skilling, Communism National and International (Toronto, 1964), pp. 86-95, and William E. Griffith, Communism in Europe ( Cambridge, Mass., 1966), II, pp. 257-65. 2) S. Z. Pech, "New Avenues in Eastern European History", Canadian Slavonic Papers, X, 1 ( 1968), 14-15. See also W. F . Griffith, "Myth and Reality in Czechoslovak History", Eastern European History, II, 3, 84. 3) See Wm. Diamond, Czechoslovakia Between East And West (London, 1947), p. 50 and Stefan Glejdura, Los Grandes Problemas Del Este Europeo: Eslovaquia (Madrid, 1968) , pp. 29-32. Slovak communists were supported in obtaining this especially by Gottwald, who proclaimed the agreement to the " Magna Charta of the Slovak Nation". See Griffith, Communism in Europe, pp. 183-93. 4 ) See Skilling, " The Czechoslovak Constitutional System: The Soviet Impact," Political Science Quarterly, LXVII, 2 (1952); Griffith , Communism in Europe, pp. 135 ff., and K. Glaser, Czecho-Slovakia: A Critical History ( Caldwell, Id., 1960), pp. 87-139. 5) G. Husak, one of the main leaders, declared at the beginning of the uprising: "It must be said openly that our people would welcome with enthusiasm the removal of frontiers and customs between us and the other Slav nations, especially between Slovaks and Russians," Nove Slovo, September 24, 1944. See also S. Falt'an, Historicky casopis, 4 (1966), 589. L. Novomesky, who was sent during the uprising from Slovakia to London, did not "conceal his doubts as to whether it was wise for Slovakia to remain within the small Czechoslovakia when it could join the great Soviet Union," J. Korbel, The Communist Subversion of Czechoslovakia, 1938-1948 (Princeton, 1959 ), p. 72. See also Griffith, Communism in Europe, pp. 179-85 and Joseph A. Mikus, Slovakia: A Political History 19181930 (Milwaukee, Wis., 1963) pp. 185-90. 6) Jozef Jablonicky, "Slovenske narodne povstanie - nova faza v rieseni vzt'ahov medzi cechmi a Slovakmi" (Slovak National Uprising: A New Phase in the Solution of the Relations between the Czechs and Slovaks) , Historicky casopis, XII, 3 (1964), 236. See also J . Korbel, The Communist Subversion, pp. 32, 68-72, and S. Falt'an, Historicky casopis, XII, 140, 2, 161-84. 7) For details on the religious situation in Slovakia after 1945 see �SLOVAKIA 8) 9) 10 ) 11 ) 12) 25 T. G. Zubek, The Church of Silence in Slovakia (Whiting, Indiana, 1956); Stefan Nahalka, La Slovacchia d'Oggi (Rome, 1957); Joseph Pauco, Christian Slovakia (Valparaiso, Ind. , 1959) ; J . A. Mikus, op. cit. p. 164-185 and P. Hnilica, S. J., "The Church under Totalitarian Rule" in Collier and Glaser (ed.), Elements of Change in Eastern Europe, (Chicago, 1968), pp. 136-149. See Kirschbaum, "Slovak Literature under the Soviet Impact", Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. 1, no. 1, and Imrich Kruzliak, Kulturne Slovensko v rokoch 1945-1966 (Culture in Slovakia in the years 1945-66), (Munich, 1967). Skilling, The Governments of Communist East Europe, op. cit., p. 202, and "People's Democracy, The Proletarian Dictatorship and the Czechoslovak Path to Socialism", The American Slavic and East European Review, X, 2 (April 1951) , 100-16. Skilling, Commimism national . .. , op. cit. , p. 88. The Communist Party of Slovakia was founded in May 1939 as an illegal party and was. recognized as an independent party by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, as well as by the leaders of the Czech Communist Party in Moscow. It maintained its independence until 1948. For more details see Z. Elias and J. Netik "Czechoslovakia" in W. E. Griffith Communism in Europe, (Cambridge, Mass., 1966) 2. volume pp. 174-186 and Bohuslav Graca "Komunisticka strana Slovenska" (The Communist Party of Slovakia), Nova Mysl, No. 5, May 1961. Even in the party the Slovaks were poorly represented at the center, with their chief spokesman the Prime Minister, Siroky, and the Slovak party chief, Bacilek, both only partly Slovak in origin. Pavol David was the only undisputed Slovak in the party command. Skilling, Communism National, op. cit. p. 94 ; See also Griffith, op. cit. pp. 210-215 and Miku~, op. cit., pp. 291-302. Taborsky, op cit. p. 336 and H. G. Skilling, "The Czechoslovak Constitution of 1960 and the transition to Communism", Journal of Politics, XXIV, 1, 1962, pp. 156-59. See also Edward Kucera, K nekterym otazkam autonomie a postaveni Slovenska v ramci ceskoslovenske Republiky (About Some Questions of Autonomy 13) 14) 15) 16) and the Position of Slovakia within the Framework of the Czechoslovak Republic) , (Prague, 1954). Jan Moura! Slovenske narodni organy (Slovak National Organs), (Prague, 1958) and Collection of Laws of the Slov ak National Council, (Bratislava, 1954) . Skilling, The Governments of Commimist East E urope, op. cit. p. 156 and Taborsky op. cit. pp. 338-240, and Griffith, op. cit. p. 235 and off. Several Slovak Communist intellectuals made attempts at definitions of this period. See Kulturny Zivot, April 27, 1963-Proceedings of the Congress of the Slovak Writers. After the execution of V. Clementis, Slovaks were withdrawn from practically all diplomatic posts abroad (out of 97 ambassadors only 5 were Slovaks) and writers, who served as cultural attaches were �26 17 ) 18) 19) 20) 21) 22) 23 ) 24 ) 25 ) 26) 27 ) SLOVAKIA hit particularly hard. On Clementis see Griffith, op. cit. , p. 176 and Mikus, op. cit. , pp. 292-298. Skilling, Communism National . .. , op. cit. pp. 88, 85, 84 resp. and Glejdura , loc. cit. Novomesky, quoted by Skilling, ibid. p. 117. Taborsky, op cit. p. 344, See also Skilling, Communism national ... op. cit. pp. 94-96. Pravda, May 1st, 1956. Pravda, January 10 and 11, 1958, quoted in Taborsky, op. cit. p. 344. See Pavel Berka's article in c".:eskoslovensky prehled, vol. 5 ( 1958) , p. 27 and Taborsky, op. cit. p. 345. On Slovak Nationalism see B. S. Bue, Slovak Nationalism (Middletown, Pa .), 1960, R. A. Kann, The Multinational Empire (Rutgers University Press) , 1950, J. A. Mikus, La Slovaquie, individualite politique de l'Europ e centrale ( Centre de documentation internationale, Paris ) 1958, L . Gogolak, Beitriige zur Geschichte des Slowakischen Volkes (Munich) 196~ and E. Denis, La Question d'Autriche - Les Slovaques (Paris) , 1917. As Skilling writes, Western scholars "have failed to see that subjection of Slovaks to centralized Czech Communist rule has not dimmed the feeling of Slovak nationalism, even among Communists, and could produce a brave response. " See "Czechoslovakia", in A. Bromke (ed.) , The Communist states at the crossroads, (Praeger, New York, 1965) , p. 103. See Z. Elias and J . Netik in Griffith, Communism in Europe, op. cit. p. 162. Taborsky, op. cit. pp. 345-6. See also Skilling, Communism national . .. , op. cit. pp. 112-130. Among Canadian scholars it is especially Prof. H. Gordon Skilling who published several well documented studies on this period. In the United States S. D. Kertesz, Philip E . Mosley, William E Griffith and K. Glaser and D. S. Collier as editors or contributors to symposia brought the problems to the attention of Western readers. On the Slovak side the weekly Kulturny Zivot became the main tribune. The articles by M. Hysko, 0 . Pavlik, E. Lobl, L . Mnacko, G. Husak, F. Falt'an, L. Novomesky, V. Mihalik and others analyzed the period of the cult of personality. On the Czech side the periodical Nova Mys/., Litenirni Noviny and Literarni Listy offer a number of interesting articles by Czech intellectuals on this subject. 28 ) See articles in Kulturny Ziv ot by Ondrej Pavlik (April 27, and August 10, 1963 ) and by V. Mihalik and V. Pet'ko (May 25 and April 20 respectively, and an article by J . Fojtik in Rude Pravo (March 29, 1963) . 29 ) Philip E. Mosley, " Eastern Europe in World Power Politics", D. S. Collier and K. Glaser, (ed. ), Elem ents of Change in Eastern Europe, Chicago, 1966, pp. 61-62. '') As wrote prof. Mosley in 1965. 30 ) Usneseni a do kum enty ust fe dniho v yboru komunisticke strany Ceskoslovenska, Vol. II, (Prague, 1962), pp. 5-57. English excerpts of �SLOVAKIA 31) 32) 33) 34) 35 ) 36) 37) 38) 39) 40 ) 41 ) 42 ) 43) 44) 45 ) 27 this speech can be found in A. Dallin, Diversity in International Communism (Columbia U. P. New York) , 1963, pp. 298-313. See M . Hysko's speech at the Congress of Slovak journalists, published in Pravda, June 13, 1963. The first open student manifestation against the regime in 1956 occurred in Slovakia's capital, Bratislava, during a student's festival, In a pocession through Bratislava's streets, Slovak university students carried a coffing with the following inscription: "Here lay buried democratic liberties". As the official radio Bratislava admitted , "this soon became a stirring and well-liked slogan." See Duchacek, Zoe. cit. p. 105. Duchacek, ibid., p. 103. H. G. Skilling " Eastern Europe and the West" in A. Bromke (ed.). The Communist States and the West, (A. Praeger. 1967) , p. 53. Duchacek, op. cit. p. 98, see also pp. 112-118. Skilling, Communism national . .. , op. cit. p. 90. According to Elias and Netik: "The predominant mood among the masses was one of indolence, striving for the satisfaction of crass material desires, general mistrust, and a decline of civic morale. Pilfering in industrial and agricultural enterprises, negligence in consumer services, a sorry state of disrepair in buildings, roads, machinery, and the like, although constantly deplored in the press, came to be accepted as a matter of course. The slogan "He who does not steal from the state steals from his family" was entirely symptomatic to the popular mood of the period, in spite of the fact that the supply of food and consumer goods had improved sufficiently to satisfy most normal needs of the population. loc. cit. p. 275. Skilling, Communism national . .. , op. cit. p. 194. See Rude Premo, November 24 and December 12, 1961. This survey concerns itself mainly with Slovakia and its role in the de-Stalinization process and, therefore, we will put the emphasis, without underestimating the Czech element, on the part which Slovakia and Slovaks played in this period. The Slovak Communist leaders, G. Husak, L. Novomesky, D. Okali and others, were actually imprisoned already in 1951-1952 and only their trials took place in 1954. For an interesting survey of the purges of Slovak "bourgeois nationalists" see " O nezakonnych procesoch a rehabilitacii od roku 1948" (About the illegal processes and rehabilitation since 1948). Vyber, June 1968 and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 291-302. Taborsky, op cit. p. 66. See Hromada. Prehl'ad ceskoslovenskych statnych organov (A survey of Czechoslovak State Organs), (Bratislava, 1955) , p. 26, K. Glaser, op. cit. pp. 154-178, Z. Elias and J. Netik in W. E . Griffith, op. cit. p. 197 and ff, and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 227-302. J . Netik and J. Franko Communism and Slovakia (Evaluation Report of RF E Research Unit, November 17, 1960) . Taborsky, op. cit. p. 214. See also Mikus, op. cit. pp. 226-224. Rude Pravo, Ma y 27, 1950. See also his article in Pravda, June 16, �28 46) 47) 48) 49) 50) 51) 52) 53) 54) 55) SLOVAKIA 1963 in which he charged that the personality cult "deformed life and violated our socialist humanism". This has been admitted also by some Czech writers in the West. "The wave of outspoken criticism clearly originated in Slovakia; but it was carried on, though in somewhat muted tones, at the Prague Writers' Third Congress on May 22-24, which heard a number of frank and courageous statements, particularly from the younger "literati". Z. Elias and J . Netik in Griffith, op. cit. p. 262. See Kulturny Zivot, April 27 and May 4, 1963. G. Husak recently published his account in Nove Slovo, June 1968, but it was known right after his release from jail. L. Holdos published his account in Smena, March 23, 1968, and both these " memoirs" describe the most revolting brutalities to which human beings were ever subject. E. Lobl published his experiences in a book Svedectvo o procese (Testimony about the Process) Bratislava, 1968. For excerpts in English see The Telegram (Toronto) July 18-19, 1968. Pravda, Bratislava, June 3, 1963. With Husak working behind the scenes, they also became later the "brain trust" of Alexander Dubcek, who was educated in the Soviet Union as an apparatchik, but retained an understanding for the human desire for freedom. See F . Vnuk, Sedemncisf neitrodnych rokov ( Seventeen Barren Years), (An outline of Slovak Literature) in 1945-62, Middletown, Pa., 1965, and I. Kruzliak, Kulturne Slovensko v rokoch 1945-1966 ( Culture in Slovakia in the years 1945-1966), Munich 1967. Kulturny Zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 17, 1963, articles by P. Karvas, A. Plavka, L. Mnacko, M. Chorvath and others. K. Rosenbaum, ibidem, No. 18 and J. Bzoch, No. 20. Some writers had the courage to say even before the Congresses that "the cult of personality, closely knit with dogmatism, limited and hampered creative scientific work" and that "from the field of social sciences mostly suffered historiography of the recent period". Samo Falt'an, "Hist6ria a dnesok" (History and the Present), Kulturny Zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 12, 1963. At the Congress of Slovak Jounalists Hysko also said that " the socialist journalist should respect directions only if they are not in conflict with the fundamental principles of socialist morality". Pravda, June 13, 1963. The significance of Hysko's speech lies in the fact that he brought into the open many Slovak grievances, in particular the treatment of Slovaks at the hands of the Czech leadership. Minac created a storm of protests also in 1968 by accusing the policy of Dr Benes as an attempt "near genocide" of the Slovak people. See Vyber, July 5, 1968, pp.9-11. Skilling, Communism national, op. cit. pp. 114116. For the text of speeches and resolutions see Kulturny zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 21, 22 (resolutions) and 23. See also K. Greiner "Wurzeln der liberalisierung Tendenzen in der Tschecho-Slowakei" . In Entwicklungen im Kommunismits (Verband der Freien Presse), Munich, 1967, pp. 123-131. �SLOVAKIA 56) 57) 58) 59) 29 Kulturny Zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 21. Ibidem , No. 22. Ibidem. Z. Elias and J. Netik in Wm. E. Griffith, Communism in Eiirope , op. cit. p. 157. 60) Pravda, (B ratislava) , June 13, 1963. For fuller discussion see Skilling Commiinism national ... , op. cit. pp. 122-124. 61 ) See Riide Prcivo, August 22, 1963. On the purges of Slovak " Bourgeois nationalists" see E. Fris, Plamen, no. 8, August 1964, Z. Elias and J . Netik in Griffith, op. cit. pp. 210-215 and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 291-302. 62) See Pravda , (Bratislava ), September 23 , 1963. On Siroky and his role in Slovak politics see Mikus, op. cit. p. 298. 63) See H. Kuhn, "Czechoslovakia", in D. Vollier and K. Glaser (ed.) op. cit. pp. 161-164, and K. Greiner, Zoe. cit. pp. 117--148. 64) In the respect the economist Eugen Lobl who was imprisoned with R. Slansky, led the struggle in Kulturny Zivot, H . Koctuch in Slovenske pohl'ady: see also R. Selucky in Kiilturny Zivot, (August 10, 1963, September 28, 1963, November 2, 1963) , and Hospodcirske Noviny, ( November 8 and 15, 1963), for the Czech views. 65) Several intellectuals were dealing with the ideological deformation : 0. Pavlik, M. Kusy, J . Uher, G. Husak, L. Mnacko, K. Rosenbaum , M. Hamada, and others, not only in Kiilturny Zivot, but also in Pravda (Bratislava) , PLamen, and Smena (Bratislava) . 66) The sharpest attacks on Prague's cultural policy towards Slovakia were written by the poet V. Mihalik. See Kulturny Zivot, No. 49, 1965 and No. 8, 1966. 67) Against the misrepresentation and misinterpretation of Slovak history and of the role the Slovaks played during the War see the writings of Slovak intellec tua l,: in Historicky casopis (Historical Review ) as well as Kulturny Zivot. Among the best articles were those written by S. Falt'an, K. Luptak, J . Fabian, E. Fris. See also G. Husak, Svedectvo o slovenskom ncirodnom povstani (Testimony about the Slovak National Uprising), (Bratislava, 1964). 68) See E. Lobl, "O dogmatizme v ekonomickom mysleni" ( About Dogmatism in Economic Thinking), Kulturny Zivot, Sept. 28, No.39, and Oct. 12, No. 41, 1963. Ota Sik, " Akoby nemal vyzerat' antidogmatizmus" (What anti-dogmatism should not be like ), Kiilturny Zivot, No. 44, Nov. 2, 1963, and the proposals of the economists for the perfection and planned direction of the National Economy, Rude Prcivo, Oct. 17, 1964. 69) "The Slovak poblem does exist in our country- wrote in 1964 K. Bartoska-of a complexity and urgency that we failed to realize and did not want to admit. It turns out that the economic equalization of the Czech lands and of Slovakia is not the exhaustive solution of the Slovak complex question". Plamen, No. 5, 1964. 70 ) Elias and Netik, in Griffith, op. cit. p. 275. 71 ) For fuller discussion of the years following the Congress of Writers, see Z. Elias and Netik in Griffith, op. cit. pp. 260-277. 72 ) On Bacilek and his role in the persecution of Slovak "bourgeois �30 73) 74) 75) 76) 77) 78 ) SLOVAKIA nationalists" see Taborsky, op. cit. p. 344, Griffith, op. cit. p. 176 and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 291-302. See Kulturny Zivot, May-July, 1968, and Jacques Marcelle, Le Deuxieme Coup de Prague (Les Editions Vie Ouvriere, Bruxelles, 1968), pp. 183-189. "The sense of urgency which the Slovaks felt about federalism was not matched in the Czech lands" , writes Skilling, "and there was dissatisfaction in Slovakia with the slow pace of planning. There was, however, considerable difference of opinion about the distribution of authority under the proposed federal constitution, with some Slovaks arguing for a very narrow range of federal authority, including only foreign affairs, defense, and finance, and others, mainly Czechs, seeking a much stronger central authority. Even more productive of controversy was the Slovak demand for Parity of representation in the central organs, both executive and legislative, a demand which most Czechs, in spite of their readiness to adopt provisions protecting vital Slovak interests against outvoting by the Czech majority, were unwilling to accept." See Skilling, 'Czecho-Slovakia's Interrupted Revolution" , Canadian Slavonic Papers, vol. X, 4, 1968, p. 419. The historian Milos Gosiorovsky is credited with the iniciative, but Novotny refused to discuss his proposal and ordered sanctions against him. See Vyber, July 19, 1968, pp. 7-8. According to Pravda (Bratislava), February 2, 1968, he said in his first major policy statement on February 1st, 1968: "The Czechs and the Slovaks are nations both equal and able to create their own states. It is our role to strengthen and, in practice, safeguard our people's belief that the Republic open to Czechs and Slovaks additional prospects ... " On the role of Slovakia see G. Husak, "Prinos k januarovym zmenam" (Slovak contribution to the post-January changes), Vyber, December 6, 1968. In this respect namely the so-called "Two Thousand Words" manifesto deserves mention. It provoked an angry reaction in Moscow and in Warsaw at the meeting of the communist parties, on July 15, at which five communist parties sent a threatening letter to Prague. The manifesto was published by Litercirni Listy on June 27, 1968 and was conceived by the communist writer Ludvik Vaculik. 79 ) For a survey of events and documentary articles see Pierre Desgraupes and Pierre Dumayet (ed.), Prague - l'ete des tanks, "L'Histoire a la Une", (Paris, 1968) , the monthly East Europe , January-September, 1968, and Jacques Marcelle, Le Deuxieme coup de Prague, (Editions Vie Ouvriere, Bruxelles, 1968). 80 ) Skilling, Joe cit. p. 4Q9. 81) Skilling, ibid. p. 410. 82 ) See M . Lakatos, " Some Problems of Socialist Democracy ... " Prcivn y Obzor, 3, (1968). According to J. Bob they wanted "cultural, humanistic, democratic" Socialism. See Kulturny Zivot, May 24, 1968. �SLOVAKIA 31 83) Openly anti-communist views were of course not allowed. Only the past policies of the Communist Party could be freely criticised. 84 ) Rehabilitation was embodied in a law passed in June, but it referred only to those who were tried between October 1948 and July 1965. It left out thousands of victims condemned for political reasons between 1945-1948 when anti-communists were systematically eliminated from public life, jailed or executed. See Mikus, op. cit. pp. 167-68. According to Skilling the Action Programme "was a relatively moderated programme, acceptable to the conservative and moderate reformers, but not satisfying the more radical ones". Loe. cit. p. 426. 85 ) See an answer by five Slovak writers in Kulturny Zivot, June 21 , 1968. See also G. Husak "Dejinna prilezitost'" (A Historical occasion) , Pravda (Bratislava, May 9, 1968). 86) On the reaction of Slovak intellectuals to the invasion see L. Mnacko, "Die siebente Nacht - Erkenntnis und Anklage eines.Kommunisten" (The Seventh Night - Confession and Accusation of a Communist), (Verlag Fritz Molden, Wien, Miinchen, Ziirich), October 1968, and Slovak journals of September-December. On the international implications see Adam Bromke "Czechoslovakia and the World: 1968", Canadian Slavonic Papers, X, 4, pp. 581-591. On the reaction of the Government and of the Communist Parties, see Dokumenty o okupacii CSR (Documents on the occupation of Czecho-Slovakia), Bratislava 1968. 87 ) Among the contributions to the discussion on democratization and federalization worth of mentioning are: H. Koctuch "Federacia? Konfederacia? ", Kulturny Zivot, March 22, 1968, and "Buduce moznosti a mozna buducnost"', Nove slovo, June 13, 1968; Julius Strinka "Federalizacia a demokratizacia", Kulturny zivot, April 5, 1968; Prof. K. Plank, "Niekol'ko uvah o federalizacii nasho statu" , Sloboda, June 28, 1968; Dr. M. Gaspar, "Aspekty federalizacie CSR", Sloboda, June 14, 1968; and "Federalizacia - Demokracia", Vyber, July 19, 1968. 88) See Historicky casopis (Historical Review), Vol. XII, 3, 1964, and Nove slovo, September 24, 1944, as well as part one of this survey. 89) See articles and comment on this subject in Slovak v Amerike (U.S.A.), Kanadsky Slovak (Canada), cernakov Odkaz (Germany) , Slovensky stit (Australia) etc. A8 AmeTic·arn,, me111ber 8 of the Nlon.1k l,eague of America fi1'Jnl,v bel ie ,·e that the Slon.tk nation, jnst as all nahomi, has a11 i11here11t. and God-given right to freedom and i11clepencle11cc. r['hey are dedicated to the cause of the A rn eri ra n way of life, Slornk freec1om and world peace and ,ne detm·mined to oppose the plague of Comnnrnisrn and all othi-ir totahtaTian political systernR. � SLOVAKIA 3 Slovakia in the Struggle for Liberalization and Federalization of Czecho-Slovakia J. M. Kirschbaum From the very beginning- of the restoration of CzechoSlovakia in 1945, Slovakia played, directly and indirectly, an important role in the internal policy of Czecho-Slovakia and in the fate of the Stalinist regime. Not ony was this role more important than is generally recognized, but it was also of primary significance in the imposition of the communist system and, since 1962, in its liberalization. Some western experts on Eastern Europe overlooked Slovakia's influence on the course of events in this "loyal" and "most faithful satellite" , as the post-War II CzechoSlovakia was called in the West. 1 From the communist take-over in 1948 to the liberalization and federalization process in 1967-68, they dealt extensively with the changes in Prague's internal and axternal policy, but their analysis of the elements of change involved was often biased, as Prof. S. Z. Pech recently pointed out: Although Western specialists in Eastern European history have usually regarded it as their task to make the West familiar with the entire panorama of the polyglot region, they have in practice often been selective in the favours they bestowed on each nation. They have incorporated in their work, in modified form, the outlook and the prejudices of the nations which they "adopted". To give the most conspicuous examples, they viewed Slovak history through Czech eyes and Ukrainian history through Polish (or Russian) eyes. In so doing, they have in fact created a second-class status for certain nations. The history of the Slovaks in the West has usually been presented from the point of view of "Czechoslovakism " and has appeared as hardly more than a postscript to C:&ech history.2 It is the purpose of this survey to record and to discuss the overlooked elements and to assess the role which Slovakia and her communist elite played, first in imposing the communist system and then in forcing the Stalinist regime of Antonin Novotny to loosen the iron grip, and finally to step down and to free the way for the liberaliza. tion of the regime and the federalization of the state. When Czecho-Slovakia was restored in 1945, an auto- �4 SLOVAKIA nomous status, with extensive powers for Slovak national organs-the Slovak National Council and the Board of Commissioners-was ensured for Slovakia. In the so-called "Kosice programme" it was stated that "the Slovaks should be the masters in their Slovak land just as the Czechs in their Czech homeland" and that the government "will regard the Slovak National Council not only as the rightful representative of the individual Slovak nation, but also as bearer of sovereign right on Slovak territory". 3 Under the constitution of 1948, the National Council as well as the Board of Commissioners was given the powers of an autonomous government, so that Slovakia enjoyed "a special position in a system which was neither federal nor autonomous, but presented a peculiar form of 'dualism'."4 Rejected by a 70 per cent majority of the popular vote in the elections of 1946, the Slovak Communists changed, however, their attitude towards the political status of Slovakia. The defeat angered and surprised the Communist leadership and led them to abandon not only original idea of an independent Slovak Republic 5 or a Slovak Soviet Republic 6 , but also the autonomous status of Slovakia ,vithin a federated Czecho-Slovakia. After the coup d'etat of 1948, the Communists eliminated not only the Slovak Democratic representatives from the National Council and all public offices, but Slovakia lost systematically what was left of her original autono mous status, which underwent several changes by the socalled Prague Agreements. And if the population, especially the Catholic majority, suffered between 1945-48 for not siding with the Communis ts, in the new situation they had to experience persecution not only for political reasons, but also for religious affiliation and non-proletarian background7 or resistance to socialization and collectivization. The "people's democracy" and all that it implied: " socialist patriotism", looking at the Soviet Union as the "patria" of Slovak Communists, "socialist realism" 8 , and the "party spirit", was introduced in Slovakia as in the rest of East Europe in an effort to transform Slovaks into a new type of "socialist" men, who "would be loyal to the existing regime, and obedient to its commands, and faithful also to the Soviet Union and world communism". 9 Life was supposed to be "directed in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism" �SLOVAKIA 5 and the "scientific world outlook" and historical materialism were to replace religion and nationalism. From 1948 on, this transformation was forced upon Slovaks through brute force by the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia which left to the Communist Party of Slovakia practically no influence in the Slovak affairs. The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia "after 1947 subordinated the Slovaks to increasingly centralist rule from Prague, and trod underfoot the nationalist feelings even of Slovak Communists". 10 Those who tried to defend " the gains of the Slovak uprising" or were suspected of such intentions, were, in 1950, removed from public life as "bourgeois nationalists", incarcerated (Husak, Novomesky, Okali, Rasla, etc .) or hanged (Clementis, zingor) and replaced by obedient persons of non-Slovak origin (Siroky, Bacilek) in the Party as well as in the government.11 At the same time in spite of the provisions of the Constitution of May 9, 1948, the legislative and executive powers of the Slovak National Council and of the Board of Commissioners were drastically reduced and both institutions became subordinated to the Prague government. The Board of Commissioners had first to "abide by the directives and instructions of the Cabinet" and later, in 1960, was completely abolished. The Slovak National Council could still legislate, but the Council's laws had to b e signed by the Prime Minister, who could summon, adjourn and even dissolve the Council. Since in the National Assembly and in the Prague government the Slovaks were in minority, there was nothing, not even a theoretical possibility to protect Slovakia against the rule of Prague, because the Constitution "failed to provide for any guarantee that would protect the Slovak minority against the Czech majority ... As more than three-fifths of Czechoslovak legislators came from the Czech provinces, anything could be done with the status of Slovakia, even if all the Slovak reprezentatives opposed it".12 Within a few years Czecho-Slovakia had become "a highly centralized state, and Slovak home rule reduced almost to nil. In the post-1956 climate, some gestures were made to broaden the authority of the Slovak bodies. Increasing emphasis was laid, however, on the necessity �6 SLOVAKIA of integrating Slovakia within a unified economy, and even the bare forms of Slovak autonomy were still the object of suspicion by the regime. The Constitution adopted in 1960 further weakened the position of Slovakia". 13 It was, however, the general political atmosphere, the brutality of the police, the concentration and forced labour camps, the persecution for "deviation" or religious beliefs, which characterized this period, called alternatively "period of dogmatism" , period of the "cult of personality" or period of "deformation" and "Stalinism". 14 Denouced later by L. Novomesky as "monstrous and horrible", this period "wiped out trust, confidence, understanding, yes even loyalty in the life and consciousness of thousands and thousands of people". 15 Slovak national feelings and pride were hurt in this period also by Prague's economic and cultural policy16 and by a transfer of some 400 to 500 thousand Slovaks to the Czech provinces from which the Sudeten Germans had been expelled and where the Slovaks became denationalized, being deprived of Slovak Schools and organizations. While the Hungarian minority in Slovakia, also numbering some 500,000 had schools of all categories, cultural organizations, newspapers and representation in the administration of the state, the Slovak minority in the Czech part of the country was destined for fast denationalization. The economic measures of N ovotny's government hurt Slovaks even more. Slovakia was industrialized mostly by old machinery, transferred from the Sudeten German areas, or large factories lacking raw materials in Slovakia, to serve rather Soviet and Czech, than Slovak needs. From 1960 on, industry was unable to compete or to meet required levels of production. As a result, Slovakia suffered by the lowering of standards, and Slovaks were hurt by the admonitions and reproaches of Prague, particularly after Novotny's regime had curtailed the power of the Slovak administrative organs and had concentrated the administration of Slovakia in Prague and in Czech hands . Thus the years after the coup d'etat present a story of drastic changes in forms and institutions as well as in their practical working. The actual situation was in flagrant contradiction with the promises of the Slovak Communist Party of the autonomous status proposed for �SLOVAKIA 7 Slovakia. It is also a story of the mutual mistrust between the Czechs and Slovaks and the resulting clashes of which the outside world learned very little. In their subservience to Moscow and in their desire to imitate, if not surpass, Stalin's methods and general policy, the Communist leaders in Prague went further than any other satellite. "The system of terror was no less severe than in Albania, Hungary and Bulgaria, and in some respects went even further than these classic practitioners of this art". " Even during the critical months of 1956, Czechoslovakia had remained a model of Stalinist orthodoxy and exhibited none of the "fever" which had infected other satellites, notably the closest neighbours north and south. From the Communist point of view, Czechoslovakia was a most faithful associate of the Soviet Union, showing no evidence of dangerous dissatisfaction or domestic instability, and giving her full support to the Moscow Gospel as interpreted by Krushchev" . "In fact in the year which followed the XXII Congress in October 1961, Czechoslovakia, unlike some of its neighbours, was hardly influenced at all by the new spirit of Moscow, and showed no signs of relaxing its strongly Stalinist course. Paradoxically, this country, almost unique in its devotion and subservience to Moscow, was increasingly out of step with Krushchev's polic)' of de-Stalinization. "Orthodoxy" seemed to envolve into " heterodoxy" . "17 With regard to Slovakia the Prague Government used their power "to sweep away from the history of Slovak culture an entire past", according to Novomesky, and brought "a terrible curse on the life of the country." 18 This treatment of Slovakia could not, of course, influence the Slovaks for Czecho-Slovakia or Communism. On the contrary, even "the slight concessions of 1956-1958 were bound to leave the Slovaks unimpressed and could in no way detract from Slovak bitterness toward the treatment to which they had been exposed ever since the KSc (Communist Party of Czechoslovakia) leaders abandoned their calculative support of Slovak autonomism in 1946."19 This did not remain unnoticed by the Government and its press which deplored the "lack of confidence and the suspicion of fear" between the Czechs and the Slovaks, but laid blame on "the neglect of Leninist principles," 28 and on Slovak "bourgeois nationalistic tendencies". These tendencies according to complaints made by the Slovak Party's First Secretary, Karel Bacilek, at the session of the Central Committee in January 1958, have penetrated �8 SLOVAKIA "various fields of our cultural, political and scientific life; sports; the state apparatus; economic organs; and so on". 21 Slovaks could not be gained for the regime even by retrospective attacks on "Czecho-Slovakism", the concept that the Slovaks and the Czechs were ethnically, linguistically and culturally one nation, which had alienated the Slovaks to Masaryk's republic, and which Vaclav Kopecky, speaking on behalf of the KSC's Czech hierarchy, called in 1958 "an imperialist conception of national oppression of the Slovaks " 22 Since the Slovaks felt even more oppressed, more humiliated and exploited under the Communist regime than by the "bourgeois" regimes of 1918-1938, !5uch proclamations could not change the feelings of Slovaks and their attitude towards Prague. From 1948, and for a great part of Slovak population from 1946, Prague hurt even the pride of the Slovak Communists too deeply to be able to heal the wounds by condemning "Czechoslovakism" of the pre-War years. There was no comparison with the treatment which Slovaks received from Prague between the Wars and from the Communist rule after 1946. And Slovak nationalism, 23 which is a force rarely understood or interpreted properly by Western Scholars, was stronger after the War than at any time before, because the leftist elements also wanted Slovakia governed by Slovaks.24 Already before the Second World War nationalism was a force among Slovaks "directed against any authority residing outside Slovakia". 25 The period of the Slovak republic (1939-1945) and the uprising of 1944 undoubtedly st.renghtened the aversion against any foreign domination of Slovakia. All the restrictions of the powers of Slovak national organs, the trials of the leaders of the uprising as "bourgeois nationalists" and harsh economic centralization by the Prague Communist regime could not but create strong feeling of oppressinn and compromised relations between the Czechs and Slovaks. By 1958 the relations between the Czechs and Slovaks deteriorated to such a degree that even according to E. Taborsky a close collaborator of Dr. E. Benes, " while such declaration as above might have flattered the Slovaks in 1945, they fell on deaf ears in 1958. Nor could the communist leaders derive much comfort from the "improvement" in the Slovak class �SLOVAKIA 9 structure resulting from the communist industrialization and collectivization drive. By building up Slovakia's backwoods areas, the regime has unwittingly prodded the Slovaks' pride and self-confidence, and thus helped to underpin the same Slovak nationalism it has been trying so hard to blot out. Having acquired the know-how and the ability to run the system themselves, the Slovaks Communists and non-communists alike-resent being ordered around by their elder Czech brethren." 26 This rule of party dictatorship and police terror is normally divided into two periods: in a period of strict Stalinist form of rule which in Czecho-Slovakia lasted until 1956 and a period of slow detachment from the Stalinist system, during which a lip service was paid to de-Stalinization, and lasted until 1963. There are many explanations as to why there was a lack of de-Stalinization in Czecho-Slovakia after the XXth and especially after the XXII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Krushchev's denunciation of Stalin and his rule. The Czech and Slovak press dealt from 1963 extensively with this problem and so did some foreign scholars. 27 There is, however, no unanimous explanation, as there is no unanimity in the designation of this period or in definitions of this particular labels, of which the label of "cult of personality" was used more generally than the others. 28 But there is no doubt that the first to attack the social and political aspects of this period and to call for changes were the Slovak Communist intellectuals. "Slovaks inspired by their memorable uprising of 1944 have taken the lead in the process of modernization of the regime, while the Czechs have, until recently, been more cautious or more lethargic." 29 '' The attacks and criticism of Slovak intellectuals were directed mainly against Antonin Novotny who succeeded Klement Gottwald as Secretary General of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia in 1953, and Antonin Zapotocky as President of the Republic in 1957. For ten years his iron grip on the Party and on the State did not allow to modify the totalitarian Stalinist features of the regime, and during his rule by "brute force" were liquidated or imprisoned Slovak Communist leaders, accused of " bourgeois nationalism" and tried in 1954. According to Communist sources, 30 the period of the cult of personality ended in 1953, but due to Novotny's repressive methods, use of police terror, and his brutal struggle against Slovak bourgeois nationalism, the cult of personality in the view �SLOVAKIA of Slovak intellectuals existed from 1949 to 1962.31 Only in the spring of 1963 serious efforts at de-Stalinization marked the political life in Czecho-Slovakia. Western specialists in Eastern Europe offered several answers to the question why the Stalinist regime survived for so many years, but their views do not seem to give a satisfactory explanation. The purge of the potential leader, Clementis, and the bogey of Slovak nationalism which hounded the Czech leadership of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia, as it did the democratic leaders before the second World War, are only partial explanations. The brutal Soviet repression of the Hungarian revolution and the fear of Germany, which is greater among Czech than in any other nation of Central Europe, may be other explanations, but on the whole, these reasons cannot explain why a country with old democratic traditions, with western culture, with a previously high standard of living, praised in the whole world, did not follow the example of Poland and Hungary, except in smallscale disturbances of workers in Pilsen in 1953, the demonstration of Slovak students, which also spread to Prague, 32 and the writers' protest of 1956.33 Nor the fact that the West did not help the East European countries, including Czecho-Slovakia, by a more moderate course in East-West relations can be even less responsible for the Czech obstinacy to de-Stalinize. It was doubtful then-and today it is certain-that any co-operation in Europe between West and East going beyond what has been done, would have "strengthened the ability of the East European states to follow a more independent course".34 The explanation that the Czech communist leaders "had long and open experience in politics prior to the accession to power and perhaps this fact accounts for their unity and their ability to survive"35 and continue to hold the Stalinist grip on the country, is also only partially satisfactory. In the Slansky's purge of 1952 were eliminated the representatives of a rigid Stalinism and not the revisionists, and as a result the new leaders could start a new course after Stalin's death, but they were apparently afraid to de-Stalinize without incriminating themselves. We can find the answer to the question of Stalinism �SLOVAKIA 11 in Czecho-Slovakia in the interplay of all these phenomena, but mainly in the fact, that "the completeness of Stalinist terror had brought about a situation where there was no one capable of giving leadership of a new anti-Stalinist course after 1956"36 and in the "realism" and in the "Good Soldier Schweik's" mentality of the Czech ruling majority of the population. Except for the small scale disturbances of workers in Pilsen, who were irked by the economic difficulties rather than by political oppression, and the students' demonstration in Bratislava and Prague, there was no sign of dissatifaction or open opposition among the Czech intellectuals or large masses.37 A a result the leaders of the Czechoslovak Communist Party were in no mood to depart from the Stalinist position, and the Soviet repression of the Hungarian revolution rather strengthened their belief that it was not necessary to modify their regime. The Czech and Slovak communist leaders "associated themselves with the Soviet verbal onslaught on Stalin, hoping, no doubt, that they might avoid necessity of taking genuine steps to modify their own Stalinism", 38 even later at the time of the clash between Moscow and Bucharest in 1961. The leaders of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia remained equally unnerved by the Sino-Soviet conflict and the idea of polycentricism. They saw in polycentricism a danger to internationalism of the Communist movement and considered the Communist Party of the Soviet Union as the "only center".39 Slovakia in the Struggle of de-Stalinization40 It is important to indicate at the outset, that after the execution of Clementis and the purges of 1954,41 the Communist leaders in Slovakia were handpicked by Prague, that they were neither intellectuals, nor theoreticians, and that some of them, like Siroky and Bacilek were even lacking in Slovak background. They were the hard-line " apparatchiks" of the Gottwald school and as such, unable to take a new course or to take part in the de-Stalinization process. Furthermore, "unlike their Czech comrades, the Slovaks have had no right to determine the fundamental lines of Party policy and, tactics, not even for Slovakia, or to adopt Party programs". 42 After the "Stalinist democratic centralism" was imposed upon Slovakia in 1948, decentral- �12 SLOVAKIA ization was replaced by the "centralizing tendencies, justified officially as being necessary for the successful construction of socialism. This centralization continued throughout the whole Stalinist era and was carried over into post-Stalin days. 43 "The statutory inferiority of the Slovak Party organs was amply corroborated by actual developments". 44 In addition, the Communists were very weak in membership in Slovakia in comparison with Bohemia-Moravia. Of the 2,311,966 members and candidates of the KSc in 1949 only 236,432 were from Slovakia, i.e. slightly over 10 percent, although more than one-quarter of Czecho-Slovakia's population lived in that area. Also, the Party's appeal to the youth was far less effective in Slovakia than in the rest of the country. While the over-all percentages of Party members below twenty-five years of age in 1949 was 14.5, the corresponding figure for Slovakia was only 9.7.45 Notwithstanding all these factors, it was in Slovakia where the open struggle for de-Stalinization began in April 1963,46 The interplay of political, psychological and economic reasons had made the Slovak communist intellectuals, mostly journalists and writers, bitter and they started to assail the Stalinist regime of Antonin Novotny on all three fronts: political, ideological and economic. The Slovaks were also irked by the fact that the resolutions of the XII Congress of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia, held in December 1962 spoke of the rehabilitation of the Communists who were sentenced between 1949-1953 , and disregarded the purges of Slovak "bourgeois nationalists", tried in 1954. The first outburst of open opposition took place at the Congress of Slovak Wr iters, held on April 21-22 in Bratislava, and a month later at the Congress of Slovak Journalists, also in Bratis1 ava, on May 27-28. While at the Congress of Slovak Writers, Karol Rosenbaum spoke of "inhuman methods" during the period of the "personality cult" and about forces sufficiently strong to prevent a return of the terror of that period,47 at the Congress of Slovak Journalists, M. Hysko, professor at the Slovak school of journalism, led the attack against the slowness of de-Stalinization by Novotny's government. Despite Novotny's warnings and personal attacks on Hysko and R. LIBRARY �SLOVAKIA 13 Kalisky a month later, these two Congresses unleashed forces which put the life Jf the country on the tracks of de-Stalinization and liberalization. There had been mounting dissatisfaction in Slovakia since the Congress of Slovak Writers in 1956 among the writers and journalists, who remained, after the imprisonment of the political leaders accused of "bourgeois nationalism", the only spokesmen for the Slovak people. In 1963 the spark for the open criticism of Novotny's regime and insistence on reforms was given by the return from jail of the "bourgeois nationalists". Their accounts 48 of brutality shook the conscience of Slovak writers and journalists, and they were shaken more than anyone else because some of them had contributed to the consideration of Husak and Novomesky, while others had praised the regime and its iron grip and were mute about brutality and persecution of innocent people in all walks of life. As Hysko said at the Congress of Slovak journalists, they also were partly guilty because they presented the innocent comrades as " criminals". 49 They now wanted to repair the damage done and from L. Mflacko, who became well-known abroad, to M. Hysko, V. Mihalik, V. Minac, Kalisky and others, the intellectuals denounced the Stalinist regime and its brutality and asked for reforms. 50 The Congress of Slovak Writers and the Congress of Slovak Journalists became more than mere meetings to discuss literary and cultural problems. As we see it now and as it was considered by many in 1963, it was the beginning of a serious effort to change the ruling system, to clear the atmosphere of the suffocating fear of oppression and to correct injustices and crime of the period of the cult of personality. Slovak writers and journalists played again the role of the "conscience of the nation" which the Stalinist terror not only silenced for many years but had found in some writers eager collaborators. 51 The editorials in Kulturny zivot before th6 Congress were entitled "Literature in the struggle for truth", 52 and the participants proved that they meant to have it thus. After the Congresses furthermore, they asked for "a clean table" and stated that "everything is not in order". 53 Slovak writers spoke in the same fighting spirit against the terror and for a "cult of truth" instead of a cult of 1 �14 SLOVAKIA personality also at the Congress of the Union of Czechoslovak Writers, held in Prague on May 22-24 of the same year. The words fear, falsification of facts, abuse of confidence were repeated time and again. Noteworthy were especially the outspoken speeches by the poets Vojtech Mihalik and Laco Novomesky, the dramatist Peter Karvas and the courageous writer V. Minac,54 the essayist M. Chorvat, Zora Jesenska and others. The Congress "revealed that the mood of discontent was not confined to Slovak writers only, but included their Czech colleagues. Almost without exception, the participants were critical in the extreme, not only of the worst evils prevailing in the cult period, but also of their continuance right down to the present. Speaker after speaker gave vent to the general public outrage at the horrors of the cult and the failure of the party to eliminate them since 1956, and spoke in individual ethical terms which had little to do with partymindedness. Truth and freedom were words frequently invoked". 55 The poet V. Mihalik spoke again about the duty of writers to be the "conscience of the nation" and bitterly critized the period of the cult of personality. 56 L. Mnacko, whose series "Belated Reports", well known for their exposure of the terror and injustices, began to appear in Kulturny zivot, spoke of the "mousetrap" and the "unrosy economic, political and moral situation of the country". 57 L. Novomesky whose contribution to the discussion was published under the heading "With comrade reason" and the contributions by Zora Jesenska and P. Karvas ("About one source of dogmatism") 58 completed the picture of dissatifaction with the past and present, insisting on the necessity of change and reforms. These congresses, as we now see launched CzechoSlovakia upon a new course, with consequences impredictable at that time. If until the early 1960's the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia could have served as a laboratory speciment of die hard dogmatism and appeared practically untouched by the winds of change stirring in the international Communist movement59 after these meetings it was not true any longer. The leaders of the Communist Party realized it and made some further steps in the direction of de-Stalinization �SLOVAKIA 15 but without serious efforts to change the nature of their totalitarian system. Novotny only reluctantly admitted that the cult of personality harmed the country and had such disastrous effects as claimed by the critics. He tried to put the blame on the purged Stalinist R. Shinsky or argued that many changes had already been made to conform with the resolutions of the XII Congress of the Party. In an angry speech in Slovak town of Kosice, on June 12, 1963, he rejected the accusations contained in the speeches of M. Hysko and Roman Kalisky, and categorically proclaimed that the Communist Party would not allow the Slovak newspaper Pravda to become "a tribune of attacks against the leadership of the Party". 60 Slovak Communist intellectuals, however, were not frightened by Novotny's threats and warnings. Throughout 1963 Novotny was subjected to vocal criticism for his failure to break the hold of Stalinism on national life, to rehabilitate publicly those who had suffered most in the era of repression, and to punish those who had borne the main burden of responsibility in that era. Most vehemently did the Slovak writers call for greater freedom in their national life, and for the erasing of the charges of "bourgeois nationalism" on which the purge of leading Slovak personalities had been based. They continued, especially in the organ of the Union of Slovak Writers, Kulturny zivot, to insist on the necessity of reforms and asked for a fair deal for Slovakia. In August they obtained full rehabilitation61 of the Slovak "bourgeois nationalists" whom the XII Congress of the Party in November 1962 had bypassed. In September, they scored another success in the removal of V. siroky62 from the Government as well as from his position in the Party and in the National Assembly. These concessions did not satisfy, however, the awakened conscience of Slovak Communist intellectuals63 and during the months to come they assailed the regime mercilessly, especially in Kulturny zivot. Novotny retaliated by forcing to resign in June 1964 the editor in chief of Kulturny zivot, Paul stevcek, and Roman Kalisky, member of the editorial board, who had fearlessly attacked �16 SLOVAKIA a year before the economic policy of N ovotny's regime in Slovakia. Instead of frightening the intellectuals, these measures added new fuel to the fire of their dissatisfaction. Slovak writers, journalists and economists began to point out the deformations of "socialist legality and morality" and the acts of discrimination against Slovaks in all field of public life. They asked for the revision of the Constitution of July 1960, which formally abolished the limited autonomy of Slovakia granted to Slovaks between 1945 and 1948. Furthermore, they asked for economic reforms, 64 for the re definition of certain principles of socialist ideology,65 for a new cultural policy66 and for the revaluation of the role of the Slovak uprising,67 which was ridiculed and degraded by Novotny's regime and some Czech writers during the imprisonment of the leaders of the uprising-Husak, Novomesky, Okali and others. The regime yielded in some fields, especially in cultural policy and new Minister, C. Cisar, allowed a degree of liberalization and restored some autonomy to universities. The economists could also quite freely discuss their plans from August to November, 1963, and their criticism and proposals were published,68 Novotny's position and Moscow's support for his regime seemed for some time to be in jeopardy. The struggle was, however, far from won. Novotny was re-elected not only as President of the Republic but, at the XIIIth Party Congress of 1966, also as First Secretary. And he was not only unable but also unwilling to proceed with basic reforms or to quiet down the antagonism between the Slovaks and Czechs which had erupted in 1963 and increased in intensity in the Slovak press and in Party meetings with every year. In fact , Novotny fought against the unrest in the minds of Slovaks, and was reluctant to grant any significant concessions. Some Czechs realized, however, that the problem existed and should be solved.69 Under fire by Slovaks, among whom the rehabilitated G. Husak and the Soviet educated Alexander Dubcek gained more and more influence, by the "revisionists" and "pragmatists", all of whom tried to humanize and reform the Party and government, Novotny tried at last to give a new image to Czecho-Slova- �SLOVAKIA 17 kia at home and especially in Western Europe. More personal freedom, including a limited religious freedom, was granted and some economic reforms were introduced. "Most important, the Communist Party, having largely abandoned its dogmatic positions, was no longer the allseeing, all-powerful, unquestioned authority that it once had been. " 70 Furthermore, the writers and journalists were soon joined in their opposition and outspoken criticism of the regime not only by the youth, which increasingly posed a serious problem to the government, but also by the workers and other segments of the population. People were no longer afraid to criticize and opposition was growing. Novotny and his Party apparatus tried to control the winds of change, but it was a hopeless struggle. William Siroky was replaced by the Moscow educated Jozef Lenart, former Secretary General of the Slovak Communist Party, who was not involved in the purges as were Bast'ovansky and Bacflek. 71 Novotny could not control these developments. Too many people suddenly realized that both a change of course and of people in leading functions was inevitable. The struggle for liberalization and federalization By 1967 the internal situation in the country and in the Party had matured to the point that it was possible to remove Novotny from his omnipotent position of First Secretary of the Party and on March 22, 1968 also from ,the Presidency of the country. The masterful co-operation of the factions which had called for reforms on both the Slovak and Czech side, resulted in the "impossible" becoming a fact, and Alexander Dubcek, at the age of 47, assumed the office of the First Secretary and launched the country upon the course of liberalization which surprised the whole world. While intellectuals in the Czech provinces centered their attention mostly on economic and ideological problems (the contribution by E . Lobl or E . Goldstticker, both from Slovakia, should not, however, be underestimated) , in Slovakia political leaders and intellectuals were deeply involved in the problem of humanization of the system �18 SLOVAKIA and the restoration to Slovakia of at least a part of the autonomy which she had enjoyed before 1948. With the political rehabilitation of the "bourgeois nationalists" and the amnesty granted to the military leaders of the 1944 uprising, the status of Slovakia and the "gains of the uprising" were once again the goals to be achieved. 72 Early in 1968 Slovak communist intellectuals were for a while involved in a discussion as to whether priority should be given to liberalization or to federalization, 73 but the controversy ended with the consensus that one does not exclude the other and that both aims should be pursued. A certain reluctance on the side of the Czechs towards federalization,74 nevertheless, led the Slovaks to put stress on the federalization. There also were still alive reminiscences on the "First Czechoslovak republic" when Slovakia suffered discrimination and exploitation inspite of the fact that the Prague governments were known as "the only true democracy in Central Europe between the Wars" . Furthermore, the manner in which all the agreements and declarations guaranteeing an autonomous status for Slovakia after 1945 were forgotten and disregarded, forced the Slovak leaders to put the emphasis on the necessity of constitutional reforms. In fact , Slovaks submitted a plan for a federalization of the Republic in 1963,75 and Alexander Dubcek, after assuming the leadership of the Party and starting the liberalization process, put the Slovak demands for an equal status with the Czechs high on the agenda of his reforms.76 Federalization was in the eyes of Slovak communist leaders, who were attacking Novotny's regime since 1956, and without reserve since 1963, an essential part of the demo cratization process which, on the other hand, was the prerequisite for liberalization. Only by the transformation of the political structure of the state could Slovaks achieve a position of full equality and control of further development of the situation in the right direction. The impression, created in the West by reports from Prague or by some Western analysts of the developments of the situations in Czecho-Slovakia, that the movement for giving communism "a human face" was an expression of the Czech "hussite traditions" and therefore a Czech and not a Slovak affair, is devoid of any serious foundation. �SLOVAKIA 19 Alexander Dubcek, the young Slovak leader of the liberalization movement who spent his formative years in the Soviet Union, hardly knew anything about the "hussite traditions" when he made his first major speech on February 1st, 1968 in which he promised "the development of socialist democracy" in the Party and the state. Nor did Edward Goldstticker, born and educated in Slovakia, who became elected the chairman of the Czechoslovak Writers Union and insisted that a way must be found how to reconcile individual freedom with the communist system, have any connection in his background with the "hussite traditions". 77 A group of Czech intellectuals, especially the youth of Prague, became undoubtedly more vociferous than Slovaks when the movement was launched. 78 It looked at times as if they had desired to make up for years of servile obedience to Novotny's regime. Czechs also were more provocative in their behaviour when the Soviet Union and her satellites condemned the movement after a meeting in Warsaw and as a result they contributed or gave more pretexts than the Slovaks to the final Soviet step which killed the liberalization movement. Objectively, both Slovaks and Czechs desired the changes. Slovaks more than Czechs because they suffered more-communists and non-communists alike-under the Novotny's regime. Slovaks therefore started the opposition and Slovakia gave to the struggle for the "human face of communism" not only the leader, Alexander Dubcek, but also it became the place of two historic conferences: on July 1st at cierna nad Tisou and on August 3rd, in Bratislava. 79 The liberalization process was largely publicized in the West. A survey of the Czech and Slovak press and of statements of the leaders of the movement would indicate, however, that the aims and goals of the liberalization were often magnified and misinterpreted by some Western analysts. To what extent such behaviour of the West contributed to the final decision of Moscow to go with the tanks against the wind of freedom, is of course a matter of conjecture. Skilling correctly assessed the aims of this "interrupted revolution": �20 SLOVAKIA In some respects, the reforms planned in Prague were more modest than analogous efforts in other communist countries. There was not. at least at the outset, a rejection of Soviet domination, as in the case of Yugoslavia, and other later revolts against Moscow ; nor were major changes in foreign orientation envisaged, as in the case of Rumania and others. There was to be no sharp break in relations with the communist camp, and no defection from Comecon or the Warsaw Pact. Nor was there an immediate and spontaneous rejection of collectivization, as in Hungary and Poland, or a radical reconstruction of the economy, such as followed the initial break by Yugoslavia.so It was only in the political realm that "the changes envisaged, and in part introduced were more drastic and more rapid than anything attempted elsewhere, and aimed at nothing less than a "socialist democracy".81 The leaders of the movement firmly indicated that it was the Communist party which should remain in power and rule, if possible, alone. Some intellectuals speculated about a representation of other parties or groups,82 but the leaders in power did not intend to introduce democracy on the basis of a multi-party system. They spoke and wrote about "socialist democracy" with freedom of expression,83 abolition of terror, abolition of censorship and more independence for state organs on the politburo. They also wanted more freedom of discussion in the Parliament, but without any opposition parties, it was particularly freedom only for the communist members of the Parliament, because the number of deputies of the National Front parties is negligible. All these reforms were basically contained in the Action Program of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, approved by the Central Committee on April 5, 1968. The Program confirmed the charges that have taken place since January 1968 and-what the population accepted with great acclaim-it promised legal and political guarantees of the personal and political rights of all citizens. There also was a promis of rehabilitation of those innocently jailed and persecuted and a pledge of constitutional guarantees of freedom of assembly and association. 84 Still more significant than the official statement and programs were the views of writers freely expressed in journals like Kulturny zivot or Nove slovo which, after it had been banned when Husak was condemned as bourgeois nationalist, began to appear again. The writers asked for �SLOVAKIA 21 much more than the political leaders promised, and in hundreds of articles or answers to the question "what could be done to accelerate the process of democratization"85 they created an atmosphere that gave to the population the feeling of freedom and of big hopes for the future. At the same time they irritated, however, Moscow and her satellites. After the treatening letter from Warsaw not only Moscow but also the other communist countries reacted with increasing pressure. Dubcek, supported by the majority of the population, resisted the pressure and it seemed that after the Conference at cierna nad Tisou on July 14, and especially after the meeting of the representatives of all 5 communist countries in Bratislava on August 3rd, the differences were settled and the danger of an intervention avoided. Czechs and Slovaks were still engaged in a free discussion of the necessity of reforms86 and planned the congresses of both the Czechoslovak and Slovak Communist Parties, when during the night of August 20, the country was brutally invaded by the forces of the Warsaw Pact and the liberalization and democratization process was dramatically brought to an end.87 The planned reforms, the atmosphere of freedom, the abolition of censorship and terror, even if the Communist party was to remain in power, was unacceptable for Moscow. All this represented dangerous ideological innovations and seemed to be too contagious to be tolerated by the leaders of the Kremlin and the autocratic rulers in Warsaw, Budapest and East Germany. As it later appeared from Moscow's explanation of the invasion, Hitler's "Lebensraum doctrine" was replaced by Brezhnev's doctrine of the right of the Soviet Union to intervene in the socialist countries and to impose the Soviet system and social order on the lands within the Soviet zone of influence. While the liberalization process was aborted by the invasion, the federalization process was not basically affected. For some time it seemed that Moscow could convince G. Husak, who became leader of the Slovak Communist Party, to accept another solution: an "independent" Slovak Socialist Republic or a Slovak Soviet Republic within the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics. This �22 SLOVAKIA solution of the 50 years old dispute over the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs was considered even in the West as highly probable, because both a Soviet socialist republic and an independent Slovak State were the aim of the Slovak uprising of 1944, in its original stage.BB The reaction to the invasion was, however, of such intensity and the feelings against Moscow were so strong, that neither Husak nor anybody else was ready to lead the Slovaks out of Czecho-Slovakia at this time. Husak accepted the function of the head of a commission in charge of preparing the transformation of Czecho-Slovakia into a confederation of two republics, the Czech and the Slovak Socialist Republic and he used all his perseverance and ability to this end. The constitutional law, transforming the centralist state ruled by the Czechs, was adopted by the Assembly on October 27, 1968, as Law No. 143. It was signed and solemnly proclaimed on October 30, at the Bratislava Castle in Slovakia, with the provision that it will take effect on January 1st, 1969. At the signing ceremonies the President of the Republic, Ludvik Svoboda, termed federalization a progressive and historic act that would improme the social order and welfare of both Czechs and Slovaks. Alexander Dubcek, the First Secretary of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, and G. Husak, the Secretary of the Slovak Communist Party, spoke of federalization as strengthening the unity of the state and creating a basis for better future relations between the Czechs and Slovaks. Slovaks, especially Slovak youth of Bratislava, cheered outside the Bratislava Castle when the law was signed, even though its contents were not known in detail and the reminiscences of a similar law adopted in 1938 and its subsequent violation by Prague 6 months later, were not forgotten by the Slovak people. The fear of a possible inclusion of Slovakia into the Soviet Union, if Slovakia completely separated from the Czechs, compels apparently even many of those Slovaks who do not believe that the Czechs would honor the new agreements, to accept federalization as a solution to the Slovak problem in the present international situation. The constitutional law signed in Bratislava, establishes �SLOVAKIA 23 the basic federal structure, leaving specific prov1s10ns about the rights and responsibilities of the federal organs to another law which was passed by the National Assembly in November. Basically, the constitutional changes solve the problem of the existence of two nations-the Czech and the Slovak-by setting up a federal National Assembly consisting of an Assembly of the People, elected on the basis of proportional representation, and an Assembly of Nations, in which Czechs and Slovaks will have equal representation. In this respect the Soviet constitution seemed to be the model while in other respects the federal structure of Czecho-Slovakia is similar to the structure of European and American constitutions. Law No. 143 reserves to the federal domain responsibilities for foreign policy, defense and curency and the areas of culture and education are reserved to the domain of the member-states to the Czech Socialist Republic and the Slovak Socialist Republic. Both republics have equal status according to this Law and the sovereignty of both "national states" should be respected. However, this "sovereignty" is limited by the articles 7 to 28 of the Law to such an extent, that we can hardly compare the new Czecho-Slovakia with Switzerland or the Canadian Federation. Even less can the federal structure of Czecho-Slovakia be compared with Austria-Hungary after the Ausgleich of 1867, which historically and politically is the closest example. However, one of the interesting features of this constitutional reform is the provision of Law No. 143 about the "right of self-determination" which gives the Slovaks the right to secession. The political autonomy which the "Law on the Federation" provides for Slovakia is, on the other hand, limited by the fact that the Communist Party was not reorganized to reflect the federal structure of the State. As a result the political power remains concentrated in, and the most important decisions will be taken in Prague by bodies composed of a majority of Czech members. Since many Czechs accepted only reluctantly the federalization of the Republic, difficulties and dissensions are to be expected. For the second time in three decades the Slovak struggle for national rig·hts within a federalized Czecho-Slovakia was fought in the middle of an international crisis: in 1938 in the Munich crisis and in 1968 under the Soviet occupa- �24 SLOVAKIA tion. It remains to be seen whether Prague learned the lesson this time or whether there will be an aftermath as in 1939. Slovaks in the free world accepted the federalization with distrust and misgivings and did not ease to advocate the right of the Slovak people for an independent, democratic Slovak Republic. 89 Dr. Joseph M. Kirschbaum is former university professor and author of several books and studies on Slovakia in English and other languages. 1) See H. G. Skilling, Communism National and International (Toronto, 1964), pp. 86-95, and William E. Griffith, Communism in Europe ( Cambridge, Mass., 1966), II, pp. 257-65. 2) S. Z. Pech, "New Avenues in Eastern European History", Canadian Slavonic Papers, X, 1 ( 1968), 14-15. See also W. F . Griffith, "Myth and Reality in Czechoslovak History", Eastern European History, II, 3, 84. 3) See Wm. Diamond, Czechoslovakia Between East And West (London, 1947), p. 50 and Stefan Glejdura, Los Grandes Problemas Del Este Europeo: Eslovaquia (Madrid, 1968) , pp. 29-32. Slovak communists were supported in obtaining this especially by Gottwald, who proclaimed the agreement to the " Magna Charta of the Slovak Nation". See Griffith, Communism in Europe, pp. 183-93. 4 ) See Skilling, " The Czechoslovak Constitutional System: The Soviet Impact," Political Science Quarterly, LXVII, 2 (1952); Griffith , Communism in Europe, pp. 135 ff., and K. Glaser, Czecho-Slovakia: A Critical History ( Caldwell, Id., 1960), pp. 87-139. 5) G. Husak, one of the main leaders, declared at the beginning of the uprising: "It must be said openly that our people would welcome with enthusiasm the removal of frontiers and customs between us and the other Slav nations, especially between Slovaks and Russians," Nove Slovo, September 24, 1944. See also S. Falt'an, Historicky casopis, 4 (1966), 589. L. Novomesky, who was sent during the uprising from Slovakia to London, did not "conceal his doubts as to whether it was wise for Slovakia to remain within the small Czechoslovakia when it could join the great Soviet Union," J. Korbel, The Communist Subversion of Czechoslovakia, 1938-1948 (Princeton, 1959 ), p. 72. See also Griffith, Communism in Europe, pp. 179-85 and Joseph A. Mikus, Slovakia: A Political History 19181930 (Milwaukee, Wis., 1963) pp. 185-90. 6) Jozef Jablonicky, "Slovenske narodne povstanie - nova faza v rieseni vzt'ahov medzi cechmi a Slovakmi" (Slovak National Uprising: A New Phase in the Solution of the Relations between the Czechs and Slovaks) , Historicky casopis, XII, 3 (1964), 236. See also J . Korbel, The Communist Subversion, pp. 32, 68-72, and S. Falt'an, Historicky casopis, XII, 140, 2, 161-84. 7) For details on the religious situation in Slovakia after 1945 see �SLOVAKIA 8) 9) 10 ) 11 ) 12) 25 T. G. Zubek, The Church of Silence in Slovakia (Whiting, Indiana, 1956); Stefan Nahalka, La Slovacchia d'Oggi (Rome, 1957); Joseph Pauco, Christian Slovakia (Valparaiso, Ind. , 1959) ; J . A. Mikus, op. cit. p. 164-185 and P. Hnilica, S. J., "The Church under Totalitarian Rule" in Collier and Glaser (ed.), Elements of Change in Eastern Europe, (Chicago, 1968), pp. 136-149. See Kirschbaum, "Slovak Literature under the Soviet Impact", Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. 1, no. 1, and Imrich Kruzliak, Kulturne Slovensko v rokoch 1945-1966 (Culture in Slovakia in the years 1945-66), (Munich, 1967). Skilling, The Governments of Communist East Europe, op. cit., p. 202, and "People's Democracy, The Proletarian Dictatorship and the Czechoslovak Path to Socialism", The American Slavic and East European Review, X, 2 (April 1951) , 100-16. Skilling, Commimism national . .. , op. cit. , p. 88. The Communist Party of Slovakia was founded in May 1939 as an illegal party and was. recognized as an independent party by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, as well as by the leaders of the Czech Communist Party in Moscow. It maintained its independence until 1948. For more details see Z. Elias and J. Netik "Czechoslovakia" in W. E. Griffith Communism in Europe, (Cambridge, Mass., 1966) 2. volume pp. 174-186 and Bohuslav Graca "Komunisticka strana Slovenska" (The Communist Party of Slovakia), Nova Mysl, No. 5, May 1961. Even in the party the Slovaks were poorly represented at the center, with their chief spokesman the Prime Minister, Siroky, and the Slovak party chief, Bacilek, both only partly Slovak in origin. Pavol David was the only undisputed Slovak in the party command. Skilling, Communism National, op. cit. p. 94 ; See also Griffith, op. cit. pp. 210-215 and Miku~, op. cit., pp. 291-302. Taborsky, op cit. p. 336 and H. G. Skilling, "The Czechoslovak Constitution of 1960 and the transition to Communism", Journal of Politics, XXIV, 1, 1962, pp. 156-59. See also Edward Kucera, K nekterym otazkam autonomie a postaveni Slovenska v ramci ceskoslovenske Republiky (About Some Questions of Autonomy 13) 14) 15) 16) and the Position of Slovakia within the Framework of the Czechoslovak Republic) , (Prague, 1954). Jan Moura! Slovenske narodni organy (Slovak National Organs), (Prague, 1958) and Collection of Laws of the Slov ak National Council, (Bratislava, 1954) . Skilling, The Governments of Commimist East E urope, op. cit. p. 156 and Taborsky op. cit. pp. 338-240, and Griffith, op. cit. p. 235 and off. Several Slovak Communist intellectuals made attempts at definitions of this period. See Kulturny Zivot, April 27, 1963-Proceedings of the Congress of the Slovak Writers. After the execution of V. Clementis, Slovaks were withdrawn from practically all diplomatic posts abroad (out of 97 ambassadors only 5 were Slovaks) and writers, who served as cultural attaches were �26 17 ) 18) 19) 20) 21) 22) 23 ) 24 ) 25 ) 26) 27 ) SLOVAKIA hit particularly hard. On Clementis see Griffith, op. cit. , p. 176 and Mikus, op. cit. , pp. 292-298. Skilling, Communism National . .. , op. cit. pp. 88, 85, 84 resp. and Glejdura , loc. cit. Novomesky, quoted by Skilling, ibid. p. 117. Taborsky, op cit. p. 344, See also Skilling, Communism national ... op. cit. pp. 94-96. Pravda, May 1st, 1956. Pravda, January 10 and 11, 1958, quoted in Taborsky, op. cit. p. 344. See Pavel Berka's article in c".:eskoslovensky prehled, vol. 5 ( 1958) , p. 27 and Taborsky, op. cit. p. 345. On Slovak Nationalism see B. S. Bue, Slovak Nationalism (Middletown, Pa .), 1960, R. A. Kann, The Multinational Empire (Rutgers University Press) , 1950, J. A. Mikus, La Slovaquie, individualite politique de l'Europ e centrale ( Centre de documentation internationale, Paris ) 1958, L . Gogolak, Beitriige zur Geschichte des Slowakischen Volkes (Munich) 196~ and E. Denis, La Question d'Autriche - Les Slovaques (Paris) , 1917. As Skilling writes, Western scholars "have failed to see that subjection of Slovaks to centralized Czech Communist rule has not dimmed the feeling of Slovak nationalism, even among Communists, and could produce a brave response. " See "Czechoslovakia", in A. Bromke (ed.) , The Communist states at the crossroads, (Praeger, New York, 1965) , p. 103. See Z. Elias and J . Netik in Griffith, Communism in Europe, op. cit. p. 162. Taborsky, op. cit. pp. 345-6. See also Skilling, Communism national . .. , op. cit. pp. 112-130. Among Canadian scholars it is especially Prof. H. Gordon Skilling who published several well documented studies on this period. In the United States S. D. Kertesz, Philip E . Mosley, William E Griffith and K. Glaser and D. S. Collier as editors or contributors to symposia brought the problems to the attention of Western readers. On the Slovak side the weekly Kulturny Zivot became the main tribune. The articles by M. Hysko, 0 . Pavlik, E. Lobl, L . Mnacko, G. Husak, F. Falt'an, L. Novomesky, V. Mihalik and others analyzed the period of the cult of personality. On the Czech side the periodical Nova Mys/., Litenirni Noviny and Literarni Listy offer a number of interesting articles by Czech intellectuals on this subject. 28 ) See articles in Kulturny Ziv ot by Ondrej Pavlik (April 27, and August 10, 1963 ) and by V. Mihalik and V. Pet'ko (May 25 and April 20 respectively, and an article by J . Fojtik in Rude Pravo (March 29, 1963) . 29 ) Philip E. Mosley, " Eastern Europe in World Power Politics", D. S. Collier and K. Glaser, (ed. ), Elem ents of Change in Eastern Europe, Chicago, 1966, pp. 61-62. '') As wrote prof. Mosley in 1965. 30 ) Usneseni a do kum enty ust fe dniho v yboru komunisticke strany Ceskoslovenska, Vol. II, (Prague, 1962), pp. 5-57. English excerpts of �SLOVAKIA 31) 32) 33) 34) 35 ) 36) 37) 38) 39) 40 ) 41 ) 42 ) 43) 44) 45 ) 27 this speech can be found in A. Dallin, Diversity in International Communism (Columbia U. P. New York) , 1963, pp. 298-313. See M . Hysko's speech at the Congress of Slovak journalists, published in Pravda, June 13, 1963. The first open student manifestation against the regime in 1956 occurred in Slovakia's capital, Bratislava, during a student's festival, In a pocession through Bratislava's streets, Slovak university students carried a coffing with the following inscription: "Here lay buried democratic liberties". As the official radio Bratislava admitted , "this soon became a stirring and well-liked slogan." See Duchacek, Zoe. cit. p. 105. Duchacek, ibid., p. 103. H. G. Skilling " Eastern Europe and the West" in A. Bromke (ed.). The Communist States and the West, (A. Praeger. 1967) , p. 53. Duchacek, op. cit. p. 98, see also pp. 112-118. Skilling, Communism national . .. , op. cit. p. 90. According to Elias and Netik: "The predominant mood among the masses was one of indolence, striving for the satisfaction of crass material desires, general mistrust, and a decline of civic morale. Pilfering in industrial and agricultural enterprises, negligence in consumer services, a sorry state of disrepair in buildings, roads, machinery, and the like, although constantly deplored in the press, came to be accepted as a matter of course. The slogan "He who does not steal from the state steals from his family" was entirely symptomatic to the popular mood of the period, in spite of the fact that the supply of food and consumer goods had improved sufficiently to satisfy most normal needs of the population. loc. cit. p. 275. Skilling, Communism national . .. , op. cit. p. 194. See Rude Premo, November 24 and December 12, 1961. This survey concerns itself mainly with Slovakia and its role in the de-Stalinization process and, therefore, we will put the emphasis, without underestimating the Czech element, on the part which Slovakia and Slovaks played in this period. The Slovak Communist leaders, G. Husak, L. Novomesky, D. Okali and others, were actually imprisoned already in 1951-1952 and only their trials took place in 1954. For an interesting survey of the purges of Slovak "bourgeois nationalists" see " O nezakonnych procesoch a rehabilitacii od roku 1948" (About the illegal processes and rehabilitation since 1948). Vyber, June 1968 and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 291-302. Taborsky, op cit. p. 66. See Hromada. Prehl'ad ceskoslovenskych statnych organov (A survey of Czechoslovak State Organs), (Bratislava, 1955) , p. 26, K. Glaser, op. cit. pp. 154-178, Z. Elias and J. Netik in W. E . Griffith, op. cit. p. 197 and ff, and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 227-302. J . Netik and J. Franko Communism and Slovakia (Evaluation Report of RF E Research Unit, November 17, 1960) . Taborsky, op. cit. p. 214. See also Mikus, op. cit. pp. 226-224. Rude Pravo, Ma y 27, 1950. See also his article in Pravda, June 16, �28 46) 47) 48) 49) 50) 51) 52) 53) 54) 55) SLOVAKIA 1963 in which he charged that the personality cult "deformed life and violated our socialist humanism". This has been admitted also by some Czech writers in the West. "The wave of outspoken criticism clearly originated in Slovakia; but it was carried on, though in somewhat muted tones, at the Prague Writers' Third Congress on May 22-24, which heard a number of frank and courageous statements, particularly from the younger "literati". Z. Elias and J . Netik in Griffith, op. cit. p. 262. See Kulturny Zivot, April 27 and May 4, 1963. G. Husak recently published his account in Nove Slovo, June 1968, but it was known right after his release from jail. L. Holdos published his account in Smena, March 23, 1968, and both these " memoirs" describe the most revolting brutalities to which human beings were ever subject. E. Lobl published his experiences in a book Svedectvo o procese (Testimony about the Process) Bratislava, 1968. For excerpts in English see The Telegram (Toronto) July 18-19, 1968. Pravda, Bratislava, June 3, 1963. With Husak working behind the scenes, they also became later the "brain trust" of Alexander Dubcek, who was educated in the Soviet Union as an apparatchik, but retained an understanding for the human desire for freedom. See F . Vnuk, Sedemncisf neitrodnych rokov ( Seventeen Barren Years), (An outline of Slovak Literature) in 1945-62, Middletown, Pa., 1965, and I. Kruzliak, Kulturne Slovensko v rokoch 1945-1966 ( Culture in Slovakia in the years 1945-1966), Munich 1967. Kulturny Zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 17, 1963, articles by P. Karvas, A. Plavka, L. Mnacko, M. Chorvath and others. K. Rosenbaum, ibidem, No. 18 and J. Bzoch, No. 20. Some writers had the courage to say even before the Congresses that "the cult of personality, closely knit with dogmatism, limited and hampered creative scientific work" and that "from the field of social sciences mostly suffered historiography of the recent period". Samo Falt'an, "Hist6ria a dnesok" (History and the Present), Kulturny Zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 12, 1963. At the Congress of Slovak Jounalists Hysko also said that " the socialist journalist should respect directions only if they are not in conflict with the fundamental principles of socialist morality". Pravda, June 13, 1963. The significance of Hysko's speech lies in the fact that he brought into the open many Slovak grievances, in particular the treatment of Slovaks at the hands of the Czech leadership. Minac created a storm of protests also in 1968 by accusing the policy of Dr Benes as an attempt "near genocide" of the Slovak people. See Vyber, July 5, 1968, pp.9-11. Skilling, Communism national, op. cit. pp. 114116. For the text of speeches and resolutions see Kulturny zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 21, 22 (resolutions) and 23. See also K. Greiner "Wurzeln der liberalisierung Tendenzen in der Tschecho-Slowakei" . In Entwicklungen im Kommunismits (Verband der Freien Presse), Munich, 1967, pp. 123-131. �SLOVAKIA 56) 57) 58) 59) 29 Kulturny Zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 21. Ibidem , No. 22. Ibidem. Z. Elias and J. Netik in Wm. E. Griffith, Communism in Eiirope , op. cit. p. 157. 60) Pravda, (B ratislava) , June 13, 1963. For fuller discussion see Skilling Commiinism national ... , op. cit. pp. 122-124. 61 ) See Riide Prcivo, August 22, 1963. On the purges of Slovak " Bourgeois nationalists" see E. Fris, Plamen, no. 8, August 1964, Z. Elias and J . Netik in Griffith, op. cit. pp. 210-215 and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 291-302. 62) See Pravda , (Bratislava ), September 23 , 1963. On Siroky and his role in Slovak politics see Mikus, op. cit. p. 298. 63) See H. Kuhn, "Czechoslovakia", in D. Vollier and K. Glaser (ed.) op. cit. pp. 161-164, and K. Greiner, Zoe. cit. pp. 117--148. 64) In the respect the economist Eugen Lobl who was imprisoned with R. Slansky, led the struggle in Kulturny Zivot, H . Koctuch in Slovenske pohl'ady: see also R. Selucky in Kiilturny Zivot, (August 10, 1963, September 28, 1963, November 2, 1963) , and Hospodcirske Noviny, ( November 8 and 15, 1963), for the Czech views. 65) Several intellectuals were dealing with the ideological deformation : 0. Pavlik, M. Kusy, J . Uher, G. Husak, L. Mnacko, K. Rosenbaum , M. Hamada, and others, not only in Kiilturny Zivot, but also in Pravda (Bratislava) , PLamen, and Smena (Bratislava) . 66) The sharpest attacks on Prague's cultural policy towards Slovakia were written by the poet V. Mihalik. See Kulturny Zivot, No. 49, 1965 and No. 8, 1966. 67) Against the misrepresentation and misinterpretation of Slovak history and of the role the Slovaks played during the War see the writings of Slovak intellec tua l,: in Historicky casopis (Historical Review ) as well as Kulturny Zivot. Among the best articles were those written by S. Falt'an, K. Luptak, J . Fabian, E. Fris. See also G. Husak, Svedectvo o slovenskom ncirodnom povstani (Testimony about the Slovak National Uprising), (Bratislava, 1964). 68) See E. Lobl, "O dogmatizme v ekonomickom mysleni" ( About Dogmatism in Economic Thinking), Kulturny Zivot, Sept. 28, No.39, and Oct. 12, No. 41, 1963. Ota Sik, " Akoby nemal vyzerat' antidogmatizmus" (What anti-dogmatism should not be like ), Kiilturny Zivot, No. 44, Nov. 2, 1963, and the proposals of the economists for the perfection and planned direction of the National Economy, Rude Prcivo, Oct. 17, 1964. 69) "The Slovak poblem does exist in our country- wrote in 1964 K. Bartoska-of a complexity and urgency that we failed to realize and did not want to admit. It turns out that the economic equalization of the Czech lands and of Slovakia is not the exhaustive solution of the Slovak complex question". Plamen, No. 5, 1964. 70 ) Elias and Netik, in Griffith, op. cit. p. 275. 71 ) For fuller discussion of the years following the Congress of Writers, see Z. Elias and Netik in Griffith, op. cit. pp. 260-277. 72 ) On Bacilek and his role in the persecution of Slovak "bourgeois �30 73) 74) 75) 76) 77) 78 ) SLOVAKIA nationalists" see Taborsky, op. cit. p. 344, Griffith, op. cit. p. 176 and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 291-302. See Kulturny Zivot, May-July, 1968, and Jacques Marcelle, Le Deuxieme Coup de Prague (Les Editions Vie Ouvriere, Bruxelles, 1968), pp. 183-189. "The sense of urgency which the Slovaks felt about federalism was not matched in the Czech lands" , writes Skilling, "and there was dissatisfaction in Slovakia with the slow pace of planning. There was, however, considerable difference of opinion about the distribution of authority under the proposed federal constitution, with some Slovaks arguing for a very narrow range of federal authority, including only foreign affairs, defense, and finance, and others, mainly Czechs, seeking a much stronger central authority. Even more productive of controversy was the Slovak demand for Parity of representation in the central organs, both executive and legislative, a demand which most Czechs, in spite of their readiness to adopt provisions protecting vital Slovak interests against outvoting by the Czech majority, were unwilling to accept." See Skilling, 'Czecho-Slovakia's Interrupted Revolution" , Canadian Slavonic Papers, vol. X, 4, 1968, p. 419. The historian Milos Gosiorovsky is credited with the iniciative, but Novotny refused to discuss his proposal and ordered sanctions against him. See Vyber, July 19, 1968, pp. 7-8. According to Pravda (Bratislava), February 2, 1968, he said in his first major policy statement on February 1st, 1968: "The Czechs and the Slovaks are nations both equal and able to create their own states. It is our role to strengthen and, in practice, safeguard our people's belief that the Republic open to Czechs and Slovaks additional prospects ... " On the role of Slovakia see G. Husak, "Prinos k januarovym zmenam" (Slovak contribution to the post-January changes), Vyber, December 6, 1968. In this respect namely the so-called "Two Thousand Words" manifesto deserves mention. It provoked an angry reaction in Moscow and in Warsaw at the meeting of the communist parties, on July 15, at which five communist parties sent a threatening letter to Prague. The manifesto was published by Litercirni Listy on June 27, 1968 and was conceived by the communist writer Ludvik Vaculik. 79 ) For a survey of events and documentary articles see Pierre Desgraupes and Pierre Dumayet (ed.), Prague - l'ete des tanks, "L'Histoire a la Une", (Paris, 1968) , the monthly East Europe , January-September, 1968, and Jacques Marcelle, Le Deuxieme coup de Prague, (Editions Vie Ouvriere, Bruxelles, 1968). 80 ) Skilling, Joe cit. p. 4Q9. 81) Skilling, ibid. p. 410. 82 ) See M . Lakatos, " Some Problems of Socialist Democracy ... " Prcivn y Obzor, 3, (1968). According to J. Bob they wanted "cultural, humanistic, democratic" Socialism. See Kulturny Zivot, May 24, 1968. �SLOVAKIA 31 83) Openly anti-communist views were of course not allowed. Only the past policies of the Communist Party could be freely criticised. 84 ) Rehabilitation was embodied in a law passed in June, but it referred only to those who were tried between October 1948 and July 1965. It left out thousands of victims condemned for political reasons between 1945-1948 when anti-communists were systematically eliminated from public life, jailed or executed. See Mikus, op. cit. pp. 167-68. According to Skilling the Action Programme "was a relatively moderated programme, acceptable to the conservative and moderate reformers, but not satisfying the more radical ones". Loe. cit. p. 426. 85 ) See an answer by five Slovak writers in Kulturny Zivot, June 21 , 1968. See also G. Husak "Dejinna prilezitost'" (A Historical occasion) , Pravda (Bratislava, May 9, 1968). 86) On the reaction of Slovak intellectuals to the invasion see L. Mnacko, "Die siebente Nacht - Erkenntnis und Anklage eines.Kommunisten" (The Seventh Night - Confession and Accusation of a Communist), (Verlag Fritz Molden, Wien, Miinchen, Ziirich), October 1968, and Slovak journals of September-December. On the international implications see Adam Bromke "Czechoslovakia and the World: 1968", Canadian Slavonic Papers, X, 4, pp. 581-591. On the reaction of the Government and of the Communist Parties, see Dokumenty o okupacii CSR (Documents on the occupation of Czecho-Slovakia), Bratislava 1968. 87 ) Among the contributions to the discussion on democratization and federalization worth of mentioning are: H. Koctuch "Federacia? Konfederacia? ", Kulturny Zivot, March 22, 1968, and "Buduce moznosti a mozna buducnost"', Nove slovo, June 13, 1968; Julius Strinka "Federalizacia a demokratizacia", Kulturny zivot, April 5, 1968; Prof. K. Plank, "Niekol'ko uvah o federalizacii nasho statu" , Sloboda, June 28, 1968; Dr. M. Gaspar, "Aspekty federalizacie CSR", Sloboda, June 14, 1968; and "Federalizacia - Demokracia", Vyber, July 19, 1968. 88) See Historicky casopis (Historical Review), Vol. XII, 3, 1964, and Nove slovo, September 24, 1944, as well as part one of this survey. 89) See articles and comment on this subject in Slovak v Amerike (U.S.A.), Kanadsky Slovak (Canada), cernakov Odkaz (Germany) , Slovensky stit (Australia) etc. A8 AmeTic·arn,, me111ber 8 of the Nlon.1k l,eague of America fi1'Jnl,v bel ie ,·e that the Slon.tk nation, jnst as all nahomi, has a11 i11here11t. and God-given right to freedom and i11clepencle11cc. r['hey are dedicated to the cause of the A rn eri ra n way of life, Slornk freec1om and world peace and ,ne detm·mined to oppose the plague of Comnnrnisrn and all othi-ir totahtaTian political systernR. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1969, Vol. 19 Description An account of the resource Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 3 Slovakia in the Struggle for Liberalization and Federalization of Czecho-Slovakia J. M. Kirschbaum From the very beginning- of the restoration of CzechoSlovakia in 1945, Slovakia played, directly and indirectly, an important role in the internal policy of Czecho-Slovakia and in the fate of the Stalinist regime. Not ony was this role more important than is generally recognized, but it was also of primary significance in the imposition of the communist system and, since 1962, in its liberalization. Some western experts on Eastern Europe overlooked Slovakia's influence on the course of events in this "loyal" and "most faithful satellite" , as the post-War II CzechoSlovakia was called in the West. 1 From the communist take-over in 1948 to the liberalization and federalization process in 1967-68, they dealt extensively with the changes in Prague's internal and axternal policy, but their analysis of the elements of change involved was often biased, as Prof. S. Z. Pech recently pointed out: Although Western specialists in Eastern European history have usually regarded it as their task to make the West familiar with the entire panorama of the polyglot region, they have in practice often been selective in the favours they bestowed on each nation. They have incorporated in their work, in modified form, the outlook and the prejudices of the nations which they "adopted". To give the most conspicuous examples, they viewed Slovak history through Czech eyes and Ukrainian history through Polish (or Russian) eyes. In so doing, they have in fact created a second-class status for certain nations. The history of the Slovaks in the West has usually been presented from the point of view of "Czechoslovakism " and has appeared as hardly more than a postscript to C:&ech history.2 It is the purpose of this survey to record and to discuss the overlooked elements and to assess the role which Slovakia and her communist elite played, first in imposing the communist system and then in forcing the Stalinist regime of Antonin Novotny to loosen the iron grip, and finally to step down and to free the way for the liberaliza. tion of the regime and the federalization of the state. When Czecho-Slovakia was restored in 1945, an auto- 4 SLOVAKIA nomous status, with extensive powers for Slovak national organs-the Slovak National Council and the Board of Commissioners-was ensured for Slovakia. In the so-called "Kosice programme" it was stated that "the Slovaks should be the masters in their Slovak land just as the Czechs in their Czech homeland" and that the government "will regard the Slovak National Council not only as the rightful representative of the individual Slovak nation, but also as bearer of sovereign right on Slovak territory". 3 Under the constitution of 1948, the National Council as well as the Board of Commissioners was given the powers of an autonomous government, so that Slovakia enjoyed "a special position in a system which was neither federal nor autonomous, but presented a peculiar form of 'dualism'."4 Rejected by a 70 per cent majority of the popular vote in the elections of 1946, the Slovak Communists changed, however, their attitude towards the political status of Slovakia. The defeat angered and surprised the Communist leadership and led them to abandon not only original idea of an independent Slovak Republic 5 or a Slovak Soviet Republic 6 , but also the autonomous status of Slovakia ,vithin a federated Czecho-Slovakia. After the coup d'etat of 1948, the Communists eliminated not only the Slovak Democratic representatives from the National Council and all public offices, but Slovakia lost systematically what was left of her original autono mous status, which underwent several changes by the socalled Prague Agreements. And if the population, especially the Catholic majority, suffered between 1945-48 for not siding with the Communis ts, in the new situation they had to experience persecution not only for political reasons, but also for religious affiliation and non-proletarian background7 or resistance to socialization and collectivization. The "people's democracy" and all that it implied: " socialist patriotism", looking at the Soviet Union as the "patria" of Slovak Communists, "socialist realism" 8 , and the "party spirit", was introduced in Slovakia as in the rest of East Europe in an effort to transform Slovaks into a new type of "socialist" men, who "would be loyal to the existing regime, and obedient to its commands, and faithful also to the Soviet Union and world communism". 9 Life was supposed to be "directed in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism" SLOVAKIA 5 and the "scientific world outlook" and historical materialism were to replace religion and nationalism. From 1948 on, this transformation was forced upon Slovaks through brute force by the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia which left to the Communist Party of Slovakia practically no influence in the Slovak affairs. The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia "after 1947 subordinated the Slovaks to increasingly centralist rule from Prague, and trod underfoot the nationalist feelings even of Slovak Communists". 10 Those who tried to defend " the gains of the Slovak uprising" or were suspected of such intentions, were, in 1950, removed from public life as "bourgeois nationalists", incarcerated (Husak, Novomesky, Okali, Rasla, etc .) or hanged (Clementis, zingor) and replaced by obedient persons of non-Slovak origin (Siroky, Bacilek) in the Party as well as in the government.11 At the same time in spite of the provisions of the Constitution of May 9, 1948, the legislative and executive powers of the Slovak National Council and of the Board of Commissioners were drastically reduced and both institutions became subordinated to the Prague government. The Board of Commissioners had first to "abide by the directives and instructions of the Cabinet" and later, in 1960, was completely abolished. The Slovak National Council could still legislate, but the Council's laws had to b e signed by the Prime Minister, who could summon, adjourn and even dissolve the Council. Since in the National Assembly and in the Prague government the Slovaks were in minority, there was nothing, not even a theoretical possibility to protect Slovakia against the rule of Prague, because the Constitution "failed to provide for any guarantee that would protect the Slovak minority against the Czech majority ... As more than three-fifths of Czechoslovak legislators came from the Czech provinces, anything could be done with the status of Slovakia, even if all the Slovak reprezentatives opposed it".12 Within a few years Czecho-Slovakia had become "a highly centralized state, and Slovak home rule reduced almost to nil. In the post-1956 climate, some gestures were made to broaden the authority of the Slovak bodies. Increasing emphasis was laid, however, on the necessity 6 SLOVAKIA of integrating Slovakia within a unified economy, and even the bare forms of Slovak autonomy were still the object of suspicion by the regime. The Constitution adopted in 1960 further weakened the position of Slovakia". 13 It was, however, the general political atmosphere, the brutality of the police, the concentration and forced labour camps, the persecution for "deviation" or religious beliefs, which characterized this period, called alternatively "period of dogmatism" , period of the "cult of personality" or period of "deformation" and "Stalinism". 14 Denouced later by L. Novomesky as "monstrous and horrible", this period "wiped out trust, confidence, understanding, yes even loyalty in the life and consciousness of thousands and thousands of people". 15 Slovak national feelings and pride were hurt in this period also by Prague's economic and cultural policy16 and by a transfer of some 400 to 500 thousand Slovaks to the Czech provinces from which the Sudeten Germans had been expelled and where the Slovaks became denationalized, being deprived of Slovak Schools and organizations. While the Hungarian minority in Slovakia, also numbering some 500,000 had schools of all categories, cultural organizations, newspapers and representation in the administration of the state, the Slovak minority in the Czech part of the country was destined for fast denationalization. The economic measures of N ovotny's government hurt Slovaks even more. Slovakia was industrialized mostly by old machinery, transferred from the Sudeten German areas, or large factories lacking raw materials in Slovakia, to serve rather Soviet and Czech, than Slovak needs. From 1960 on, industry was unable to compete or to meet required levels of production. As a result, Slovakia suffered by the lowering of standards, and Slovaks were hurt by the admonitions and reproaches of Prague, particularly after Novotny's regime had curtailed the power of the Slovak administrative organs and had concentrated the administration of Slovakia in Prague and in Czech hands . Thus the years after the coup d'etat present a story of drastic changes in forms and institutions as well as in their practical working. The actual situation was in flagrant contradiction with the promises of the Slovak Communist Party of the autonomous status proposed for SLOVAKIA 7 Slovakia. It is also a story of the mutual mistrust between the Czechs and Slovaks and the resulting clashes of which the outside world learned very little. In their subservience to Moscow and in their desire to imitate, if not surpass, Stalin's methods and general policy, the Communist leaders in Prague went further than any other satellite. "The system of terror was no less severe than in Albania, Hungary and Bulgaria, and in some respects went even further than these classic practitioners of this art". " Even during the critical months of 1956, Czechoslovakia had remained a model of Stalinist orthodoxy and exhibited none of the "fever" which had infected other satellites, notably the closest neighbours north and south. From the Communist point of view, Czechoslovakia was a most faithful associate of the Soviet Union, showing no evidence of dangerous dissatisfaction or domestic instability, and giving her full support to the Moscow Gospel as interpreted by Krushchev" . "In fact in the year which followed the XXII Congress in October 1961, Czechoslovakia, unlike some of its neighbours, was hardly influenced at all by the new spirit of Moscow, and showed no signs of relaxing its strongly Stalinist course. Paradoxically, this country, almost unique in its devotion and subservience to Moscow, was increasingly out of step with Krushchev's polic)' of de-Stalinization. "Orthodoxy" seemed to envolve into " heterodoxy" . "17 With regard to Slovakia the Prague Government used their power "to sweep away from the history of Slovak culture an entire past", according to Novomesky, and brought "a terrible curse on the life of the country." 18 This treatment of Slovakia could not, of course, influence the Slovaks for Czecho-Slovakia or Communism. On the contrary, even "the slight concessions of 1956-1958 were bound to leave the Slovaks unimpressed and could in no way detract from Slovak bitterness toward the treatment to which they had been exposed ever since the KSc (Communist Party of Czechoslovakia) leaders abandoned their calculative support of Slovak autonomism in 1946."19 This did not remain unnoticed by the Government and its press which deplored the "lack of confidence and the suspicion of fear" between the Czechs and the Slovaks, but laid blame on "the neglect of Leninist principles," 28 and on Slovak "bourgeois nationalistic tendencies". These tendencies according to complaints made by the Slovak Party's First Secretary, Karel Bacilek, at the session of the Central Committee in January 1958, have penetrated 8 SLOVAKIA "various fields of our cultural, political and scientific life; sports; the state apparatus; economic organs; and so on". 21 Slovaks could not be gained for the regime even by retrospective attacks on "Czecho-Slovakism", the concept that the Slovaks and the Czechs were ethnically, linguistically and culturally one nation, which had alienated the Slovaks to Masaryk's republic, and which Vaclav Kopecky, speaking on behalf of the KSC's Czech hierarchy, called in 1958 "an imperialist conception of national oppression of the Slovaks " 22 Since the Slovaks felt even more oppressed, more humiliated and exploited under the Communist regime than by the "bourgeois" regimes of 1918-1938, !5uch proclamations could not change the feelings of Slovaks and their attitude towards Prague. From 1948, and for a great part of Slovak population from 1946, Prague hurt even the pride of the Slovak Communists too deeply to be able to heal the wounds by condemning "Czechoslovakism" of the pre-War years. There was no comparison with the treatment which Slovaks received from Prague between the Wars and from the Communist rule after 1946. And Slovak nationalism, 23 which is a force rarely understood or interpreted properly by Western Scholars, was stronger after the War than at any time before, because the leftist elements also wanted Slovakia governed by Slovaks.24 Already before the Second World War nationalism was a force among Slovaks "directed against any authority residing outside Slovakia". 25 The period of the Slovak republic (1939-1945) and the uprising of 1944 undoubtedly st.renghtened the aversion against any foreign domination of Slovakia. All the restrictions of the powers of Slovak national organs, the trials of the leaders of the uprising as "bourgeois nationalists" and harsh economic centralization by the Prague Communist regime could not but create strong feeling of oppressinn and compromised relations between the Czechs and Slovaks. By 1958 the relations between the Czechs and Slovaks deteriorated to such a degree that even according to E. Taborsky a close collaborator of Dr. E. Benes, " while such declaration as above might have flattered the Slovaks in 1945, they fell on deaf ears in 1958. Nor could the communist leaders derive much comfort from the "improvement" in the Slovak class SLOVAKIA 9 structure resulting from the communist industrialization and collectivization drive. By building up Slovakia's backwoods areas, the regime has unwittingly prodded the Slovaks' pride and self-confidence, and thus helped to underpin the same Slovak nationalism it has been trying so hard to blot out. Having acquired the know-how and the ability to run the system themselves, the Slovaks Communists and non-communists alike-resent being ordered around by their elder Czech brethren." 26 This rule of party dictatorship and police terror is normally divided into two periods: in a period of strict Stalinist form of rule which in Czecho-Slovakia lasted until 1956 and a period of slow detachment from the Stalinist system, during which a lip service was paid to de-Stalinization, and lasted until 1963. There are many explanations as to why there was a lack of de-Stalinization in Czecho-Slovakia after the XXth and especially after the XXII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Krushchev's denunciation of Stalin and his rule. The Czech and Slovak press dealt from 1963 extensively with this problem and so did some foreign scholars. 27 There is, however, no unanimous explanation, as there is no unanimity in the designation of this period or in definitions of this particular labels, of which the label of "cult of personality" was used more generally than the others. 28 But there is no doubt that the first to attack the social and political aspects of this period and to call for changes were the Slovak Communist intellectuals. "Slovaks inspired by their memorable uprising of 1944 have taken the lead in the process of modernization of the regime, while the Czechs have, until recently, been more cautious or more lethargic." 29 '' The attacks and criticism of Slovak intellectuals were directed mainly against Antonin Novotny who succeeded Klement Gottwald as Secretary General of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia in 1953, and Antonin Zapotocky as President of the Republic in 1957. For ten years his iron grip on the Party and on the State did not allow to modify the totalitarian Stalinist features of the regime, and during his rule by "brute force" were liquidated or imprisoned Slovak Communist leaders, accused of " bourgeois nationalism" and tried in 1954. According to Communist sources, 30 the period of the cult of personality ended in 1953, but due to Novotny's repressive methods, use of police terror, and his brutal struggle against Slovak bourgeois nationalism, the cult of personality in the view SLOVAKIA of Slovak intellectuals existed from 1949 to 1962.31 Only in the spring of 1963 serious efforts at de-Stalinization marked the political life in Czecho-Slovakia. Western specialists in Eastern Europe offered several answers to the question why the Stalinist regime survived for so many years, but their views do not seem to give a satisfactory explanation. The purge of the potential leader, Clementis, and the bogey of Slovak nationalism which hounded the Czech leadership of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia, as it did the democratic leaders before the second World War, are only partial explanations. The brutal Soviet repression of the Hungarian revolution and the fear of Germany, which is greater among Czech than in any other nation of Central Europe, may be other explanations, but on the whole, these reasons cannot explain why a country with old democratic traditions, with western culture, with a previously high standard of living, praised in the whole world, did not follow the example of Poland and Hungary, except in smallscale disturbances of workers in Pilsen in 1953, the demonstration of Slovak students, which also spread to Prague, 32 and the writers' protest of 1956.33 Nor the fact that the West did not help the East European countries, including Czecho-Slovakia, by a more moderate course in East-West relations can be even less responsible for the Czech obstinacy to de-Stalinize. It was doubtful then-and today it is certain-that any co-operation in Europe between West and East going beyond what has been done, would have "strengthened the ability of the East European states to follow a more independent course".34 The explanation that the Czech communist leaders "had long and open experience in politics prior to the accession to power and perhaps this fact accounts for their unity and their ability to survive"35 and continue to hold the Stalinist grip on the country, is also only partially satisfactory. In the Slansky's purge of 1952 were eliminated the representatives of a rigid Stalinism and not the revisionists, and as a result the new leaders could start a new course after Stalin's death, but they were apparently afraid to de-Stalinize without incriminating themselves. We can find the answer to the question of Stalinism SLOVAKIA 11 in Czecho-Slovakia in the interplay of all these phenomena, but mainly in the fact, that "the completeness of Stalinist terror had brought about a situation where there was no one capable of giving leadership of a new anti-Stalinist course after 1956"36 and in the "realism" and in the "Good Soldier Schweik's" mentality of the Czech ruling majority of the population. Except for the small scale disturbances of workers in Pilsen, who were irked by the economic difficulties rather than by political oppression, and the students' demonstration in Bratislava and Prague, there was no sign of dissatifaction or open opposition among the Czech intellectuals or large masses.37 A a result the leaders of the Czechoslovak Communist Party were in no mood to depart from the Stalinist position, and the Soviet repression of the Hungarian revolution rather strengthened their belief that it was not necessary to modify their regime. The Czech and Slovak communist leaders "associated themselves with the Soviet verbal onslaught on Stalin, hoping, no doubt, that they might avoid necessity of taking genuine steps to modify their own Stalinism", 38 even later at the time of the clash between Moscow and Bucharest in 1961. The leaders of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia remained equally unnerved by the Sino-Soviet conflict and the idea of polycentricism. They saw in polycentricism a danger to internationalism of the Communist movement and considered the Communist Party of the Soviet Union as the "only center".39 Slovakia in the Struggle of de-Stalinization40 It is important to indicate at the outset, that after the execution of Clementis and the purges of 1954,41 the Communist leaders in Slovakia were handpicked by Prague, that they were neither intellectuals, nor theoreticians, and that some of them, like Siroky and Bacilek were even lacking in Slovak background. They were the hard-line " apparatchiks" of the Gottwald school and as such, unable to take a new course or to take part in the de-Stalinization process. Furthermore, "unlike their Czech comrades, the Slovaks have had no right to determine the fundamental lines of Party policy and, tactics, not even for Slovakia, or to adopt Party programs". 42 After the "Stalinist democratic centralism" was imposed upon Slovakia in 1948, decentral- 12 SLOVAKIA ization was replaced by the "centralizing tendencies, justified officially as being necessary for the successful construction of socialism. This centralization continued throughout the whole Stalinist era and was carried over into post-Stalin days. 43 "The statutory inferiority of the Slovak Party organs was amply corroborated by actual developments". 44 In addition, the Communists were very weak in membership in Slovakia in comparison with Bohemia-Moravia. Of the 2,311,966 members and candidates of the KSc in 1949 only 236,432 were from Slovakia, i.e. slightly over 10 percent, although more than one-quarter of Czecho-Slovakia's population lived in that area. Also, the Party's appeal to the youth was far less effective in Slovakia than in the rest of the country. While the over-all percentages of Party members below twenty-five years of age in 1949 was 14.5, the corresponding figure for Slovakia was only 9.7.45 Notwithstanding all these factors, it was in Slovakia where the open struggle for de-Stalinization began in April 1963,46 The interplay of political, psychological and economic reasons had made the Slovak communist intellectuals, mostly journalists and writers, bitter and they started to assail the Stalinist regime of Antonin Novotny on all three fronts: political, ideological and economic. The Slovaks were also irked by the fact that the resolutions of the XII Congress of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia, held in December 1962 spoke of the rehabilitation of the Communists who were sentenced between 1949-1953 , and disregarded the purges of Slovak "bourgeois nationalists", tried in 1954. The first outburst of open opposition took place at the Congress of Slovak Wr iters, held on April 21-22 in Bratislava, and a month later at the Congress of Slovak Journalists, also in Bratis1 ava, on May 27-28. While at the Congress of Slovak Writers, Karol Rosenbaum spoke of "inhuman methods" during the period of the "personality cult" and about forces sufficiently strong to prevent a return of the terror of that period,47 at the Congress of Slovak Journalists, M. Hysko, professor at the Slovak school of journalism, led the attack against the slowness of de-Stalinization by Novotny's government. Despite Novotny's warnings and personal attacks on Hysko and R. LIBRARY SLOVAKIA 13 Kalisky a month later, these two Congresses unleashed forces which put the life Jf the country on the tracks of de-Stalinization and liberalization. There had been mounting dissatisfaction in Slovakia since the Congress of Slovak Writers in 1956 among the writers and journalists, who remained, after the imprisonment of the political leaders accused of "bourgeois nationalism", the only spokesmen for the Slovak people. In 1963 the spark for the open criticism of Novotny's regime and insistence on reforms was given by the return from jail of the "bourgeois nationalists". Their accounts 48 of brutality shook the conscience of Slovak writers and journalists, and they were shaken more than anyone else because some of them had contributed to the consideration of Husak and Novomesky, while others had praised the regime and its iron grip and were mute about brutality and persecution of innocent people in all walks of life. As Hysko said at the Congress of Slovak journalists, they also were partly guilty because they presented the innocent comrades as " criminals". 49 They now wanted to repair the damage done and from L. Mflacko, who became well-known abroad, to M. Hysko, V. Mihalik, V. Minac, Kalisky and others, the intellectuals denounced the Stalinist regime and its brutality and asked for reforms. 50 The Congress of Slovak Writers and the Congress of Slovak Journalists became more than mere meetings to discuss literary and cultural problems. As we see it now and as it was considered by many in 1963, it was the beginning of a serious effort to change the ruling system, to clear the atmosphere of the suffocating fear of oppression and to correct injustices and crime of the period of the cult of personality. Slovak writers and journalists played again the role of the "conscience of the nation" which the Stalinist terror not only silenced for many years but had found in some writers eager collaborators. 51 The editorials in Kulturny zivot before th6 Congress were entitled "Literature in the struggle for truth", 52 and the participants proved that they meant to have it thus. After the Congresses furthermore, they asked for "a clean table" and stated that "everything is not in order". 53 Slovak writers spoke in the same fighting spirit against the terror and for a "cult of truth" instead of a cult of 1 14 SLOVAKIA personality also at the Congress of the Union of Czechoslovak Writers, held in Prague on May 22-24 of the same year. The words fear, falsification of facts, abuse of confidence were repeated time and again. Noteworthy were especially the outspoken speeches by the poets Vojtech Mihalik and Laco Novomesky, the dramatist Peter Karvas and the courageous writer V. Minac,54 the essayist M. Chorvat, Zora Jesenska and others. The Congress "revealed that the mood of discontent was not confined to Slovak writers only, but included their Czech colleagues. Almost without exception, the participants were critical in the extreme, not only of the worst evils prevailing in the cult period, but also of their continuance right down to the present. Speaker after speaker gave vent to the general public outrage at the horrors of the cult and the failure of the party to eliminate them since 1956, and spoke in individual ethical terms which had little to do with partymindedness. Truth and freedom were words frequently invoked". 55 The poet V. Mihalik spoke again about the duty of writers to be the "conscience of the nation" and bitterly critized the period of the cult of personality. 56 L. Mnacko, whose series "Belated Reports", well known for their exposure of the terror and injustices, began to appear in Kulturny zivot, spoke of the "mousetrap" and the "unrosy economic, political and moral situation of the country". 57 L. Novomesky whose contribution to the discussion was published under the heading "With comrade reason" and the contributions by Zora Jesenska and P. Karvas ("About one source of dogmatism") 58 completed the picture of dissatifaction with the past and present, insisting on the necessity of change and reforms. These congresses, as we now see launched CzechoSlovakia upon a new course, with consequences impredictable at that time. If until the early 1960's the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia could have served as a laboratory speciment of die hard dogmatism and appeared practically untouched by the winds of change stirring in the international Communist movement59 after these meetings it was not true any longer. The leaders of the Communist Party realized it and made some further steps in the direction of de-Stalinization SLOVAKIA 15 but without serious efforts to change the nature of their totalitarian system. Novotny only reluctantly admitted that the cult of personality harmed the country and had such disastrous effects as claimed by the critics. He tried to put the blame on the purged Stalinist R. Shinsky or argued that many changes had already been made to conform with the resolutions of the XII Congress of the Party. In an angry speech in Slovak town of Kosice, on June 12, 1963, he rejected the accusations contained in the speeches of M. Hysko and Roman Kalisky, and categorically proclaimed that the Communist Party would not allow the Slovak newspaper Pravda to become "a tribune of attacks against the leadership of the Party". 60 Slovak Communist intellectuals, however, were not frightened by Novotny's threats and warnings. Throughout 1963 Novotny was subjected to vocal criticism for his failure to break the hold of Stalinism on national life, to rehabilitate publicly those who had suffered most in the era of repression, and to punish those who had borne the main burden of responsibility in that era. Most vehemently did the Slovak writers call for greater freedom in their national life, and for the erasing of the charges of "bourgeois nationalism" on which the purge of leading Slovak personalities had been based. They continued, especially in the organ of the Union of Slovak Writers, Kulturny zivot, to insist on the necessity of reforms and asked for a fair deal for Slovakia. In August they obtained full rehabilitation61 of the Slovak "bourgeois nationalists" whom the XII Congress of the Party in November 1962 had bypassed. In September, they scored another success in the removal of V. siroky62 from the Government as well as from his position in the Party and in the National Assembly. These concessions did not satisfy, however, the awakened conscience of Slovak Communist intellectuals63 and during the months to come they assailed the regime mercilessly, especially in Kulturny zivot. Novotny retaliated by forcing to resign in June 1964 the editor in chief of Kulturny zivot, Paul stevcek, and Roman Kalisky, member of the editorial board, who had fearlessly attacked 16 SLOVAKIA a year before the economic policy of N ovotny's regime in Slovakia. Instead of frightening the intellectuals, these measures added new fuel to the fire of their dissatisfaction. Slovak writers, journalists and economists began to point out the deformations of "socialist legality and morality" and the acts of discrimination against Slovaks in all field of public life. They asked for the revision of the Constitution of July 1960, which formally abolished the limited autonomy of Slovakia granted to Slovaks between 1945 and 1948. Furthermore, they asked for economic reforms, 64 for the re definition of certain principles of socialist ideology,65 for a new cultural policy66 and for the revaluation of the role of the Slovak uprising,67 which was ridiculed and degraded by Novotny's regime and some Czech writers during the imprisonment of the leaders of the uprising-Husak, Novomesky, Okali and others. The regime yielded in some fields, especially in cultural policy and new Minister, C. Cisar, allowed a degree of liberalization and restored some autonomy to universities. The economists could also quite freely discuss their plans from August to November, 1963, and their criticism and proposals were published,68 Novotny's position and Moscow's support for his regime seemed for some time to be in jeopardy. The struggle was, however, far from won. Novotny was re-elected not only as President of the Republic but, at the XIIIth Party Congress of 1966, also as First Secretary. And he was not only unable but also unwilling to proceed with basic reforms or to quiet down the antagonism between the Slovaks and Czechs which had erupted in 1963 and increased in intensity in the Slovak press and in Party meetings with every year. In fact , Novotny fought against the unrest in the minds of Slovaks, and was reluctant to grant any significant concessions. Some Czechs realized, however, that the problem existed and should be solved.69 Under fire by Slovaks, among whom the rehabilitated G. Husak and the Soviet educated Alexander Dubcek gained more and more influence, by the "revisionists" and "pragmatists", all of whom tried to humanize and reform the Party and government, Novotny tried at last to give a new image to Czecho-Slova- SLOVAKIA 17 kia at home and especially in Western Europe. More personal freedom, including a limited religious freedom, was granted and some economic reforms were introduced. "Most important, the Communist Party, having largely abandoned its dogmatic positions, was no longer the allseeing, all-powerful, unquestioned authority that it once had been. " 70 Furthermore, the writers and journalists were soon joined in their opposition and outspoken criticism of the regime not only by the youth, which increasingly posed a serious problem to the government, but also by the workers and other segments of the population. People were no longer afraid to criticize and opposition was growing. Novotny and his Party apparatus tried to control the winds of change, but it was a hopeless struggle. William Siroky was replaced by the Moscow educated Jozef Lenart, former Secretary General of the Slovak Communist Party, who was not involved in the purges as were Bast'ovansky and Bacflek. 71 Novotny could not control these developments. Too many people suddenly realized that both a change of course and of people in leading functions was inevitable. The struggle for liberalization and federalization By 1967 the internal situation in the country and in the Party had matured to the point that it was possible to remove Novotny from his omnipotent position of First Secretary of the Party and on March 22, 1968 also from ,the Presidency of the country. The masterful co-operation of the factions which had called for reforms on both the Slovak and Czech side, resulted in the "impossible" becoming a fact, and Alexander Dubcek, at the age of 47, assumed the office of the First Secretary and launched the country upon the course of liberalization which surprised the whole world. While intellectuals in the Czech provinces centered their attention mostly on economic and ideological problems (the contribution by E . Lobl or E . Goldstticker, both from Slovakia, should not, however, be underestimated) , in Slovakia political leaders and intellectuals were deeply involved in the problem of humanization of the system 18 SLOVAKIA and the restoration to Slovakia of at least a part of the autonomy which she had enjoyed before 1948. With the political rehabilitation of the "bourgeois nationalists" and the amnesty granted to the military leaders of the 1944 uprising, the status of Slovakia and the "gains of the uprising" were once again the goals to be achieved. 72 Early in 1968 Slovak communist intellectuals were for a while involved in a discussion as to whether priority should be given to liberalization or to federalization, 73 but the controversy ended with the consensus that one does not exclude the other and that both aims should be pursued. A certain reluctance on the side of the Czechs towards federalization,74 nevertheless, led the Slovaks to put stress on the federalization. There also were still alive reminiscences on the "First Czechoslovak republic" when Slovakia suffered discrimination and exploitation inspite of the fact that the Prague governments were known as "the only true democracy in Central Europe between the Wars" . Furthermore, the manner in which all the agreements and declarations guaranteeing an autonomous status for Slovakia after 1945 were forgotten and disregarded, forced the Slovak leaders to put the emphasis on the necessity of constitutional reforms. In fact , Slovaks submitted a plan for a federalization of the Republic in 1963,75 and Alexander Dubcek, after assuming the leadership of the Party and starting the liberalization process, put the Slovak demands for an equal status with the Czechs high on the agenda of his reforms.76 Federalization was in the eyes of Slovak communist leaders, who were attacking Novotny's regime since 1956, and without reserve since 1963, an essential part of the demo cratization process which, on the other hand, was the prerequisite for liberalization. Only by the transformation of the political structure of the state could Slovaks achieve a position of full equality and control of further development of the situation in the right direction. The impression, created in the West by reports from Prague or by some Western analysts of the developments of the situations in Czecho-Slovakia, that the movement for giving communism "a human face" was an expression of the Czech "hussite traditions" and therefore a Czech and not a Slovak affair, is devoid of any serious foundation. SLOVAKIA 19 Alexander Dubcek, the young Slovak leader of the liberalization movement who spent his formative years in the Soviet Union, hardly knew anything about the "hussite traditions" when he made his first major speech on February 1st, 1968 in which he promised "the development of socialist democracy" in the Party and the state. Nor did Edward Goldstticker, born and educated in Slovakia, who became elected the chairman of the Czechoslovak Writers Union and insisted that a way must be found how to reconcile individual freedom with the communist system, have any connection in his background with the "hussite traditions". 77 A group of Czech intellectuals, especially the youth of Prague, became undoubtedly more vociferous than Slovaks when the movement was launched. 78 It looked at times as if they had desired to make up for years of servile obedience to Novotny's regime. Czechs also were more provocative in their behaviour when the Soviet Union and her satellites condemned the movement after a meeting in Warsaw and as a result they contributed or gave more pretexts than the Slovaks to the final Soviet step which killed the liberalization movement. Objectively, both Slovaks and Czechs desired the changes. Slovaks more than Czechs because they suffered more-communists and non-communists alike-under the Novotny's regime. Slovaks therefore started the opposition and Slovakia gave to the struggle for the "human face of communism" not only the leader, Alexander Dubcek, but also it became the place of two historic conferences: on July 1st at cierna nad Tisou and on August 3rd, in Bratislava. 79 The liberalization process was largely publicized in the West. A survey of the Czech and Slovak press and of statements of the leaders of the movement would indicate, however, that the aims and goals of the liberalization were often magnified and misinterpreted by some Western analysts. To what extent such behaviour of the West contributed to the final decision of Moscow to go with the tanks against the wind of freedom, is of course a matter of conjecture. Skilling correctly assessed the aims of this "interrupted revolution": 20 SLOVAKIA In some respects, the reforms planned in Prague were more modest than analogous efforts in other communist countries. There was not. at least at the outset, a rejection of Soviet domination, as in the case of Yugoslavia, and other later revolts against Moscow ; nor were major changes in foreign orientation envisaged, as in the case of Rumania and others. There was to be no sharp break in relations with the communist camp, and no defection from Comecon or the Warsaw Pact. Nor was there an immediate and spontaneous rejection of collectivization, as in Hungary and Poland, or a radical reconstruction of the economy, such as followed the initial break by Yugoslavia.so It was only in the political realm that "the changes envisaged, and in part introduced were more drastic and more rapid than anything attempted elsewhere, and aimed at nothing less than a "socialist democracy".81 The leaders of the movement firmly indicated that it was the Communist party which should remain in power and rule, if possible, alone. Some intellectuals speculated about a representation of other parties or groups,82 but the leaders in power did not intend to introduce democracy on the basis of a multi-party system. They spoke and wrote about "socialist democracy" with freedom of expression,83 abolition of terror, abolition of censorship and more independence for state organs on the politburo. They also wanted more freedom of discussion in the Parliament, but without any opposition parties, it was particularly freedom only for the communist members of the Parliament, because the number of deputies of the National Front parties is negligible. All these reforms were basically contained in the Action Program of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, approved by the Central Committee on April 5, 1968. The Program confirmed the charges that have taken place since January 1968 and-what the population accepted with great acclaim-it promised legal and political guarantees of the personal and political rights of all citizens. There also was a promis of rehabilitation of those innocently jailed and persecuted and a pledge of constitutional guarantees of freedom of assembly and association. 84 Still more significant than the official statement and programs were the views of writers freely expressed in journals like Kulturny zivot or Nove slovo which, after it had been banned when Husak was condemned as bourgeois nationalist, began to appear again. The writers asked for SLOVAKIA 21 much more than the political leaders promised, and in hundreds of articles or answers to the question "what could be done to accelerate the process of democratization"85 they created an atmosphere that gave to the population the feeling of freedom and of big hopes for the future. At the same time they irritated, however, Moscow and her satellites. After the treatening letter from Warsaw not only Moscow but also the other communist countries reacted with increasing pressure. Dubcek, supported by the majority of the population, resisted the pressure and it seemed that after the Conference at cierna nad Tisou on July 14, and especially after the meeting of the representatives of all 5 communist countries in Bratislava on August 3rd, the differences were settled and the danger of an intervention avoided. Czechs and Slovaks were still engaged in a free discussion of the necessity of reforms86 and planned the congresses of both the Czechoslovak and Slovak Communist Parties, when during the night of August 20, the country was brutally invaded by the forces of the Warsaw Pact and the liberalization and democratization process was dramatically brought to an end.87 The planned reforms, the atmosphere of freedom, the abolition of censorship and terror, even if the Communist party was to remain in power, was unacceptable for Moscow. All this represented dangerous ideological innovations and seemed to be too contagious to be tolerated by the leaders of the Kremlin and the autocratic rulers in Warsaw, Budapest and East Germany. As it later appeared from Moscow's explanation of the invasion, Hitler's "Lebensraum doctrine" was replaced by Brezhnev's doctrine of the right of the Soviet Union to intervene in the socialist countries and to impose the Soviet system and social order on the lands within the Soviet zone of influence. While the liberalization process was aborted by the invasion, the federalization process was not basically affected. For some time it seemed that Moscow could convince G. Husak, who became leader of the Slovak Communist Party, to accept another solution: an "independent" Slovak Socialist Republic or a Slovak Soviet Republic within the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics. This 22 SLOVAKIA solution of the 50 years old dispute over the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs was considered even in the West as highly probable, because both a Soviet socialist republic and an independent Slovak State were the aim of the Slovak uprising of 1944, in its original stage.BB The reaction to the invasion was, however, of such intensity and the feelings against Moscow were so strong, that neither Husak nor anybody else was ready to lead the Slovaks out of Czecho-Slovakia at this time. Husak accepted the function of the head of a commission in charge of preparing the transformation of Czecho-Slovakia into a confederation of two republics, the Czech and the Slovak Socialist Republic and he used all his perseverance and ability to this end. The constitutional law, transforming the centralist state ruled by the Czechs, was adopted by the Assembly on October 27, 1968, as Law No. 143. It was signed and solemnly proclaimed on October 30, at the Bratislava Castle in Slovakia, with the provision that it will take effect on January 1st, 1969. At the signing ceremonies the President of the Republic, Ludvik Svoboda, termed federalization a progressive and historic act that would improme the social order and welfare of both Czechs and Slovaks. Alexander Dubcek, the First Secretary of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, and G. Husak, the Secretary of the Slovak Communist Party, spoke of federalization as strengthening the unity of the state and creating a basis for better future relations between the Czechs and Slovaks. Slovaks, especially Slovak youth of Bratislava, cheered outside the Bratislava Castle when the law was signed, even though its contents were not known in detail and the reminiscences of a similar law adopted in 1938 and its subsequent violation by Prague 6 months later, were not forgotten by the Slovak people. The fear of a possible inclusion of Slovakia into the Soviet Union, if Slovakia completely separated from the Czechs, compels apparently even many of those Slovaks who do not believe that the Czechs would honor the new agreements, to accept federalization as a solution to the Slovak problem in the present international situation. The constitutional law signed in Bratislava, establishes SLOVAKIA 23 the basic federal structure, leaving specific prov1s10ns about the rights and responsibilities of the federal organs to another law which was passed by the National Assembly in November. Basically, the constitutional changes solve the problem of the existence of two nations-the Czech and the Slovak-by setting up a federal National Assembly consisting of an Assembly of the People, elected on the basis of proportional representation, and an Assembly of Nations, in which Czechs and Slovaks will have equal representation. In this respect the Soviet constitution seemed to be the model while in other respects the federal structure of Czecho-Slovakia is similar to the structure of European and American constitutions. Law No. 143 reserves to the federal domain responsibilities for foreign policy, defense and curency and the areas of culture and education are reserved to the domain of the member-states to the Czech Socialist Republic and the Slovak Socialist Republic. Both republics have equal status according to this Law and the sovereignty of both "national states" should be respected. However, this "sovereignty" is limited by the articles 7 to 28 of the Law to such an extent, that we can hardly compare the new Czecho-Slovakia with Switzerland or the Canadian Federation. Even less can the federal structure of Czecho-Slovakia be compared with Austria-Hungary after the Ausgleich of 1867, which historically and politically is the closest example. However, one of the interesting features of this constitutional reform is the provision of Law No. 143 about the "right of self-determination" which gives the Slovaks the right to secession. The political autonomy which the "Law on the Federation" provides for Slovakia is, on the other hand, limited by the fact that the Communist Party was not reorganized to reflect the federal structure of the State. As a result the political power remains concentrated in, and the most important decisions will be taken in Prague by bodies composed of a majority of Czech members. Since many Czechs accepted only reluctantly the federalization of the Republic, difficulties and dissensions are to be expected. For the second time in three decades the Slovak struggle for national rig·hts within a federalized Czecho-Slovakia was fought in the middle of an international crisis: in 1938 in the Munich crisis and in 1968 under the Soviet occupa- 24 SLOVAKIA tion. It remains to be seen whether Prague learned the lesson this time or whether there will be an aftermath as in 1939. Slovaks in the free world accepted the federalization with distrust and misgivings and did not ease to advocate the right of the Slovak people for an independent, democratic Slovak Republic. 89 Dr. Joseph M. Kirschbaum is former university professor and author of several books and studies on Slovakia in English and other languages. 1) See H. G. Skilling, Communism National and International (Toronto, 1964), pp. 86-95, and William E. Griffith, Communism in Europe ( Cambridge, Mass., 1966), II, pp. 257-65. 2) S. Z. Pech, "New Avenues in Eastern European History", Canadian Slavonic Papers, X, 1 ( 1968), 14-15. See also W. F . Griffith, "Myth and Reality in Czechoslovak History", Eastern European History, II, 3, 84. 3) See Wm. Diamond, Czechoslovakia Between East And West (London, 1947), p. 50 and Stefan Glejdura, Los Grandes Problemas Del Este Europeo: Eslovaquia (Madrid, 1968) , pp. 29-32. Slovak communists were supported in obtaining this especially by Gottwald, who proclaimed the agreement to the " Magna Charta of the Slovak Nation". See Griffith, Communism in Europe, pp. 183-93. 4 ) See Skilling, " The Czechoslovak Constitutional System: The Soviet Impact," Political Science Quarterly, LXVII, 2 (1952); Griffith , Communism in Europe, pp. 135 ff., and K. Glaser, Czecho-Slovakia: A Critical History ( Caldwell, Id., 1960), pp. 87-139. 5) G. Husak, one of the main leaders, declared at the beginning of the uprising: "It must be said openly that our people would welcome with enthusiasm the removal of frontiers and customs between us and the other Slav nations, especially between Slovaks and Russians," Nove Slovo, September 24, 1944. See also S. Falt'an, Historicky casopis, 4 (1966), 589. L. Novomesky, who was sent during the uprising from Slovakia to London, did not "conceal his doubts as to whether it was wise for Slovakia to remain within the small Czechoslovakia when it could join the great Soviet Union," J. Korbel, The Communist Subversion of Czechoslovakia, 1938-1948 (Princeton, 1959 ), p. 72. See also Griffith, Communism in Europe, pp. 179-85 and Joseph A. Mikus, Slovakia: A Political History 19181930 (Milwaukee, Wis., 1963) pp. 185-90. 6) Jozef Jablonicky, "Slovenske narodne povstanie - nova faza v rieseni vzt'ahov medzi cechmi a Slovakmi" (Slovak National Uprising: A New Phase in the Solution of the Relations between the Czechs and Slovaks) , Historicky casopis, XII, 3 (1964), 236. See also J . Korbel, The Communist Subversion, pp. 32, 68-72, and S. Falt'an, Historicky casopis, XII, 140, 2, 161-84. 7) For details on the religious situation in Slovakia after 1945 see SLOVAKIA 8) 9) 10 ) 11 ) 12) 25 T. G. Zubek, The Church of Silence in Slovakia (Whiting, Indiana, 1956); Stefan Nahalka, La Slovacchia d'Oggi (Rome, 1957); Joseph Pauco, Christian Slovakia (Valparaiso, Ind. , 1959) ; J . A. Mikus, op. cit. p. 164-185 and P. Hnilica, S. J., "The Church under Totalitarian Rule" in Collier and Glaser (ed.), Elements of Change in Eastern Europe, (Chicago, 1968), pp. 136-149. See Kirschbaum, "Slovak Literature under the Soviet Impact", Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. 1, no. 1, and Imrich Kruzliak, Kulturne Slovensko v rokoch 1945-1966 (Culture in Slovakia in the years 1945-66), (Munich, 1967). Skilling, The Governments of Communist East Europe, op. cit., p. 202, and "People's Democracy, The Proletarian Dictatorship and the Czechoslovak Path to Socialism", The American Slavic and East European Review, X, 2 (April 1951) , 100-16. Skilling, Commimism national . .. , op. cit. , p. 88. The Communist Party of Slovakia was founded in May 1939 as an illegal party and was. recognized as an independent party by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, as well as by the leaders of the Czech Communist Party in Moscow. It maintained its independence until 1948. For more details see Z. Elias and J. Netik "Czechoslovakia" in W. E. Griffith Communism in Europe, (Cambridge, Mass., 1966) 2. volume pp. 174-186 and Bohuslav Graca "Komunisticka strana Slovenska" (The Communist Party of Slovakia), Nova Mysl, No. 5, May 1961. Even in the party the Slovaks were poorly represented at the center, with their chief spokesman the Prime Minister, Siroky, and the Slovak party chief, Bacilek, both only partly Slovak in origin. Pavol David was the only undisputed Slovak in the party command. Skilling, Communism National, op. cit. p. 94 ; See also Griffith, op. cit. pp. 210-215 and Miku~, op. cit., pp. 291-302. Taborsky, op cit. p. 336 and H. G. Skilling, "The Czechoslovak Constitution of 1960 and the transition to Communism", Journal of Politics, XXIV, 1, 1962, pp. 156-59. See also Edward Kucera, K nekterym otazkam autonomie a postaveni Slovenska v ramci ceskoslovenske Republiky (About Some Questions of Autonomy 13) 14) 15) 16) and the Position of Slovakia within the Framework of the Czechoslovak Republic) , (Prague, 1954). Jan Moura! Slovenske narodni organy (Slovak National Organs), (Prague, 1958) and Collection of Laws of the Slov ak National Council, (Bratislava, 1954) . Skilling, The Governments of Commimist East E urope, op. cit. p. 156 and Taborsky op. cit. pp. 338-240, and Griffith, op. cit. p. 235 and off. Several Slovak Communist intellectuals made attempts at definitions of this period. See Kulturny Zivot, April 27, 1963-Proceedings of the Congress of the Slovak Writers. After the execution of V. Clementis, Slovaks were withdrawn from practically all diplomatic posts abroad (out of 97 ambassadors only 5 were Slovaks) and writers, who served as cultural attaches were 26 17 ) 18) 19) 20) 21) 22) 23 ) 24 ) 25 ) 26) 27 ) SLOVAKIA hit particularly hard. On Clementis see Griffith, op. cit. , p. 176 and Mikus, op. cit. , pp. 292-298. Skilling, Communism National . .. , op. cit. pp. 88, 85, 84 resp. and Glejdura , loc. cit. Novomesky, quoted by Skilling, ibid. p. 117. Taborsky, op cit. p. 344, See also Skilling, Communism national ... op. cit. pp. 94-96. Pravda, May 1st, 1956. Pravda, January 10 and 11, 1958, quoted in Taborsky, op. cit. p. 344. See Pavel Berka's article in c".:eskoslovensky prehled, vol. 5 ( 1958) , p. 27 and Taborsky, op. cit. p. 345. On Slovak Nationalism see B. S. Bue, Slovak Nationalism (Middletown, Pa .), 1960, R. A. Kann, The Multinational Empire (Rutgers University Press) , 1950, J. A. Mikus, La Slovaquie, individualite politique de l'Europ e centrale ( Centre de documentation internationale, Paris ) 1958, L . Gogolak, Beitriige zur Geschichte des Slowakischen Volkes (Munich) 196~ and E. Denis, La Question d'Autriche - Les Slovaques (Paris) , 1917. As Skilling writes, Western scholars "have failed to see that subjection of Slovaks to centralized Czech Communist rule has not dimmed the feeling of Slovak nationalism, even among Communists, and could produce a brave response. " See "Czechoslovakia", in A. Bromke (ed.) , The Communist states at the crossroads, (Praeger, New York, 1965) , p. 103. See Z. Elias and J . Netik in Griffith, Communism in Europe, op. cit. p. 162. Taborsky, op. cit. pp. 345-6. See also Skilling, Communism national . .. , op. cit. pp. 112-130. Among Canadian scholars it is especially Prof. H. Gordon Skilling who published several well documented studies on this period. In the United States S. D. Kertesz, Philip E . Mosley, William E Griffith and K. Glaser and D. S. Collier as editors or contributors to symposia brought the problems to the attention of Western readers. On the Slovak side the weekly Kulturny Zivot became the main tribune. The articles by M. Hysko, 0 . Pavlik, E. Lobl, L . Mnacko, G. Husak, F. Falt'an, L. Novomesky, V. Mihalik and others analyzed the period of the cult of personality. On the Czech side the periodical Nova Mys/., Litenirni Noviny and Literarni Listy offer a number of interesting articles by Czech intellectuals on this subject. 28 ) See articles in Kulturny Ziv ot by Ondrej Pavlik (April 27, and August 10, 1963 ) and by V. Mihalik and V. Pet'ko (May 25 and April 20 respectively, and an article by J . Fojtik in Rude Pravo (March 29, 1963) . 29 ) Philip E. Mosley, " Eastern Europe in World Power Politics", D. S. Collier and K. Glaser, (ed. ), Elem ents of Change in Eastern Europe, Chicago, 1966, pp. 61-62. '') As wrote prof. Mosley in 1965. 30 ) Usneseni a do kum enty ust fe dniho v yboru komunisticke strany Ceskoslovenska, Vol. II, (Prague, 1962), pp. 5-57. English excerpts of SLOVAKIA 31) 32) 33) 34) 35 ) 36) 37) 38) 39) 40 ) 41 ) 42 ) 43) 44) 45 ) 27 this speech can be found in A. Dallin, Diversity in International Communism (Columbia U. P. New York) , 1963, pp. 298-313. See M . Hysko's speech at the Congress of Slovak journalists, published in Pravda, June 13, 1963. The first open student manifestation against the regime in 1956 occurred in Slovakia's capital, Bratislava, during a student's festival, In a pocession through Bratislava's streets, Slovak university students carried a coffing with the following inscription: "Here lay buried democratic liberties". As the official radio Bratislava admitted , "this soon became a stirring and well-liked slogan." See Duchacek, Zoe. cit. p. 105. Duchacek, ibid., p. 103. H. G. Skilling " Eastern Europe and the West" in A. Bromke (ed.). The Communist States and the West, (A. Praeger. 1967) , p. 53. Duchacek, op. cit. p. 98, see also pp. 112-118. Skilling, Communism national . .. , op. cit. p. 90. According to Elias and Netik: "The predominant mood among the masses was one of indolence, striving for the satisfaction of crass material desires, general mistrust, and a decline of civic morale. Pilfering in industrial and agricultural enterprises, negligence in consumer services, a sorry state of disrepair in buildings, roads, machinery, and the like, although constantly deplored in the press, came to be accepted as a matter of course. The slogan "He who does not steal from the state steals from his family" was entirely symptomatic to the popular mood of the period, in spite of the fact that the supply of food and consumer goods had improved sufficiently to satisfy most normal needs of the population. loc. cit. p. 275. Skilling, Communism national . .. , op. cit. p. 194. See Rude Premo, November 24 and December 12, 1961. This survey concerns itself mainly with Slovakia and its role in the de-Stalinization process and, therefore, we will put the emphasis, without underestimating the Czech element, on the part which Slovakia and Slovaks played in this period. The Slovak Communist leaders, G. Husak, L. Novomesky, D. Okali and others, were actually imprisoned already in 1951-1952 and only their trials took place in 1954. For an interesting survey of the purges of Slovak "bourgeois nationalists" see " O nezakonnych procesoch a rehabilitacii od roku 1948" (About the illegal processes and rehabilitation since 1948). Vyber, June 1968 and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 291-302. Taborsky, op cit. p. 66. See Hromada. Prehl'ad ceskoslovenskych statnych organov (A survey of Czechoslovak State Organs), (Bratislava, 1955) , p. 26, K. Glaser, op. cit. pp. 154-178, Z. Elias and J. Netik in W. E . Griffith, op. cit. p. 197 and ff, and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 227-302. J . Netik and J. Franko Communism and Slovakia (Evaluation Report of RF E Research Unit, November 17, 1960) . Taborsky, op. cit. p. 214. See also Mikus, op. cit. pp. 226-224. Rude Pravo, Ma y 27, 1950. See also his article in Pravda, June 16, 28 46) 47) 48) 49) 50) 51) 52) 53) 54) 55) SLOVAKIA 1963 in which he charged that the personality cult "deformed life and violated our socialist humanism". This has been admitted also by some Czech writers in the West. "The wave of outspoken criticism clearly originated in Slovakia; but it was carried on, though in somewhat muted tones, at the Prague Writers' Third Congress on May 22-24, which heard a number of frank and courageous statements, particularly from the younger "literati". Z. Elias and J . Netik in Griffith, op. cit. p. 262. See Kulturny Zivot, April 27 and May 4, 1963. G. Husak recently published his account in Nove Slovo, June 1968, but it was known right after his release from jail. L. Holdos published his account in Smena, March 23, 1968, and both these " memoirs" describe the most revolting brutalities to which human beings were ever subject. E. Lobl published his experiences in a book Svedectvo o procese (Testimony about the Process) Bratislava, 1968. For excerpts in English see The Telegram (Toronto) July 18-19, 1968. Pravda, Bratislava, June 3, 1963. With Husak working behind the scenes, they also became later the "brain trust" of Alexander Dubcek, who was educated in the Soviet Union as an apparatchik, but retained an understanding for the human desire for freedom. See F . Vnuk, Sedemncisf neitrodnych rokov ( Seventeen Barren Years), (An outline of Slovak Literature) in 1945-62, Middletown, Pa., 1965, and I. Kruzliak, Kulturne Slovensko v rokoch 1945-1966 ( Culture in Slovakia in the years 1945-1966), Munich 1967. Kulturny Zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 17, 1963, articles by P. Karvas, A. Plavka, L. Mnacko, M. Chorvath and others. K. Rosenbaum, ibidem, No. 18 and J. Bzoch, No. 20. Some writers had the courage to say even before the Congresses that "the cult of personality, closely knit with dogmatism, limited and hampered creative scientific work" and that "from the field of social sciences mostly suffered historiography of the recent period". Samo Falt'an, "Hist6ria a dnesok" (History and the Present), Kulturny Zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 12, 1963. At the Congress of Slovak Jounalists Hysko also said that " the socialist journalist should respect directions only if they are not in conflict with the fundamental principles of socialist morality". Pravda, June 13, 1963. The significance of Hysko's speech lies in the fact that he brought into the open many Slovak grievances, in particular the treatment of Slovaks at the hands of the Czech leadership. Minac created a storm of protests also in 1968 by accusing the policy of Dr Benes as an attempt "near genocide" of the Slovak people. See Vyber, July 5, 1968, pp.9-11. Skilling, Communism national, op. cit. pp. 114116. For the text of speeches and resolutions see Kulturny zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 21, 22 (resolutions) and 23. See also K. Greiner "Wurzeln der liberalisierung Tendenzen in der Tschecho-Slowakei" . In Entwicklungen im Kommunismits (Verband der Freien Presse), Munich, 1967, pp. 123-131. SLOVAKIA 56) 57) 58) 59) 29 Kulturny Zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 21. Ibidem , No. 22. Ibidem. Z. Elias and J. Netik in Wm. E. Griffith, Communism in Eiirope , op. cit. p. 157. 60) Pravda, (B ratislava) , June 13, 1963. For fuller discussion see Skilling Commiinism national ... , op. cit. pp. 122-124. 61 ) See Riide Prcivo, August 22, 1963. On the purges of Slovak " Bourgeois nationalists" see E. Fris, Plamen, no. 8, August 1964, Z. Elias and J . Netik in Griffith, op. cit. pp. 210-215 and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 291-302. 62) See Pravda , (Bratislava ), September 23 , 1963. On Siroky and his role in Slovak politics see Mikus, op. cit. p. 298. 63) See H. Kuhn, "Czechoslovakia", in D. Vollier and K. Glaser (ed.) op. cit. pp. 161-164, and K. Greiner, Zoe. cit. pp. 117--148. 64) In the respect the economist Eugen Lobl who was imprisoned with R. Slansky, led the struggle in Kulturny Zivot, H . Koctuch in Slovenske pohl'ady: see also R. Selucky in Kiilturny Zivot, (August 10, 1963, September 28, 1963, November 2, 1963) , and Hospodcirske Noviny, ( November 8 and 15, 1963), for the Czech views. 65) Several intellectuals were dealing with the ideological deformation : 0. Pavlik, M. Kusy, J . Uher, G. Husak, L. Mnacko, K. Rosenbaum , M. Hamada, and others, not only in Kiilturny Zivot, but also in Pravda (Bratislava) , PLamen, and Smena (Bratislava) . 66) The sharpest attacks on Prague's cultural policy towards Slovakia were written by the poet V. Mihalik. See Kulturny Zivot, No. 49, 1965 and No. 8, 1966. 67) Against the misrepresentation and misinterpretation of Slovak history and of the role the Slovaks played during the War see the writings of Slovak intellec tua l,: in Historicky casopis (Historical Review ) as well as Kulturny Zivot. Among the best articles were those written by S. Falt'an, K. Luptak, J . Fabian, E. Fris. See also G. Husak, Svedectvo o slovenskom ncirodnom povstani (Testimony about the Slovak National Uprising), (Bratislava, 1964). 68) See E. Lobl, "O dogmatizme v ekonomickom mysleni" ( About Dogmatism in Economic Thinking), Kulturny Zivot, Sept. 28, No.39, and Oct. 12, No. 41, 1963. Ota Sik, " Akoby nemal vyzerat' antidogmatizmus" (What anti-dogmatism should not be like ), Kiilturny Zivot, No. 44, Nov. 2, 1963, and the proposals of the economists for the perfection and planned direction of the National Economy, Rude Prcivo, Oct. 17, 1964. 69) "The Slovak poblem does exist in our country- wrote in 1964 K. Bartoska-of a complexity and urgency that we failed to realize and did not want to admit. It turns out that the economic equalization of the Czech lands and of Slovakia is not the exhaustive solution of the Slovak complex question". Plamen, No. 5, 1964. 70 ) Elias and Netik, in Griffith, op. cit. p. 275. 71 ) For fuller discussion of the years following the Congress of Writers, see Z. Elias and Netik in Griffith, op. cit. pp. 260-277. 72 ) On Bacilek and his role in the persecution of Slovak "bourgeois 30 73) 74) 75) 76) 77) 78 ) SLOVAKIA nationalists" see Taborsky, op. cit. p. 344, Griffith, op. cit. p. 176 and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 291-302. See Kulturny Zivot, May-July, 1968, and Jacques Marcelle, Le Deuxieme Coup de Prague (Les Editions Vie Ouvriere, Bruxelles, 1968), pp. 183-189. "The sense of urgency which the Slovaks felt about federalism was not matched in the Czech lands" , writes Skilling, "and there was dissatisfaction in Slovakia with the slow pace of planning. There was, however, considerable difference of opinion about the distribution of authority under the proposed federal constitution, with some Slovaks arguing for a very narrow range of federal authority, including only foreign affairs, defense, and finance, and others, mainly Czechs, seeking a much stronger central authority. Even more productive of controversy was the Slovak demand for Parity of representation in the central organs, both executive and legislative, a demand which most Czechs, in spite of their readiness to adopt provisions protecting vital Slovak interests against outvoting by the Czech majority, were unwilling to accept." See Skilling, 'Czecho-Slovakia's Interrupted Revolution" , Canadian Slavonic Papers, vol. X, 4, 1968, p. 419. The historian Milos Gosiorovsky is credited with the iniciative, but Novotny refused to discuss his proposal and ordered sanctions against him. See Vyber, July 19, 1968, pp. 7-8. According to Pravda (Bratislava), February 2, 1968, he said in his first major policy statement on February 1st, 1968: "The Czechs and the Slovaks are nations both equal and able to create their own states. It is our role to strengthen and, in practice, safeguard our people's belief that the Republic open to Czechs and Slovaks additional prospects ... " On the role of Slovakia see G. Husak, "Prinos k januarovym zmenam" (Slovak contribution to the post-January changes), Vyber, December 6, 1968. In this respect namely the so-called "Two Thousand Words" manifesto deserves mention. It provoked an angry reaction in Moscow and in Warsaw at the meeting of the communist parties, on July 15, at which five communist parties sent a threatening letter to Prague. The manifesto was published by Litercirni Listy on June 27, 1968 and was conceived by the communist writer Ludvik Vaculik. 79 ) For a survey of events and documentary articles see Pierre Desgraupes and Pierre Dumayet (ed.), Prague - l'ete des tanks, "L'Histoire a la Une", (Paris, 1968) , the monthly East Europe , January-September, 1968, and Jacques Marcelle, Le Deuxieme coup de Prague, (Editions Vie Ouvriere, Bruxelles, 1968). 80 ) Skilling, Joe cit. p. 4Q9. 81) Skilling, ibid. p. 410. 82 ) See M . Lakatos, " Some Problems of Socialist Democracy ... " Prcivn y Obzor, 3, (1968). According to J. Bob they wanted "cultural, humanistic, democratic" Socialism. See Kulturny Zivot, May 24, 1968. SLOVAKIA 31 83) Openly anti-communist views were of course not allowed. Only the past policies of the Communist Party could be freely criticised. 84 ) Rehabilitation was embodied in a law passed in June, but it referred only to those who were tried between October 1948 and July 1965. It left out thousands of victims condemned for political reasons between 1945-1948 when anti-communists were systematically eliminated from public life, jailed or executed. See Mikus, op. cit. pp. 167-68. According to Skilling the Action Programme "was a relatively moderated programme, acceptable to the conservative and moderate reformers, but not satisfying the more radical ones". Loe. cit. p. 426. 85 ) See an answer by five Slovak writers in Kulturny Zivot, June 21 , 1968. See also G. Husak "Dejinna prilezitost'" (A Historical occasion) , Pravda (Bratislava, May 9, 1968). 86) On the reaction of Slovak intellectuals to the invasion see L. Mnacko, "Die siebente Nacht - Erkenntnis und Anklage eines.Kommunisten" (The Seventh Night - Confession and Accusation of a Communist), (Verlag Fritz Molden, Wien, Miinchen, Ziirich), October 1968, and Slovak journals of September-December. On the international implications see Adam Bromke "Czechoslovakia and the World: 1968", Canadian Slavonic Papers, X, 4, pp. 581-591. On the reaction of the Government and of the Communist Parties, see Dokumenty o okupacii CSR (Documents on the occupation of Czecho-Slovakia), Bratislava 1968. 87 ) Among the contributions to the discussion on democratization and federalization worth of mentioning are: H. Koctuch "Federacia? Konfederacia? ", Kulturny Zivot, March 22, 1968, and "Buduce moznosti a mozna buducnost"', Nove slovo, June 13, 1968; Julius Strinka "Federalizacia a demokratizacia", Kulturny zivot, April 5, 1968; Prof. K. Plank, "Niekol'ko uvah o federalizacii nasho statu" , Sloboda, June 28, 1968; Dr. M. Gaspar, "Aspekty federalizacie CSR", Sloboda, June 14, 1968; and "Federalizacia - Demokracia", Vyber, July 19, 1968. 88) See Historicky casopis (Historical Review), Vol. XII, 3, 1964, and Nove slovo, September 24, 1944, as well as part one of this survey. 89) See articles and comment on this subject in Slovak v Amerike (U.S.A.), Kanadsky Slovak (Canada), cernakov Odkaz (Germany) , Slovensky stit (Australia) etc. A8 AmeTic·arn,, me111ber 8 of the Nlon.1k l,eague of America fi1'Jnl,v bel ie ,·e that the Slon.tk nation, jnst as all nahomi, has a11 i11here11t. and God-given right to freedom and i11clepencle11cc. r['hey are dedicated to the cause of the A rn eri ra n way of life, Slornk freec1om and world peace and ,ne detm·mined to oppose the plague of Comnnrnisrn and all othi-ir totahtaTian political systernR.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia in the Struggle for Liberalization and Federalization of Czecho-Slovakia Description An account of the resource J.M. Kirschbaum Slovakia, Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969 pp. 3-31 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/13548bcd6c5c653042b2c1f58d0270cf.pdf 22adbb831ed1d0eb66c80084966bfd6c PDF Text Text �SLOVAKIA VOLUME XIX • 1969 • NO. 42 Editor DR. JOSEPH PAU0 O LIBRARY Maranatha Baptist Bible College Watertown, Wisconsin Published by THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA 313 Ridge Avenue • Middletown, Pennsylvania 17057 �P rinted by JEDNOTA PRINTERY, Middletown, Pennsylvania, U .S.A. � �SLOVAKIA VOLUME XIX • 1969 • NO. 42 Editor DR. JOSEPH PAU0 O LIBRARY Maranatha Baptist Bible College Watertown, Wisconsin Published by THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA 313 Ridge Avenue • Middletown, Pennsylvania 17057 �P rinted by JEDNOTA PRINTERY, Middletown, Pennsylvania, U .S.A. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1969, Vol. 19 Description An account of the resource Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA VOLUME XIX • 1969 • NO. 42 Editor DR. JOSEPH PAU0 O LIBRARY Maranatha Baptist Bible College Watertown, Wisconsin Published by THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA 313 Ridge Avenue • Middletown, Pennsylvania 17057 P rinted by JEDNOTA PRINTERY, Middletown, Pennsylvania, U .S.A.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 19 (No. 42) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/59cded19d5d79de6a2a55f29c1c4c871.pdf 5335cc1c6b5a20d65effeae39f3ed97a PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 143 CURRENT ISS UES Senator Hugh Scott's Speech Before Slovak League of America in Washington Following are the remarks made by Senator Hugh Scott, (R-Pa.) at the Sheraton-Park Hotel, Washington, D.C., May 24, 1969: It is a special pleasure to be with you tonight, for I feel that an important part of Pennsylvania has come to Washington, in the form of the Slovak League of America. Yes, I am aware that all Slovak Americans do not live in Pennsylvania, but I am also aware that many of your League members do live in my state and have contributed greatly to its growth and diverse strength. Besides that, the real drama of Slovaks in America - the opening wedge toward recognition of an independent state of Slovakia - occurred in Pittsburgh in 1918 with the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact. If that did not bring immediate independence, it was not the fault of the Slovak League of America which has been fighting through the years, since 11 years before the Pittsburgh Pact, to realize the Slovakian dream of independence. Today, you finally see Slovakia independence of the Czechs to the extent of being a so-called Socialist Repub1ic, equal in stature to the Czech Socialist Republic. But the tragedy of domination persists, in the form of the Soviet tyranny ov·e r all of Eastern Europe, including Czecho-Slo,vakia. The history of the spirit of independence in Slovakia and among Slovaks in America is all the more remarkable because the fire of your spirit is fed by the barest sparks of realized freedom. Thus, in 1918, there was jubilation at the Pittsburgh Pact, which was quickly snuffed out; in 1938, another period of joyful independence, which the Nazis crushed; and in 1968, a moment of rebellion, which the Soviets put a halt to. In each of these magic moments, however, the world could recognize �144 SLOVAKIA the spirit of the Slovaks as the spirit of freedom, and it is a spirit the world envies. So great is your love of freedom and your pride in your nation and peoples, that Slovak Americans, through the Slovak League made a memorable effort to aid the United States cause during World War II. Not only did many fight in the American uniform, many more helped to forge the weapons of defense in the factories of Pennsylvania, and still others conducted immensely successful war bond drives and airplanebuying fund raising campaigns. Even the ladies pitched in, with their ladies auxiliary organization. As one who served both in Congress and in the military during the war years, I believe I can express the thanks of a grateful nation for the efforts of the Slovak Americans. Yes, you have much to be proud of, and you are to be commended for keeping your heritage and your pride in it alive through the Slovak League of America. We have all noted much about pride in recent news stories. Black pride is viewed as an emerging force in the United States, and in a context of pride in the Negro's contribution to America in history, and pride in one's race and self, it is a wonderful thing. Because I also believe in pride in language, I co-sponsored the Bilingual Education Act which passed in 1968 and which helps Spanish-speaking children learn in their own tongue before and during the time they are learning English. The culture of the Slovaks is equally a part of our diverse American heritage. I mention these efforts to give certain citizens of the United States greater opportunity because I think it shows that Congress and the people of the United States are generally coming to a realization that you and your group has held for a long time: That we as a people are strengthened by our heritage and are culturally richer in our diversity. Slovaks, through the Slovak League of America, put great emphasis on education, convey the importance of pride in the Slovak language, and see to it that generation after generation keeps the flame of liberty alive in their hearts. It is a matter of perpetuating a heritage. and it is an important thing. Even today the Slovak League of America seeks a righteous path for the Slovak people, when it requests a.n independent �145 SLOVAKIA - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - -- Slovak sedion in the State Department, a Slovak Desk with the Voice of America, and a general Consulate in Bratislava. I support these requests and will help you in these endeavors. I commend the Slovak League of America for setting an example through its organization, and I thank the Slovak League for its contribution to this nation and to the ideal of liberty among men. The Slovaks of Detroit ( August 1968 - August 1969) In the early months of 1968 Detroit was undergoing a transitional change which led Slovak people into moving out of older neighborhoods surrounding the Slovak parishes to the suburbs, literally become "afraid" to return to the neighborhood for church and lodge meetings, which led to a noticable decrease in lodge membership and presence of Slovak people at major functions. The lodges were desperately trying to hold their organizations together and attempted to get the Slovak people out and united again. There was also a search for young Slovak blood to help carry out the Slovak cause to the next generation. Recent shake-ups in the structure of Czecho-Slovakia gave a new hope to us. In January a new leader, a Slovak, took rule. Alexander Dubcek gave new hope and once again offered new courage in the fight for a democracy and a "Free Slovakia". Once again children began to wonder who Father Tiso was. A Slovak Language Class was instituted and attracted many members from all over. Slovak picnics gathered large encouraging crowds. People returned for Slovak masses and began enrolling in the lodges and fraternal groups. In Bratislava, the capitol of Slovakia, the sense of freedom was felt even greater. But as if a fairytale, it was crushed. They had been invaded by the same Russian "Liberator", the one who had already destroyed Slovak freedom 22 years earlier. The Slovaks of Detroit felt equally as crushed. United, we planned to voice our emotions. Many had relatives or friends in Slovakia, or remembered the Communist tyranny they felt after World �146 SLOVAKIA War II. Throughout the United States a brutal portrayal of the invasion was given, referring it as one against Czechs, calling Slovaks the lower and less intelligent class, and even calling Alexander Dubcek a Czech. On August 26, 1968, the Slovaks of Detroit gathered at the Federal Building to hold a peaceful demonstration against the Soviet Aggression. Appearing before nationwide television and press, Michigan vice-president of the Slovak League of America Jan Beliansky denounced the invasion saying "We abhor the brutal aggression against Czecho-Slovakia by the Russians and their occupation of the country. They are killing young people for no reason at all." He also called upon the United States to take a stand in support of the Liberal policies of Alexander Dubcek. The entire nation now knew that the invasion could not be dismissed without any action. Within the next month after the invasion another noticable increase of membership in the Slovak League took place. Slovaks were ready once again to stand up "FOR GOD AND FOR COUNTRY". With fall rapidly approaching the Dominican Nuns of Oxford were busy making plans for their bi-annual "Fall Festival". With the help of the Slovak League of America and many Slovak Parishes, the festival, held on Sunday September 22, was a big success. Over 10,000 Slovaks attended. The second week of October brought about the "OLD WORLD MARKET" at the International Institute, where the Slovaks aided other nationalities in setting up booths selling Art Work, Clothes, Books, Dolls and other forms of ethnic art. Aside from our booth, we had a Slovenska Kuchyna serving Slovak food and pastries to the public. On the final day of the Old World Market, a troop of Slovak Violinists, Dancers and Musicians performed for the Institute. THE DETROIT FREE PRESS also carried an article in the vicinity of a full page specifically about the Slovaks. November 8, 1968 marked the first airing date for the Slovak Radio Program on station WABX 99.5 FM DETROIT. Independently financed, it plays beloved Slovak songs and reports Slovak History, Geography, and Current Events. During this time the Slovak Language Class was en- �SLOVAKIA 147 route to a second successful year. People young and old came to study lessons in grammar, music and history. The large turnout also aided in another measurable step towards preserving Slovak Heritage. The "Slovak Village Entertainers" was created, composed of Slovak singers, dancers, commedians and musicians. After their debut at Sacred Heart Center on the first of December, they were flooded with requests to perform for banquets, installations and parties for many organizations. Dance Choreographers Veronica Uhrin and Mary Hric are constantly searching for new Slovak talent, as is the recently added Music Choreographer Professor John M. Demchak, in order to preserve Slovak Culture. Two members have recently received scholarships to attend the world-famous music school INTERLOCHEN. January 1, 1969 was an eventful day for Slovaks of the World. It marked the official creation of CzechoSlovakia, two independent but united nations. Around this t ime the Slovaks felt a need to get together and celebrate. In order to compensate, the two Detroit branches of the Slovak League of America gathered at Saints Cyril and Methodius Catholic Church in Detroit to hold a "Family Affair", featuring an afternoon of Slovak Entertainment, Movies and Socializing. March 14, 1969 was the 30th anniversary of Slovak Independence and t he creation of the Slovak Republic. To commemorate this bumper stickers bearing the slogan 1939 FREEDOM FOR SLOVAKIA 1969 were printed and distributed. Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary of the Slovak League of America, came to Detroit to give the major address. He was then interviewed by CBS television concerning recent developments in Czecho-Slovakia. In order to further promote Slovak socializing and entertainment, Branch 15 of the Slovak League instituted in what is now known as "Slovakia Saturday Nights" featuring continuous entertainment, Slovak sing-a-longs, games and a dinner. From the large turnout they have decided to have possibly four or five a year. With summer approaching Slovak youths were involved in either practicing for the NATIONAL SLET of the SOKOLS or school track teams. Joseph Smetanka, a sophomore at Wayne State University, broke records �148 SLOVAKIA in relay races against other top Universities and made headlines coaching the Wayne State team and a private team of youths to nationwide victories. Joseph, a member of many Slovak organizations, hopes to oneday teach gym classes or receive a Masters Degree in Physical Education. On May 20, 1969 the Slovak Village Entertainers, leading a float draped with the Slovak Flag, marched with other Slovak youths and twenty different nationalities in a "Nationalities Day Parade". Four days later a Detroit delegation attended the Slovak League of America Conference in Washington, D. C. During the summer, many Detroit Sokols took first place in the SLET and brought home their awards. To remember the first anniversary of the Russian Invasion, over 250 Slovaks gathered in Kennedy Square to hold a "peaceful demonstration", receiving press coverage from 3 television networks, J radio and two newspapers. Our protest should undoubtedly be felt, with our proclamation of "A DAY OF SHAME", by all the bureaucrats in Washington, the leaders of the U. N. and the tyrants at the Kremlin. The Slovak struggle for recognition in a liberal world will be felt! Being only sixteen years of age and newcomer to the Slovak scene politically and physically I hope one day to take over in the same pattern of which our Slovak leaders left off. A trail has been blazed: Slovak Youth must follow . A Slovak "Renaissance" is taking place. The work has been started. It is now up to the people to continue it. Edward M. Zelenak A Slovak In11nigrant - Master of Arts By WINN GALLEGHER ( Pottstown Mercury Staff Writer) A skilled representative of a lost art, woodcarver, and cabinetmaker, Karl M. Pacanovsky, Douglasville RD 2, is head of the arts and crafts department at The Hill School in Pottstown, Pa. Born in Slovakia in 1894, Pacanovsky was apprenticed to a woodworker in the old world fashion at the age 11. �149 SLOVAKIA His father was a farmer who believed his sons should have the benefits of a craft. His three boys were sent to the city to receive their training. Recalling his early years, Pacanovsky said, "In our village, I was always the one who whittled, so it was natural for me to receive training in this field. I studied for three years, and by the time I was 17, I was doing altars for various churches." A local example of the ecclesiastical work of the artist is the pulpit of St. Aloysius Catholic church. It is typical of the Gothic style of most of Pacanovsky's work. Also created items for the Holy Trinity Slovak Catholic Church . * • The desire to come to America followed extensive travel, through Europe, largely by foot. "The decision to come to the United States came after my fascination with the port of Hamburg and the ocean liners I saw there," reminisces Pacanovsky. "After borrowing the money from my father, I sailed for this country, arriving at Newark, N. J., in 1913." The craftsman then was employed by several woodworking firms, including Tiffany and company. This was accompanied by attending nigh~ schoo\ classes in English and drawing and design for seven years. A combination of the depression and Pacanovsky's own love for schooling made him decide to enter Rutgers university, New Brunswick to prepare himself for the teaching profession. "After completing my studies there I taught at various public and private schools, coming to The Hill in 1944." He is heading the arts and crafts department there since 1952. This includes the studio and metal divisions as well as the carving and mechanical drawing taught by the artist himself. Clearly loving his teaching duties, Pacanovsky is articulate in discussing them. "The role of woodworking in education is a creative �150 SLOVAKIA one. I endeavor not to confine the work to merely carving, but to make it an experience including vision, skill, and aesthetics," asserts the teacher. "My purpose is not to make woodcarvers out of all the boys," he continues, "because it is not so much what the boy does to the wood as what the wood does to the boy." Pacanovsky laments the inroads industrialization has made into rapidly disappearing arts such. as his own. "Modern society wants everything done quickly and simply, and the old crafts are vanishing in the Western World, perhaps with the exception of Scandinavia, where they are frequently subsidized by the government," he said, "and they manage to unite modern art to the craft tradition." Pacanovsky has a very flexible attitude on today's artistic expression. "I am very much a traditionalist, but enjoy many of approaches, perhaps because there is no such modern the thing as pure originality," he theorizes. "The experience of all men are rooted in tradition and common to all generations." * * He finds the reward of his own skill lied in the work itself. "It is only through fine creative expression that we are able to develop character. One must know the feeling of making something," he said. Pacanovsky is respectful of the artistic endeavors of all men, and refused to critize the message in another's work. "All art should have meaning, but I never condemn a work because I personally cannot extract it," he declares. He considers the basic requirements for the field of art are of design, line, and proportion, and finds the biggest handicap to be symptomatic of the times. "People today, for instance my students, have an �SLOVAKIA 151 attitude of mediacrity being good enough. I always illustrate that this is not so by pointing out that the surgeon cannot do a slipshod job on a patient on the grounds that it isn't his best, but it's good enough." Pacanovsky's teaching requires most of his time during the school term, but during the Summertime he makes cabinets and cases for The Hill, as well as executing beautifully lettered signs. One of his most unusual projects recently was the designing and executing of a mace for the school which is used in processionals. Pacanovsky occasionally is commissioned to make new pieces of furniture, both in traditional and modern design, but finds his academic duties restrict outside professional work. Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius 50 Years in Danville, Pa. June 19, 1969 mairked 50 yeaas that the Slovak Siste['s of SS. Cyril and Methodius arrived wt Danville, Pa. Their first words were the scriptuiral, "Lord, it is good fo[' us to be he['e." Ten year,s oJd, the Conwreg:wtion of the Sisteirs of SS. Cyiril and Methodius had been established in 1909 by F1aither Matthew Jankola, a Sloviak immigranit pries,t, under the guidance of the Sisters Servants of the Immaculate He,a,r,t of Mall'y, of Marywood, Scranton. Its firsit Sisters had received their training at Macywood, which also served as the young Communiity's headquarters. All its retreats aaid profoession ceremooies burt one had been held wt M,airywood . By June, 1919, the mem~ship of the new community numbe['ed 57 professed Si,s,teirs, 30 novices and 9 postulants. Lt had reached the stage where Lt was able lo assume its own leadership and establish its own administration , functioning under Church law. Its first chapte•r , held at Marywood in 1915, had resulrted in the election of Mother Macy Mihalik as first superioir general. At her d e a th within a yeair she was repl,aced by Mother M. Emmanuel Pauly, whose term extended over six years until 1922. The community of Religious had already assumed cha,r g,e of pa,rish schools in Pennsylvania and Connecticut and of an o,r phanag,e of the Fiirst CaJtho1ic Slovak Union (Jednota) in Middletown, Pa. What �152 SLOVAKIA it needed more than anything was a motherhouse kom which to admini.Siter the congregation and a residence for the training of novices and postulants by canonical standards. As the young community outgrew the facilities at Mairywood, its administration had transferred to the large parish convent in Plymouth, Pa., where Mather Mary resided. The novices and postulants were divided among the Plymouth, Pittston and Olyphant, (Pa.) convents. 1n 1917 a lairge house was leased to the community on t he Jednota premises at Middletown, Pa., which accomcxfated the novices and postulants and also served as a temporary motherhouse for the community. It soon became inadequate. Meanwhile Mother M. Emmanuel Pauly was alert to any prospects of acquiring a motherhouse for the community. Through Father Julius C. Foin, pastor at Middletown and a Danville, Pa., native, she learned about Castle Grove, vacant at the time for 14 years. She informed Bishop Philip R. McDevitt of Harrisburg, Pa., who in turn communicated with Father 1-' ran c is X. Dougherty, pastor of St. Joseph's Parish in Danville, asking him to investigate the property. This was in the fuU of 1918. Negotiations were set in motion and by the spring of 1919 the transaction was completed. 'J.'lhe Sis,te,rs of SS. Cyril and Methodius acquired Castle Grove and took possession of it on June 19, 1919. The estate was renamed Villa Saored Heart because the date of the Sisiters' arrival from Jednota in Middletown, Pa., coincided with the season of the Sacred Heart in Catholic liturgy. The Sisters recalled that they arrived by train from Hairrisburg, Pa., before noon on June 18, only to find that a technicality still barrnd them from entering Castle Grove. A signature was lacking on the deed. The Sisters we-r e meanwhile offered hospi,tali,ty and night's lodging by the Immaculate Hca'l"t Sisters a,t St. Joseph's Convent on Bloom Road. The following morning a f t c r Mass at St. Joseph's Church the novitiate gr{)IUp, which included Rev. Mother M. Emmanuel and l\Iother M . Monica, an Immaculate Heart Sister \Vho had been retained as d1rector of novices for the community, walked sile!l!tly d own Route 11 towaird their new home. Passing under the archway over the e!l!trance and up the narrow fo()lj; path, they surveyed the broad expanse of high grass and majestic trees and glimpsed at the mansion beyond. The cry which burst from their lips was "Lord , il is good for us to be here." The property was deteriorated, but graduaJ!y through the weeks that followed the house was resLored somewha,t to its original splendor and modified to convent specifications, and the campus recovered some of its beauty and design . By July 7, feast of SS. Cyril and Methodius, the lairge salon on the first floor was furnished as a chapel and Bishop McDevi.ltt offered the first Mass for the community at Villa Sacred Heart. The work of intensive cleaning and restoration both indoors and out continued through July. The professed Sisters returned from their pa;rish missions to make their annual retreat in August, the first a,t Vil1a Sacred Heart. It was fol- �SLOVAKIA lowed by the first reception and profession ceremonies, at which 15 novices were professed and 9 postulaints received the habit and white veil of a novice. This brought the community members hip to 72 professed Sisters and 24 novices. By the end of Augus,t . ix new candidates had entered the community and they were ready to begin their training as postulants. Within fi.f,t,y years the face of Villa Sacred Heart has changed, showing expansion and growth. As the community membership increased and additional projects were undertakoo, St. Cyril AcadPmy for girls was opened in 1922 and a new building was erected in 1929. For its religious ceremonies and worship, a chapel was added in 1939. A three-story wing, conn eoted with the academy and matching it in architecture and design, was completed and dedicated in the fall of 1957. Maria Joseph M-anoc wa-s erected on a site bordering the mOitherwise property in 1962. M,ari-a Hall, a home for retired Sisters, is presently rising and will be completed by the summer of 1970. professed Sisters. 13 novice and 3 postulan ts. An add Ltional 55 Sis ters lie buried in the community's cemetery. The Sisters teach in 36 Slovak parish schools in the archdiocese of Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, and the dioceses of Harrisburg, Bridge port, Charleston, Gary, Hartford, Greensburg, Steubenville, Scranton , Syracuse and Trenton. They also are on the staffs of six Catholic central high schools. Every summer and throughout the school year, the Sisters engage in r-atechetical work, and in recent years have intensified their efforts in this field. The Sisters also conduct a ?SY· chological and reading clinic in Wilkes-Barre. Bes ides St. Cyril Academy they also teach at Blessed Sacrament Academy in Yonkers, New York and Andrean Hi g h School in Gary, Ind . The congregation is in warge of t he Jednota Orphanage in Middletown, Pa., and besides Maria Joseph Manor it comducts Villa SL Cyril, a home for the aged, in Highland Park. UL The Sisters have worked with Headst a:rt and other special programs for underprivileged groups. This summer these and similar programs are in operation here in Danville, and in Bridgeport, Conn., Chairleston. S.C., Chicago, and Gary. In the 60 years the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Meth-odius has been serving the Church and the Slovak people, it has reached a membership of 425 • 153 • THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA represents an overwhelming majority of organized Americans of Slovak descent; actively affiliated with it are the largest Slovak fraternals, religious organizations, Slovak Clubs and Slovak civic organizations in the United States. �154 - - - -- SLOVAKIA - - - - - - - -- - -- - - - - - - · - - - - - AS OTHERS "You may be assured of my continued interest in a free and independent Slovakia." - Richard Schweiker, United States Senate "Our country has been vastly enriched by the contributions which your membership and your fellow Slovak Americans have made down through the years." - Edward W . Brooke, United States Senate "I appreciate your thoughtfulness in sending me the latest issue of your publication Slovakia. 1 found it most interesting." - John Sherman Cooper, U. S. Senate "Slovaks in my area and throughout the nation are known as a proud, talented, industrious, and deeply religious people who continue to aspire to the attainment of freedom and liberty despite the many years of Communist rule of their ancestral homeland." -John P . Saylor, Member of Congress "Long have I known of the grand work the American Slovak League has done over the years of its existence. "The Slovak people have a glorious history and a noble tradition. For over a thousand years they have fought continuously for their national independence. Today that tradition is still carried on proudly by your League which struggles unremittingly for the human and national rights of the Slovak people. In that struggle you have my full support for I have always stood behind the right of every nation, large and small, to attain and hold its national sovereignty. "Your civic and cultural contributions to America also stand as a great tribute to your organization. The immigrants from Slovakia in SEE IT years past have made many wonderful and inspiring contributions to the American way of life. The League has played a great part in encouraging them to be alert and loyal citizens. "By continuing the good work of the Slovak League, you are doing a service for the United States, for the people of Slovakia, and for all humanity." - Michael A. Feighan, Member of Congress "Be sure of my continued support for a free and independent Slovakia." - Clement J. Zablocki, Member of Congress "I want to extend to the Slovak League of America and its membership my regards and sincere commendation for their outstanding achievements in the interest of all freedom loving people."-John W . Wydler, Member of Congress "These are trying times for all who are interested in the welfare of your homeland, which means all who love freedom and liberty. I k n o w that your activities give strength to the freedom-loving people in Slovakia in their continuing struggle to regain control of their destiny."-Frank T . Bow, Member of Congress "As citizens the Slovak-Americans have contributed immeasurably to the religious, cultural, educational, industrial, and civic growth and betterment of our cities, and our country. "I want to take this opportunity to commend those of Slovakian heritage for their courage and forebearance."-Guy Vander Jagt, Member of Congress "My greetings and v e r y b e s c w i s h e s to my Slovak-American �SLOVAKIA friends for whom I am constantly striving in the Congress to make this a truly free world for all people. " - William E . Mi nshall, Member of Congress 155 to make the best of their opportunities. "There is nonetheless a note of sadness as your thoughts inevitably turn to those of your brethren who remain in your a n c e s t r a I homeland. It is a paradox of the twentieth century that while more than sixty nations on other continents have gained their independence from colonial powers since World War II, a number of the ancient lands of Europe have been swallowed up by the Soviet Empire."-Harold R. Colli er, Member of Congress "I do wish to assure you that I shall continue my interest in the affair of your League and look forward to another opportunity to join with you. " -Martin B . McKneally , Member of Congress "I am pleased once again to have the opportunity to salute your untiring efforts toward freedom and your unailing patriotism and courage." - Willi am S. Moorehead, Member of Congress "I am well aware of the immense contribution to American life which has been made by our Slovak-American citizens. They have brought to us in this country the same religious strength and the same love of freedom which they learned in their motherland. Even today that same spirit of freedom can be seen in the establishment of the Slovak Republic in a federated CzechoSlovakia. This is the culmination of years of effort by a great people who wish to keep their own identity. "-Joseph M . McDade, Member of Congress "I heartily support the efforts of the Slovak League of America to keep alive the torch of freedom for so many who must remain behind the Iron Curtain of oppression."Charles A . Vanik, Member of Congress "Congratulations on many con"I wish to comp l i m e n t you r League on the superb work you are tributions to international underdoing." - Seymour Halpern, Mem- standing and cultural exchange."Margaret M . Heckler, Member of ber of Congress Congress "I received the latest issue of "I would like you to know that Slovakia which you recently sent receive Slovaki a, and find th~ did I me, and have enjoyed reading it." of interest." - John B . publication - Charles W. Whalen, Jr., Member Anderson, Member of Congress of Congress 'Thank you for the book entitled "Many of the people whom I am edited by Dr. Joseph PauSlovakia, naprivileged to represent in the to read this book planning am I co. tional House of Representatives for it will be possible as soon as either came to the United States resource."-William useful very a from Slovakia or are the descendMember of Congress ants of immigrants from that na- T . Mtirphy, " The s t r u g g l e continues for tion. Through the years they have proved themselves to be loyal Ame- equal representation and national ricans and good citizens of their rights which the Slovak League beadopted country, serving it with gan more than 50 years ago. I share equal diligence through war and your concern about the Soviet oppeace, and inspiring their children pression of the Slovak people. I �156 SLOVAKIA pray we will see the day when the Slovak people will be permitted to establish their o w n independent nation in Europe, with freedom to select their own leaders and their own path of government." - John Myers, Member of Congress "I command the efforts of the Slovak League of America to maintain culture and traditions of Slovakia here in United States. We must be confident of the f u tu re and continue to work for the day when legitimate independence and true freedom is enjoyed by people of Slovakia and all other captives of Communism."-Edward J . Derwinski, Member of Congress "Every Slovak American is extremely p r o u d of the League's years of interest in the cultural and historical betterment of all American Slovaks." - Joseph M . Gaydos, Member of Congress "The yearning for liberty and independence among Slovaks will continue until they will be able to determine their own destiny; and, I am ceritain, as an independent nation, will constructively contribute to the well being and peace of the world. You may be assured of my continuing efforts for selfdetermination of all Captive Nations and of my warm and special interest for the Slovak nation." Michael A. F eighan, M. C., 20th District, Ohio "I am aware of the constant struggle of Slovak people to regain their independence and live side by side with other free nations of the world. It is my desire and hope that the spirit and determination of the Slovak people will not be broken and that the Slovak nation will once again have the right to choose its own destiny. In these just aspirations of Slovak people all of us should help. I pledge my support in this respect. '' William E. Minshall, M. C., 23rd District, Ohio "Slovak nationalism was an important element in the early days of the reform movement. Mr. Novotny, the former President, who was passionately disliked in Slovakia for his discriminatory poli. cies, paid the penalty for ignoring it. " (The Times, October 31, 1968) . "For all the pride and satisfaction with which Czecho-Slovakia has introduced federalization of the Czech and Slovak nations, real equality still remains a promise rather than a practical accomplish ment ... many stormy sessions lie ahead with the Slovaks pressing for even greater autonomy. At the roots of the conflict is the fact that, since its inception 50 years ago, the republic has boasted of having established unity with equality for the two nations without the Slovaks ever having actually achieved this equality." (The Times, October 28, 1968). "Although lip service has been paid to ethnic equality by both the pre-World War II Masaryk republic and the post-war Communists, the Slovaks have always, with considerable justice, felt that they were getting the short end of the stick. Before the war, Slovak nationalists demanded virtual national independence." (John P . Roche, San Francisco Examiner. July 3, 1969) . - "The main tourist centers (in the High Tatra Mountains, Slovakia ) are Stary Smokovec, Tatranska Lomnica and Strbske Plesoeach more scenically beautiful than the other. "The 17-mile mountain range with some 300 ragged peaks, romantic valleys and ice-blue small lakes can compete with any Alpine �SLOVAKIA 157 area. The width of the range is removed the country's most popu10 miles." (The New York Times; lar liberal from the domestic political scene, thereby placating the October 31, 1969. "Americans teens are lucky be- ultras. At the same time, he won cause 'they don't have to worry plaudits from the liberals by reabout politics like we do', said fusing to place Dubcek balked, Michael, 18, of Bratislava . .. There protesting that he would return are two 'nations' in Czecho-Slova- to his old job of factory machinist kia, they said-the Czechs and the rather than leave the country. But Slovaks. Because they are Slovaks, in the end he bowed to the party the boys don't like our tendency order, knowing full well that his to shorten "Czechoslovakian' to refusal would only further inflame 'Czech'. That, they said, is incor- political passions in Prague." rect because almost half the people (Newsweek, December 29, 1969). "Father Hlinka insisted that the in their country are not Czechs, they're Slovaks." (The Times Un- Czechs and Slovaks were not one ion, Rochester, N. Y., July 26, nation , but two distinct nations, 1968). and therefore the Slovaks had as much right to self-government as "Slovak painters and graphic artists, among them Milan Laluha, any other self-respecting nation. " Ladislav Guderna and M. Brunov- (Thaddeus V. Gromada , siavic Resky, were acclaimed in Italy, view, September 1969). France and Canada. The works of sculptors Uher and Bartfay became known . . . The operas of Eugen Suchoii. were performed throughout Europe, and the music of Jan Cikker and Alexander Moyzes were heralded in many parts of the world. Viliam Bukovy's modernist compositions were honored at international music and film festivals. He also wrote music for several Hollywood films. Another composer, Ilja Zelienka, won first prizes at several European modern music festivals. "Slovaks also made important medical contributions. The Slovak Institute of Biochemistry became known for its discoveries of antibiotics and work in concer research. The Microbiological Institute, headed by Dr. Dionyz Blazkovic, was hailed for its achievements bi iinmunobiology and allergiology." (Jan Samak, East Europe. Vol. 18, No. 7). "By naming Dubcek to the post of ambassador to Turkey, Husak "Not even the closest associates of Gustav Husak, the new party chief, are likely to be sure about how to proceed. Politically, Husak has to fight on two fronts and many think that the threat from the extreme left is far more dangerous to him than that from the "right-wing opportunists", as the new jargon refers to supporters of his reform-minded predecessor, Alexander Dubcek. "The party is rocked by expulsions and mass resignations. According to some private estimates it has already lost 300,000 of its 1.7 million members. Those who stayed can be divided into at last four different wings fighting each other. Purges have assumed bizarre proportions, extending from secret police to sports federations, from the foreign service to the Communist-led children organization. "Husak had pleaded not to turn the party into a "slaughter-house,'' but some top radicals openly en- �158 SLOVAKIA courage neo-Stalinists in the lower ranks to push even harder. Evidence of the struggle for power in the party is ample even in the press, which is now tightly controlled again. "In the economic field, the situation is nearly chaotic. The new leadership has canceled almost all of the reforms, but also has announced it will not return to preDubcek concepts. Except for "work harder" appeals, the regime has yet to disclose which panacea it will propose. Some of the top industry managers have been fired for liberal leanings, many others are uncertain about their fate. Thousands of employees and workers now have had marks for political unreliability in their personnel files, hampering prospects for better pay and promotion. The working morale of others is hardly any better; their unions which started developing some muscle during the Dubcek era have again been reduced into tools of the party. " 'Sick rates' are running double those last years and workers take it easy. Husak estimates that 20 per cent of the working time now is idled away. Stringest penalties have been introduces for loafers but that is hardly likely to boost their spirits. "Party leaders allege that rightwing calls for passive resistance also hurt the economy. 'The worse the better' is a slogan actually proposed by one though seemingly small school of thought. " 'Economic crisis have toppled Novotny', explained one veteran party member and anti-Stalinist referring to the old guard leader Antonin Novotny who was replaced by Dubcek. Maybe this will force a change again. "Average wages have increased but so have prices, setting off a Western-style inflationary spiral. That, in turn, and despite official denials, fueled rumors of an impending currency reform. Shops, already, undersupplied, were beleaguered. 'He who hesitates will not buy well' was the superfluous warning on a Prague display window. "Vexing shortages, from prams to pajamas, have become a fact of life in the million-population capitol. The pantie problem became so prickly that special hardcurrency funds were pried loose to pay for emergency imports. The hard currency may have come increased meat exports to the West which have helped dry up supplies of pork, a stample food of Czechs and Slovaks. "Now laws threaten court punishment to hoarders and even sales clerks who talk a customer into buying more than he actually needs. The man in the street will readily blame part of the shortages on the Russian occupation troops. Stories make the round of a Red Army man entering a store and asking for 'five kilograms of panties.' " ( Associated Press, February 22, 1970) . "I returned to Vienna with mixed emotions about the status of the people in Czecho-Slovakia but I also brought a brand new Slovak diet for reducing. The Slovaks call it the 'American diet.' Here it is : "You can eat all the chicken and drink all the Sliwowitz you can manage. But no bread, no pastries, no vegetables. Just chicken and wine. "I always suspected that the Slovaks have a spark\ of genius in them and now their 'American Diet' confirms my belief." (Theodore Andrica, The Cleveland Press, July 14, 1969) . �SLOVAKIA 1511 COMMENTS TWO CZECH PROFESSORS ABOUT SLOVAK-CZECH RELATIONS It happens very rarely that Czech intellectuals in the Free World comment objectively on the relations between Slovaks and Czechs or on books published on Slovakia. For many years not only Czech politicians in exile but also Czech scholars and professors at various universities wrote with bias about Slovak history, politics and cultural achievements. There is no doubt that such writings harmed the image of the Slovak nation but great harm was also done to the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs. Many Czech intellectuals apparently did not look at the problem from this point of view. We welcome, therefore, a new sober voice from Prof. Stanley Z. Pech from the University of British Columbia. He commented in the siavic Review on the book by John Gellner, a Czech newspaperman, and John Smerek, a former Slovak civil servant. The book was published under the title The Czechs and Slovaks in Canada and was published by Masaryk Memorial Institute in Toronto. Professor Pech wrote before about Slovak and Czech relations with much more objectivity than we are accustomed to read from Czech intellectuals. In connection with this book, he had the following to say: "Although one of the authors is of Slovak origin, the book does not appear to do justice to the Slovak viewpoint. Slovak grievances against Czechoslovakia are dismissed as 'separatism', and the First Republic is given what amounts to a clean bill of health. Some 'mistakes' were made, but these were 'largely cured' by the late 1920s. The Administrative Law of 1927 established a desirable degree of decentralization by setting up selfgoverning provinces 'on lines broadly similar to Canadian provinces', each province having 'its provincial president and its provincial assembly'. After this, 'Czechoslovakia seemed on the way toward co-operative, equitable solutions to whatever domestic problems there still were.' It was the Slovak People's Party and the rise of Nazi Germany that later reversed this trend. "ls it possible to present the issues so simply? The First Republic had indeed an outstanding record, and its democratic structure proved more durable than that of most European states. However, it was unquestionably a centralist state even after 1927, and this was the essence of Slovak objections. The authors fail to note that according to the Jaw of 1927 the provincial president and one-third of the provincial assembly were appointed by the central government and that both de jure and de facto the provincial president was an agent of the central government. The jurisdiction of the provinces was limited to social services and similar activities, and the assemblies could be dissolved at any time by a decree issued in Prague. Do the authors really believe that a province so conceived resembles a province in Canada or a state in the United States? Was this situation not bound to feed discontent among the Slovaks? "This situation has important �160 SLOVAKIA implications for the history of the Slovaks in Canada . (and in the United States). Many Slovaks who came to the New World after 1918 were disenchanted with Czechoslovakia and refused to associate themselves with Czech groups. Today their numbers are larger, and their hostility to everything Czech is implacable and chauvinistic. This phenomenom has many roots, but it cannot be understood without reference to the failure of the Czechs to regard the Slovaks as their equals and to give the consideration to their national sentiment. Yet this appreciation is wholly lacking in the present book. With what lack of respect influential segments of the Czech community regarded the Slovaks is illustrated by a secret memorandum on Slovakia, which was drawn up by the Czech Socialist Party in 1946 and published in Bratislava in 1968. The memorandum is a chilling blueprint for depriving the Slovaks of their national identity by any means necessary, not excluding the use of force (see text in Historicky casopis, vol. 16, 1968, pp. 191-93). Gellner and Smerek are two competent observers, and their book will be a standard work for many years. Was the nature of the Slovak problem so far beyond their pale of vision that they could not come to grips with it? Until the Czechs are prepared to take a critical look at their own attitudes, their contribution to a Czech-Slovak dialogue will be only a limited one." This approach is in great contrast with another Czech, Prof. Joseph S. Roucek from Queensborough Community College. He wrote on the same book in the International Migration Review (III 9, Summer 1969) and compared the book with the work by Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum Slovaks in Canada. Prof. Roucek had to admit that: "In general, Kirschbaum's study, in spite of its weaknesses, is much better and more exhaustive than Gellner-Smerek' s work, since it is better documented (as shown by its bibliography, pp. 441-455) and contains reprints of 24 memoranda, petitions, pleas, and resolutions either to the Canadian authorities or to the United Nations by the Slovak Canadian organizations, as well as by individual members of the Canadian Slovak League and the First Catholic Slovak Union during the past three decades." However, Roucek was unable to write without -the anti-Slovak bias in his further remarks. Even though the book Slovaks in Canada is not a political book but strictly a scholarly work on the history of Slovaks in Canada. Prof. Roucek commented on the book as follows: overcertainly "Kirschbaum stresses his Slovak filiopietism which has been glaringly evident in his previous works and which is the ideology of his group of American and Canadian Slovaks promoting Slovak separatism. We learn that 'from the First World War until the present time, Slovak Canadians have been the victims of political activities in their homeland .. .' (p. 9) and that the Canadian Slovaks were discriminated against during World War II because they 'refused to support the policy od Dr. E. Benes, who resigned in October 1938 but who in 1941 set up his government-inexile in London, England, and insisted on his right to represent Czechs and Slovaks in the West. Members and representatives of the Canadian Slovak League were , particularly denounced as enemies �SLOVAKIA of Canada because they advocated the right to self-determination and self-government for the Slovak people.' (p. 6) . But we must also note that even a greater number of Canadian Slovaks supported Dr. Benes and that the Slovak Republic was formed as the first satellite state under Hitler's blessing and auspices. This 'pro-Czech' tendency is, in fact, admitted by Kirschbaum: "The pro-Czech attitude of Slovak Protestants, many of whom were descendants of Czech refugees who came to Slovakia during the Counter-Reformation, accounts for various peculiarities of the Slovak political, cultural and religious life not only in Slovakia, but also among Canadians or Americans of Slovak origins." (p. 32). It is hard to understand, unless we are accustomed to the writings of Czech intellectuals, why Prof. Roucek made such comments on a history book concerning Slovaks in Canada unless one knows the tense relations which existed among the Slovaks and the Czechs for the past 50 years and the bias of many Czech intellectuals who followed the political line of Dr. Benes condemned at the present time not only by many Czechs but by the whole Slovak nation. "SLOVAK NEWS" or COMMUNIST PROPAGANDA For the past two years Slovaks in the Free World received from a Slovak Cultural and Tourist News Agency Tatrapress a mimeographed publication called "Slovak News." After being separated for over a quarter of a century by the Iron Curtain from their homeland, 161 many Slovaks welcomed the fact that finally they can receive information on their country of origin from Bratislava. Unfortunately, the "Slovak News" is not published in the spirit which triggered the liberalization in 1968 and the picture of Slovakia is not one which we could accept. The periodical is published in English, sometimes in good and at other times in very poor English indeed. It was a good step on the part of the regime in Bratislava to try to acquaint the outside world with Slovakia, but the bad side of this enterprise is the biased presentation of Slovak politics and cultural, economic, and social life. For many decades, Slovakia was presented in a distorted light, more often than not unfavorably, to the Western world. All the efforts of Slovak intellectuals in the Free World could not successfully overcome the adverse propaganda from either Czech or other camps opposed to Slovak national aspirations. In 1968, there were great hopes among the Slovaks in the Free World that the tide had changed and that from Slovakia efforts will come to present Slovakia in a true light. Looking objectively at the issues of "Slovak News" which have up to date come to this Continent, we must say with regret that it is again a very biased picture which the so-called Slovak government portrays for the West and hundreds of thousands of Slovaks who are still interested in the good name of their country of origin and work for a free and democratic Slovakia. J . K. �162 SLOVAKIA BOOK REVIEWS BOOKS ON THE EVENT IN CZECHO-SLOVAKIA IN 1968 The events in Czecho-Slovakia stirred the attention of scholars in many Western countries and some 50 books were published according to Robert F. Lamberg (Svedectvi, X, No. 37, Paris, 1969). Most of these books are in English, some in French and the rest in the German language. Among the authors are not only specialists in international affairs or in Eastern Europe, but also the Czech exiles and writings by two exiles from Slovakia, Eugene Loeb! and Ladislav Miiacko. The writings of both these authors were published in English as well as in German. One of Loebl's books, Svedectvo o Procese, was published in Slovak and appeared subsequently in English as well as German translation. Many of these books just presented the sequence of events and did not bring any scholarly analysis or political conclusions. Other books are analytical and there is also a score of books which are close to the sensational writings and were designed for the large public and money making. Among those which are worthwhile reading are the following books : Robert Rhodes James, ed., The Czechoslovak Crisis 1968. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson (Toronto: Ryerson), 1969, XII, 203 pp., $7.95. Roger Garaudy, La liberte en sursis: Prague, 1968. Paris. Fayard, 156 pp. Eugen Loeb!, Sentenced and Tried: The Stalinist Purges in Czechoslovakia. London: Elek (Toronto: Ryerson), 1969, 272 pp., $8.50: in Slovak, Svedectvo o procese, Bratislava, 1968, 200 pp.: in German, Die Revolution rehabilitiert ihre Kinder, Vienna: Europa, 1968, 228 pp. Eugen Loeb} and Leopold Grunwald , Die intellektuelie Revolution, Hintergrunde and Auswirktmgen des " Prager Frilhiings". Dusseldorf: Econ, 1969, 308 pp. Ladislav Miiacko, The Seventh Night. New York: Dutton (Toronto : Clarke, Irwin), 1969, 220 pp., $7.25. Also in German. Harry Schwartz, Prague's 200 Days: The Struggle for Denwcracy in Czechoslovakia. New York, Washington, and London: Praeger (Toronto: Burns & MacEachern) , 1969, 274 pp., $7.25. Joseph Wechsberg, The Voices Garden City, N. Y.: Toronto : Doubleday, 1969, 113 pp. $5.95. Philip Windsor and Adam Roberts, Czechoslovakia, 1968: Refo rm, Repression and Resistance. London: Chatto and Windus for the Institute for Strategic Studies (Toronto : Clarke Irwin) , 1969, vm, 200 PP- ' $3.0o. Z. A. B. Zeman, Prague Spring: A Report on Czechoslovakia, 1968. Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin (Toronto: Longmans) , 1969, 169 pp., $8.50. Not all of these books are of the ·s ame academic value and one of them by Robert Rhodes James, The Czechoslovak Crisis 1968, has put the invasion by the Warsaw Pact armies in a debatable position, as we will see later. The three books by the writers from Slovakia, Loeb! and Mnacko, gave an insight into the crisis of communism in �SLOVAKIA Slovakia and Mnacko's book is rather a series of reportages than a book on history. From the political point of view, some of the books condemned the invasion and their analysis of the events before the invasion and after is in line with a democratic point of view. The most surprising are the views of Robert Rhodes James who is a specialist in international relations. In his view, the Soviet occupation was "defensive and reluctant" and did not provide evidence of "Soviet aggressiveness or expansionism" and represented "no threats to NATO interests." James also thinks that the United Nations "acquitted itself reasonably effectively" by protesting only and that NATO was quite right in its reactions by not making any attempt to include Rumania or Yugoslavia under its protection. It is certainly hard to accept such views from a western "specialist in international affairs" on an act of brutal aggressiveness and violation of the independence of a country which wanted only to build "communism with a human face". This defeatist view is hardly acceptable by any western scholar or politician. Even the Italian, Rumanian and Yugoslav communists condemned the invasion and protested against it and there is no doubt that all the Western Powers, even if they remained inactive, looked with concern to the presence of Russian armies on the West German and Austrian border. In all these books there is, of course, not much about the events in Slovakia and there is rarely mentioned the fact that the liberalization was forced upon Novotny's regime by the Slovak writers and was lead by a Slovak-Alexander Dubcek-who is sometimes even 163 presented as a Czech leader. Only the Canadian Slavonic Papers (Vol. IX, 4, 1968) published a chapter on the role of Slovaks in the deStalinization period. A good book presenting not only the Czech views or information received in Prague, but also giving justice to the Slovaks, seems to be very necessary to give an objective picture of the events of 1967 and 1968. J . M . Kirschbaum Heinri c h Kuhn: Handbuch der Tschechoslowakei (Verlag Robert Lerche, Mtinchen), 1966, pp. 1,024, Price 142.00 D. M. This reference book on CzechoSlovakia by Dr. Heinrich Kuhn will be appreciated not only by scholars but by all who are interested in the political, social and economic development in CzechoSlovakia after the Second World War. With the typical German "puenktlichkeit" Dr. Kuhn prepared a highly technical study which required years of systematk research and data collecting. The Collegium Carolinum published in the past years several valuable books on Bohemia and Slovakia. Kuhn's volume seems to be the most useful. The volume is divided into four parts. The first part deals with the territory of today's Czecho-Slovakia and her population which by the rude and often criminal expulsion of 3 million Sudeten Germans and by the "voluntary" cession of Subcarpathian Ruthenia by Prague to the U. S. S. R. was substantially reduced in comparison to its size in pre-war times. Kuhn's work gives the basic statistics on the territorial organization, th~ movements of the population and its ethnic composition as well as �164 SLOVAKIA the social structure and education of the Czechs and Slov,a ks during the 20 years following the Second World War. The author avoided political comments either in his introductory notes or in explaining the statistics, leaving the judgment on, among other things, the expulsion of Germans, on the transfer of hundreds of thousands of Slovaks to the Sudeten territories, where they have been denationalized, to historians and political scientists. In the second part of this huge volume (1,024 pages) Dr. Kuhn deals with the constitutional and organizational structure of CzechoSlovakia under the post-war "people's democracy" and Communist regimes. The tense relation between the Czechs and Slovaks and the tendency of Prague's governments to reduce Slovakia to a province administered by Prague rather than by Slovaks, is clearly apparent from the constitutional changes, partly politics, government appointments and statistical data in this part of the book. We also can find in this chapter basic information and statistics on cultural institutions, schools and church organizations. For those who know from other sources about the rule of terror, the Stalinization of the system, the anti-Slovak policy of Prague governments and the persecution of the Church, especially in Slovakia, Dr. Kuhn's statistical evidence of the changes during this period will be of great value. An interesting picture of changes and inner struggles in the government, cultural and other organizations is also given in the third part of Kuhn's work. To read properly the statistical data in this part it is, however, necessary to be well acquainted with the rela- tions between the Czechs and Slovaks. Behind all the changes in the high positions of the CzechoSlovak state was a systematic attempt at exclusion of Slovaksexcept those who were willing tools of Gottwald or Novotnyfrom the decision making organs and institutions. During the Novotny era the anti-Slovak complex was also extended to the cultural field . The accusations of "bourgeois nationalism" was but a cover, as we learned during the short period of liberalization in 1968. The last part of the book gives us names of those who after the Second World War held positions in the political and cultural organizations of Czecho-Slovakia. The value of Dr. Kuhn's works can be justly judged only if we take into consideration that great part of the information he gives in his book was not easily or at all accessible in the West for many years. There was an "Iron Curtain" preventing an exchange of scholars and of publications, and there was for many a language barrier, since the Prague Government did not publish the statistical data in Western languages. Looking from this point at Dr. Kuhn's reference book, not only scholars but also Slovaks in the Free World cannot but welcome it. Dr. J . M . Kirschbaum Rudolf Sturm, CZECHOSLOVAKIA -A Bibliographic Guide, (Library of the Congress, Washington), 1967, 157 pp. Professor Sturm's Bibliographic Guide on Czecho-Slovakia is the first work of its kind in which the author made the attempt of presenting a bibliography on CzechoSlovakia without the usual bias. He included scores of books on �SLOVAKIA 165 Slovakia which other bibliogra- scholars and specialists in Eastern phers usuall y bypass. Therefore, Europe will find in these works it is hard to say whether it is by a new picture of the Slovak past omission of the author or because and cultural life. A better representation of Slowe did not publish in the Free World a bibliography of books on vak books can be found in Prof. Slovak history, culture, and litera- Sturm's Bibliographic Guide as far ture, if we do not find in this as books and bibliographies in bibliography some books which Slovak language are concerned. There he has listed the main should be mentioned. The book is divided into 15 bibliography sources as well as the chapters which deal with the land , most important books on Slovak the people, history, politics and history, language, and literature government, Jaw, economy, social which were published either beconditions, religion and philosophy, fore 1945 or during the Communist languages, literature and the arts. period. Jn his introduction, Prof. Sturm '.J'1>c work includes both forei gn language books and reference mentions that he would be "gratcbooks and bibliographies in the ful to users for informing him of Czech and Slovak languages. Need- any error or shortcoming in the less to say that the number of text" and he admits that the Guid e publications on the Czechs, their is "imperfect" and hopes that history, language and culture is "im perfect as it is, it fills a need and will help to promote Czech considerably higher. We note, however, that for the and Slovak studies outside Czechofirst time in a bibliography pre- slovakia." There is no doubt that. pared by a Czech scholar, there are ' the Guide will help scholars and books which do not agree with th~ specialists and we hope that in the official ideology of Prague govern- next edition the author will not ments or Czechs in exile. Prof. omit books by Slovak writers in Sturm included forei gn language the Free World , namely, the writbooks by Slovak authors who clear- ing by Pauco , Franti§ek Vnuk, J . ly advocate an independent Slova- Rekem , M. Lacko , S. Nahalka, M. kia or, in cultural matters, disagree Sprinc, T. Zubek, some more imwith the Czech tendency to present portant books by !lurcansky than Slovak language and literature as he listed, several other publicaa part of the Czech or "Czechoslo- tions by this reviewer, as well as vak" language and literature. As the quarterly Most, Slowakei, the a result, we find in this Biblio- Literarny Almanach Slovaka v A graphic Guide books and publica- merike, and the academic publications in major European langueges tion by the University of Montreal by Prof f>urica , f>urcansky , Hru- Etudes Slav es in which there have !iovsky, Kirschbaum , Mikus, Skul- been many articles on Slovak lantety. Sister Woytko, Yurchak, Hro- guage and literature. In view of bak's linguistic works and Palic- the fact that Prof. Sturm displayed kar's work on Slovak culture. Even scholarly objectivity we should though the books by these authors help him with the necessary inforpresent only a part of the books mation in case he will publish a and publications which have been reviewed edition of his Bibliopublished abroad on Slovak politi- graphic Gurde. J . M. Kirschbaum cal history or cultural matters, the , I �166 SLOVAKIA Stefan G 1 e j du r a: Los Grandes in Argentina. The fact that Dr. Problemas del Este Europeo, Glejdura contributes to an inter(Separata de la Revista de Poli- nationally known political review, tica Internacional, Madrid, 1968-· gives ·his work a particular impor1969) tance. The series would deserve to be A series of studies on the policy re-printed in book form because of the Soviet Union and the prob- the author gives a whole picture lems of Eastern Europe by Dr. of the political scene in the Soviet Stefan Glejdura deserve the atten- orbit, not only as a competent tion of scholars as well as special observer but also as a specialist ists interested in the vicisitudes of who thoroughly followed the evoEastern Europe. For more than a lution behind the Iron Curtain decade Dr. Glejdura wrote learned since the end of the Second World studies on this subject for the War until the present time. There is hardly any Slovak intelhighly regarded periodical "Revista de Politica Internacional," pub- lectual who wrote so many reviews lished in Madrid. Several of these of books published on the probstudies have been published in re- lems of Eastern Europe in several prints and should be considered as European languages as Dr. Glejdua serious contribution to the re- ra did during the past two decades. search of the great political prob- His vast knowledge prepared him lems of Eastern Europe. The au- for a competent analysis and prethor analyzed not only the foreign sentation of the political, social as policy of the Soviet Union but also well as economic problems of the of the individual countries like nations subjugated by Moscow. In Hungary, Rumania, Slovakia, Czech- the hope that Dr. Glejdura will o-Slovakia, Poland, etc. and their publish his studies in book form, relations with the Soviet Union. we are refraining from analyzing He drew his conclusions on the at this time his studies on individbasis of his knowledge of foreign ual Eastern European countries language documents and literature even though each of them would in several European languages. As deserve a separate review. We recommend especially the a result, the series of his studies is a valuable contribution to the following studies to the scholars knowledge and contemporary Eu- and specialists interested in Eastern Europe: ropean problems. La Politica Exterior de la U.R.S.S., From a Slovak point of view, we (Madrid) , 1969. welcome the studies by Dr. Glejdura because they complete our Vicisitudes del Este Europeo, (Madrid), 1968. political literature on the world problems by publications in the Los Grandes Problemas del Este Spanish language. There have been Europeo: Hungria-Magyarorszag many studies in English, French, (Madrid) , 1969. Italian or German by Slovak intel- Los Grandes Problemas del Este lectuals who established themEuropeo: Rumania, (Madrid), selves in the West after the Second 1969. World War. In the Spanish lan- Los Grandes Problemas del Este guage, however, we did not have Europeo : Eslovaquia, (Madrid), scholarly writings except for a few 1968. publications which were published J. M . Kirschbaum �SLOVAKIA Thaddeus V. Gromada, "Pilsudski and the Slovak Autonomists" Slavic Review, Vol. September 1969, pp. 445-462, Washington University. The Polish-Slovak relations between 1918 and 1939 are undoubtedly one of the most interesting chapters in the history of modern Slovakia. The Slovaks, dissatisfied with their position in the centralized Czecho-Slovakia ruled from Prague, did not have among their neighbours any support for preserving their distinctive nationality except the Poles. There also have been friendly cultural ties with the Polish nation for many centuries and from the religious point of view Poland was closer to the hearts of the majority of Slovaks than any other nation in Central Europe. This situation led, naturally, the Slovak leaders to look for co-operation with Poland. On the Polish side there was some understanding for the Slovak desire to preserve their nationality and political autonomy, but there also were considerations for cultivating the Polish-Slovak relations and at times to support the political struggle of the Slovak nation for an equal status with other Central European nations. There are studies on this subject in Slovak language but it is the first time that a thorough analysis of these relations has been published in English. Prof_ Gromada presents in his extensive article "Pilsudski and the Slovak Autonomists" a scholarly analysis and brought to light many details and many documents which have been unknown even to some Slovak historians or persons involved in politics in Slovakia during that period. The presentation is undoubtedly academic and it im- 167 presses by the mass of literature and unpublished documents which Prof. Gromada perused before writing his study. Except for the help which Msgr. Andrew Hlinka received from the Polish government in 1919 when he decided to go to the Paris Peace Conference, many important facts of the Polish-Slovak relations have been very little known. However, Prof. Gromada presents even Hlinka's efforts to obtain guarantees for Slovak autonomy and incorporation of the Pittsburgh Pact into the Peace Conference documents partly in a new light. At the same time, he reveals to historians documents from Polish archives which were unpublished or unresearched by other historians in the West. The most interesting part of Prof. Gromada's study refers to the relations of the period 19351939. At that time, there was in Slovakia a strong political current called "Polonophilism" headed by one of the leaders of Hlinka's Slovak populist party, Karol Sidor, and the relations between Poland and Slovak autonomists obtained a political colour. On the Slovak side these relations were also prompted not only by the traditional "Polonophilism" but also by political considerations. While in the international sphere the Slovak struggle for autonomy was more or less unknown or presented in an unobjective light by the official Czech policy, it found in Poland the most sympathetic ear among all neighbours of Slovakia. Even though in this period the official policy of the Prague government spoke about the necessity of good relations between all Slavs, the Slovak "Polonophilism" was attacked and condemned. Quite illogically it was accepted by Prague that good relations with the Soviet �168 SLOVAKIA Union or Yugoslavia were neces- help us to have an objective look sary but the efforts of Slovaks for at the Polish-Slovak relations. good relations with Poland were These remarks are not inteded condemned. This did not, however, to diminish the value or shed a deter Slovak autonomists from doubt on Prof. Gromada's highly cultivating the relations with Po- competent and well documented land. On the contrary, they grew study. In fact, Slavists and esstronger and also extended into pecially Slovak historians and cultural fields with the result that scholars should welcome his valu there were dozens ~f Slovak in~el- able account which, as we underlec_tuals_ . who studi_ed at Pohsh stand, is only a part of his larger umversibes or received g:ants to study on Slovak-Polish relations. foster cu~tural co-operabo~ b~-1 This reviewer is searching for doct~een Po_lish_ an_d Slovak umversi• 1 uments which would either support ties and msbtutwDs. . or reject some details in Prof. P_rof. Groma~a present~d this Gromada's study such as his stateperiod as seen m the Pohsh _doc- ment about the periodical Nast-up. uments and partly as descnbed He also will endeavor to clear by Slovak or Czech sch?lars. Since some statements published by Polwe do not have ac~ess !n th e Fr~e ish diplomats or the Foreign MinWo:ld to the ~c~ives m Slovakia, ister, Joseph Beck, which Prof. or m Prag_ue, it _is har_d even for Gromada used among his sources. someone hke this reviewer, who Until p of Gromada ublishes his was involved in ~he autonomist whole s~dy of Slovaf-Polish relamovement _ and Pohsh Slovak cul- tions, we hope to be able to answer t~ral rel~tlons, !o state how far the these questions. At the present picture is unbiased or complete. time, we cannot but give recogniVeD'. recently so~e doc~ments or tion to the author for his scholarly s~udies were pubh_shed ~n commu- efforts and well-written chapter of mst Czecho-Slovak1a which shed a Polish-Slovak relations between new light on this period but only the two World Wars. an unbiased study of the archives J. M . Kirschbaum in Prague and Bratislava could THE 1970 LITERARY ALMANAC A noteworthy characteristic of the true Christian Slovak intellectual is that he writes with professional skill and objectivity, and with an ideal practicality-in contrast to many slippery writers of today who deliberately manipulate words in order to confuse. And because this Slovak is a Christian and an intellectual, he ordinarily produces a masterpiece in his choice of subject and his handling of his material, as the contents of the 1970 LITERARNY ALMANACH testify. Owned and edited by Dr. Joseph Pauco in Middletown, Pennsylvania, the LITERARNY ALMANACH is the yearbook of the SLOVAK V AMERIKE, the oldest Slovak newspaper in America, which observed its 80th birthday in the Cyrillian Year of 1969. The new 1970 ALMANACH offers its readers a choice, wellbalanced assortment of literary gems. Here one will find scholarly studies; historical, political, and biographical sketches; short stories and briefer essays; narrative po- �SLOVAKIA ems revealing the hopes, joys and sufferings of the Slovak soul, and a number of deep, difficult poems. Each of the authors endears himself to the reader for each has shared what is dearest to him-his soul's choicest thoughts on a specific topic for the enrichment of Slovak culture and Slovak life. Father Theodoric Zubek highlights a most timely truth in his ''Man Penetrates the Cosmic Atmosphere." Graphically he points out that whatever discoveries man may make in his rendezvouz with the moon, they can in no way alter the wonders of REVELATION. They can but confirm what God has already made known to man for his salvation and sanctification. To those deluded souls who taxied around the moon and " missed seeing God" the author has some telling lines on God's infinity and man's infinitesimality. In a well-documented study entitled "Slovak Presence in Europe Before the 6th Century After Christ," Msgr. John Rekem ably and successfull y proves his thesis. He takes the reader on a mammoth archeological tour that begins in Bratislava and traverses nearly the entire Eastern Hemisphere. He describes artifacts uncovered around Bratislava which date back to 3000 years before Christ. Monsignor is no novice at archeology. In 1968 he spent several weeks in Jericho where he witnessed and personally studied some marvelous excavations. For example, spread out before his eyes were the remains of an ancient city dating back to 8000 B. C., surrounded by a stone wall. Of special interest to the group was a long canal bored into stone running through the city. Monsignor further points out the role of archeology in the study of 169 ancient culture. From excavations in Slovakia, for example, it has been possible to trace the course of languages . . . with the astonishing deduction made that our ancestors already occupied Central Europe some 2000 years before the dawn of history. Recent studies by Slavic scholars indicate also that it is at least probable that our ancestors spoke Sanskrit. Msgr. Rekem's bibliography is impressive, composed as it is of Slovak, French, English, Latin, Ukrainian, and Polish references. His study demonstrates that the latest archeological excavations have opened the world to the existence of ancient cultures and civilizations such as no scientist had ever imagined . " Slovakia in the 20th Centucy (1919-1945 )" is the title of a book authored by L. Liptak and published in Slovakia. A review of part one by Frantisek Vnuk, a competent historian, can be found in the 1970 JEDNOTA KALENDAR. Here in the ALMANACH Vnuk incisively evaluates the second part of a study which purports to be history. But is it genuine histocy? It is not surprising, Vnuk declares, that Liptak's book, spawned by a Communist and issued under a Communist regime, contains some truth, more half truths, and a generous supply of fiction. Liptak blandly states in his book, for example, that a citizen of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945)-unless he was a member of the Hlinka Party-was automatically excluded from political life. This of course is a bald lie. Liptak is definitely biased , as no historian can afford to be. He sees the mote marring the Slovak Republic but is completely blind to the beam crushing the lives of the Slovaks. With fine scorn, Vnuk describes some of �170 SLOVAKIA Liptiik's claims as written with "uncritical senility" and as "degrading history to the level of a Communist tool. " Dr. Joseph Mistrik's contribution in the 1970 ALMANACH is "Prophetical Groups or a New Church?" The article bears out the title and as such is a challenge to anyone following the changes current in the Church today. He rightfully criticizes the underground church - those new-bread sects and deluded Catholics, who aUenate themselves from the true Church and arrogate to themselves its authority. At one point Canon Mistrik refers briefly to Archbishop Helder Camara of Recife, Brazil, calling him the sadly-famous archbishop. May I interpose a personal comment here : Archbishop Camara has identified himself with the, one might say, scum of humanity in Northeastern Brazil where his diocese is located. He is determined to put an end to the new slavery market operating in Brazil where a man is sold to a rich buyer for the price of $25.00 and only young, strong, and healthy men are accepted by the slave-drivers. ( cf. LATIN AMERICA CALLS, March 1969 ). With Dr. Mistrik, however, all faithful Catholics continue to pray, to hope, knowing for a certainty that Christ and His Church will triumph. As a living organism, the Church must shed all dead branches-the prophetical groups -and so rejuvenate herself. "A Salute to Stanislav Meciar" on his 60th birthday by Jan E . Bor contains this beautiful statement: •·Dr. Meciar received from God not only exceptional intellectual gifts, but also a firm, forthright character together with an uncompromising spirit." And this writer begs to add : Also an enormous, divinelike capacity for work. Bor proceeds to tell how Dr. Meciar brought these gifts to fruition in the various responsible positions he held in the Slovak Republic, and in the diversified Ii terary productions that flowed from his pen: books, critical analyses, reviews, commentaries, magazine articles, comparative studies of literature and personalities, evaluations of poetry, of scientific and historical works. Bor points out that Dr. Meciar's publication of the collected works of noted authors places us under real obligation to him . As editor of several literary magazines and newspapers, Dr. Meciar demonstrates that nothing is alien to him so long as it touches the human person. Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, a competent historian and profilic writer, has contributed two pertinent articles in the 1970 ALMANACH. One of them bears -the title, "The Purloined Last Manuscript of Constantine culen". Its mission is to fulfill the request of the author Constantine culen, who on his deathbed had entrusted him with a certain manuscript on the cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius among Slovak immigrants in the United States and Canada. To fulfill his promise to a dying friend Dr. Kirschbaum prepared culen's manuscript and it now appears in the 1970 ALMANACH under the title : "The Cyril-Methodian Cult Among Slovak Immigrants in the United States and Canada". In this historical study culen makes some pithy comparisons between the Slovaks and the Irish. Both nations were exploited culturally, economically and politically. From both nations thousands migrated to America after crop failures. �SLOVAKIA Culen's study features both lights and shadows, with shadows predominating. Through it runs the bitter thread of Magyar oppression of the Slovaks; their cruel and relentless efforts to magyarize the Slovaks. But here also one sees the golden thread, the adamant resistance of the Slovaks to magyarization. The study further portrays the Slovaks as eager to organize parishes and build churches as soon as they were settled in Americ-a in the latter half of the 19th century. And now also by a natural but too-long suppressed instinct they began freely to venerate their patrons, SS. Cyril and Methodius who had been forcefully excluded from public devotion in Slovakia under the Magyars. The first church in America dedicated to our Slovak holy patrons was erected in 1891 in Minneapolis, Minnesota. The cult took root and spread throughout Slav America so that ttoday there are 36 churches, many schools, institutions, and two seminaries dedicated to SS. Cyril and Methodius. The saints are venerated also by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius who continue the apostolate of their patrons for God and His Church. As regards Canadian immigrants from Slovakia, Culen points out, they arrived in Canada in large numbers only after the second World War, differing greatly from the farm folk that came to the United States in an earlier era. Many are professionals who weathered ,the evils of Czech imperialism and Communism. Most are highly educated. Today Canada has 6 churches dedicated to our patrons, but Canadian Slovaks are as deeply devoted to their apostles as good Slovaks anywhere. 171 It is a joy to learn here that a Lutheran priest, Rev. Daniel Zaboj Laucek, propagated the Cyril-Methodian cult in Europe and America and at his personal expense he published a book in 1885 on the significance of our saints for all Slavic peoples. "Dr. Joseph Buday in the Service of Church and Nation," is Jan Mest'ancik's exeellent contribution to the ALMANACH. In it the author introduces his subject as a theologian, philosopher, sociologist, writer, editor, an authority on the Cyril-Methodian cult, and a capable political servant. Before treating the issue at hand, however, Mest'ancik sketches the setting in which Dr. Buday found himself at the beginning of the 20th century. The false religious ideas of Tolstoy were being disseminated among the masses by the renegade Dr. Srobar and his group, the Hlasists. Electioneering maneuvers and pressures of the Hungarian authorities kept the country politically in turmoil. The Slovaks were being discriminated against at every level of endeavor and especially in education. The situation demanded not only wisdom, prudence and patience, but also planned determination and persistent, coordinated action. This challenging atmosphere suited Dr. Buday to a T. Dr. Buday early joined Msgr. Andrew Hlinka in his efforts to wrest from the government the civil and human rights 0f the Slovaks. He used his pen to inform the people. In a series of articles, which appeared in Literarne listy, he routed the pretensions of -Srobar and his Hlasists. With Hlinka he undertook the colossal tesk of improving economic conditions in the villages. They organized cooperatives for the pro- �172 SLOVAKIA duction and sale of fann products and home crafts. lit was this system, adopted throughout Slovakia, which improved the standard of living in Slovak villages. The schools being what they were, Magyar indoctrination centers, Buday - with Hlinka - used the theater to educate the people on how best to serve their own best interests, cultural as well as social and economic. This intensive educational activity bore abundant fruit, says Mest'ancik. In 1901-an unheard of thing-the Slovaks were able to seat 4 representatives in the Hungarian Parliament, and in 1906 the number rose to 7. In 1919, after the Slovak People's Party was organized, Dr. Buday was elected to the Czecho-Slovak Parliament, serving 8 years as a deputy and 11 years as a senator. During the latter term he was also vice-president of Parliament and later of the Senate. In Parliament Dr. Buday proved himself a statesman of the highest caliber. He confronted problems with fine logic and with a keen grasp of the details involved. He preferred to negotiate rather than appeal to emotion, yet he was ready to compromise provided no principle or right was sacrificed. It is easy to see why he gained the respect even of his opponents. Mest'ancik is careful to remind the reader that the Czecho-Slovak Republic did not bring freedom to the Slovaks. The battle for civil and human rights continued. Under the Czechs it was still necessary to press for self-identity and now also for the preservation of the Catholic faith . As nearly all the bishops had been Magyars, they emigrated to Hungary. The situation was explosive in many ways. Assisted by members of the Priests' Council, which Hlinka had speedily organized, Dr. Buday and Blinka, two men with opposite temperaments, achieved the seemingly impossible. Before long the Church was peacefully functioning under its own bishops. . . yet awaiting the inevitable: the ridicule and jeers of Czech unbelievers as they tried to undermine the Catholic Church. In the political sphere the turbulence was even more pronounced. Thousands of Czechs had flocked into Slovakia, ostensibly to assist in organizing affairs of State, but actually they attacked the main arteries of Slovak life like vultures. In no time they occupied the leading positions in the country. Slovak resistance was steadfast and persistent . . . and it continued its Carvary march for 20 years. A new chapter in the hi story of Slovakia was introduced iu 1939 when the Republic of Slovakia was proclaimed, but that is another story. In 1924 Dr. Buday addressed Parliament in a compelling speech , in which he accused the Czech regime of gross injustice against Slovakia. He pointed out that Slo-vak prisons were filled with innocent citizens whose only "crime" was adhering to their national and political convictions and God-given rights. He claimed that thousands of Slovaks, and chiefly the intelligentia, were forced to emigrate because the occupying army of Czech exploiters prevented them from making a living. . . that the h!xing system was unjust, partial and impossible to accept, . . . that Czech propaganda was impressing Europe with false ideas regarding conditions in Slovakia ... and that every call for justice and improvement was answered with cold cynicism. He issued a warning that the Slovak nation would certainly �SLOVAKIA victoriously overcome Czech imperialism as it had weathered centuries of Magyar oppression. Dr. Buday had a hand in any project that contributed to the welfare of the Slovak people. His influence played a role in preventing the Czech effort to equate the Slovak language with theirs and to label it a Czech dialect. Before his death in November 1939, this good and faithful servant of God and country was accorded two unique honors: He was privileged to welcome to Slovakia the American Slovak Delegation, headed by Dr. P. P. ffietko , which triumphantly exhibited the original draft of the famous 1918 Pittsburgh Agreement. The other, which was probably the happiest moment in Dr. Buday's life, occured January 18, 1939, when as a senior member of the National Assembly he opened the first session of the Slovak Parliament in Bratislava with a memorable classical address. One last contribution. All of us who loved Philip Hrobak and revere his memory are grateful to Dr. Pauco for his article, "In What Did Hrobak's Greatness Consist?" Dr. Pauco presents an excellent evaluation of Hrobak as a person. He notes his indefatigable zeal, his extraordinary capacity for work, his kindness of heart. Mention is made of his voluminous carrepondence to inform the English speaking public about the injustice suffered by our people in Slovakia; and to correct the distorted facts published in the U.S. press, usually supplied by Czech propaganda. Dr. Pauco stresses the fact that it was through Hrobak's persistent efforts that at long last the State Department in Washington accepted the distinction between Czechs and Slovaks. No small accomplish- 173 ment for Philip Hrobak or for the Slovak nation. There are many other splendid articles in the 1970 ALMANACH. The more I paged through this issue the more humble I felt in the face of the heroism, the grandeur of character, the erudition, the honest pride, and the deep love for Slovakia of each of its contributors. And so I warn you, gentle reader, that this ALMAN ACH can disturb your conscience, it can thrill you, it can challenge you. Reading it you can lose yourself in the Elysian atmosphere of Slovakia, Communism notwithstanding, until suddenly you realize that you have been carried away to ... what? Try it. If you are fortunate to be able to read and understand Slovak, even just fairly, it is smart to keep the ALMANACH within arm's reach. Sister M. Gabriel Hricko, SS.C.M. I:alendar Jednota 1970: The 73rd edition of the Jednota annual in the Slovak language ... Jednota Press, 1970; 244 pp., Middletown, Pa. , Ed. by Jozef C. Krajsa. The 1970 publication of the Jcdnota annual commemorates 80 years of the Society's function not only in preserving and extending the Slovak heritage in America, but also in furthering wherever possible the various apostolic works of the Church throughout the Slovak world. Laudatory and enthusiastic articles to the fact are written by the Si!preme president, John A. Sabol aud by Msgr. John Senglar, the Society's chaplain. Readers familiar with Msgr. M. K. Mlynarovic's erudition and with tht: intellectual beauty of his writtings will find here another �174 SLOVAKIA gem of his poetic prose, "The Human Family-a Masterpiece of Love." Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum, once diplomatic representative of the Slovak Republic to Switzerland, writes from his own rich experience of the suspenseful days prior to the War's end (1944). He highlights the grave responsibilities that faced the delegation and the leaders of Slovakia in those days of crisis. He includes a conversation held with Archbishop P. Bernardini, then Papal Legate to Switzerland, about the future of Europe and concludes his writing with the last diplomatic communique sent to Slovakia from Bern. Msgr. Andrew Hlinka's last will and testament published here for the first time "in toto" should be of great interest to many. A rather lengthy article, but worth the space allotted, is Imrich Kruzliak's development of the Slovak language. He points out that it was principally in the rectories ( both Catholic and Lutheran) throughout Slovakia that the torch of the Slovak spirit and language was first kindled and from there carried afar. Religious articles include: news from the mission fields; statistically backed items on religions and rites in various parts of the world; an exhortation for a better understanding between Greek and Roman rite Catholics; and the Holy Father's address to a Slovak audience upon the occasion of the 1000th anniversary of the death of St. Cyril. Several shorter but timely articles stem from Vatican II influence and include recent changes in the Church ( diaconate, Mass, marriage ceremonies, etc.); these topics appear in the Catholic press generally today. Worth mentioning are: Father A. Zan's scholarly report refuting the theory that Sacred Scripture is merely a collection of stories and myths devoid of historic or religious value; the history and purpose of the International Labor Organization; the problem of feeding a future world (a statistical report); and some interesting prove1 bs and maxims culled from the writings of India neatly categorized into various topics and bearing resemblance to the Book of Wisdom. Msgr. J . Rekem reviews the poetry of Gorazd Zvonicky whom he designate as a kindred spirit to Peguy, Verlaine and Rimbalt. Extracts from the poet's works indeed testify that he merits such praise. The J ednota includes a highly informative biographical sketch of Alojz Macek (now living in Argentina). Editor, writer, and active patriot of Slovakia, Macek was founder of the Catholic Boy Scouts of Slovakia and of the "Hlinka Youth." Today his Spanish writings made known to a larger public the historical and cultural background of the Slovaks. Frantisek Vnuk reviews and refutes ~ubomir Luptak's history, Slovakia in the 20th Century. He points out the author's falsification of historical fact, his half tru,ths or truths told "with bad intent". Presenting statistics and historical documentation, Vnuk shows how Luptak ignores and intentionally omits whatever does not serve to further Communistic propaganda. This distorted or "rewritten" history centers on events leading to tht> separation of Slovakia from Austra-Hungary , the Pittsburgh Pact, politics prior to World War II and ,t he Warsaw Pact of 1968. Included in the publication are �SLOVAKIA several fine poetic selections by living Slovak poets and a few short stories. Following a long established custom, the annual features protographs, many of which may interest only members of the society. Other photographs, such as some very fine pictures commemorating the centennial of the death of the poet Jan Holly, which would interest readers in general, are lost among the former. Si ster M . Alfred Massura, SS.C.M. Jednota Annual FURDEK 1970: Published by the First Catholic Slovak Union (Jednota Press, Middletown, Pa. 1970, 200 pp.) Edited by Joseph C. Krajsa. The 1970 FURDEK is an event as well as a publication. It is a treasure of information as well as a reservoir of delight and diversion. At a glance one notices the diversified appeal of its contents. From the first several pages beam the a•t tractive faces of the young "Promise of the future," collegebound students, subsidized in their course with JEDNOTA scholarships. These young people know from personal experience that the First Catholic Slovak Union is a wide-awake, alert, generous, truly fraternal society of the second half of the twentieth century. An installment of "Who's Who Among Slovak Priests" introduces the reader to some of the ministers of the Gospel called from the Slovak population to proclaim the Good News to the world. Such a Roll-Call of S 1 o v a k - A m e rican priests serves a useful purpose: it satisfies the reader's curiosity and, more importantly, it informs him of the resources of SJovak 175 American culture, its accomplishments, its possibilities, and its blessings. The first title that caught my eye in the FURDEK Almanach was "The Clergy in Slovak History and Culture," by Father Theodoric Zubek, 0 . F . M. I am familiar with the leading role played by clergymen in the history of our nation, but having the spotlight placed on it in a single article is particularly valuable today when our own American clergymen are venturing into leadership roles in government and politics. What combination of circumstances makes this advisable ? What makes it necessary? Whait makes it imperative? How did Bishop Moyses, for example, become President of the Matica Slovenska, the leading cultural society in Slovakia? What conditions brought Monsignor Andrej Hlinka into the limelight? How did Monsignor Jozef Tiso get to be President of the Slovak Republic in 1939? Two articles on St. Cyril were very welcome to me as a Sister of SS. Cyril and Methodius. One was written by Mother M. Emerentia, SS. C. M. , and is a fine scholarly study of the character and accomplishments of our patron. The other is a discourse delivered at a Centenary Assembly of bishops and priests in Greece by Archbishop Maury of Rheims, who was head of the papal delegation at the ceremony. It is a masterpiece in its insight into the holiness, the scholarliness, the universality of St. Cyril, who challenges us eleven hundred years later to promote the best interests of the Church with the mind of Christ. The article on Slovak pioneers show their self-sacrificing spirit and their enthusiastic zeal during the organization of the first Slovak �176 SLOVAKIA parishes. Their experiences in the mines are timely, coinciding with current interest in the Molly Maguires. The stories by Michael Simko are human-interest episodes that delight the reader. "Christmas in Slovakia" and "Slovak Easter Customs" by the Rev. Andrew Pier, 0. S. B. not only fascinate the reader with the wide variety of traditional practices of our ancestors, but also portray to him the rich culture, the deep faith and the joyous spirit so characteristic to our Slovak people. The articles are of particular interest to me since I learned of these customs from my immigrant parents, through our observance of them in our home. In "Slovakia-A Veritable Gem of Central Europe" one is carried to the scenic sights of the Tatras and the shores of the beautiful Danube, the Gothic churches and cathedrals, the ancient castles, the fishing and hunting grounds, and the historic cities of the country. The article is a source of valuable information, both cultural and historical and practical, mentioning as it does also the famous health resorts and modern tourist facilities. We are fully aware that the immigrants who came to the shores of America from every European country contributed to the rapid growth and progress of this nation. I wonder, however, whether any other ethnic group has knowledge of its very first immigrant. Sister Martina, SS. C. M. has enriched us with her fine article on the "First Slovak Immigralllt-Samuel Francis Figuly," portraying him as an individual of unusual caliber, wide and daring experiences, good education, and strong convictions. In the scholarly article, "Slovaks and the Upheavals of Czecho-Slovakia" by J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D., LL.D., the reader sees a change in the attitude to the West toward Slovaks; namely, that they do exist. He is also enlightened on the many causes of dissatisfaction and discrimination against them since 1918, when the Czecho-Slovak Republic was established. Sister M. Evangela's presentation of the "Organization of the Slovak Catholic Students Fraternity" and iits publication of FURDEK is interesting. In dialogue from Sister gives the reader a vivid picture of the enthusiasm of the Fraternity's first members, its aims and its progress. Though their publication of FURDEK in Slovak ceased in 1941, the English publication is a highly cultural and literary annual, as this issue substantiates. Sister M. Clotil,da Omasta, SS. C. M., M.A. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism promoted by the Soviet Union. �SLOVAKIA 177 Our Contributors historian; professor, Institute of Technology, Francis Vnuk, M.A . - Adelaide, Australia. Sr. M. Martina Tybor, SS. C. M . John T . Van Sant - teacher and author, Danville, Pa. Senator of Pennsylvania and Majority Whip. Joseph M. Kirschbaum, LL. D., Ph.D. - former diplomat, professor, historian, author, Toronto, Ontario. former professor at Bratislava University, prominent Slovak historian and educator. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D. (late) - Konstantin Culen (late) - outstanding newspaperman, author, politi- cian. Joseph A . Mikus, M. CL., J. D. professor, historian, author, former diplomat, Washington, D. C. newspaperman, political prisoner under Stalinists in Slovakia; now editor of Kanadsky Slovak, Toronto, Ontario. Marian Jankovsky - Joseph C. Krajsa - Slovak American Fraternalist, Editor, Jednota, Middletown, Pa. Sister M . Gabriel Hricko, SS. C. M., Sister M . Alfred Massura, SS. C. M., Sister M. Clotilda Omasta, SS. C. M., M. A. - teachers, Danville, Pa. �178 SLOVAKIA Contents F. Vnuk . - Slovak Language and Literature Will the Phoenix Rise Again? - 3 Sister M. Martina Tybor - John T. Van Sant Slovaks Have Repaid Their Adopted Country WelZ - - 11 28 Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum - The Political Message of Matus Cernak This Is Slovakia - Francis Hrufovsky - Dr. Francis Hrusovsky - the Man - 42 K. tulen 70 Joseph A. Mikus Ruzena Svobodova's "Feuilletons on Slovakia" - 76 I Was a Communist - J. V. - 90 Marian Jankovsky - Powers of Darkness and Powers of Truth The Development of Slovak Literature Matica Slovenska - Joseph S. Kost - Our Cyrilo-Methodian Heritage - Karen Ann Syzdek - 94 105 113 Patricia Revetta - American Slovaks on the Home and War Fronts - 116 122 The Centenary of Bishop S. Moyses - J. M. Kirschbaum - The Slovak League Firmly Believes - 139 Bratislava, Capital of Slovakia - 35 Joseph C. Krajsa - 131 141 Current Issues (Senator Hugh Scott's Speech Before Slovak League of America in Washington. - Edward M. Zelenak: The Slovaks of Detroit. - Winn Gallegher: A Slovak Immigrant - Master of Arts. - 50 Years in Danville, Pa.) - 143 As Others See It - 154 Comments (Two Czech Professors about Slovak°Czech Relations "Slovak News" or Communist Propaganda) - - 159 Book Reviews (J.M. Kirschbaum: Books on the Event in Czecho-Slovakia in 1968 - Heinrich Kuhn: Handbuch der Tschechoslowakei Rudolf Sturm: Czechoslovakia - A Bibliographic Guide - Stefan Glejdura: Los Grandes Problemas dei Este Europeo - Thaddeus V. Gromada: Pilsudski and the Slovak Autonomists - Sister M. Gabriel Hricko, SS. C. M.: The 1970 Literary Almanac. - Sister M. Alfred Massura, SS. C. M.: Kalendar Jednota 1970. - Sister M. Clotilda Omasta, SS. C. M.: Jednota Annual Furdek 1970) - 162 �SLOVAKIA ~ V .;::-v ~~ 4."'<~':r-, 0 sAsnK o BAN, STIA VN'lc'A TRNAVA 0 'Q: Q: (.;~ $ ��PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA. � SLOVAKIA 143 CURRENT ISS UES Senator Hugh Scott's Speech Before Slovak League of America in Washington Following are the remarks made by Senator Hugh Scott, (R-Pa.) at the Sheraton-Park Hotel, Washington, D.C., May 24, 1969: It is a special pleasure to be with you tonight, for I feel that an important part of Pennsylvania has come to Washington, in the form of the Slovak League of America. Yes, I am aware that all Slovak Americans do not live in Pennsylvania, but I am also aware that many of your League members do live in my state and have contributed greatly to its growth and diverse strength. Besides that, the real drama of Slovaks in America - the opening wedge toward recognition of an independent state of Slovakia - occurred in Pittsburgh in 1918 with the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact. If that did not bring immediate independence, it was not the fault of the Slovak League of America which has been fighting through the years, since 11 years before the Pittsburgh Pact, to realize the Slovakian dream of independence. Today, you finally see Slovakia independence of the Czechs to the extent of being a so-called Socialist Repub1ic, equal in stature to the Czech Socialist Republic. But the tragedy of domination persists, in the form of the Soviet tyranny ov·e r all of Eastern Europe, including Czecho-Slo,vakia. The history of the spirit of independence in Slovakia and among Slovaks in America is all the more remarkable because the fire of your spirit is fed by the barest sparks of realized freedom. Thus, in 1918, there was jubilation at the Pittsburgh Pact, which was quickly snuffed out; in 1938, another period of joyful independence, which the Nazis crushed; and in 1968, a moment of rebellion, which the Soviets put a halt to. In each of these magic moments, however, the world could recognize �144 SLOVAKIA the spirit of the Slovaks as the spirit of freedom, and it is a spirit the world envies. So great is your love of freedom and your pride in your nation and peoples, that Slovak Americans, through the Slovak League made a memorable effort to aid the United States cause during World War II. Not only did many fight in the American uniform, many more helped to forge the weapons of defense in the factories of Pennsylvania, and still others conducted immensely successful war bond drives and airplanebuying fund raising campaigns. Even the ladies pitched in, with their ladies auxiliary organization. As one who served both in Congress and in the military during the war years, I believe I can express the thanks of a grateful nation for the efforts of the Slovak Americans. Yes, you have much to be proud of, and you are to be commended for keeping your heritage and your pride in it alive through the Slovak League of America. We have all noted much about pride in recent news stories. Black pride is viewed as an emerging force in the United States, and in a context of pride in the Negro's contribution to America in history, and pride in one's race and self, it is a wonderful thing. Because I also believe in pride in language, I co-sponsored the Bilingual Education Act which passed in 1968 and which helps Spanish-speaking children learn in their own tongue before and during the time they are learning English. The culture of the Slovaks is equally a part of our diverse American heritage. I mention these efforts to give certain citizens of the United States greater opportunity because I think it shows that Congress and the people of the United States are generally coming to a realization that you and your group has held for a long time: That we as a people are strengthened by our heritage and are culturally richer in our diversity. Slovaks, through the Slovak League of America, put great emphasis on education, convey the importance of pride in the Slovak language, and see to it that generation after generation keeps the flame of liberty alive in their hearts. It is a matter of perpetuating a heritage. and it is an important thing. Even today the Slovak League of America seeks a righteous path for the Slovak people, when it requests a.n independent �145 SLOVAKIA - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - -- Slovak sedion in the State Department, a Slovak Desk with the Voice of America, and a general Consulate in Bratislava. I support these requests and will help you in these endeavors. I commend the Slovak League of America for setting an example through its organization, and I thank the Slovak League for its contribution to this nation and to the ideal of liberty among men. The Slovaks of Detroit ( August 1968 - August 1969) In the early months of 1968 Detroit was undergoing a transitional change which led Slovak people into moving out of older neighborhoods surrounding the Slovak parishes to the suburbs, literally become "afraid" to return to the neighborhood for church and lodge meetings, which led to a noticable decrease in lodge membership and presence of Slovak people at major functions. The lodges were desperately trying to hold their organizations together and attempted to get the Slovak people out and united again. There was also a search for young Slovak blood to help carry out the Slovak cause to the next generation. Recent shake-ups in the structure of Czecho-Slovakia gave a new hope to us. In January a new leader, a Slovak, took rule. Alexander Dubcek gave new hope and once again offered new courage in the fight for a democracy and a "Free Slovakia". Once again children began to wonder who Father Tiso was. A Slovak Language Class was instituted and attracted many members from all over. Slovak picnics gathered large encouraging crowds. People returned for Slovak masses and began enrolling in the lodges and fraternal groups. In Bratislava, the capitol of Slovakia, the sense of freedom was felt even greater. But as if a fairytale, it was crushed. They had been invaded by the same Russian "Liberator", the one who had already destroyed Slovak freedom 22 years earlier. The Slovaks of Detroit felt equally as crushed. United, we planned to voice our emotions. Many had relatives or friends in Slovakia, or remembered the Communist tyranny they felt after World �146 SLOVAKIA War II. Throughout the United States a brutal portrayal of the invasion was given, referring it as one against Czechs, calling Slovaks the lower and less intelligent class, and even calling Alexander Dubcek a Czech. On August 26, 1968, the Slovaks of Detroit gathered at the Federal Building to hold a peaceful demonstration against the Soviet Aggression. Appearing before nationwide television and press, Michigan vice-president of the Slovak League of America Jan Beliansky denounced the invasion saying "We abhor the brutal aggression against Czecho-Slovakia by the Russians and their occupation of the country. They are killing young people for no reason at all." He also called upon the United States to take a stand in support of the Liberal policies of Alexander Dubcek. The entire nation now knew that the invasion could not be dismissed without any action. Within the next month after the invasion another noticable increase of membership in the Slovak League took place. Slovaks were ready once again to stand up "FOR GOD AND FOR COUNTRY". With fall rapidly approaching the Dominican Nuns of Oxford were busy making plans for their bi-annual "Fall Festival". With the help of the Slovak League of America and many Slovak Parishes, the festival, held on Sunday September 22, was a big success. Over 10,000 Slovaks attended. The second week of October brought about the "OLD WORLD MARKET" at the International Institute, where the Slovaks aided other nationalities in setting up booths selling Art Work, Clothes, Books, Dolls and other forms of ethnic art. Aside from our booth, we had a Slovenska Kuchyna serving Slovak food and pastries to the public. On the final day of the Old World Market, a troop of Slovak Violinists, Dancers and Musicians performed for the Institute. THE DETROIT FREE PRESS also carried an article in the vicinity of a full page specifically about the Slovaks. November 8, 1968 marked the first airing date for the Slovak Radio Program on station WABX 99.5 FM DETROIT. Independently financed, it plays beloved Slovak songs and reports Slovak History, Geography, and Current Events. During this time the Slovak Language Class was en- �SLOVAKIA 147 route to a second successful year. People young and old came to study lessons in grammar, music and history. The large turnout also aided in another measurable step towards preserving Slovak Heritage. The "Slovak Village Entertainers" was created, composed of Slovak singers, dancers, commedians and musicians. After their debut at Sacred Heart Center on the first of December, they were flooded with requests to perform for banquets, installations and parties for many organizations. Dance Choreographers Veronica Uhrin and Mary Hric are constantly searching for new Slovak talent, as is the recently added Music Choreographer Professor John M. Demchak, in order to preserve Slovak Culture. Two members have recently received scholarships to attend the world-famous music school INTERLOCHEN. January 1, 1969 was an eventful day for Slovaks of the World. It marked the official creation of CzechoSlovakia, two independent but united nations. Around this t ime the Slovaks felt a need to get together and celebrate. In order to compensate, the two Detroit branches of the Slovak League of America gathered at Saints Cyril and Methodius Catholic Church in Detroit to hold a "Family Affair", featuring an afternoon of Slovak Entertainment, Movies and Socializing. March 14, 1969 was the 30th anniversary of Slovak Independence and t he creation of the Slovak Republic. To commemorate this bumper stickers bearing the slogan 1939 FREEDOM FOR SLOVAKIA 1969 were printed and distributed. Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary of the Slovak League of America, came to Detroit to give the major address. He was then interviewed by CBS television concerning recent developments in Czecho-Slovakia. In order to further promote Slovak socializing and entertainment, Branch 15 of the Slovak League instituted in what is now known as "Slovakia Saturday Nights" featuring continuous entertainment, Slovak sing-a-longs, games and a dinner. From the large turnout they have decided to have possibly four or five a year. With summer approaching Slovak youths were involved in either practicing for the NATIONAL SLET of the SOKOLS or school track teams. Joseph Smetanka, a sophomore at Wayne State University, broke records �148 SLOVAKIA in relay races against other top Universities and made headlines coaching the Wayne State team and a private team of youths to nationwide victories. Joseph, a member of many Slovak organizations, hopes to oneday teach gym classes or receive a Masters Degree in Physical Education. On May 20, 1969 the Slovak Village Entertainers, leading a float draped with the Slovak Flag, marched with other Slovak youths and twenty different nationalities in a "Nationalities Day Parade". Four days later a Detroit delegation attended the Slovak League of America Conference in Washington, D. C. During the summer, many Detroit Sokols took first place in the SLET and brought home their awards. To remember the first anniversary of the Russian Invasion, over 250 Slovaks gathered in Kennedy Square to hold a "peaceful demonstration", receiving press coverage from 3 television networks, J radio and two newspapers. Our protest should undoubtedly be felt, with our proclamation of "A DAY OF SHAME", by all the bureaucrats in Washington, the leaders of the U. N. and the tyrants at the Kremlin. The Slovak struggle for recognition in a liberal world will be felt! Being only sixteen years of age and newcomer to the Slovak scene politically and physically I hope one day to take over in the same pattern of which our Slovak leaders left off. A trail has been blazed: Slovak Youth must follow . A Slovak "Renaissance" is taking place. The work has been started. It is now up to the people to continue it. Edward M. Zelenak A Slovak In11nigrant - Master of Arts By WINN GALLEGHER ( Pottstown Mercury Staff Writer) A skilled representative of a lost art, woodcarver, and cabinetmaker, Karl M. Pacanovsky, Douglasville RD 2, is head of the arts and crafts department at The Hill School in Pottstown, Pa. Born in Slovakia in 1894, Pacanovsky was apprenticed to a woodworker in the old world fashion at the age 11. �149 SLOVAKIA His father was a farmer who believed his sons should have the benefits of a craft. His three boys were sent to the city to receive their training. Recalling his early years, Pacanovsky said, "In our village, I was always the one who whittled, so it was natural for me to receive training in this field. I studied for three years, and by the time I was 17, I was doing altars for various churches." A local example of the ecclesiastical work of the artist is the pulpit of St. Aloysius Catholic church. It is typical of the Gothic style of most of Pacanovsky's work. Also created items for the Holy Trinity Slovak Catholic Church . * • The desire to come to America followed extensive travel, through Europe, largely by foot. "The decision to come to the United States came after my fascination with the port of Hamburg and the ocean liners I saw there," reminisces Pacanovsky. "After borrowing the money from my father, I sailed for this country, arriving at Newark, N. J., in 1913." The craftsman then was employed by several woodworking firms, including Tiffany and company. This was accompanied by attending nigh~ schoo\ classes in English and drawing and design for seven years. A combination of the depression and Pacanovsky's own love for schooling made him decide to enter Rutgers university, New Brunswick to prepare himself for the teaching profession. "After completing my studies there I taught at various public and private schools, coming to The Hill in 1944." He is heading the arts and crafts department there since 1952. This includes the studio and metal divisions as well as the carving and mechanical drawing taught by the artist himself. Clearly loving his teaching duties, Pacanovsky is articulate in discussing them. "The role of woodworking in education is a creative �150 SLOVAKIA one. I endeavor not to confine the work to merely carving, but to make it an experience including vision, skill, and aesthetics," asserts the teacher. "My purpose is not to make woodcarvers out of all the boys," he continues, "because it is not so much what the boy does to the wood as what the wood does to the boy." Pacanovsky laments the inroads industrialization has made into rapidly disappearing arts such. as his own. "Modern society wants everything done quickly and simply, and the old crafts are vanishing in the Western World, perhaps with the exception of Scandinavia, where they are frequently subsidized by the government," he said, "and they manage to unite modern art to the craft tradition." Pacanovsky has a very flexible attitude on today's artistic expression. "I am very much a traditionalist, but enjoy many of approaches, perhaps because there is no such modern the thing as pure originality," he theorizes. "The experience of all men are rooted in tradition and common to all generations." * * He finds the reward of his own skill lied in the work itself. "It is only through fine creative expression that we are able to develop character. One must know the feeling of making something," he said. Pacanovsky is respectful of the artistic endeavors of all men, and refused to critize the message in another's work. "All art should have meaning, but I never condemn a work because I personally cannot extract it," he declares. He considers the basic requirements for the field of art are of design, line, and proportion, and finds the biggest handicap to be symptomatic of the times. "People today, for instance my students, have an �SLOVAKIA 151 attitude of mediacrity being good enough. I always illustrate that this is not so by pointing out that the surgeon cannot do a slipshod job on a patient on the grounds that it isn't his best, but it's good enough." Pacanovsky's teaching requires most of his time during the school term, but during the Summertime he makes cabinets and cases for The Hill, as well as executing beautifully lettered signs. One of his most unusual projects recently was the designing and executing of a mace for the school which is used in processionals. Pacanovsky occasionally is commissioned to make new pieces of furniture, both in traditional and modern design, but finds his academic duties restrict outside professional work. Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius 50 Years in Danville, Pa. June 19, 1969 mairked 50 yeaas that the Slovak Siste['s of SS. Cyril and Methodius arrived wt Danville, Pa. Their first words were the scriptuiral, "Lord, it is good fo[' us to be he['e." Ten year,s oJd, the Conwreg:wtion of the Sisteirs of SS. Cyiril and Methodius had been established in 1909 by F1aither Matthew Jankola, a Sloviak immigranit pries,t, under the guidance of the Sisters Servants of the Immaculate He,a,r,t of Mall'y, of Marywood, Scranton. Its firsit Sisters had received their training at Macywood, which also served as the young Communiity's headquarters. All its retreats aaid profoession ceremooies burt one had been held wt M,airywood . By June, 1919, the mem~ship of the new community numbe['ed 57 professed Si,s,teirs, 30 novices and 9 postulants. Lt had reached the stage where Lt was able lo assume its own leadership and establish its own administration , functioning under Church law. Its first chapte•r , held at Marywood in 1915, had resulrted in the election of Mother Macy Mihalik as first superioir general. At her d e a th within a yeair she was repl,aced by Mother M. Emmanuel Pauly, whose term extended over six years until 1922. The community of Religious had already assumed cha,r g,e of pa,rish schools in Pennsylvania and Connecticut and of an o,r phanag,e of the Fiirst CaJtho1ic Slovak Union (Jednota) in Middletown, Pa. What �152 SLOVAKIA it needed more than anything was a motherhouse kom which to admini.Siter the congregation and a residence for the training of novices and postulants by canonical standards. As the young community outgrew the facilities at Mairywood, its administration had transferred to the large parish convent in Plymouth, Pa., where Mather Mary resided. The novices and postulants were divided among the Plymouth, Pittston and Olyphant, (Pa.) convents. 1n 1917 a lairge house was leased to the community on t he Jednota premises at Middletown, Pa., which accomcxfated the novices and postulants and also served as a temporary motherhouse for the community. It soon became inadequate. Meanwhile Mother M. Emmanuel Pauly was alert to any prospects of acquiring a motherhouse for the community. Through Father Julius C. Foin, pastor at Middletown and a Danville, Pa., native, she learned about Castle Grove, vacant at the time for 14 years. She informed Bishop Philip R. McDevitt of Harrisburg, Pa., who in turn communicated with Father 1-' ran c is X. Dougherty, pastor of St. Joseph's Parish in Danville, asking him to investigate the property. This was in the fuU of 1918. Negotiations were set in motion and by the spring of 1919 the transaction was completed. 'J.'lhe Sis,te,rs of SS. Cyril and Methodius acquired Castle Grove and took possession of it on June 19, 1919. The estate was renamed Villa Saored Heart because the date of the Sisiters' arrival from Jednota in Middletown, Pa., coincided with the season of the Sacred Heart in Catholic liturgy. The Sisters recalled that they arrived by train from Hairrisburg, Pa., before noon on June 18, only to find that a technicality still barrnd them from entering Castle Grove. A signature was lacking on the deed. The Sisters we-r e meanwhile offered hospi,tali,ty and night's lodging by the Immaculate Hca'l"t Sisters a,t St. Joseph's Convent on Bloom Road. The following morning a f t c r Mass at St. Joseph's Church the novitiate gr{)IUp, which included Rev. Mother M. Emmanuel and l\Iother M . Monica, an Immaculate Heart Sister \Vho had been retained as d1rector of novices for the community, walked sile!l!tly d own Route 11 towaird their new home. Passing under the archway over the e!l!trance and up the narrow fo()lj; path, they surveyed the broad expanse of high grass and majestic trees and glimpsed at the mansion beyond. The cry which burst from their lips was "Lord , il is good for us to be here." The property was deteriorated, but graduaJ!y through the weeks that followed the house was resLored somewha,t to its original splendor and modified to convent specifications, and the campus recovered some of its beauty and design . By July 7, feast of SS. Cyril and Methodius, the lairge salon on the first floor was furnished as a chapel and Bishop McDevi.ltt offered the first Mass for the community at Villa Sacred Heart. The work of intensive cleaning and restoration both indoors and out continued through July. The professed Sisters returned from their pa;rish missions to make their annual retreat in August, the first a,t Vil1a Sacred Heart. It was fol- �SLOVAKIA lowed by the first reception and profession ceremonies, at which 15 novices were professed and 9 postulaints received the habit and white veil of a novice. This brought the community members hip to 72 professed Sisters and 24 novices. By the end of Augus,t . ix new candidates had entered the community and they were ready to begin their training as postulants. Within fi.f,t,y years the face of Villa Sacred Heart has changed, showing expansion and growth. As the community membership increased and additional projects were undertakoo, St. Cyril AcadPmy for girls was opened in 1922 and a new building was erected in 1929. For its religious ceremonies and worship, a chapel was added in 1939. A three-story wing, conn eoted with the academy and matching it in architecture and design, was completed and dedicated in the fall of 1957. Maria Joseph M-anoc wa-s erected on a site bordering the mOitherwise property in 1962. M,ari-a Hall, a home for retired Sisters, is presently rising and will be completed by the summer of 1970. professed Sisters. 13 novice and 3 postulan ts. An add Ltional 55 Sis ters lie buried in the community's cemetery. The Sisters teach in 36 Slovak parish schools in the archdiocese of Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, and the dioceses of Harrisburg, Bridge port, Charleston, Gary, Hartford, Greensburg, Steubenville, Scranton , Syracuse and Trenton. They also are on the staffs of six Catholic central high schools. Every summer and throughout the school year, the Sisters engage in r-atechetical work, and in recent years have intensified their efforts in this field. The Sisters also conduct a ?SY· chological and reading clinic in Wilkes-Barre. Bes ides St. Cyril Academy they also teach at Blessed Sacrament Academy in Yonkers, New York and Andrean Hi g h School in Gary, Ind . The congregation is in warge of t he Jednota Orphanage in Middletown, Pa., and besides Maria Joseph Manor it comducts Villa SL Cyril, a home for the aged, in Highland Park. UL The Sisters have worked with Headst a:rt and other special programs for underprivileged groups. This summer these and similar programs are in operation here in Danville, and in Bridgeport, Conn., Chairleston. S.C., Chicago, and Gary. In the 60 years the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Meth-odius has been serving the Church and the Slovak people, it has reached a membership of 425 • 153 • THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA represents an overwhelming majority of organized Americans of Slovak descent; actively affiliated with it are the largest Slovak fraternals, religious organizations, Slovak Clubs and Slovak civic organizations in the United States. �154 - - - -- SLOVAKIA - - - - - - - -- - -- - - - - - - · - - - - - AS OTHERS "You may be assured of my continued interest in a free and independent Slovakia." - Richard Schweiker, United States Senate "Our country has been vastly enriched by the contributions which your membership and your fellow Slovak Americans have made down through the years." - Edward W . Brooke, United States Senate "I appreciate your thoughtfulness in sending me the latest issue of your publication Slovakia. 1 found it most interesting." - John Sherman Cooper, U. S. Senate "Slovaks in my area and throughout the nation are known as a proud, talented, industrious, and deeply religious people who continue to aspire to the attainment of freedom and liberty despite the many years of Communist rule of their ancestral homeland." -John P . Saylor, Member of Congress "Long have I known of the grand work the American Slovak League has done over the years of its existence. "The Slovak people have a glorious history and a noble tradition. For over a thousand years they have fought continuously for their national independence. Today that tradition is still carried on proudly by your League which struggles unremittingly for the human and national rights of the Slovak people. In that struggle you have my full support for I have always stood behind the right of every nation, large and small, to attain and hold its national sovereignty. "Your civic and cultural contributions to America also stand as a great tribute to your organization. The immigrants from Slovakia in SEE IT years past have made many wonderful and inspiring contributions to the American way of life. The League has played a great part in encouraging them to be alert and loyal citizens. "By continuing the good work of the Slovak League, you are doing a service for the United States, for the people of Slovakia, and for all humanity." - Michael A. Feighan, Member of Congress "Be sure of my continued support for a free and independent Slovakia." - Clement J. Zablocki, Member of Congress "I want to extend to the Slovak League of America and its membership my regards and sincere commendation for their outstanding achievements in the interest of all freedom loving people."-John W . Wydler, Member of Congress "These are trying times for all who are interested in the welfare of your homeland, which means all who love freedom and liberty. I k n o w that your activities give strength to the freedom-loving people in Slovakia in their continuing struggle to regain control of their destiny."-Frank T . Bow, Member of Congress "As citizens the Slovak-Americans have contributed immeasurably to the religious, cultural, educational, industrial, and civic growth and betterment of our cities, and our country. "I want to take this opportunity to commend those of Slovakian heritage for their courage and forebearance."-Guy Vander Jagt, Member of Congress "My greetings and v e r y b e s c w i s h e s to my Slovak-American �SLOVAKIA friends for whom I am constantly striving in the Congress to make this a truly free world for all people. " - William E . Mi nshall, Member of Congress 155 to make the best of their opportunities. "There is nonetheless a note of sadness as your thoughts inevitably turn to those of your brethren who remain in your a n c e s t r a I homeland. It is a paradox of the twentieth century that while more than sixty nations on other continents have gained their independence from colonial powers since World War II, a number of the ancient lands of Europe have been swallowed up by the Soviet Empire."-Harold R. Colli er, Member of Congress "I do wish to assure you that I shall continue my interest in the affair of your League and look forward to another opportunity to join with you. " -Martin B . McKneally , Member of Congress "I am pleased once again to have the opportunity to salute your untiring efforts toward freedom and your unailing patriotism and courage." - Willi am S. Moorehead, Member of Congress "I am well aware of the immense contribution to American life which has been made by our Slovak-American citizens. They have brought to us in this country the same religious strength and the same love of freedom which they learned in their motherland. Even today that same spirit of freedom can be seen in the establishment of the Slovak Republic in a federated CzechoSlovakia. This is the culmination of years of effort by a great people who wish to keep their own identity. "-Joseph M . McDade, Member of Congress "I heartily support the efforts of the Slovak League of America to keep alive the torch of freedom for so many who must remain behind the Iron Curtain of oppression."Charles A . Vanik, Member of Congress "Congratulations on many con"I wish to comp l i m e n t you r League on the superb work you are tributions to international underdoing." - Seymour Halpern, Mem- standing and cultural exchange."Margaret M . Heckler, Member of ber of Congress Congress "I received the latest issue of "I would like you to know that Slovakia which you recently sent receive Slovaki a, and find th~ did I me, and have enjoyed reading it." of interest." - John B . publication - Charles W. Whalen, Jr., Member Anderson, Member of Congress of Congress 'Thank you for the book entitled "Many of the people whom I am edited by Dr. Joseph PauSlovakia, naprivileged to represent in the to read this book planning am I co. tional House of Representatives for it will be possible as soon as either came to the United States resource."-William useful very a from Slovakia or are the descendMember of Congress ants of immigrants from that na- T . Mtirphy, " The s t r u g g l e continues for tion. Through the years they have proved themselves to be loyal Ame- equal representation and national ricans and good citizens of their rights which the Slovak League beadopted country, serving it with gan more than 50 years ago. I share equal diligence through war and your concern about the Soviet oppeace, and inspiring their children pression of the Slovak people. I �156 SLOVAKIA pray we will see the day when the Slovak people will be permitted to establish their o w n independent nation in Europe, with freedom to select their own leaders and their own path of government." - John Myers, Member of Congress "I command the efforts of the Slovak League of America to maintain culture and traditions of Slovakia here in United States. We must be confident of the f u tu re and continue to work for the day when legitimate independence and true freedom is enjoyed by people of Slovakia and all other captives of Communism."-Edward J . Derwinski, Member of Congress "Every Slovak American is extremely p r o u d of the League's years of interest in the cultural and historical betterment of all American Slovaks." - Joseph M . Gaydos, Member of Congress "The yearning for liberty and independence among Slovaks will continue until they will be able to determine their own destiny; and, I am ceritain, as an independent nation, will constructively contribute to the well being and peace of the world. You may be assured of my continuing efforts for selfdetermination of all Captive Nations and of my warm and special interest for the Slovak nation." Michael A. F eighan, M. C., 20th District, Ohio "I am aware of the constant struggle of Slovak people to regain their independence and live side by side with other free nations of the world. It is my desire and hope that the spirit and determination of the Slovak people will not be broken and that the Slovak nation will once again have the right to choose its own destiny. In these just aspirations of Slovak people all of us should help. I pledge my support in this respect. '' William E. Minshall, M. C., 23rd District, Ohio "Slovak nationalism was an important element in the early days of the reform movement. Mr. Novotny, the former President, who was passionately disliked in Slovakia for his discriminatory poli. cies, paid the penalty for ignoring it. " (The Times, October 31, 1968) . "For all the pride and satisfaction with which Czecho-Slovakia has introduced federalization of the Czech and Slovak nations, real equality still remains a promise rather than a practical accomplish ment ... many stormy sessions lie ahead with the Slovaks pressing for even greater autonomy. At the roots of the conflict is the fact that, since its inception 50 years ago, the republic has boasted of having established unity with equality for the two nations without the Slovaks ever having actually achieved this equality." (The Times, October 28, 1968). "Although lip service has been paid to ethnic equality by both the pre-World War II Masaryk republic and the post-war Communists, the Slovaks have always, with considerable justice, felt that they were getting the short end of the stick. Before the war, Slovak nationalists demanded virtual national independence." (John P . Roche, San Francisco Examiner. July 3, 1969) . - "The main tourist centers (in the High Tatra Mountains, Slovakia ) are Stary Smokovec, Tatranska Lomnica and Strbske Plesoeach more scenically beautiful than the other. "The 17-mile mountain range with some 300 ragged peaks, romantic valleys and ice-blue small lakes can compete with any Alpine �SLOVAKIA 157 area. The width of the range is removed the country's most popu10 miles." (The New York Times; lar liberal from the domestic political scene, thereby placating the October 31, 1969. "Americans teens are lucky be- ultras. At the same time, he won cause 'they don't have to worry plaudits from the liberals by reabout politics like we do', said fusing to place Dubcek balked, Michael, 18, of Bratislava . .. There protesting that he would return are two 'nations' in Czecho-Slova- to his old job of factory machinist kia, they said-the Czechs and the rather than leave the country. But Slovaks. Because they are Slovaks, in the end he bowed to the party the boys don't like our tendency order, knowing full well that his to shorten "Czechoslovakian' to refusal would only further inflame 'Czech'. That, they said, is incor- political passions in Prague." rect because almost half the people (Newsweek, December 29, 1969). "Father Hlinka insisted that the in their country are not Czechs, they're Slovaks." (The Times Un- Czechs and Slovaks were not one ion, Rochester, N. Y., July 26, nation , but two distinct nations, 1968). and therefore the Slovaks had as much right to self-government as "Slovak painters and graphic artists, among them Milan Laluha, any other self-respecting nation. " Ladislav Guderna and M. Brunov- (Thaddeus V. Gromada , siavic Resky, were acclaimed in Italy, view, September 1969). France and Canada. The works of sculptors Uher and Bartfay became known . . . The operas of Eugen Suchoii. were performed throughout Europe, and the music of Jan Cikker and Alexander Moyzes were heralded in many parts of the world. Viliam Bukovy's modernist compositions were honored at international music and film festivals. He also wrote music for several Hollywood films. Another composer, Ilja Zelienka, won first prizes at several European modern music festivals. "Slovaks also made important medical contributions. The Slovak Institute of Biochemistry became known for its discoveries of antibiotics and work in concer research. The Microbiological Institute, headed by Dr. Dionyz Blazkovic, was hailed for its achievements bi iinmunobiology and allergiology." (Jan Samak, East Europe. Vol. 18, No. 7). "By naming Dubcek to the post of ambassador to Turkey, Husak "Not even the closest associates of Gustav Husak, the new party chief, are likely to be sure about how to proceed. Politically, Husak has to fight on two fronts and many think that the threat from the extreme left is far more dangerous to him than that from the "right-wing opportunists", as the new jargon refers to supporters of his reform-minded predecessor, Alexander Dubcek. "The party is rocked by expulsions and mass resignations. According to some private estimates it has already lost 300,000 of its 1.7 million members. Those who stayed can be divided into at last four different wings fighting each other. Purges have assumed bizarre proportions, extending from secret police to sports federations, from the foreign service to the Communist-led children organization. "Husak had pleaded not to turn the party into a "slaughter-house,'' but some top radicals openly en- �158 SLOVAKIA courage neo-Stalinists in the lower ranks to push even harder. Evidence of the struggle for power in the party is ample even in the press, which is now tightly controlled again. "In the economic field, the situation is nearly chaotic. The new leadership has canceled almost all of the reforms, but also has announced it will not return to preDubcek concepts. Except for "work harder" appeals, the regime has yet to disclose which panacea it will propose. Some of the top industry managers have been fired for liberal leanings, many others are uncertain about their fate. Thousands of employees and workers now have had marks for political unreliability in their personnel files, hampering prospects for better pay and promotion. The working morale of others is hardly any better; their unions which started developing some muscle during the Dubcek era have again been reduced into tools of the party. " 'Sick rates' are running double those last years and workers take it easy. Husak estimates that 20 per cent of the working time now is idled away. Stringest penalties have been introduces for loafers but that is hardly likely to boost their spirits. "Party leaders allege that rightwing calls for passive resistance also hurt the economy. 'The worse the better' is a slogan actually proposed by one though seemingly small school of thought. " 'Economic crisis have toppled Novotny', explained one veteran party member and anti-Stalinist referring to the old guard leader Antonin Novotny who was replaced by Dubcek. Maybe this will force a change again. "Average wages have increased but so have prices, setting off a Western-style inflationary spiral. That, in turn, and despite official denials, fueled rumors of an impending currency reform. Shops, already, undersupplied, were beleaguered. 'He who hesitates will not buy well' was the superfluous warning on a Prague display window. "Vexing shortages, from prams to pajamas, have become a fact of life in the million-population capitol. The pantie problem became so prickly that special hardcurrency funds were pried loose to pay for emergency imports. The hard currency may have come increased meat exports to the West which have helped dry up supplies of pork, a stample food of Czechs and Slovaks. "Now laws threaten court punishment to hoarders and even sales clerks who talk a customer into buying more than he actually needs. The man in the street will readily blame part of the shortages on the Russian occupation troops. Stories make the round of a Red Army man entering a store and asking for 'five kilograms of panties.' " ( Associated Press, February 22, 1970) . "I returned to Vienna with mixed emotions about the status of the people in Czecho-Slovakia but I also brought a brand new Slovak diet for reducing. The Slovaks call it the 'American diet.' Here it is : "You can eat all the chicken and drink all the Sliwowitz you can manage. But no bread, no pastries, no vegetables. Just chicken and wine. "I always suspected that the Slovaks have a spark\ of genius in them and now their 'American Diet' confirms my belief." (Theodore Andrica, The Cleveland Press, July 14, 1969) . �SLOVAKIA 1511 COMMENTS TWO CZECH PROFESSORS ABOUT SLOVAK-CZECH RELATIONS It happens very rarely that Czech intellectuals in the Free World comment objectively on the relations between Slovaks and Czechs or on books published on Slovakia. For many years not only Czech politicians in exile but also Czech scholars and professors at various universities wrote with bias about Slovak history, politics and cultural achievements. There is no doubt that such writings harmed the image of the Slovak nation but great harm was also done to the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs. Many Czech intellectuals apparently did not look at the problem from this point of view. We welcome, therefore, a new sober voice from Prof. Stanley Z. Pech from the University of British Columbia. He commented in the siavic Review on the book by John Gellner, a Czech newspaperman, and John Smerek, a former Slovak civil servant. The book was published under the title The Czechs and Slovaks in Canada and was published by Masaryk Memorial Institute in Toronto. Professor Pech wrote before about Slovak and Czech relations with much more objectivity than we are accustomed to read from Czech intellectuals. In connection with this book, he had the following to say: "Although one of the authors is of Slovak origin, the book does not appear to do justice to the Slovak viewpoint. Slovak grievances against Czechoslovakia are dismissed as 'separatism', and the First Republic is given what amounts to a clean bill of health. Some 'mistakes' were made, but these were 'largely cured' by the late 1920s. The Administrative Law of 1927 established a desirable degree of decentralization by setting up selfgoverning provinces 'on lines broadly similar to Canadian provinces', each province having 'its provincial president and its provincial assembly'. After this, 'Czechoslovakia seemed on the way toward co-operative, equitable solutions to whatever domestic problems there still were.' It was the Slovak People's Party and the rise of Nazi Germany that later reversed this trend. "ls it possible to present the issues so simply? The First Republic had indeed an outstanding record, and its democratic structure proved more durable than that of most European states. However, it was unquestionably a centralist state even after 1927, and this was the essence of Slovak objections. The authors fail to note that according to the Jaw of 1927 the provincial president and one-third of the provincial assembly were appointed by the central government and that both de jure and de facto the provincial president was an agent of the central government. The jurisdiction of the provinces was limited to social services and similar activities, and the assemblies could be dissolved at any time by a decree issued in Prague. Do the authors really believe that a province so conceived resembles a province in Canada or a state in the United States? Was this situation not bound to feed discontent among the Slovaks? "This situation has important �160 SLOVAKIA implications for the history of the Slovaks in Canada . (and in the United States). Many Slovaks who came to the New World after 1918 were disenchanted with Czechoslovakia and refused to associate themselves with Czech groups. Today their numbers are larger, and their hostility to everything Czech is implacable and chauvinistic. This phenomenom has many roots, but it cannot be understood without reference to the failure of the Czechs to regard the Slovaks as their equals and to give the consideration to their national sentiment. Yet this appreciation is wholly lacking in the present book. With what lack of respect influential segments of the Czech community regarded the Slovaks is illustrated by a secret memorandum on Slovakia, which was drawn up by the Czech Socialist Party in 1946 and published in Bratislava in 1968. The memorandum is a chilling blueprint for depriving the Slovaks of their national identity by any means necessary, not excluding the use of force (see text in Historicky casopis, vol. 16, 1968, pp. 191-93). Gellner and Smerek are two competent observers, and their book will be a standard work for many years. Was the nature of the Slovak problem so far beyond their pale of vision that they could not come to grips with it? Until the Czechs are prepared to take a critical look at their own attitudes, their contribution to a Czech-Slovak dialogue will be only a limited one." This approach is in great contrast with another Czech, Prof. Joseph S. Roucek from Queensborough Community College. He wrote on the same book in the International Migration Review (III 9, Summer 1969) and compared the book with the work by Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum Slovaks in Canada. Prof. Roucek had to admit that: "In general, Kirschbaum's study, in spite of its weaknesses, is much better and more exhaustive than Gellner-Smerek' s work, since it is better documented (as shown by its bibliography, pp. 441-455) and contains reprints of 24 memoranda, petitions, pleas, and resolutions either to the Canadian authorities or to the United Nations by the Slovak Canadian organizations, as well as by individual members of the Canadian Slovak League and the First Catholic Slovak Union during the past three decades." However, Roucek was unable to write without -the anti-Slovak bias in his further remarks. Even though the book Slovaks in Canada is not a political book but strictly a scholarly work on the history of Slovaks in Canada. Prof. Roucek commented on the book as follows: overcertainly "Kirschbaum stresses his Slovak filiopietism which has been glaringly evident in his previous works and which is the ideology of his group of American and Canadian Slovaks promoting Slovak separatism. We learn that 'from the First World War until the present time, Slovak Canadians have been the victims of political activities in their homeland .. .' (p. 9) and that the Canadian Slovaks were discriminated against during World War II because they 'refused to support the policy od Dr. E. Benes, who resigned in October 1938 but who in 1941 set up his government-inexile in London, England, and insisted on his right to represent Czechs and Slovaks in the West. Members and representatives of the Canadian Slovak League were , particularly denounced as enemies �SLOVAKIA of Canada because they advocated the right to self-determination and self-government for the Slovak people.' (p. 6) . But we must also note that even a greater number of Canadian Slovaks supported Dr. Benes and that the Slovak Republic was formed as the first satellite state under Hitler's blessing and auspices. This 'pro-Czech' tendency is, in fact, admitted by Kirschbaum: "The pro-Czech attitude of Slovak Protestants, many of whom were descendants of Czech refugees who came to Slovakia during the Counter-Reformation, accounts for various peculiarities of the Slovak political, cultural and religious life not only in Slovakia, but also among Canadians or Americans of Slovak origins." (p. 32). It is hard to understand, unless we are accustomed to the writings of Czech intellectuals, why Prof. Roucek made such comments on a history book concerning Slovaks in Canada unless one knows the tense relations which existed among the Slovaks and the Czechs for the past 50 years and the bias of many Czech intellectuals who followed the political line of Dr. Benes condemned at the present time not only by many Czechs but by the whole Slovak nation. "SLOVAK NEWS" or COMMUNIST PROPAGANDA For the past two years Slovaks in the Free World received from a Slovak Cultural and Tourist News Agency Tatrapress a mimeographed publication called "Slovak News." After being separated for over a quarter of a century by the Iron Curtain from their homeland, 161 many Slovaks welcomed the fact that finally they can receive information on their country of origin from Bratislava. Unfortunately, the "Slovak News" is not published in the spirit which triggered the liberalization in 1968 and the picture of Slovakia is not one which we could accept. The periodical is published in English, sometimes in good and at other times in very poor English indeed. It was a good step on the part of the regime in Bratislava to try to acquaint the outside world with Slovakia, but the bad side of this enterprise is the biased presentation of Slovak politics and cultural, economic, and social life. For many decades, Slovakia was presented in a distorted light, more often than not unfavorably, to the Western world. All the efforts of Slovak intellectuals in the Free World could not successfully overcome the adverse propaganda from either Czech or other camps opposed to Slovak national aspirations. In 1968, there were great hopes among the Slovaks in the Free World that the tide had changed and that from Slovakia efforts will come to present Slovakia in a true light. Looking objectively at the issues of "Slovak News" which have up to date come to this Continent, we must say with regret that it is again a very biased picture which the so-called Slovak government portrays for the West and hundreds of thousands of Slovaks who are still interested in the good name of their country of origin and work for a free and democratic Slovakia. J . K. �162 SLOVAKIA BOOK REVIEWS BOOKS ON THE EVENT IN CZECHO-SLOVAKIA IN 1968 The events in Czecho-Slovakia stirred the attention of scholars in many Western countries and some 50 books were published according to Robert F. Lamberg (Svedectvi, X, No. 37, Paris, 1969). Most of these books are in English, some in French and the rest in the German language. Among the authors are not only specialists in international affairs or in Eastern Europe, but also the Czech exiles and writings by two exiles from Slovakia, Eugene Loeb! and Ladislav Miiacko. The writings of both these authors were published in English as well as in German. One of Loebl's books, Svedectvo o Procese, was published in Slovak and appeared subsequently in English as well as German translation. Many of these books just presented the sequence of events and did not bring any scholarly analysis or political conclusions. Other books are analytical and there is also a score of books which are close to the sensational writings and were designed for the large public and money making. Among those which are worthwhile reading are the following books : Robert Rhodes James, ed., The Czechoslovak Crisis 1968. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson (Toronto: Ryerson), 1969, XII, 203 pp., $7.95. Roger Garaudy, La liberte en sursis: Prague, 1968. Paris. Fayard, 156 pp. Eugen Loeb!, Sentenced and Tried: The Stalinist Purges in Czechoslovakia. London: Elek (Toronto: Ryerson), 1969, 272 pp., $8.50: in Slovak, Svedectvo o procese, Bratislava, 1968, 200 pp.: in German, Die Revolution rehabilitiert ihre Kinder, Vienna: Europa, 1968, 228 pp. Eugen Loeb} and Leopold Grunwald , Die intellektuelie Revolution, Hintergrunde and Auswirktmgen des " Prager Frilhiings". Dusseldorf: Econ, 1969, 308 pp. Ladislav Miiacko, The Seventh Night. New York: Dutton (Toronto : Clarke, Irwin), 1969, 220 pp., $7.25. Also in German. Harry Schwartz, Prague's 200 Days: The Struggle for Denwcracy in Czechoslovakia. New York, Washington, and London: Praeger (Toronto: Burns & MacEachern) , 1969, 274 pp., $7.25. Joseph Wechsberg, The Voices Garden City, N. Y.: Toronto : Doubleday, 1969, 113 pp. $5.95. Philip Windsor and Adam Roberts, Czechoslovakia, 1968: Refo rm, Repression and Resistance. London: Chatto and Windus for the Institute for Strategic Studies (Toronto : Clarke Irwin) , 1969, vm, 200 PP- ' $3.0o. Z. A. B. Zeman, Prague Spring: A Report on Czechoslovakia, 1968. Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin (Toronto: Longmans) , 1969, 169 pp., $8.50. Not all of these books are of the ·s ame academic value and one of them by Robert Rhodes James, The Czechoslovak Crisis 1968, has put the invasion by the Warsaw Pact armies in a debatable position, as we will see later. The three books by the writers from Slovakia, Loeb! and Mnacko, gave an insight into the crisis of communism in �SLOVAKIA Slovakia and Mnacko's book is rather a series of reportages than a book on history. From the political point of view, some of the books condemned the invasion and their analysis of the events before the invasion and after is in line with a democratic point of view. The most surprising are the views of Robert Rhodes James who is a specialist in international relations. In his view, the Soviet occupation was "defensive and reluctant" and did not provide evidence of "Soviet aggressiveness or expansionism" and represented "no threats to NATO interests." James also thinks that the United Nations "acquitted itself reasonably effectively" by protesting only and that NATO was quite right in its reactions by not making any attempt to include Rumania or Yugoslavia under its protection. It is certainly hard to accept such views from a western "specialist in international affairs" on an act of brutal aggressiveness and violation of the independence of a country which wanted only to build "communism with a human face". This defeatist view is hardly acceptable by any western scholar or politician. Even the Italian, Rumanian and Yugoslav communists condemned the invasion and protested against it and there is no doubt that all the Western Powers, even if they remained inactive, looked with concern to the presence of Russian armies on the West German and Austrian border. In all these books there is, of course, not much about the events in Slovakia and there is rarely mentioned the fact that the liberalization was forced upon Novotny's regime by the Slovak writers and was lead by a Slovak-Alexander Dubcek-who is sometimes even 163 presented as a Czech leader. Only the Canadian Slavonic Papers (Vol. IX, 4, 1968) published a chapter on the role of Slovaks in the deStalinization period. A good book presenting not only the Czech views or information received in Prague, but also giving justice to the Slovaks, seems to be very necessary to give an objective picture of the events of 1967 and 1968. J . M . Kirschbaum Heinri c h Kuhn: Handbuch der Tschechoslowakei (Verlag Robert Lerche, Mtinchen), 1966, pp. 1,024, Price 142.00 D. M. This reference book on CzechoSlovakia by Dr. Heinrich Kuhn will be appreciated not only by scholars but by all who are interested in the political, social and economic development in CzechoSlovakia after the Second World War. With the typical German "puenktlichkeit" Dr. Kuhn prepared a highly technical study which required years of systematk research and data collecting. The Collegium Carolinum published in the past years several valuable books on Bohemia and Slovakia. Kuhn's volume seems to be the most useful. The volume is divided into four parts. The first part deals with the territory of today's Czecho-Slovakia and her population which by the rude and often criminal expulsion of 3 million Sudeten Germans and by the "voluntary" cession of Subcarpathian Ruthenia by Prague to the U. S. S. R. was substantially reduced in comparison to its size in pre-war times. Kuhn's work gives the basic statistics on the territorial organization, th~ movements of the population and its ethnic composition as well as �164 SLOVAKIA the social structure and education of the Czechs and Slov,a ks during the 20 years following the Second World War. The author avoided political comments either in his introductory notes or in explaining the statistics, leaving the judgment on, among other things, the expulsion of Germans, on the transfer of hundreds of thousands of Slovaks to the Sudeten territories, where they have been denationalized, to historians and political scientists. In the second part of this huge volume (1,024 pages) Dr. Kuhn deals with the constitutional and organizational structure of CzechoSlovakia under the post-war "people's democracy" and Communist regimes. The tense relation between the Czechs and Slovaks and the tendency of Prague's governments to reduce Slovakia to a province administered by Prague rather than by Slovaks, is clearly apparent from the constitutional changes, partly politics, government appointments and statistical data in this part of the book. We also can find in this chapter basic information and statistics on cultural institutions, schools and church organizations. For those who know from other sources about the rule of terror, the Stalinization of the system, the anti-Slovak policy of Prague governments and the persecution of the Church, especially in Slovakia, Dr. Kuhn's statistical evidence of the changes during this period will be of great value. An interesting picture of changes and inner struggles in the government, cultural and other organizations is also given in the third part of Kuhn's work. To read properly the statistical data in this part it is, however, necessary to be well acquainted with the rela- tions between the Czechs and Slovaks. Behind all the changes in the high positions of the CzechoSlovak state was a systematic attempt at exclusion of Slovaksexcept those who were willing tools of Gottwald or Novotnyfrom the decision making organs and institutions. During the Novotny era the anti-Slovak complex was also extended to the cultural field . The accusations of "bourgeois nationalism" was but a cover, as we learned during the short period of liberalization in 1968. The last part of the book gives us names of those who after the Second World War held positions in the political and cultural organizations of Czecho-Slovakia. The value of Dr. Kuhn's works can be justly judged only if we take into consideration that great part of the information he gives in his book was not easily or at all accessible in the West for many years. There was an "Iron Curtain" preventing an exchange of scholars and of publications, and there was for many a language barrier, since the Prague Government did not publish the statistical data in Western languages. Looking from this point at Dr. Kuhn's reference book, not only scholars but also Slovaks in the Free World cannot but welcome it. Dr. J . M . Kirschbaum Rudolf Sturm, CZECHOSLOVAKIA -A Bibliographic Guide, (Library of the Congress, Washington), 1967, 157 pp. Professor Sturm's Bibliographic Guide on Czecho-Slovakia is the first work of its kind in which the author made the attempt of presenting a bibliography on CzechoSlovakia without the usual bias. He included scores of books on �SLOVAKIA 165 Slovakia which other bibliogra- scholars and specialists in Eastern phers usuall y bypass. Therefore, Europe will find in these works it is hard to say whether it is by a new picture of the Slovak past omission of the author or because and cultural life. A better representation of Slowe did not publish in the Free World a bibliography of books on vak books can be found in Prof. Slovak history, culture, and litera- Sturm's Bibliographic Guide as far ture, if we do not find in this as books and bibliographies in bibliography some books which Slovak language are concerned. There he has listed the main should be mentioned. The book is divided into 15 bibliography sources as well as the chapters which deal with the land , most important books on Slovak the people, history, politics and history, language, and literature government, Jaw, economy, social which were published either beconditions, religion and philosophy, fore 1945 or during the Communist languages, literature and the arts. period. Jn his introduction, Prof. Sturm '.J'1>c work includes both forei gn language books and reference mentions that he would be "gratcbooks and bibliographies in the ful to users for informing him of Czech and Slovak languages. Need- any error or shortcoming in the less to say that the number of text" and he admits that the Guid e publications on the Czechs, their is "imperfect" and hopes that history, language and culture is "im perfect as it is, it fills a need and will help to promote Czech considerably higher. We note, however, that for the and Slovak studies outside Czechofirst time in a bibliography pre- slovakia." There is no doubt that. pared by a Czech scholar, there are ' the Guide will help scholars and books which do not agree with th~ specialists and we hope that in the official ideology of Prague govern- next edition the author will not ments or Czechs in exile. Prof. omit books by Slovak writers in Sturm included forei gn language the Free World , namely, the writbooks by Slovak authors who clear- ing by Pauco , Franti§ek Vnuk, J . ly advocate an independent Slova- Rekem , M. Lacko , S. Nahalka, M. kia or, in cultural matters, disagree Sprinc, T. Zubek, some more imwith the Czech tendency to present portant books by !lurcansky than Slovak language and literature as he listed, several other publicaa part of the Czech or "Czechoslo- tions by this reviewer, as well as vak" language and literature. As the quarterly Most, Slowakei, the a result, we find in this Biblio- Literarny Almanach Slovaka v A graphic Guide books and publica- merike, and the academic publications in major European langueges tion by the University of Montreal by Prof f>urica , f>urcansky , Hru- Etudes Slav es in which there have !iovsky, Kirschbaum , Mikus, Skul- been many articles on Slovak lantety. Sister Woytko, Yurchak, Hro- guage and literature. In view of bak's linguistic works and Palic- the fact that Prof. Sturm displayed kar's work on Slovak culture. Even scholarly objectivity we should though the books by these authors help him with the necessary inforpresent only a part of the books mation in case he will publish a and publications which have been reviewed edition of his Bibliopublished abroad on Slovak politi- graphic Gurde. J . M. Kirschbaum cal history or cultural matters, the , I �166 SLOVAKIA Stefan G 1 e j du r a: Los Grandes in Argentina. The fact that Dr. Problemas del Este Europeo, Glejdura contributes to an inter(Separata de la Revista de Poli- nationally known political review, tica Internacional, Madrid, 1968-· gives ·his work a particular impor1969) tance. The series would deserve to be A series of studies on the policy re-printed in book form because of the Soviet Union and the prob- the author gives a whole picture lems of Eastern Europe by Dr. of the political scene in the Soviet Stefan Glejdura deserve the atten- orbit, not only as a competent tion of scholars as well as special observer but also as a specialist ists interested in the vicisitudes of who thoroughly followed the evoEastern Europe. For more than a lution behind the Iron Curtain decade Dr. Glejdura wrote learned since the end of the Second World studies on this subject for the War until the present time. There is hardly any Slovak intelhighly regarded periodical "Revista de Politica Internacional," pub- lectual who wrote so many reviews lished in Madrid. Several of these of books published on the probstudies have been published in re- lems of Eastern Europe in several prints and should be considered as European languages as Dr. Glejdua serious contribution to the re- ra did during the past two decades. search of the great political prob- His vast knowledge prepared him lems of Eastern Europe. The au- for a competent analysis and prethor analyzed not only the foreign sentation of the political, social as policy of the Soviet Union but also well as economic problems of the of the individual countries like nations subjugated by Moscow. In Hungary, Rumania, Slovakia, Czech- the hope that Dr. Glejdura will o-Slovakia, Poland, etc. and their publish his studies in book form, relations with the Soviet Union. we are refraining from analyzing He drew his conclusions on the at this time his studies on individbasis of his knowledge of foreign ual Eastern European countries language documents and literature even though each of them would in several European languages. As deserve a separate review. We recommend especially the a result, the series of his studies is a valuable contribution to the following studies to the scholars knowledge and contemporary Eu- and specialists interested in Eastern Europe: ropean problems. La Politica Exterior de la U.R.S.S., From a Slovak point of view, we (Madrid) , 1969. welcome the studies by Dr. Glejdura because they complete our Vicisitudes del Este Europeo, (Madrid), 1968. political literature on the world problems by publications in the Los Grandes Problemas del Este Spanish language. There have been Europeo: Hungria-Magyarorszag many studies in English, French, (Madrid) , 1969. Italian or German by Slovak intel- Los Grandes Problemas del Este lectuals who established themEuropeo: Rumania, (Madrid), selves in the West after the Second 1969. World War. In the Spanish lan- Los Grandes Problemas del Este guage, however, we did not have Europeo : Eslovaquia, (Madrid), scholarly writings except for a few 1968. publications which were published J. M . Kirschbaum �SLOVAKIA Thaddeus V. Gromada, "Pilsudski and the Slovak Autonomists" Slavic Review, Vol. September 1969, pp. 445-462, Washington University. The Polish-Slovak relations between 1918 and 1939 are undoubtedly one of the most interesting chapters in the history of modern Slovakia. The Slovaks, dissatisfied with their position in the centralized Czecho-Slovakia ruled from Prague, did not have among their neighbours any support for preserving their distinctive nationality except the Poles. There also have been friendly cultural ties with the Polish nation for many centuries and from the religious point of view Poland was closer to the hearts of the majority of Slovaks than any other nation in Central Europe. This situation led, naturally, the Slovak leaders to look for co-operation with Poland. On the Polish side there was some understanding for the Slovak desire to preserve their nationality and political autonomy, but there also were considerations for cultivating the Polish-Slovak relations and at times to support the political struggle of the Slovak nation for an equal status with other Central European nations. There are studies on this subject in Slovak language but it is the first time that a thorough analysis of these relations has been published in English. Prof_ Gromada presents in his extensive article "Pilsudski and the Slovak Autonomists" a scholarly analysis and brought to light many details and many documents which have been unknown even to some Slovak historians or persons involved in politics in Slovakia during that period. The presentation is undoubtedly academic and it im- 167 presses by the mass of literature and unpublished documents which Prof. Gromada perused before writing his study. Except for the help which Msgr. Andrew Hlinka received from the Polish government in 1919 when he decided to go to the Paris Peace Conference, many important facts of the Polish-Slovak relations have been very little known. However, Prof. Gromada presents even Hlinka's efforts to obtain guarantees for Slovak autonomy and incorporation of the Pittsburgh Pact into the Peace Conference documents partly in a new light. At the same time, he reveals to historians documents from Polish archives which were unpublished or unresearched by other historians in the West. The most interesting part of Prof. Gromada's study refers to the relations of the period 19351939. At that time, there was in Slovakia a strong political current called "Polonophilism" headed by one of the leaders of Hlinka's Slovak populist party, Karol Sidor, and the relations between Poland and Slovak autonomists obtained a political colour. On the Slovak side these relations were also prompted not only by the traditional "Polonophilism" but also by political considerations. While in the international sphere the Slovak struggle for autonomy was more or less unknown or presented in an unobjective light by the official Czech policy, it found in Poland the most sympathetic ear among all neighbours of Slovakia. Even though in this period the official policy of the Prague government spoke about the necessity of good relations between all Slavs, the Slovak "Polonophilism" was attacked and condemned. Quite illogically it was accepted by Prague that good relations with the Soviet �168 SLOVAKIA Union or Yugoslavia were neces- help us to have an objective look sary but the efforts of Slovaks for at the Polish-Slovak relations. good relations with Poland were These remarks are not inteded condemned. This did not, however, to diminish the value or shed a deter Slovak autonomists from doubt on Prof. Gromada's highly cultivating the relations with Po- competent and well documented land. On the contrary, they grew study. In fact, Slavists and esstronger and also extended into pecially Slovak historians and cultural fields with the result that scholars should welcome his valu there were dozens ~f Slovak in~el- able account which, as we underlec_tuals_ . who studi_ed at Pohsh stand, is only a part of his larger umversibes or received g:ants to study on Slovak-Polish relations. foster cu~tural co-operabo~ b~-1 This reviewer is searching for doct~een Po_lish_ an_d Slovak umversi• 1 uments which would either support ties and msbtutwDs. . or reject some details in Prof. P_rof. Groma~a present~d this Gromada's study such as his stateperiod as seen m the Pohsh _doc- ment about the periodical Nast-up. uments and partly as descnbed He also will endeavor to clear by Slovak or Czech sch?lars. Since some statements published by Polwe do not have ac~ess !n th e Fr~e ish diplomats or the Foreign MinWo:ld to the ~c~ives m Slovakia, ister, Joseph Beck, which Prof. or m Prag_ue, it _is har_d even for Gromada used among his sources. someone hke this reviewer, who Until p of Gromada ublishes his was involved in ~he autonomist whole s~dy of Slovaf-Polish relamovement _ and Pohsh Slovak cul- tions, we hope to be able to answer t~ral rel~tlons, !o state how far the these questions. At the present picture is unbiased or complete. time, we cannot but give recogniVeD'. recently so~e doc~ments or tion to the author for his scholarly s~udies were pubh_shed ~n commu- efforts and well-written chapter of mst Czecho-Slovak1a which shed a Polish-Slovak relations between new light on this period but only the two World Wars. an unbiased study of the archives J. M . Kirschbaum in Prague and Bratislava could THE 1970 LITERARY ALMANAC A noteworthy characteristic of the true Christian Slovak intellectual is that he writes with professional skill and objectivity, and with an ideal practicality-in contrast to many slippery writers of today who deliberately manipulate words in order to confuse. And because this Slovak is a Christian and an intellectual, he ordinarily produces a masterpiece in his choice of subject and his handling of his material, as the contents of the 1970 LITERARNY ALMANACH testify. Owned and edited by Dr. Joseph Pauco in Middletown, Pennsylvania, the LITERARNY ALMANACH is the yearbook of the SLOVAK V AMERIKE, the oldest Slovak newspaper in America, which observed its 80th birthday in the Cyrillian Year of 1969. The new 1970 ALMANACH offers its readers a choice, wellbalanced assortment of literary gems. Here one will find scholarly studies; historical, political, and biographical sketches; short stories and briefer essays; narrative po- �SLOVAKIA ems revealing the hopes, joys and sufferings of the Slovak soul, and a number of deep, difficult poems. Each of the authors endears himself to the reader for each has shared what is dearest to him-his soul's choicest thoughts on a specific topic for the enrichment of Slovak culture and Slovak life. Father Theodoric Zubek highlights a most timely truth in his ''Man Penetrates the Cosmic Atmosphere." Graphically he points out that whatever discoveries man may make in his rendezvouz with the moon, they can in no way alter the wonders of REVELATION. They can but confirm what God has already made known to man for his salvation and sanctification. To those deluded souls who taxied around the moon and " missed seeing God" the author has some telling lines on God's infinity and man's infinitesimality. In a well-documented study entitled "Slovak Presence in Europe Before the 6th Century After Christ," Msgr. John Rekem ably and successfull y proves his thesis. He takes the reader on a mammoth archeological tour that begins in Bratislava and traverses nearly the entire Eastern Hemisphere. He describes artifacts uncovered around Bratislava which date back to 3000 years before Christ. Monsignor is no novice at archeology. In 1968 he spent several weeks in Jericho where he witnessed and personally studied some marvelous excavations. For example, spread out before his eyes were the remains of an ancient city dating back to 8000 B. C., surrounded by a stone wall. Of special interest to the group was a long canal bored into stone running through the city. Monsignor further points out the role of archeology in the study of 169 ancient culture. From excavations in Slovakia, for example, it has been possible to trace the course of languages . . . with the astonishing deduction made that our ancestors already occupied Central Europe some 2000 years before the dawn of history. Recent studies by Slavic scholars indicate also that it is at least probable that our ancestors spoke Sanskrit. Msgr. Rekem's bibliography is impressive, composed as it is of Slovak, French, English, Latin, Ukrainian, and Polish references. His study demonstrates that the latest archeological excavations have opened the world to the existence of ancient cultures and civilizations such as no scientist had ever imagined . " Slovakia in the 20th Centucy (1919-1945 )" is the title of a book authored by L. Liptak and published in Slovakia. A review of part one by Frantisek Vnuk, a competent historian, can be found in the 1970 JEDNOTA KALENDAR. Here in the ALMANACH Vnuk incisively evaluates the second part of a study which purports to be history. But is it genuine histocy? It is not surprising, Vnuk declares, that Liptak's book, spawned by a Communist and issued under a Communist regime, contains some truth, more half truths, and a generous supply of fiction. Liptak blandly states in his book, for example, that a citizen of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945)-unless he was a member of the Hlinka Party-was automatically excluded from political life. This of course is a bald lie. Liptak is definitely biased , as no historian can afford to be. He sees the mote marring the Slovak Republic but is completely blind to the beam crushing the lives of the Slovaks. With fine scorn, Vnuk describes some of �170 SLOVAKIA Liptiik's claims as written with "uncritical senility" and as "degrading history to the level of a Communist tool. " Dr. Joseph Mistrik's contribution in the 1970 ALMANACH is "Prophetical Groups or a New Church?" The article bears out the title and as such is a challenge to anyone following the changes current in the Church today. He rightfully criticizes the underground church - those new-bread sects and deluded Catholics, who aUenate themselves from the true Church and arrogate to themselves its authority. At one point Canon Mistrik refers briefly to Archbishop Helder Camara of Recife, Brazil, calling him the sadly-famous archbishop. May I interpose a personal comment here : Archbishop Camara has identified himself with the, one might say, scum of humanity in Northeastern Brazil where his diocese is located. He is determined to put an end to the new slavery market operating in Brazil where a man is sold to a rich buyer for the price of $25.00 and only young, strong, and healthy men are accepted by the slave-drivers. ( cf. LATIN AMERICA CALLS, March 1969 ). With Dr. Mistrik, however, all faithful Catholics continue to pray, to hope, knowing for a certainty that Christ and His Church will triumph. As a living organism, the Church must shed all dead branches-the prophetical groups -and so rejuvenate herself. "A Salute to Stanislav Meciar" on his 60th birthday by Jan E . Bor contains this beautiful statement: •·Dr. Meciar received from God not only exceptional intellectual gifts, but also a firm, forthright character together with an uncompromising spirit." And this writer begs to add : Also an enormous, divinelike capacity for work. Bor proceeds to tell how Dr. Meciar brought these gifts to fruition in the various responsible positions he held in the Slovak Republic, and in the diversified Ii terary productions that flowed from his pen: books, critical analyses, reviews, commentaries, magazine articles, comparative studies of literature and personalities, evaluations of poetry, of scientific and historical works. Bor points out that Dr. Meciar's publication of the collected works of noted authors places us under real obligation to him . As editor of several literary magazines and newspapers, Dr. Meciar demonstrates that nothing is alien to him so long as it touches the human person. Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, a competent historian and profilic writer, has contributed two pertinent articles in the 1970 ALMANACH. One of them bears -the title, "The Purloined Last Manuscript of Constantine culen". Its mission is to fulfill the request of the author Constantine culen, who on his deathbed had entrusted him with a certain manuscript on the cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius among Slovak immigrants in the United States and Canada. To fulfill his promise to a dying friend Dr. Kirschbaum prepared culen's manuscript and it now appears in the 1970 ALMANACH under the title : "The Cyril-Methodian Cult Among Slovak Immigrants in the United States and Canada". In this historical study culen makes some pithy comparisons between the Slovaks and the Irish. Both nations were exploited culturally, economically and politically. From both nations thousands migrated to America after crop failures. �SLOVAKIA Culen's study features both lights and shadows, with shadows predominating. Through it runs the bitter thread of Magyar oppression of the Slovaks; their cruel and relentless efforts to magyarize the Slovaks. But here also one sees the golden thread, the adamant resistance of the Slovaks to magyarization. The study further portrays the Slovaks as eager to organize parishes and build churches as soon as they were settled in Americ-a in the latter half of the 19th century. And now also by a natural but too-long suppressed instinct they began freely to venerate their patrons, SS. Cyril and Methodius who had been forcefully excluded from public devotion in Slovakia under the Magyars. The first church in America dedicated to our Slovak holy patrons was erected in 1891 in Minneapolis, Minnesota. The cult took root and spread throughout Slav America so that ttoday there are 36 churches, many schools, institutions, and two seminaries dedicated to SS. Cyril and Methodius. The saints are venerated also by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius who continue the apostolate of their patrons for God and His Church. As regards Canadian immigrants from Slovakia, Culen points out, they arrived in Canada in large numbers only after the second World War, differing greatly from the farm folk that came to the United States in an earlier era. Many are professionals who weathered ,the evils of Czech imperialism and Communism. Most are highly educated. Today Canada has 6 churches dedicated to our patrons, but Canadian Slovaks are as deeply devoted to their apostles as good Slovaks anywhere. 171 It is a joy to learn here that a Lutheran priest, Rev. Daniel Zaboj Laucek, propagated the Cyril-Methodian cult in Europe and America and at his personal expense he published a book in 1885 on the significance of our saints for all Slavic peoples. "Dr. Joseph Buday in the Service of Church and Nation," is Jan Mest'ancik's exeellent contribution to the ALMANACH. In it the author introduces his subject as a theologian, philosopher, sociologist, writer, editor, an authority on the Cyril-Methodian cult, and a capable political servant. Before treating the issue at hand, however, Mest'ancik sketches the setting in which Dr. Buday found himself at the beginning of the 20th century. The false religious ideas of Tolstoy were being disseminated among the masses by the renegade Dr. Srobar and his group, the Hlasists. Electioneering maneuvers and pressures of the Hungarian authorities kept the country politically in turmoil. The Slovaks were being discriminated against at every level of endeavor and especially in education. The situation demanded not only wisdom, prudence and patience, but also planned determination and persistent, coordinated action. This challenging atmosphere suited Dr. Buday to a T. Dr. Buday early joined Msgr. Andrew Hlinka in his efforts to wrest from the government the civil and human rights 0f the Slovaks. He used his pen to inform the people. In a series of articles, which appeared in Literarne listy, he routed the pretensions of -Srobar and his Hlasists. With Hlinka he undertook the colossal tesk of improving economic conditions in the villages. They organized cooperatives for the pro- �172 SLOVAKIA duction and sale of fann products and home crafts. lit was this system, adopted throughout Slovakia, which improved the standard of living in Slovak villages. The schools being what they were, Magyar indoctrination centers, Buday - with Hlinka - used the theater to educate the people on how best to serve their own best interests, cultural as well as social and economic. This intensive educational activity bore abundant fruit, says Mest'ancik. In 1901-an unheard of thing-the Slovaks were able to seat 4 representatives in the Hungarian Parliament, and in 1906 the number rose to 7. In 1919, after the Slovak People's Party was organized, Dr. Buday was elected to the Czecho-Slovak Parliament, serving 8 years as a deputy and 11 years as a senator. During the latter term he was also vice-president of Parliament and later of the Senate. In Parliament Dr. Buday proved himself a statesman of the highest caliber. He confronted problems with fine logic and with a keen grasp of the details involved. He preferred to negotiate rather than appeal to emotion, yet he was ready to compromise provided no principle or right was sacrificed. It is easy to see why he gained the respect even of his opponents. Mest'ancik is careful to remind the reader that the Czecho-Slovak Republic did not bring freedom to the Slovaks. The battle for civil and human rights continued. Under the Czechs it was still necessary to press for self-identity and now also for the preservation of the Catholic faith . As nearly all the bishops had been Magyars, they emigrated to Hungary. The situation was explosive in many ways. Assisted by members of the Priests' Council, which Hlinka had speedily organized, Dr. Buday and Blinka, two men with opposite temperaments, achieved the seemingly impossible. Before long the Church was peacefully functioning under its own bishops. . . yet awaiting the inevitable: the ridicule and jeers of Czech unbelievers as they tried to undermine the Catholic Church. In the political sphere the turbulence was even more pronounced. Thousands of Czechs had flocked into Slovakia, ostensibly to assist in organizing affairs of State, but actually they attacked the main arteries of Slovak life like vultures. In no time they occupied the leading positions in the country. Slovak resistance was steadfast and persistent . . . and it continued its Carvary march for 20 years. A new chapter in the hi story of Slovakia was introduced iu 1939 when the Republic of Slovakia was proclaimed, but that is another story. In 1924 Dr. Buday addressed Parliament in a compelling speech , in which he accused the Czech regime of gross injustice against Slovakia. He pointed out that Slo-vak prisons were filled with innocent citizens whose only "crime" was adhering to their national and political convictions and God-given rights. He claimed that thousands of Slovaks, and chiefly the intelligentia, were forced to emigrate because the occupying army of Czech exploiters prevented them from making a living. . . that the h!xing system was unjust, partial and impossible to accept, . . . that Czech propaganda was impressing Europe with false ideas regarding conditions in Slovakia ... and that every call for justice and improvement was answered with cold cynicism. He issued a warning that the Slovak nation would certainly �SLOVAKIA victoriously overcome Czech imperialism as it had weathered centuries of Magyar oppression. Dr. Buday had a hand in any project that contributed to the welfare of the Slovak people. His influence played a role in preventing the Czech effort to equate the Slovak language with theirs and to label it a Czech dialect. Before his death in November 1939, this good and faithful servant of God and country was accorded two unique honors: He was privileged to welcome to Slovakia the American Slovak Delegation, headed by Dr. P. P. ffietko , which triumphantly exhibited the original draft of the famous 1918 Pittsburgh Agreement. The other, which was probably the happiest moment in Dr. Buday's life, occured January 18, 1939, when as a senior member of the National Assembly he opened the first session of the Slovak Parliament in Bratislava with a memorable classical address. One last contribution. All of us who loved Philip Hrobak and revere his memory are grateful to Dr. Pauco for his article, "In What Did Hrobak's Greatness Consist?" Dr. Pauco presents an excellent evaluation of Hrobak as a person. He notes his indefatigable zeal, his extraordinary capacity for work, his kindness of heart. Mention is made of his voluminous carrepondence to inform the English speaking public about the injustice suffered by our people in Slovakia; and to correct the distorted facts published in the U.S. press, usually supplied by Czech propaganda. Dr. Pauco stresses the fact that it was through Hrobak's persistent efforts that at long last the State Department in Washington accepted the distinction between Czechs and Slovaks. No small accomplish- 173 ment for Philip Hrobak or for the Slovak nation. There are many other splendid articles in the 1970 ALMANACH. The more I paged through this issue the more humble I felt in the face of the heroism, the grandeur of character, the erudition, the honest pride, and the deep love for Slovakia of each of its contributors. And so I warn you, gentle reader, that this ALMAN ACH can disturb your conscience, it can thrill you, it can challenge you. Reading it you can lose yourself in the Elysian atmosphere of Slovakia, Communism notwithstanding, until suddenly you realize that you have been carried away to ... what? Try it. If you are fortunate to be able to read and understand Slovak, even just fairly, it is smart to keep the ALMANACH within arm's reach. Sister M. Gabriel Hricko, SS.C.M. I:alendar Jednota 1970: The 73rd edition of the Jednota annual in the Slovak language ... Jednota Press, 1970; 244 pp., Middletown, Pa. , Ed. by Jozef C. Krajsa. The 1970 publication of the Jcdnota annual commemorates 80 years of the Society's function not only in preserving and extending the Slovak heritage in America, but also in furthering wherever possible the various apostolic works of the Church throughout the Slovak world. Laudatory and enthusiastic articles to the fact are written by the Si!preme president, John A. Sabol aud by Msgr. John Senglar, the Society's chaplain. Readers familiar with Msgr. M. K. Mlynarovic's erudition and with tht: intellectual beauty of his writtings will find here another �174 SLOVAKIA gem of his poetic prose, "The Human Family-a Masterpiece of Love." Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum, once diplomatic representative of the Slovak Republic to Switzerland, writes from his own rich experience of the suspenseful days prior to the War's end (1944). He highlights the grave responsibilities that faced the delegation and the leaders of Slovakia in those days of crisis. He includes a conversation held with Archbishop P. Bernardini, then Papal Legate to Switzerland, about the future of Europe and concludes his writing with the last diplomatic communique sent to Slovakia from Bern. Msgr. Andrew Hlinka's last will and testament published here for the first time "in toto" should be of great interest to many. A rather lengthy article, but worth the space allotted, is Imrich Kruzliak's development of the Slovak language. He points out that it was principally in the rectories ( both Catholic and Lutheran) throughout Slovakia that the torch of the Slovak spirit and language was first kindled and from there carried afar. Religious articles include: news from the mission fields; statistically backed items on religions and rites in various parts of the world; an exhortation for a better understanding between Greek and Roman rite Catholics; and the Holy Father's address to a Slovak audience upon the occasion of the 1000th anniversary of the death of St. Cyril. Several shorter but timely articles stem from Vatican II influence and include recent changes in the Church ( diaconate, Mass, marriage ceremonies, etc.); these topics appear in the Catholic press generally today. Worth mentioning are: Father A. Zan's scholarly report refuting the theory that Sacred Scripture is merely a collection of stories and myths devoid of historic or religious value; the history and purpose of the International Labor Organization; the problem of feeding a future world (a statistical report); and some interesting prove1 bs and maxims culled from the writings of India neatly categorized into various topics and bearing resemblance to the Book of Wisdom. Msgr. J . Rekem reviews the poetry of Gorazd Zvonicky whom he designate as a kindred spirit to Peguy, Verlaine and Rimbalt. Extracts from the poet's works indeed testify that he merits such praise. The J ednota includes a highly informative biographical sketch of Alojz Macek (now living in Argentina). Editor, writer, and active patriot of Slovakia, Macek was founder of the Catholic Boy Scouts of Slovakia and of the "Hlinka Youth." Today his Spanish writings made known to a larger public the historical and cultural background of the Slovaks. Frantisek Vnuk reviews and refutes ~ubomir Luptak's history, Slovakia in the 20th Century. He points out the author's falsification of historical fact, his half tru,ths or truths told "with bad intent". Presenting statistics and historical documentation, Vnuk shows how Luptak ignores and intentionally omits whatever does not serve to further Communistic propaganda. This distorted or "rewritten" history centers on events leading to tht> separation of Slovakia from Austra-Hungary , the Pittsburgh Pact, politics prior to World War II and ,t he Warsaw Pact of 1968. Included in the publication are �SLOVAKIA several fine poetic selections by living Slovak poets and a few short stories. Following a long established custom, the annual features protographs, many of which may interest only members of the society. Other photographs, such as some very fine pictures commemorating the centennial of the death of the poet Jan Holly, which would interest readers in general, are lost among the former. Si ster M . Alfred Massura, SS.C.M. Jednota Annual FURDEK 1970: Published by the First Catholic Slovak Union (Jednota Press, Middletown, Pa. 1970, 200 pp.) Edited by Joseph C. Krajsa. The 1970 FURDEK is an event as well as a publication. It is a treasure of information as well as a reservoir of delight and diversion. At a glance one notices the diversified appeal of its contents. From the first several pages beam the a•t tractive faces of the young "Promise of the future," collegebound students, subsidized in their course with JEDNOTA scholarships. These young people know from personal experience that the First Catholic Slovak Union is a wide-awake, alert, generous, truly fraternal society of the second half of the twentieth century. An installment of "Who's Who Among Slovak Priests" introduces the reader to some of the ministers of the Gospel called from the Slovak population to proclaim the Good News to the world. Such a Roll-Call of S 1 o v a k - A m e rican priests serves a useful purpose: it satisfies the reader's curiosity and, more importantly, it informs him of the resources of SJovak 175 American culture, its accomplishments, its possibilities, and its blessings. The first title that caught my eye in the FURDEK Almanach was "The Clergy in Slovak History and Culture," by Father Theodoric Zubek, 0 . F . M. I am familiar with the leading role played by clergymen in the history of our nation, but having the spotlight placed on it in a single article is particularly valuable today when our own American clergymen are venturing into leadership roles in government and politics. What combination of circumstances makes this advisable ? What makes it necessary? Whait makes it imperative? How did Bishop Moyses, for example, become President of the Matica Slovenska, the leading cultural society in Slovakia? What conditions brought Monsignor Andrej Hlinka into the limelight? How did Monsignor Jozef Tiso get to be President of the Slovak Republic in 1939? Two articles on St. Cyril were very welcome to me as a Sister of SS. Cyril and Methodius. One was written by Mother M. Emerentia, SS. C. M. , and is a fine scholarly study of the character and accomplishments of our patron. The other is a discourse delivered at a Centenary Assembly of bishops and priests in Greece by Archbishop Maury of Rheims, who was head of the papal delegation at the ceremony. It is a masterpiece in its insight into the holiness, the scholarliness, the universality of St. Cyril, who challenges us eleven hundred years later to promote the best interests of the Church with the mind of Christ. The article on Slovak pioneers show their self-sacrificing spirit and their enthusiastic zeal during the organization of the first Slovak �176 SLOVAKIA parishes. Their experiences in the mines are timely, coinciding with current interest in the Molly Maguires. The stories by Michael Simko are human-interest episodes that delight the reader. "Christmas in Slovakia" and "Slovak Easter Customs" by the Rev. Andrew Pier, 0. S. B. not only fascinate the reader with the wide variety of traditional practices of our ancestors, but also portray to him the rich culture, the deep faith and the joyous spirit so characteristic to our Slovak people. The articles are of particular interest to me since I learned of these customs from my immigrant parents, through our observance of them in our home. In "Slovakia-A Veritable Gem of Central Europe" one is carried to the scenic sights of the Tatras and the shores of the beautiful Danube, the Gothic churches and cathedrals, the ancient castles, the fishing and hunting grounds, and the historic cities of the country. The article is a source of valuable information, both cultural and historical and practical, mentioning as it does also the famous health resorts and modern tourist facilities. We are fully aware that the immigrants who came to the shores of America from every European country contributed to the rapid growth and progress of this nation. I wonder, however, whether any other ethnic group has knowledge of its very first immigrant. Sister Martina, SS. C. M. has enriched us with her fine article on the "First Slovak Immigralllt-Samuel Francis Figuly," portraying him as an individual of unusual caliber, wide and daring experiences, good education, and strong convictions. In the scholarly article, "Slovaks and the Upheavals of Czecho-Slovakia" by J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D., LL.D., the reader sees a change in the attitude to the West toward Slovaks; namely, that they do exist. He is also enlightened on the many causes of dissatisfaction and discrimination against them since 1918, when the Czecho-Slovak Republic was established. Sister M. Evangela's presentation of the "Organization of the Slovak Catholic Students Fraternity" and iits publication of FURDEK is interesting. In dialogue from Sister gives the reader a vivid picture of the enthusiasm of the Fraternity's first members, its aims and its progress. Though their publication of FURDEK in Slovak ceased in 1941, the English publication is a highly cultural and literary annual, as this issue substantiates. Sister M. Clotil,da Omasta, SS. C. M., M.A. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism promoted by the Soviet Union. �SLOVAKIA 177 Our Contributors historian; professor, Institute of Technology, Francis Vnuk, M.A . - Adelaide, Australia. Sr. M. Martina Tybor, SS. C. M . John T . Van Sant - teacher and author, Danville, Pa. Senator of Pennsylvania and Majority Whip. Joseph M. Kirschbaum, LL. D., Ph.D. - former diplomat, professor, historian, author, Toronto, Ontario. former professor at Bratislava University, prominent Slovak historian and educator. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D. (late) - Konstantin Culen (late) - outstanding newspaperman, author, politi- cian. Joseph A . Mikus, M. CL., J. D. professor, historian, author, former diplomat, Washington, D. C. newspaperman, political prisoner under Stalinists in Slovakia; now editor of Kanadsky Slovak, Toronto, Ontario. Marian Jankovsky - Joseph C. Krajsa - Slovak American Fraternalist, Editor, Jednota, Middletown, Pa. Sister M . Gabriel Hricko, SS. C. M., Sister M . Alfred Massura, SS. C. M., Sister M. Clotilda Omasta, SS. C. M., M. A. - teachers, Danville, Pa. �178 SLOVAKIA Contents F. Vnuk . - Slovak Language and Literature Will the Phoenix Rise Again? - 3 Sister M. Martina Tybor - John T. Van Sant Slovaks Have Repaid Their Adopted Country WelZ - - 11 28 Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum - The Political Message of Matus Cernak This Is Slovakia - Francis Hrufovsky - Dr. Francis Hrusovsky - the Man - 42 K. tulen 70 Joseph A. Mikus Ruzena Svobodova's "Feuilletons on Slovakia" - 76 I Was a Communist - J. V. - 90 Marian Jankovsky - Powers of Darkness and Powers of Truth The Development of Slovak Literature Matica Slovenska - Joseph S. Kost - Our Cyrilo-Methodian Heritage - Karen Ann Syzdek - 94 105 113 Patricia Revetta - American Slovaks on the Home and War Fronts - 116 122 The Centenary of Bishop S. Moyses - J. M. Kirschbaum - The Slovak League Firmly Believes - 139 Bratislava, Capital of Slovakia - 35 Joseph C. Krajsa - 131 141 Current Issues (Senator Hugh Scott's Speech Before Slovak League of America in Washington. - Edward M. Zelenak: The Slovaks of Detroit. - Winn Gallegher: A Slovak Immigrant - Master of Arts. - 50 Years in Danville, Pa.) - 143 As Others See It - 154 Comments (Two Czech Professors about Slovak°Czech Relations "Slovak News" or Communist Propaganda) - - 159 Book Reviews (J.M. Kirschbaum: Books on the Event in Czecho-Slovakia in 1968 - Heinrich Kuhn: Handbuch der Tschechoslowakei Rudolf Sturm: Czechoslovakia - A Bibliographic Guide - Stefan Glejdura: Los Grandes Problemas dei Este Europeo - Thaddeus V. Gromada: Pilsudski and the Slovak Autonomists - Sister M. Gabriel Hricko, SS. C. M.: The 1970 Literary Almanac. - Sister M. Alfred Massura, SS. C. M.: Kalendar Jednota 1970. - Sister M. Clotilda Omasta, SS. C. M.: Jednota Annual Furdek 1970) - 162 �SLOVAKIA ~ V .;::-v ~~ 4."'<~':r-, 0 sAsnK o BAN, STIA VN'lc'A TRNAVA 0 'Q: Q: (.;~ $ ��PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1970, Vol. 20 Description An account of the resource Vol. 20 (No. 43), 1970. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1970 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 143 CURRENT ISS UES Senator Hugh Scott's Speech Before Slovak League of America in Washington Following are the remarks made by Senator Hugh Scott, (R-Pa.) at the Sheraton-Park Hotel, Washington, D.C., May 24, 1969: It is a special pleasure to be with you tonight, for I feel that an important part of Pennsylvania has come to Washington, in the form of the Slovak League of America. Yes, I am aware that all Slovak Americans do not live in Pennsylvania, but I am also aware that many of your League members do live in my state and have contributed greatly to its growth and diverse strength. Besides that, the real drama of Slovaks in America - the opening wedge toward recognition of an independent state of Slovakia - occurred in Pittsburgh in 1918 with the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact. If that did not bring immediate independence, it was not the fault of the Slovak League of America which has been fighting through the years, since 11 years before the Pittsburgh Pact, to realize the Slovakian dream of independence. Today, you finally see Slovakia independence of the Czechs to the extent of being a so-called Socialist Repub1ic, equal in stature to the Czech Socialist Republic. But the tragedy of domination persists, in the form of the Soviet tyranny ov·e r all of Eastern Europe, including Czecho-Slo,vakia. The history of the spirit of independence in Slovakia and among Slovaks in America is all the more remarkable because the fire of your spirit is fed by the barest sparks of realized freedom. Thus, in 1918, there was jubilation at the Pittsburgh Pact, which was quickly snuffed out; in 1938, another period of joyful independence, which the Nazis crushed; and in 1968, a moment of rebellion, which the Soviets put a halt to. In each of these magic moments, however, the world could recognize 144 SLOVAKIA the spirit of the Slovaks as the spirit of freedom, and it is a spirit the world envies. So great is your love of freedom and your pride in your nation and peoples, that Slovak Americans, through the Slovak League made a memorable effort to aid the United States cause during World War II. Not only did many fight in the American uniform, many more helped to forge the weapons of defense in the factories of Pennsylvania, and still others conducted immensely successful war bond drives and airplanebuying fund raising campaigns. Even the ladies pitched in, with their ladies auxiliary organization. As one who served both in Congress and in the military during the war years, I believe I can express the thanks of a grateful nation for the efforts of the Slovak Americans. Yes, you have much to be proud of, and you are to be commended for keeping your heritage and your pride in it alive through the Slovak League of America. We have all noted much about pride in recent news stories. Black pride is viewed as an emerging force in the United States, and in a context of pride in the Negro's contribution to America in history, and pride in one's race and self, it is a wonderful thing. Because I also believe in pride in language, I co-sponsored the Bilingual Education Act which passed in 1968 and which helps Spanish-speaking children learn in their own tongue before and during the time they are learning English. The culture of the Slovaks is equally a part of our diverse American heritage. I mention these efforts to give certain citizens of the United States greater opportunity because I think it shows that Congress and the people of the United States are generally coming to a realization that you and your group has held for a long time: That we as a people are strengthened by our heritage and are culturally richer in our diversity. Slovaks, through the Slovak League of America, put great emphasis on education, convey the importance of pride in the Slovak language, and see to it that generation after generation keeps the flame of liberty alive in their hearts. It is a matter of perpetuating a heritage. and it is an important thing. Even today the Slovak League of America seeks a righteous path for the Slovak people, when it requests a.n independent 145 SLOVAKIA - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - -- Slovak sedion in the State Department, a Slovak Desk with the Voice of America, and a general Consulate in Bratislava. I support these requests and will help you in these endeavors. I commend the Slovak League of America for setting an example through its organization, and I thank the Slovak League for its contribution to this nation and to the ideal of liberty among men. The Slovaks of Detroit ( August 1968 - August 1969) In the early months of 1968 Detroit was undergoing a transitional change which led Slovak people into moving out of older neighborhoods surrounding the Slovak parishes to the suburbs, literally become "afraid" to return to the neighborhood for church and lodge meetings, which led to a noticable decrease in lodge membership and presence of Slovak people at major functions. The lodges were desperately trying to hold their organizations together and attempted to get the Slovak people out and united again. There was also a search for young Slovak blood to help carry out the Slovak cause to the next generation. Recent shake-ups in the structure of Czecho-Slovakia gave a new hope to us. In January a new leader, a Slovak, took rule. Alexander Dubcek gave new hope and once again offered new courage in the fight for a democracy and a "Free Slovakia". Once again children began to wonder who Father Tiso was. A Slovak Language Class was instituted and attracted many members from all over. Slovak picnics gathered large encouraging crowds. People returned for Slovak masses and began enrolling in the lodges and fraternal groups. In Bratislava, the capitol of Slovakia, the sense of freedom was felt even greater. But as if a fairytale, it was crushed. They had been invaded by the same Russian "Liberator", the one who had already destroyed Slovak freedom 22 years earlier. The Slovaks of Detroit felt equally as crushed. United, we planned to voice our emotions. Many had relatives or friends in Slovakia, or remembered the Communist tyranny they felt after World 146 SLOVAKIA War II. Throughout the United States a brutal portrayal of the invasion was given, referring it as one against Czechs, calling Slovaks the lower and less intelligent class, and even calling Alexander Dubcek a Czech. On August 26, 1968, the Slovaks of Detroit gathered at the Federal Building to hold a peaceful demonstration against the Soviet Aggression. Appearing before nationwide television and press, Michigan vice-president of the Slovak League of America Jan Beliansky denounced the invasion saying "We abhor the brutal aggression against Czecho-Slovakia by the Russians and their occupation of the country. They are killing young people for no reason at all." He also called upon the United States to take a stand in support of the Liberal policies of Alexander Dubcek. The entire nation now knew that the invasion could not be dismissed without any action. Within the next month after the invasion another noticable increase of membership in the Slovak League took place. Slovaks were ready once again to stand up "FOR GOD AND FOR COUNTRY". With fall rapidly approaching the Dominican Nuns of Oxford were busy making plans for their bi-annual "Fall Festival". With the help of the Slovak League of America and many Slovak Parishes, the festival, held on Sunday September 22, was a big success. Over 10,000 Slovaks attended. The second week of October brought about the "OLD WORLD MARKET" at the International Institute, where the Slovaks aided other nationalities in setting up booths selling Art Work, Clothes, Books, Dolls and other forms of ethnic art. Aside from our booth, we had a Slovenska Kuchyna serving Slovak food and pastries to the public. On the final day of the Old World Market, a troop of Slovak Violinists, Dancers and Musicians performed for the Institute. THE DETROIT FREE PRESS also carried an article in the vicinity of a full page specifically about the Slovaks. November 8, 1968 marked the first airing date for the Slovak Radio Program on station WABX 99.5 FM DETROIT. Independently financed, it plays beloved Slovak songs and reports Slovak History, Geography, and Current Events. During this time the Slovak Language Class was en- SLOVAKIA 147 route to a second successful year. People young and old came to study lessons in grammar, music and history. The large turnout also aided in another measurable step towards preserving Slovak Heritage. The "Slovak Village Entertainers" was created, composed of Slovak singers, dancers, commedians and musicians. After their debut at Sacred Heart Center on the first of December, they were flooded with requests to perform for banquets, installations and parties for many organizations. Dance Choreographers Veronica Uhrin and Mary Hric are constantly searching for new Slovak talent, as is the recently added Music Choreographer Professor John M. Demchak, in order to preserve Slovak Culture. Two members have recently received scholarships to attend the world-famous music school INTERLOCHEN. January 1, 1969 was an eventful day for Slovaks of the World. It marked the official creation of CzechoSlovakia, two independent but united nations. Around this t ime the Slovaks felt a need to get together and celebrate. In order to compensate, the two Detroit branches of the Slovak League of America gathered at Saints Cyril and Methodius Catholic Church in Detroit to hold a "Family Affair", featuring an afternoon of Slovak Entertainment, Movies and Socializing. March 14, 1969 was the 30th anniversary of Slovak Independence and t he creation of the Slovak Republic. To commemorate this bumper stickers bearing the slogan 1939 FREEDOM FOR SLOVAKIA 1969 were printed and distributed. Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary of the Slovak League of America, came to Detroit to give the major address. He was then interviewed by CBS television concerning recent developments in Czecho-Slovakia. In order to further promote Slovak socializing and entertainment, Branch 15 of the Slovak League instituted in what is now known as "Slovakia Saturday Nights" featuring continuous entertainment, Slovak sing-a-longs, games and a dinner. From the large turnout they have decided to have possibly four or five a year. With summer approaching Slovak youths were involved in either practicing for the NATIONAL SLET of the SOKOLS or school track teams. Joseph Smetanka, a sophomore at Wayne State University, broke records 148 SLOVAKIA in relay races against other top Universities and made headlines coaching the Wayne State team and a private team of youths to nationwide victories. Joseph, a member of many Slovak organizations, hopes to oneday teach gym classes or receive a Masters Degree in Physical Education. On May 20, 1969 the Slovak Village Entertainers, leading a float draped with the Slovak Flag, marched with other Slovak youths and twenty different nationalities in a "Nationalities Day Parade". Four days later a Detroit delegation attended the Slovak League of America Conference in Washington, D. C. During the summer, many Detroit Sokols took first place in the SLET and brought home their awards. To remember the first anniversary of the Russian Invasion, over 250 Slovaks gathered in Kennedy Square to hold a "peaceful demonstration", receiving press coverage from 3 television networks, J radio and two newspapers. Our protest should undoubtedly be felt, with our proclamation of "A DAY OF SHAME", by all the bureaucrats in Washington, the leaders of the U. N. and the tyrants at the Kremlin. The Slovak struggle for recognition in a liberal world will be felt! Being only sixteen years of age and newcomer to the Slovak scene politically and physically I hope one day to take over in the same pattern of which our Slovak leaders left off. A trail has been blazed: Slovak Youth must follow . A Slovak "Renaissance" is taking place. The work has been started. It is now up to the people to continue it. Edward M. Zelenak A Slovak In11nigrant - Master of Arts By WINN GALLEGHER ( Pottstown Mercury Staff Writer) A skilled representative of a lost art, woodcarver, and cabinetmaker, Karl M. Pacanovsky, Douglasville RD 2, is head of the arts and crafts department at The Hill School in Pottstown, Pa. Born in Slovakia in 1894, Pacanovsky was apprenticed to a woodworker in the old world fashion at the age 11. 149 SLOVAKIA His father was a farmer who believed his sons should have the benefits of a craft. His three boys were sent to the city to receive their training. Recalling his early years, Pacanovsky said, "In our village, I was always the one who whittled, so it was natural for me to receive training in this field. I studied for three years, and by the time I was 17, I was doing altars for various churches." A local example of the ecclesiastical work of the artist is the pulpit of St. Aloysius Catholic church. It is typical of the Gothic style of most of Pacanovsky's work. Also created items for the Holy Trinity Slovak Catholic Church . * • The desire to come to America followed extensive travel, through Europe, largely by foot. "The decision to come to the United States came after my fascination with the port of Hamburg and the ocean liners I saw there," reminisces Pacanovsky. "After borrowing the money from my father, I sailed for this country, arriving at Newark, N. J., in 1913." The craftsman then was employed by several woodworking firms, including Tiffany and company. This was accompanied by attending nigh~ schoo\ classes in English and drawing and design for seven years. A combination of the depression and Pacanovsky's own love for schooling made him decide to enter Rutgers university, New Brunswick to prepare himself for the teaching profession. "After completing my studies there I taught at various public and private schools, coming to The Hill in 1944." He is heading the arts and crafts department there since 1952. This includes the studio and metal divisions as well as the carving and mechanical drawing taught by the artist himself. Clearly loving his teaching duties, Pacanovsky is articulate in discussing them. "The role of woodworking in education is a creative 150 SLOVAKIA one. I endeavor not to confine the work to merely carving, but to make it an experience including vision, skill, and aesthetics," asserts the teacher. "My purpose is not to make woodcarvers out of all the boys," he continues, "because it is not so much what the boy does to the wood as what the wood does to the boy." Pacanovsky laments the inroads industrialization has made into rapidly disappearing arts such. as his own. "Modern society wants everything done quickly and simply, and the old crafts are vanishing in the Western World, perhaps with the exception of Scandinavia, where they are frequently subsidized by the government," he said, "and they manage to unite modern art to the craft tradition." Pacanovsky has a very flexible attitude on today's artistic expression. "I am very much a traditionalist, but enjoy many of approaches, perhaps because there is no such modern the thing as pure originality," he theorizes. "The experience of all men are rooted in tradition and common to all generations." * * He finds the reward of his own skill lied in the work itself. "It is only through fine creative expression that we are able to develop character. One must know the feeling of making something," he said. Pacanovsky is respectful of the artistic endeavors of all men, and refused to critize the message in another's work. "All art should have meaning, but I never condemn a work because I personally cannot extract it," he declares. He considers the basic requirements for the field of art are of design, line, and proportion, and finds the biggest handicap to be symptomatic of the times. "People today, for instance my students, have an SLOVAKIA 151 attitude of mediacrity being good enough. I always illustrate that this is not so by pointing out that the surgeon cannot do a slipshod job on a patient on the grounds that it isn't his best, but it's good enough." Pacanovsky's teaching requires most of his time during the school term, but during the Summertime he makes cabinets and cases for The Hill, as well as executing beautifully lettered signs. One of his most unusual projects recently was the designing and executing of a mace for the school which is used in processionals. Pacanovsky occasionally is commissioned to make new pieces of furniture, both in traditional and modern design, but finds his academic duties restrict outside professional work. Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius 50 Years in Danville, Pa. June 19, 1969 mairked 50 yeaas that the Slovak Siste['s of SS. Cyril and Methodius arrived wt Danville, Pa. Their first words were the scriptuiral, "Lord, it is good fo[' us to be he['e." Ten year,s oJd, the Conwreg:wtion of the Sisteirs of SS. Cyiril and Methodius had been established in 1909 by F1aither Matthew Jankola, a Sloviak immigranit pries,t, under the guidance of the Sisters Servants of the Immaculate He,a,r,t of Mall'y, of Marywood, Scranton. Its firsit Sisters had received their training at Macywood, which also served as the young Communiity's headquarters. All its retreats aaid profoession ceremooies burt one had been held wt M,airywood . By June, 1919, the mem~ship of the new community numbe['ed 57 professed Si,s,teirs, 30 novices and 9 postulants. Lt had reached the stage where Lt was able lo assume its own leadership and establish its own administration , functioning under Church law. Its first chapte•r , held at Marywood in 1915, had resulrted in the election of Mother Macy Mihalik as first superioir general. At her d e a th within a yeair she was repl,aced by Mother M. Emmanuel Pauly, whose term extended over six years until 1922. The community of Religious had already assumed cha,r g,e of pa,rish schools in Pennsylvania and Connecticut and of an o,r phanag,e of the Fiirst CaJtho1ic Slovak Union (Jednota) in Middletown, Pa. What 152 SLOVAKIA it needed more than anything was a motherhouse kom which to admini.Siter the congregation and a residence for the training of novices and postulants by canonical standards. As the young community outgrew the facilities at Mairywood, its administration had transferred to the large parish convent in Plymouth, Pa., where Mather Mary resided. The novices and postulants were divided among the Plymouth, Pittston and Olyphant, (Pa.) convents. 1n 1917 a lairge house was leased to the community on t he Jednota premises at Middletown, Pa., which accomcxfated the novices and postulants and also served as a temporary motherhouse for the community. It soon became inadequate. Meanwhile Mother M. Emmanuel Pauly was alert to any prospects of acquiring a motherhouse for the community. Through Father Julius C. Foin, pastor at Middletown and a Danville, Pa., native, she learned about Castle Grove, vacant at the time for 14 years. She informed Bishop Philip R. McDevitt of Harrisburg, Pa., who in turn communicated with Father 1-' ran c is X. Dougherty, pastor of St. Joseph's Parish in Danville, asking him to investigate the property. This was in the fuU of 1918. Negotiations were set in motion and by the spring of 1919 the transaction was completed. 'J.'lhe Sis,te,rs of SS. Cyril and Methodius acquired Castle Grove and took possession of it on June 19, 1919. The estate was renamed Villa Saored Heart because the date of the Sisiters' arrival from Jednota in Middletown, Pa., coincided with the season of the Sacred Heart in Catholic liturgy. The Sisters recalled that they arrived by train from Hairrisburg, Pa., before noon on June 18, only to find that a technicality still barrnd them from entering Castle Grove. A signature was lacking on the deed. The Sisters we-r e meanwhile offered hospi,tali,ty and night's lodging by the Immaculate Hca'l"t Sisters a,t St. Joseph's Convent on Bloom Road. The following morning a f t c r Mass at St. Joseph's Church the novitiate gr{)IUp, which included Rev. Mother M. Emmanuel and l\Iother M . Monica, an Immaculate Heart Sister \Vho had been retained as d1rector of novices for the community, walked sile!l!tly d own Route 11 towaird their new home. Passing under the archway over the e!l!trance and up the narrow fo()lj; path, they surveyed the broad expanse of high grass and majestic trees and glimpsed at the mansion beyond. The cry which burst from their lips was "Lord , il is good for us to be here." The property was deteriorated, but graduaJ!y through the weeks that followed the house was resLored somewha,t to its original splendor and modified to convent specifications, and the campus recovered some of its beauty and design . By July 7, feast of SS. Cyril and Methodius, the lairge salon on the first floor was furnished as a chapel and Bishop McDevi.ltt offered the first Mass for the community at Villa Sacred Heart. The work of intensive cleaning and restoration both indoors and out continued through July. The professed Sisters returned from their pa;rish missions to make their annual retreat in August, the first a,t Vil1a Sacred Heart. It was fol- SLOVAKIA lowed by the first reception and profession ceremonies, at which 15 novices were professed and 9 postulaints received the habit and white veil of a novice. This brought the community members hip to 72 professed Sisters and 24 novices. By the end of Augus,t . ix new candidates had entered the community and they were ready to begin their training as postulants. Within fi.f,t,y years the face of Villa Sacred Heart has changed, showing expansion and growth. As the community membership increased and additional projects were undertakoo, St. Cyril AcadPmy for girls was opened in 1922 and a new building was erected in 1929. For its religious ceremonies and worship, a chapel was added in 1939. A three-story wing, conn eoted with the academy and matching it in architecture and design, was completed and dedicated in the fall of 1957. Maria Joseph M-anoc wa-s erected on a site bordering the mOitherwise property in 1962. M,ari-a Hall, a home for retired Sisters, is presently rising and will be completed by the summer of 1970. professed Sisters. 13 novice and 3 postulan ts. An add Ltional 55 Sis ters lie buried in the community's cemetery. The Sisters teach in 36 Slovak parish schools in the archdiocese of Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, and the dioceses of Harrisburg, Bridge port, Charleston, Gary, Hartford, Greensburg, Steubenville, Scranton , Syracuse and Trenton. They also are on the staffs of six Catholic central high schools. Every summer and throughout the school year, the Sisters engage in r-atechetical work, and in recent years have intensified their efforts in this field. The Sisters also conduct a ?SY· chological and reading clinic in Wilkes-Barre. Bes ides St. Cyril Academy they also teach at Blessed Sacrament Academy in Yonkers, New York and Andrean Hi g h School in Gary, Ind . The congregation is in warge of t he Jednota Orphanage in Middletown, Pa., and besides Maria Joseph Manor it comducts Villa SL Cyril, a home for the aged, in Highland Park. UL The Sisters have worked with Headst a:rt and other special programs for underprivileged groups. This summer these and similar programs are in operation here in Danville, and in Bridgeport, Conn., Chairleston. S.C., Chicago, and Gary. In the 60 years the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Meth-odius has been serving the Church and the Slovak people, it has reached a membership of 425 • 153 • THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA represents an overwhelming majority of organized Americans of Slovak descent; actively affiliated with it are the largest Slovak fraternals, religious organizations, Slovak Clubs and Slovak civic organizations in the United States. 154 - - - -- SLOVAKIA - - - - - - - -- - -- - - - - - - · - - - - - AS OTHERS "You may be assured of my continued interest in a free and independent Slovakia." - Richard Schweiker, United States Senate "Our country has been vastly enriched by the contributions which your membership and your fellow Slovak Americans have made down through the years." - Edward W . Brooke, United States Senate "I appreciate your thoughtfulness in sending me the latest issue of your publication Slovakia. 1 found it most interesting." - John Sherman Cooper, U. S. Senate "Slovaks in my area and throughout the nation are known as a proud, talented, industrious, and deeply religious people who continue to aspire to the attainment of freedom and liberty despite the many years of Communist rule of their ancestral homeland." -John P . Saylor, Member of Congress "Long have I known of the grand work the American Slovak League has done over the years of its existence. "The Slovak people have a glorious history and a noble tradition. For over a thousand years they have fought continuously for their national independence. Today that tradition is still carried on proudly by your League which struggles unremittingly for the human and national rights of the Slovak people. In that struggle you have my full support for I have always stood behind the right of every nation, large and small, to attain and hold its national sovereignty. "Your civic and cultural contributions to America also stand as a great tribute to your organization. The immigrants from Slovakia in SEE IT years past have made many wonderful and inspiring contributions to the American way of life. The League has played a great part in encouraging them to be alert and loyal citizens. "By continuing the good work of the Slovak League, you are doing a service for the United States, for the people of Slovakia, and for all humanity." - Michael A. Feighan, Member of Congress "Be sure of my continued support for a free and independent Slovakia." - Clement J. Zablocki, Member of Congress "I want to extend to the Slovak League of America and its membership my regards and sincere commendation for their outstanding achievements in the interest of all freedom loving people."-John W . Wydler, Member of Congress "These are trying times for all who are interested in the welfare of your homeland, which means all who love freedom and liberty. I k n o w that your activities give strength to the freedom-loving people in Slovakia in their continuing struggle to regain control of their destiny."-Frank T . Bow, Member of Congress "As citizens the Slovak-Americans have contributed immeasurably to the religious, cultural, educational, industrial, and civic growth and betterment of our cities, and our country. "I want to take this opportunity to commend those of Slovakian heritage for their courage and forebearance."-Guy Vander Jagt, Member of Congress "My greetings and v e r y b e s c w i s h e s to my Slovak-American SLOVAKIA friends for whom I am constantly striving in the Congress to make this a truly free world for all people. " - William E . Mi nshall, Member of Congress 155 to make the best of their opportunities. "There is nonetheless a note of sadness as your thoughts inevitably turn to those of your brethren who remain in your a n c e s t r a I homeland. It is a paradox of the twentieth century that while more than sixty nations on other continents have gained their independence from colonial powers since World War II, a number of the ancient lands of Europe have been swallowed up by the Soviet Empire."-Harold R. Colli er, Member of Congress "I do wish to assure you that I shall continue my interest in the affair of your League and look forward to another opportunity to join with you. " -Martin B . McKneally , Member of Congress "I am pleased once again to have the opportunity to salute your untiring efforts toward freedom and your unailing patriotism and courage." - Willi am S. Moorehead, Member of Congress "I am well aware of the immense contribution to American life which has been made by our Slovak-American citizens. They have brought to us in this country the same religious strength and the same love of freedom which they learned in their motherland. Even today that same spirit of freedom can be seen in the establishment of the Slovak Republic in a federated CzechoSlovakia. This is the culmination of years of effort by a great people who wish to keep their own identity. "-Joseph M . McDade, Member of Congress "I heartily support the efforts of the Slovak League of America to keep alive the torch of freedom for so many who must remain behind the Iron Curtain of oppression."Charles A . Vanik, Member of Congress "Congratulations on many con"I wish to comp l i m e n t you r League on the superb work you are tributions to international underdoing." - Seymour Halpern, Mem- standing and cultural exchange."Margaret M . Heckler, Member of ber of Congress Congress "I received the latest issue of "I would like you to know that Slovakia which you recently sent receive Slovaki a, and find th~ did I me, and have enjoyed reading it." of interest." - John B . publication - Charles W. Whalen, Jr., Member Anderson, Member of Congress of Congress 'Thank you for the book entitled "Many of the people whom I am edited by Dr. Joseph PauSlovakia, naprivileged to represent in the to read this book planning am I co. tional House of Representatives for it will be possible as soon as either came to the United States resource."-William useful very a from Slovakia or are the descendMember of Congress ants of immigrants from that na- T . Mtirphy, " The s t r u g g l e continues for tion. Through the years they have proved themselves to be loyal Ame- equal representation and national ricans and good citizens of their rights which the Slovak League beadopted country, serving it with gan more than 50 years ago. I share equal diligence through war and your concern about the Soviet oppeace, and inspiring their children pression of the Slovak people. I 156 SLOVAKIA pray we will see the day when the Slovak people will be permitted to establish their o w n independent nation in Europe, with freedom to select their own leaders and their own path of government." - John Myers, Member of Congress "I command the efforts of the Slovak League of America to maintain culture and traditions of Slovakia here in United States. We must be confident of the f u tu re and continue to work for the day when legitimate independence and true freedom is enjoyed by people of Slovakia and all other captives of Communism."-Edward J . Derwinski, Member of Congress "Every Slovak American is extremely p r o u d of the League's years of interest in the cultural and historical betterment of all American Slovaks." - Joseph M . Gaydos, Member of Congress "The yearning for liberty and independence among Slovaks will continue until they will be able to determine their own destiny; and, I am ceritain, as an independent nation, will constructively contribute to the well being and peace of the world. You may be assured of my continuing efforts for selfdetermination of all Captive Nations and of my warm and special interest for the Slovak nation." Michael A. F eighan, M. C., 20th District, Ohio "I am aware of the constant struggle of Slovak people to regain their independence and live side by side with other free nations of the world. It is my desire and hope that the spirit and determination of the Slovak people will not be broken and that the Slovak nation will once again have the right to choose its own destiny. In these just aspirations of Slovak people all of us should help. I pledge my support in this respect. '' William E. Minshall, M. C., 23rd District, Ohio "Slovak nationalism was an important element in the early days of the reform movement. Mr. Novotny, the former President, who was passionately disliked in Slovakia for his discriminatory poli. cies, paid the penalty for ignoring it. " (The Times, October 31, 1968) . "For all the pride and satisfaction with which Czecho-Slovakia has introduced federalization of the Czech and Slovak nations, real equality still remains a promise rather than a practical accomplish ment ... many stormy sessions lie ahead with the Slovaks pressing for even greater autonomy. At the roots of the conflict is the fact that, since its inception 50 years ago, the republic has boasted of having established unity with equality for the two nations without the Slovaks ever having actually achieved this equality." (The Times, October 28, 1968). "Although lip service has been paid to ethnic equality by both the pre-World War II Masaryk republic and the post-war Communists, the Slovaks have always, with considerable justice, felt that they were getting the short end of the stick. Before the war, Slovak nationalists demanded virtual national independence." (John P . Roche, San Francisco Examiner. July 3, 1969) . - "The main tourist centers (in the High Tatra Mountains, Slovakia ) are Stary Smokovec, Tatranska Lomnica and Strbske Plesoeach more scenically beautiful than the other. "The 17-mile mountain range with some 300 ragged peaks, romantic valleys and ice-blue small lakes can compete with any Alpine SLOVAKIA 157 area. The width of the range is removed the country's most popu10 miles." (The New York Times; lar liberal from the domestic political scene, thereby placating the October 31, 1969. "Americans teens are lucky be- ultras. At the same time, he won cause 'they don't have to worry plaudits from the liberals by reabout politics like we do', said fusing to place Dubcek balked, Michael, 18, of Bratislava . .. There protesting that he would return are two 'nations' in Czecho-Slova- to his old job of factory machinist kia, they said-the Czechs and the rather than leave the country. But Slovaks. Because they are Slovaks, in the end he bowed to the party the boys don't like our tendency order, knowing full well that his to shorten "Czechoslovakian' to refusal would only further inflame 'Czech'. That, they said, is incor- political passions in Prague." rect because almost half the people (Newsweek, December 29, 1969). "Father Hlinka insisted that the in their country are not Czechs, they're Slovaks." (The Times Un- Czechs and Slovaks were not one ion, Rochester, N. Y., July 26, nation , but two distinct nations, 1968). and therefore the Slovaks had as much right to self-government as "Slovak painters and graphic artists, among them Milan Laluha, any other self-respecting nation. " Ladislav Guderna and M. Brunov- (Thaddeus V. Gromada , siavic Resky, were acclaimed in Italy, view, September 1969). France and Canada. The works of sculptors Uher and Bartfay became known . . . The operas of Eugen Suchoii. were performed throughout Europe, and the music of Jan Cikker and Alexander Moyzes were heralded in many parts of the world. Viliam Bukovy's modernist compositions were honored at international music and film festivals. He also wrote music for several Hollywood films. Another composer, Ilja Zelienka, won first prizes at several European modern music festivals. "Slovaks also made important medical contributions. The Slovak Institute of Biochemistry became known for its discoveries of antibiotics and work in concer research. The Microbiological Institute, headed by Dr. Dionyz Blazkovic, was hailed for its achievements bi iinmunobiology and allergiology." (Jan Samak, East Europe. Vol. 18, No. 7). "By naming Dubcek to the post of ambassador to Turkey, Husak "Not even the closest associates of Gustav Husak, the new party chief, are likely to be sure about how to proceed. Politically, Husak has to fight on two fronts and many think that the threat from the extreme left is far more dangerous to him than that from the "right-wing opportunists", as the new jargon refers to supporters of his reform-minded predecessor, Alexander Dubcek. "The party is rocked by expulsions and mass resignations. According to some private estimates it has already lost 300,000 of its 1.7 million members. Those who stayed can be divided into at last four different wings fighting each other. Purges have assumed bizarre proportions, extending from secret police to sports federations, from the foreign service to the Communist-led children organization. "Husak had pleaded not to turn the party into a "slaughter-house,'' but some top radicals openly en- 158 SLOVAKIA courage neo-Stalinists in the lower ranks to push even harder. Evidence of the struggle for power in the party is ample even in the press, which is now tightly controlled again. "In the economic field, the situation is nearly chaotic. The new leadership has canceled almost all of the reforms, but also has announced it will not return to preDubcek concepts. Except for "work harder" appeals, the regime has yet to disclose which panacea it will propose. Some of the top industry managers have been fired for liberal leanings, many others are uncertain about their fate. Thousands of employees and workers now have had marks for political unreliability in their personnel files, hampering prospects for better pay and promotion. The working morale of others is hardly any better; their unions which started developing some muscle during the Dubcek era have again been reduced into tools of the party. " 'Sick rates' are running double those last years and workers take it easy. Husak estimates that 20 per cent of the working time now is idled away. Stringest penalties have been introduces for loafers but that is hardly likely to boost their spirits. "Party leaders allege that rightwing calls for passive resistance also hurt the economy. 'The worse the better' is a slogan actually proposed by one though seemingly small school of thought. " 'Economic crisis have toppled Novotny', explained one veteran party member and anti-Stalinist referring to the old guard leader Antonin Novotny who was replaced by Dubcek. Maybe this will force a change again. "Average wages have increased but so have prices, setting off a Western-style inflationary spiral. That, in turn, and despite official denials, fueled rumors of an impending currency reform. Shops, already, undersupplied, were beleaguered. 'He who hesitates will not buy well' was the superfluous warning on a Prague display window. "Vexing shortages, from prams to pajamas, have become a fact of life in the million-population capitol. The pantie problem became so prickly that special hardcurrency funds were pried loose to pay for emergency imports. The hard currency may have come increased meat exports to the West which have helped dry up supplies of pork, a stample food of Czechs and Slovaks. "Now laws threaten court punishment to hoarders and even sales clerks who talk a customer into buying more than he actually needs. The man in the street will readily blame part of the shortages on the Russian occupation troops. Stories make the round of a Red Army man entering a store and asking for 'five kilograms of panties.' " ( Associated Press, February 22, 1970) . "I returned to Vienna with mixed emotions about the status of the people in Czecho-Slovakia but I also brought a brand new Slovak diet for reducing. The Slovaks call it the 'American diet.' Here it is : "You can eat all the chicken and drink all the Sliwowitz you can manage. But no bread, no pastries, no vegetables. Just chicken and wine. "I always suspected that the Slovaks have a spark\ of genius in them and now their 'American Diet' confirms my belief." (Theodore Andrica, The Cleveland Press, July 14, 1969) . SLOVAKIA 1511 COMMENTS TWO CZECH PROFESSORS ABOUT SLOVAK-CZECH RELATIONS It happens very rarely that Czech intellectuals in the Free World comment objectively on the relations between Slovaks and Czechs or on books published on Slovakia. For many years not only Czech politicians in exile but also Czech scholars and professors at various universities wrote with bias about Slovak history, politics and cultural achievements. There is no doubt that such writings harmed the image of the Slovak nation but great harm was also done to the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs. Many Czech intellectuals apparently did not look at the problem from this point of view. We welcome, therefore, a new sober voice from Prof. Stanley Z. Pech from the University of British Columbia. He commented in the siavic Review on the book by John Gellner, a Czech newspaperman, and John Smerek, a former Slovak civil servant. The book was published under the title The Czechs and Slovaks in Canada and was published by Masaryk Memorial Institute in Toronto. Professor Pech wrote before about Slovak and Czech relations with much more objectivity than we are accustomed to read from Czech intellectuals. In connection with this book, he had the following to say: "Although one of the authors is of Slovak origin, the book does not appear to do justice to the Slovak viewpoint. Slovak grievances against Czechoslovakia are dismissed as 'separatism', and the First Republic is given what amounts to a clean bill of health. Some 'mistakes' were made, but these were 'largely cured' by the late 1920s. The Administrative Law of 1927 established a desirable degree of decentralization by setting up selfgoverning provinces 'on lines broadly similar to Canadian provinces', each province having 'its provincial president and its provincial assembly'. After this, 'Czechoslovakia seemed on the way toward co-operative, equitable solutions to whatever domestic problems there still were.' It was the Slovak People's Party and the rise of Nazi Germany that later reversed this trend. "ls it possible to present the issues so simply? The First Republic had indeed an outstanding record, and its democratic structure proved more durable than that of most European states. However, it was unquestionably a centralist state even after 1927, and this was the essence of Slovak objections. The authors fail to note that according to the Jaw of 1927 the provincial president and one-third of the provincial assembly were appointed by the central government and that both de jure and de facto the provincial president was an agent of the central government. The jurisdiction of the provinces was limited to social services and similar activities, and the assemblies could be dissolved at any time by a decree issued in Prague. Do the authors really believe that a province so conceived resembles a province in Canada or a state in the United States? Was this situation not bound to feed discontent among the Slovaks? "This situation has important 160 SLOVAKIA implications for the history of the Slovaks in Canada . (and in the United States). Many Slovaks who came to the New World after 1918 were disenchanted with Czechoslovakia and refused to associate themselves with Czech groups. Today their numbers are larger, and their hostility to everything Czech is implacable and chauvinistic. This phenomenom has many roots, but it cannot be understood without reference to the failure of the Czechs to regard the Slovaks as their equals and to give the consideration to their national sentiment. Yet this appreciation is wholly lacking in the present book. With what lack of respect influential segments of the Czech community regarded the Slovaks is illustrated by a secret memorandum on Slovakia, which was drawn up by the Czech Socialist Party in 1946 and published in Bratislava in 1968. The memorandum is a chilling blueprint for depriving the Slovaks of their national identity by any means necessary, not excluding the use of force (see text in Historicky casopis, vol. 16, 1968, pp. 191-93). Gellner and Smerek are two competent observers, and their book will be a standard work for many years. Was the nature of the Slovak problem so far beyond their pale of vision that they could not come to grips with it? Until the Czechs are prepared to take a critical look at their own attitudes, their contribution to a Czech-Slovak dialogue will be only a limited one." This approach is in great contrast with another Czech, Prof. Joseph S. Roucek from Queensborough Community College. He wrote on the same book in the International Migration Review (III 9, Summer 1969) and compared the book with the work by Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum Slovaks in Canada. Prof. Roucek had to admit that: "In general, Kirschbaum's study, in spite of its weaknesses, is much better and more exhaustive than Gellner-Smerek' s work, since it is better documented (as shown by its bibliography, pp. 441-455) and contains reprints of 24 memoranda, petitions, pleas, and resolutions either to the Canadian authorities or to the United Nations by the Slovak Canadian organizations, as well as by individual members of the Canadian Slovak League and the First Catholic Slovak Union during the past three decades." However, Roucek was unable to write without -the anti-Slovak bias in his further remarks. Even though the book Slovaks in Canada is not a political book but strictly a scholarly work on the history of Slovaks in Canada. Prof. Roucek commented on the book as follows: overcertainly "Kirschbaum stresses his Slovak filiopietism which has been glaringly evident in his previous works and which is the ideology of his group of American and Canadian Slovaks promoting Slovak separatism. We learn that 'from the First World War until the present time, Slovak Canadians have been the victims of political activities in their homeland .. .' (p. 9) and that the Canadian Slovaks were discriminated against during World War II because they 'refused to support the policy od Dr. E. Benes, who resigned in October 1938 but who in 1941 set up his government-inexile in London, England, and insisted on his right to represent Czechs and Slovaks in the West. Members and representatives of the Canadian Slovak League were , particularly denounced as enemies SLOVAKIA of Canada because they advocated the right to self-determination and self-government for the Slovak people.' (p. 6) . But we must also note that even a greater number of Canadian Slovaks supported Dr. Benes and that the Slovak Republic was formed as the first satellite state under Hitler's blessing and auspices. This 'pro-Czech' tendency is, in fact, admitted by Kirschbaum: "The pro-Czech attitude of Slovak Protestants, many of whom were descendants of Czech refugees who came to Slovakia during the Counter-Reformation, accounts for various peculiarities of the Slovak political, cultural and religious life not only in Slovakia, but also among Canadians or Americans of Slovak origins." (p. 32). It is hard to understand, unless we are accustomed to the writings of Czech intellectuals, why Prof. Roucek made such comments on a history book concerning Slovaks in Canada unless one knows the tense relations which existed among the Slovaks and the Czechs for the past 50 years and the bias of many Czech intellectuals who followed the political line of Dr. Benes condemned at the present time not only by many Czechs but by the whole Slovak nation. "SLOVAK NEWS" or COMMUNIST PROPAGANDA For the past two years Slovaks in the Free World received from a Slovak Cultural and Tourist News Agency Tatrapress a mimeographed publication called "Slovak News." After being separated for over a quarter of a century by the Iron Curtain from their homeland, 161 many Slovaks welcomed the fact that finally they can receive information on their country of origin from Bratislava. Unfortunately, the "Slovak News" is not published in the spirit which triggered the liberalization in 1968 and the picture of Slovakia is not one which we could accept. The periodical is published in English, sometimes in good and at other times in very poor English indeed. It was a good step on the part of the regime in Bratislava to try to acquaint the outside world with Slovakia, but the bad side of this enterprise is the biased presentation of Slovak politics and cultural, economic, and social life. For many decades, Slovakia was presented in a distorted light, more often than not unfavorably, to the Western world. All the efforts of Slovak intellectuals in the Free World could not successfully overcome the adverse propaganda from either Czech or other camps opposed to Slovak national aspirations. In 1968, there were great hopes among the Slovaks in the Free World that the tide had changed and that from Slovakia efforts will come to present Slovakia in a true light. Looking objectively at the issues of "Slovak News" which have up to date come to this Continent, we must say with regret that it is again a very biased picture which the so-called Slovak government portrays for the West and hundreds of thousands of Slovaks who are still interested in the good name of their country of origin and work for a free and democratic Slovakia. J . K. 162 SLOVAKIA BOOK REVIEWS BOOKS ON THE EVENT IN CZECHO-SLOVAKIA IN 1968 The events in Czecho-Slovakia stirred the attention of scholars in many Western countries and some 50 books were published according to Robert F. Lamberg (Svedectvi, X, No. 37, Paris, 1969). Most of these books are in English, some in French and the rest in the German language. Among the authors are not only specialists in international affairs or in Eastern Europe, but also the Czech exiles and writings by two exiles from Slovakia, Eugene Loeb! and Ladislav Miiacko. The writings of both these authors were published in English as well as in German. One of Loebl's books, Svedectvo o Procese, was published in Slovak and appeared subsequently in English as well as German translation. Many of these books just presented the sequence of events and did not bring any scholarly analysis or political conclusions. Other books are analytical and there is also a score of books which are close to the sensational writings and were designed for the large public and money making. Among those which are worthwhile reading are the following books : Robert Rhodes James, ed., The Czechoslovak Crisis 1968. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson (Toronto: Ryerson), 1969, XII, 203 pp., $7.95. Roger Garaudy, La liberte en sursis: Prague, 1968. Paris. Fayard, 156 pp. Eugen Loeb!, Sentenced and Tried: The Stalinist Purges in Czechoslovakia. London: Elek (Toronto: Ryerson), 1969, 272 pp., $8.50: in Slovak, Svedectvo o procese, Bratislava, 1968, 200 pp.: in German, Die Revolution rehabilitiert ihre Kinder, Vienna: Europa, 1968, 228 pp. Eugen Loeb} and Leopold Grunwald , Die intellektuelie Revolution, Hintergrunde and Auswirktmgen des " Prager Frilhiings". Dusseldorf: Econ, 1969, 308 pp. Ladislav Miiacko, The Seventh Night. New York: Dutton (Toronto : Clarke, Irwin), 1969, 220 pp., $7.25. Also in German. Harry Schwartz, Prague's 200 Days: The Struggle for Denwcracy in Czechoslovakia. New York, Washington, and London: Praeger (Toronto: Burns & MacEachern) , 1969, 274 pp., $7.25. Joseph Wechsberg, The Voices Garden City, N. Y.: Toronto : Doubleday, 1969, 113 pp. $5.95. Philip Windsor and Adam Roberts, Czechoslovakia, 1968: Refo rm, Repression and Resistance. London: Chatto and Windus for the Institute for Strategic Studies (Toronto : Clarke Irwin) , 1969, vm, 200 PP- ' $3.0o. Z. A. B. Zeman, Prague Spring: A Report on Czechoslovakia, 1968. Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin (Toronto: Longmans) , 1969, 169 pp., $8.50. Not all of these books are of the ·s ame academic value and one of them by Robert Rhodes James, The Czechoslovak Crisis 1968, has put the invasion by the Warsaw Pact armies in a debatable position, as we will see later. The three books by the writers from Slovakia, Loeb! and Mnacko, gave an insight into the crisis of communism in SLOVAKIA Slovakia and Mnacko's book is rather a series of reportages than a book on history. From the political point of view, some of the books condemned the invasion and their analysis of the events before the invasion and after is in line with a democratic point of view. The most surprising are the views of Robert Rhodes James who is a specialist in international relations. In his view, the Soviet occupation was "defensive and reluctant" and did not provide evidence of "Soviet aggressiveness or expansionism" and represented "no threats to NATO interests." James also thinks that the United Nations "acquitted itself reasonably effectively" by protesting only and that NATO was quite right in its reactions by not making any attempt to include Rumania or Yugoslavia under its protection. It is certainly hard to accept such views from a western "specialist in international affairs" on an act of brutal aggressiveness and violation of the independence of a country which wanted only to build "communism with a human face". This defeatist view is hardly acceptable by any western scholar or politician. Even the Italian, Rumanian and Yugoslav communists condemned the invasion and protested against it and there is no doubt that all the Western Powers, even if they remained inactive, looked with concern to the presence of Russian armies on the West German and Austrian border. In all these books there is, of course, not much about the events in Slovakia and there is rarely mentioned the fact that the liberalization was forced upon Novotny's regime by the Slovak writers and was lead by a Slovak-Alexander Dubcek-who is sometimes even 163 presented as a Czech leader. Only the Canadian Slavonic Papers (Vol. IX, 4, 1968) published a chapter on the role of Slovaks in the deStalinization period. A good book presenting not only the Czech views or information received in Prague, but also giving justice to the Slovaks, seems to be very necessary to give an objective picture of the events of 1967 and 1968. J . M . Kirschbaum Heinri c h Kuhn: Handbuch der Tschechoslowakei (Verlag Robert Lerche, Mtinchen), 1966, pp. 1,024, Price 142.00 D. M. This reference book on CzechoSlovakia by Dr. Heinrich Kuhn will be appreciated not only by scholars but by all who are interested in the political, social and economic development in CzechoSlovakia after the Second World War. With the typical German "puenktlichkeit" Dr. Kuhn prepared a highly technical study which required years of systematk research and data collecting. The Collegium Carolinum published in the past years several valuable books on Bohemia and Slovakia. Kuhn's volume seems to be the most useful. The volume is divided into four parts. The first part deals with the territory of today's Czecho-Slovakia and her population which by the rude and often criminal expulsion of 3 million Sudeten Germans and by the "voluntary" cession of Subcarpathian Ruthenia by Prague to the U. S. S. R. was substantially reduced in comparison to its size in pre-war times. Kuhn's work gives the basic statistics on the territorial organization, th~ movements of the population and its ethnic composition as well as 164 SLOVAKIA the social structure and education of the Czechs and Slov,a ks during the 20 years following the Second World War. The author avoided political comments either in his introductory notes or in explaining the statistics, leaving the judgment on, among other things, the expulsion of Germans, on the transfer of hundreds of thousands of Slovaks to the Sudeten territories, where they have been denationalized, to historians and political scientists. In the second part of this huge volume (1,024 pages) Dr. Kuhn deals with the constitutional and organizational structure of CzechoSlovakia under the post-war "people's democracy" and Communist regimes. The tense relation between the Czechs and Slovaks and the tendency of Prague's governments to reduce Slovakia to a province administered by Prague rather than by Slovaks, is clearly apparent from the constitutional changes, partly politics, government appointments and statistical data in this part of the book. We also can find in this chapter basic information and statistics on cultural institutions, schools and church organizations. For those who know from other sources about the rule of terror, the Stalinization of the system, the anti-Slovak policy of Prague governments and the persecution of the Church, especially in Slovakia, Dr. Kuhn's statistical evidence of the changes during this period will be of great value. An interesting picture of changes and inner struggles in the government, cultural and other organizations is also given in the third part of Kuhn's work. To read properly the statistical data in this part it is, however, necessary to be well acquainted with the rela- tions between the Czechs and Slovaks. Behind all the changes in the high positions of the CzechoSlovak state was a systematic attempt at exclusion of Slovaksexcept those who were willing tools of Gottwald or Novotnyfrom the decision making organs and institutions. During the Novotny era the anti-Slovak complex was also extended to the cultural field . The accusations of "bourgeois nationalism" was but a cover, as we learned during the short period of liberalization in 1968. The last part of the book gives us names of those who after the Second World War held positions in the political and cultural organizations of Czecho-Slovakia. The value of Dr. Kuhn's works can be justly judged only if we take into consideration that great part of the information he gives in his book was not easily or at all accessible in the West for many years. There was an "Iron Curtain" preventing an exchange of scholars and of publications, and there was for many a language barrier, since the Prague Government did not publish the statistical data in Western languages. Looking from this point at Dr. Kuhn's reference book, not only scholars but also Slovaks in the Free World cannot but welcome it. Dr. J . M . Kirschbaum Rudolf Sturm, CZECHOSLOVAKIA -A Bibliographic Guide, (Library of the Congress, Washington), 1967, 157 pp. Professor Sturm's Bibliographic Guide on Czecho-Slovakia is the first work of its kind in which the author made the attempt of presenting a bibliography on CzechoSlovakia without the usual bias. He included scores of books on SLOVAKIA 165 Slovakia which other bibliogra- scholars and specialists in Eastern phers usuall y bypass. Therefore, Europe will find in these works it is hard to say whether it is by a new picture of the Slovak past omission of the author or because and cultural life. A better representation of Slowe did not publish in the Free World a bibliography of books on vak books can be found in Prof. Slovak history, culture, and litera- Sturm's Bibliographic Guide as far ture, if we do not find in this as books and bibliographies in bibliography some books which Slovak language are concerned. There he has listed the main should be mentioned. The book is divided into 15 bibliography sources as well as the chapters which deal with the land , most important books on Slovak the people, history, politics and history, language, and literature government, Jaw, economy, social which were published either beconditions, religion and philosophy, fore 1945 or during the Communist languages, literature and the arts. period. Jn his introduction, Prof. Sturm '.J'1>c work includes both forei gn language books and reference mentions that he would be "gratcbooks and bibliographies in the ful to users for informing him of Czech and Slovak languages. Need- any error or shortcoming in the less to say that the number of text" and he admits that the Guid e publications on the Czechs, their is "imperfect" and hopes that history, language and culture is "im perfect as it is, it fills a need and will help to promote Czech considerably higher. We note, however, that for the and Slovak studies outside Czechofirst time in a bibliography pre- slovakia." There is no doubt that. pared by a Czech scholar, there are ' the Guide will help scholars and books which do not agree with th~ specialists and we hope that in the official ideology of Prague govern- next edition the author will not ments or Czechs in exile. Prof. omit books by Slovak writers in Sturm included forei gn language the Free World , namely, the writbooks by Slovak authors who clear- ing by Pauco , Franti§ek Vnuk, J . ly advocate an independent Slova- Rekem , M. Lacko , S. Nahalka, M. kia or, in cultural matters, disagree Sprinc, T. Zubek, some more imwith the Czech tendency to present portant books by !lurcansky than Slovak language and literature as he listed, several other publicaa part of the Czech or "Czechoslo- tions by this reviewer, as well as vak" language and literature. As the quarterly Most, Slowakei, the a result, we find in this Biblio- Literarny Almanach Slovaka v A graphic Guide books and publica- merike, and the academic publications in major European langueges tion by the University of Montreal by Prof f>urica , f>urcansky , Hru- Etudes Slav es in which there have !iovsky, Kirschbaum , Mikus, Skul- been many articles on Slovak lantety. Sister Woytko, Yurchak, Hro- guage and literature. In view of bak's linguistic works and Palic- the fact that Prof. Sturm displayed kar's work on Slovak culture. Even scholarly objectivity we should though the books by these authors help him with the necessary inforpresent only a part of the books mation in case he will publish a and publications which have been reviewed edition of his Bibliopublished abroad on Slovak politi- graphic Gurde. J . M. Kirschbaum cal history or cultural matters, the , I 166 SLOVAKIA Stefan G 1 e j du r a: Los Grandes in Argentina. The fact that Dr. Problemas del Este Europeo, Glejdura contributes to an inter(Separata de la Revista de Poli- nationally known political review, tica Internacional, Madrid, 1968-· gives ·his work a particular impor1969) tance. The series would deserve to be A series of studies on the policy re-printed in book form because of the Soviet Union and the prob- the author gives a whole picture lems of Eastern Europe by Dr. of the political scene in the Soviet Stefan Glejdura deserve the atten- orbit, not only as a competent tion of scholars as well as special observer but also as a specialist ists interested in the vicisitudes of who thoroughly followed the evoEastern Europe. For more than a lution behind the Iron Curtain decade Dr. Glejdura wrote learned since the end of the Second World studies on this subject for the War until the present time. There is hardly any Slovak intelhighly regarded periodical "Revista de Politica Internacional," pub- lectual who wrote so many reviews lished in Madrid. Several of these of books published on the probstudies have been published in re- lems of Eastern Europe in several prints and should be considered as European languages as Dr. Glejdua serious contribution to the re- ra did during the past two decades. search of the great political prob- His vast knowledge prepared him lems of Eastern Europe. The au- for a competent analysis and prethor analyzed not only the foreign sentation of the political, social as policy of the Soviet Union but also well as economic problems of the of the individual countries like nations subjugated by Moscow. In Hungary, Rumania, Slovakia, Czech- the hope that Dr. Glejdura will o-Slovakia, Poland, etc. and their publish his studies in book form, relations with the Soviet Union. we are refraining from analyzing He drew his conclusions on the at this time his studies on individbasis of his knowledge of foreign ual Eastern European countries language documents and literature even though each of them would in several European languages. As deserve a separate review. We recommend especially the a result, the series of his studies is a valuable contribution to the following studies to the scholars knowledge and contemporary Eu- and specialists interested in Eastern Europe: ropean problems. La Politica Exterior de la U.R.S.S., From a Slovak point of view, we (Madrid) , 1969. welcome the studies by Dr. Glejdura because they complete our Vicisitudes del Este Europeo, (Madrid), 1968. political literature on the world problems by publications in the Los Grandes Problemas del Este Spanish language. There have been Europeo: Hungria-Magyarorszag many studies in English, French, (Madrid) , 1969. Italian or German by Slovak intel- Los Grandes Problemas del Este lectuals who established themEuropeo: Rumania, (Madrid), selves in the West after the Second 1969. World War. In the Spanish lan- Los Grandes Problemas del Este guage, however, we did not have Europeo : Eslovaquia, (Madrid), scholarly writings except for a few 1968. publications which were published J. M . Kirschbaum SLOVAKIA Thaddeus V. Gromada, "Pilsudski and the Slovak Autonomists" Slavic Review, Vol. September 1969, pp. 445-462, Washington University. The Polish-Slovak relations between 1918 and 1939 are undoubtedly one of the most interesting chapters in the history of modern Slovakia. The Slovaks, dissatisfied with their position in the centralized Czecho-Slovakia ruled from Prague, did not have among their neighbours any support for preserving their distinctive nationality except the Poles. There also have been friendly cultural ties with the Polish nation for many centuries and from the religious point of view Poland was closer to the hearts of the majority of Slovaks than any other nation in Central Europe. This situation led, naturally, the Slovak leaders to look for co-operation with Poland. On the Polish side there was some understanding for the Slovak desire to preserve their nationality and political autonomy, but there also were considerations for cultivating the Polish-Slovak relations and at times to support the political struggle of the Slovak nation for an equal status with other Central European nations. There are studies on this subject in Slovak language but it is the first time that a thorough analysis of these relations has been published in English. Prof_ Gromada presents in his extensive article "Pilsudski and the Slovak Autonomists" a scholarly analysis and brought to light many details and many documents which have been unknown even to some Slovak historians or persons involved in politics in Slovakia during that period. The presentation is undoubtedly academic and it im- 167 presses by the mass of literature and unpublished documents which Prof. Gromada perused before writing his study. Except for the help which Msgr. Andrew Hlinka received from the Polish government in 1919 when he decided to go to the Paris Peace Conference, many important facts of the Polish-Slovak relations have been very little known. However, Prof. Gromada presents even Hlinka's efforts to obtain guarantees for Slovak autonomy and incorporation of the Pittsburgh Pact into the Peace Conference documents partly in a new light. At the same time, he reveals to historians documents from Polish archives which were unpublished or unresearched by other historians in the West. The most interesting part of Prof. Gromada's study refers to the relations of the period 19351939. At that time, there was in Slovakia a strong political current called "Polonophilism" headed by one of the leaders of Hlinka's Slovak populist party, Karol Sidor, and the relations between Poland and Slovak autonomists obtained a political colour. On the Slovak side these relations were also prompted not only by the traditional "Polonophilism" but also by political considerations. While in the international sphere the Slovak struggle for autonomy was more or less unknown or presented in an unobjective light by the official Czech policy, it found in Poland the most sympathetic ear among all neighbours of Slovakia. Even though in this period the official policy of the Prague government spoke about the necessity of good relations between all Slavs, the Slovak "Polonophilism" was attacked and condemned. Quite illogically it was accepted by Prague that good relations with the Soviet 168 SLOVAKIA Union or Yugoslavia were neces- help us to have an objective look sary but the efforts of Slovaks for at the Polish-Slovak relations. good relations with Poland were These remarks are not inteded condemned. This did not, however, to diminish the value or shed a deter Slovak autonomists from doubt on Prof. Gromada's highly cultivating the relations with Po- competent and well documented land. On the contrary, they grew study. In fact, Slavists and esstronger and also extended into pecially Slovak historians and cultural fields with the result that scholars should welcome his valu there were dozens ~f Slovak in~el- able account which, as we underlec_tuals_ . who studi_ed at Pohsh stand, is only a part of his larger umversibes or received g:ants to study on Slovak-Polish relations. foster cu~tural co-operabo~ b~-1 This reviewer is searching for doct~een Po_lish_ an_d Slovak umversi• 1 uments which would either support ties and msbtutwDs. . or reject some details in Prof. P_rof. Groma~a present~d this Gromada's study such as his stateperiod as seen m the Pohsh _doc- ment about the periodical Nast-up. uments and partly as descnbed He also will endeavor to clear by Slovak or Czech sch?lars. Since some statements published by Polwe do not have ac~ess !n th e Fr~e ish diplomats or the Foreign MinWo:ld to the ~c~ives m Slovakia, ister, Joseph Beck, which Prof. or m Prag_ue, it _is har_d even for Gromada used among his sources. someone hke this reviewer, who Until p of Gromada ublishes his was involved in ~he autonomist whole s~dy of Slovaf-Polish relamovement _ and Pohsh Slovak cul- tions, we hope to be able to answer t~ral rel~tlons, !o state how far the these questions. At the present picture is unbiased or complete. time, we cannot but give recogniVeD'. recently so~e doc~ments or tion to the author for his scholarly s~udies were pubh_shed ~n commu- efforts and well-written chapter of mst Czecho-Slovak1a which shed a Polish-Slovak relations between new light on this period but only the two World Wars. an unbiased study of the archives J. M . Kirschbaum in Prague and Bratislava could THE 1970 LITERARY ALMANAC A noteworthy characteristic of the true Christian Slovak intellectual is that he writes with professional skill and objectivity, and with an ideal practicality-in contrast to many slippery writers of today who deliberately manipulate words in order to confuse. And because this Slovak is a Christian and an intellectual, he ordinarily produces a masterpiece in his choice of subject and his handling of his material, as the contents of the 1970 LITERARNY ALMANACH testify. Owned and edited by Dr. Joseph Pauco in Middletown, Pennsylvania, the LITERARNY ALMANACH is the yearbook of the SLOVAK V AMERIKE, the oldest Slovak newspaper in America, which observed its 80th birthday in the Cyrillian Year of 1969. The new 1970 ALMANACH offers its readers a choice, wellbalanced assortment of literary gems. Here one will find scholarly studies; historical, political, and biographical sketches; short stories and briefer essays; narrative po- SLOVAKIA ems revealing the hopes, joys and sufferings of the Slovak soul, and a number of deep, difficult poems. Each of the authors endears himself to the reader for each has shared what is dearest to him-his soul's choicest thoughts on a specific topic for the enrichment of Slovak culture and Slovak life. Father Theodoric Zubek highlights a most timely truth in his ''Man Penetrates the Cosmic Atmosphere." Graphically he points out that whatever discoveries man may make in his rendezvouz with the moon, they can in no way alter the wonders of REVELATION. They can but confirm what God has already made known to man for his salvation and sanctification. To those deluded souls who taxied around the moon and " missed seeing God" the author has some telling lines on God's infinity and man's infinitesimality. In a well-documented study entitled "Slovak Presence in Europe Before the 6th Century After Christ," Msgr. John Rekem ably and successfull y proves his thesis. He takes the reader on a mammoth archeological tour that begins in Bratislava and traverses nearly the entire Eastern Hemisphere. He describes artifacts uncovered around Bratislava which date back to 3000 years before Christ. Monsignor is no novice at archeology. In 1968 he spent several weeks in Jericho where he witnessed and personally studied some marvelous excavations. For example, spread out before his eyes were the remains of an ancient city dating back to 8000 B. C., surrounded by a stone wall. Of special interest to the group was a long canal bored into stone running through the city. Monsignor further points out the role of archeology in the study of 169 ancient culture. From excavations in Slovakia, for example, it has been possible to trace the course of languages . . . with the astonishing deduction made that our ancestors already occupied Central Europe some 2000 years before the dawn of history. Recent studies by Slavic scholars indicate also that it is at least probable that our ancestors spoke Sanskrit. Msgr. Rekem's bibliography is impressive, composed as it is of Slovak, French, English, Latin, Ukrainian, and Polish references. His study demonstrates that the latest archeological excavations have opened the world to the existence of ancient cultures and civilizations such as no scientist had ever imagined . " Slovakia in the 20th Centucy (1919-1945 )" is the title of a book authored by L. Liptak and published in Slovakia. A review of part one by Frantisek Vnuk, a competent historian, can be found in the 1970 JEDNOTA KALENDAR. Here in the ALMANACH Vnuk incisively evaluates the second part of a study which purports to be history. But is it genuine histocy? It is not surprising, Vnuk declares, that Liptak's book, spawned by a Communist and issued under a Communist regime, contains some truth, more half truths, and a generous supply of fiction. Liptak blandly states in his book, for example, that a citizen of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945)-unless he was a member of the Hlinka Party-was automatically excluded from political life. This of course is a bald lie. Liptak is definitely biased , as no historian can afford to be. He sees the mote marring the Slovak Republic but is completely blind to the beam crushing the lives of the Slovaks. With fine scorn, Vnuk describes some of 170 SLOVAKIA Liptiik's claims as written with "uncritical senility" and as "degrading history to the level of a Communist tool. " Dr. Joseph Mistrik's contribution in the 1970 ALMANACH is "Prophetical Groups or a New Church?" The article bears out the title and as such is a challenge to anyone following the changes current in the Church today. He rightfully criticizes the underground church - those new-bread sects and deluded Catholics, who aUenate themselves from the true Church and arrogate to themselves its authority. At one point Canon Mistrik refers briefly to Archbishop Helder Camara of Recife, Brazil, calling him the sadly-famous archbishop. May I interpose a personal comment here : Archbishop Camara has identified himself with the, one might say, scum of humanity in Northeastern Brazil where his diocese is located. He is determined to put an end to the new slavery market operating in Brazil where a man is sold to a rich buyer for the price of $25.00 and only young, strong, and healthy men are accepted by the slave-drivers. ( cf. LATIN AMERICA CALLS, March 1969 ). With Dr. Mistrik, however, all faithful Catholics continue to pray, to hope, knowing for a certainty that Christ and His Church will triumph. As a living organism, the Church must shed all dead branches-the prophetical groups -and so rejuvenate herself. "A Salute to Stanislav Meciar" on his 60th birthday by Jan E . Bor contains this beautiful statement: •·Dr. Meciar received from God not only exceptional intellectual gifts, but also a firm, forthright character together with an uncompromising spirit." And this writer begs to add : Also an enormous, divinelike capacity for work. Bor proceeds to tell how Dr. Meciar brought these gifts to fruition in the various responsible positions he held in the Slovak Republic, and in the diversified Ii terary productions that flowed from his pen: books, critical analyses, reviews, commentaries, magazine articles, comparative studies of literature and personalities, evaluations of poetry, of scientific and historical works. Bor points out that Dr. Meciar's publication of the collected works of noted authors places us under real obligation to him . As editor of several literary magazines and newspapers, Dr. Meciar demonstrates that nothing is alien to him so long as it touches the human person. Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, a competent historian and profilic writer, has contributed two pertinent articles in the 1970 ALMANACH. One of them bears -the title, "The Purloined Last Manuscript of Constantine culen". Its mission is to fulfill the request of the author Constantine culen, who on his deathbed had entrusted him with a certain manuscript on the cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius among Slovak immigrants in the United States and Canada. To fulfill his promise to a dying friend Dr. Kirschbaum prepared culen's manuscript and it now appears in the 1970 ALMANACH under the title : "The Cyril-Methodian Cult Among Slovak Immigrants in the United States and Canada". In this historical study culen makes some pithy comparisons between the Slovaks and the Irish. Both nations were exploited culturally, economically and politically. From both nations thousands migrated to America after crop failures. SLOVAKIA Culen's study features both lights and shadows, with shadows predominating. Through it runs the bitter thread of Magyar oppression of the Slovaks; their cruel and relentless efforts to magyarize the Slovaks. But here also one sees the golden thread, the adamant resistance of the Slovaks to magyarization. The study further portrays the Slovaks as eager to organize parishes and build churches as soon as they were settled in Americ-a in the latter half of the 19th century. And now also by a natural but too-long suppressed instinct they began freely to venerate their patrons, SS. Cyril and Methodius who had been forcefully excluded from public devotion in Slovakia under the Magyars. The first church in America dedicated to our Slovak holy patrons was erected in 1891 in Minneapolis, Minnesota. The cult took root and spread throughout Slav America so that ttoday there are 36 churches, many schools, institutions, and two seminaries dedicated to SS. Cyril and Methodius. The saints are venerated also by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius who continue the apostolate of their patrons for God and His Church. As regards Canadian immigrants from Slovakia, Culen points out, they arrived in Canada in large numbers only after the second World War, differing greatly from the farm folk that came to the United States in an earlier era. Many are professionals who weathered ,the evils of Czech imperialism and Communism. Most are highly educated. Today Canada has 6 churches dedicated to our patrons, but Canadian Slovaks are as deeply devoted to their apostles as good Slovaks anywhere. 171 It is a joy to learn here that a Lutheran priest, Rev. Daniel Zaboj Laucek, propagated the Cyril-Methodian cult in Europe and America and at his personal expense he published a book in 1885 on the significance of our saints for all Slavic peoples. "Dr. Joseph Buday in the Service of Church and Nation," is Jan Mest'ancik's exeellent contribution to the ALMANACH. In it the author introduces his subject as a theologian, philosopher, sociologist, writer, editor, an authority on the Cyril-Methodian cult, and a capable political servant. Before treating the issue at hand, however, Mest'ancik sketches the setting in which Dr. Buday found himself at the beginning of the 20th century. The false religious ideas of Tolstoy were being disseminated among the masses by the renegade Dr. Srobar and his group, the Hlasists. Electioneering maneuvers and pressures of the Hungarian authorities kept the country politically in turmoil. The Slovaks were being discriminated against at every level of endeavor and especially in education. The situation demanded not only wisdom, prudence and patience, but also planned determination and persistent, coordinated action. This challenging atmosphere suited Dr. Buday to a T. Dr. Buday early joined Msgr. Andrew Hlinka in his efforts to wrest from the government the civil and human rights 0f the Slovaks. He used his pen to inform the people. In a series of articles, which appeared in Literarne listy, he routed the pretensions of -Srobar and his Hlasists. With Hlinka he undertook the colossal tesk of improving economic conditions in the villages. They organized cooperatives for the pro- 172 SLOVAKIA duction and sale of fann products and home crafts. lit was this system, adopted throughout Slovakia, which improved the standard of living in Slovak villages. The schools being what they were, Magyar indoctrination centers, Buday - with Hlinka - used the theater to educate the people on how best to serve their own best interests, cultural as well as social and economic. This intensive educational activity bore abundant fruit, says Mest'ancik. In 1901-an unheard of thing-the Slovaks were able to seat 4 representatives in the Hungarian Parliament, and in 1906 the number rose to 7. In 1919, after the Slovak People's Party was organized, Dr. Buday was elected to the Czecho-Slovak Parliament, serving 8 years as a deputy and 11 years as a senator. During the latter term he was also vice-president of Parliament and later of the Senate. In Parliament Dr. Buday proved himself a statesman of the highest caliber. He confronted problems with fine logic and with a keen grasp of the details involved. He preferred to negotiate rather than appeal to emotion, yet he was ready to compromise provided no principle or right was sacrificed. It is easy to see why he gained the respect even of his opponents. Mest'ancik is careful to remind the reader that the Czecho-Slovak Republic did not bring freedom to the Slovaks. The battle for civil and human rights continued. Under the Czechs it was still necessary to press for self-identity and now also for the preservation of the Catholic faith . As nearly all the bishops had been Magyars, they emigrated to Hungary. The situation was explosive in many ways. Assisted by members of the Priests' Council, which Hlinka had speedily organized, Dr. Buday and Blinka, two men with opposite temperaments, achieved the seemingly impossible. Before long the Church was peacefully functioning under its own bishops. . . yet awaiting the inevitable: the ridicule and jeers of Czech unbelievers as they tried to undermine the Catholic Church. In the political sphere the turbulence was even more pronounced. Thousands of Czechs had flocked into Slovakia, ostensibly to assist in organizing affairs of State, but actually they attacked the main arteries of Slovak life like vultures. In no time they occupied the leading positions in the country. Slovak resistance was steadfast and persistent . . . and it continued its Carvary march for 20 years. A new chapter in the hi story of Slovakia was introduced iu 1939 when the Republic of Slovakia was proclaimed, but that is another story. In 1924 Dr. Buday addressed Parliament in a compelling speech , in which he accused the Czech regime of gross injustice against Slovakia. He pointed out that Slo-vak prisons were filled with innocent citizens whose only "crime" was adhering to their national and political convictions and God-given rights. He claimed that thousands of Slovaks, and chiefly the intelligentia, were forced to emigrate because the occupying army of Czech exploiters prevented them from making a living. . . that the h!xing system was unjust, partial and impossible to accept, . . . that Czech propaganda was impressing Europe with false ideas regarding conditions in Slovakia ... and that every call for justice and improvement was answered with cold cynicism. He issued a warning that the Slovak nation would certainly SLOVAKIA victoriously overcome Czech imperialism as it had weathered centuries of Magyar oppression. Dr. Buday had a hand in any project that contributed to the welfare of the Slovak people. His influence played a role in preventing the Czech effort to equate the Slovak language with theirs and to label it a Czech dialect. Before his death in November 1939, this good and faithful servant of God and country was accorded two unique honors: He was privileged to welcome to Slovakia the American Slovak Delegation, headed by Dr. P. P. ffietko , which triumphantly exhibited the original draft of the famous 1918 Pittsburgh Agreement. The other, which was probably the happiest moment in Dr. Buday's life, occured January 18, 1939, when as a senior member of the National Assembly he opened the first session of the Slovak Parliament in Bratislava with a memorable classical address. One last contribution. All of us who loved Philip Hrobak and revere his memory are grateful to Dr. Pauco for his article, "In What Did Hrobak's Greatness Consist?" Dr. Pauco presents an excellent evaluation of Hrobak as a person. He notes his indefatigable zeal, his extraordinary capacity for work, his kindness of heart. Mention is made of his voluminous carrepondence to inform the English speaking public about the injustice suffered by our people in Slovakia; and to correct the distorted facts published in the U.S. press, usually supplied by Czech propaganda. Dr. Pauco stresses the fact that it was through Hrobak's persistent efforts that at long last the State Department in Washington accepted the distinction between Czechs and Slovaks. No small accomplish- 173 ment for Philip Hrobak or for the Slovak nation. There are many other splendid articles in the 1970 ALMANACH. The more I paged through this issue the more humble I felt in the face of the heroism, the grandeur of character, the erudition, the honest pride, and the deep love for Slovakia of each of its contributors. And so I warn you, gentle reader, that this ALMAN ACH can disturb your conscience, it can thrill you, it can challenge you. Reading it you can lose yourself in the Elysian atmosphere of Slovakia, Communism notwithstanding, until suddenly you realize that you have been carried away to ... what? Try it. If you are fortunate to be able to read and understand Slovak, even just fairly, it is smart to keep the ALMANACH within arm's reach. Sister M. Gabriel Hricko, SS.C.M. I:alendar Jednota 1970: The 73rd edition of the Jednota annual in the Slovak language ... Jednota Press, 1970; 244 pp., Middletown, Pa. , Ed. by Jozef C. Krajsa. The 1970 publication of the Jcdnota annual commemorates 80 years of the Society's function not only in preserving and extending the Slovak heritage in America, but also in furthering wherever possible the various apostolic works of the Church throughout the Slovak world. Laudatory and enthusiastic articles to the fact are written by the Si!preme president, John A. Sabol aud by Msgr. John Senglar, the Society's chaplain. Readers familiar with Msgr. M. K. Mlynarovic's erudition and with tht: intellectual beauty of his writtings will find here another 174 SLOVAKIA gem of his poetic prose, "The Human Family-a Masterpiece of Love." Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum, once diplomatic representative of the Slovak Republic to Switzerland, writes from his own rich experience of the suspenseful days prior to the War's end (1944). He highlights the grave responsibilities that faced the delegation and the leaders of Slovakia in those days of crisis. He includes a conversation held with Archbishop P. Bernardini, then Papal Legate to Switzerland, about the future of Europe and concludes his writing with the last diplomatic communique sent to Slovakia from Bern. Msgr. Andrew Hlinka's last will and testament published here for the first time "in toto" should be of great interest to many. A rather lengthy article, but worth the space allotted, is Imrich Kruzliak's development of the Slovak language. He points out that it was principally in the rectories ( both Catholic and Lutheran) throughout Slovakia that the torch of the Slovak spirit and language was first kindled and from there carried afar. Religious articles include: news from the mission fields; statistically backed items on religions and rites in various parts of the world; an exhortation for a better understanding between Greek and Roman rite Catholics; and the Holy Father's address to a Slovak audience upon the occasion of the 1000th anniversary of the death of St. Cyril. Several shorter but timely articles stem from Vatican II influence and include recent changes in the Church ( diaconate, Mass, marriage ceremonies, etc.); these topics appear in the Catholic press generally today. Worth mentioning are: Father A. Zan's scholarly report refuting the theory that Sacred Scripture is merely a collection of stories and myths devoid of historic or religious value; the history and purpose of the International Labor Organization; the problem of feeding a future world (a statistical report); and some interesting prove1 bs and maxims culled from the writings of India neatly categorized into various topics and bearing resemblance to the Book of Wisdom. Msgr. J . Rekem reviews the poetry of Gorazd Zvonicky whom he designate as a kindred spirit to Peguy, Verlaine and Rimbalt. Extracts from the poet's works indeed testify that he merits such praise. The J ednota includes a highly informative biographical sketch of Alojz Macek (now living in Argentina). Editor, writer, and active patriot of Slovakia, Macek was founder of the Catholic Boy Scouts of Slovakia and of the "Hlinka Youth." Today his Spanish writings made known to a larger public the historical and cultural background of the Slovaks. Frantisek Vnuk reviews and refutes ~ubomir Luptak's history, Slovakia in the 20th Century. He points out the author's falsification of historical fact, his half tru,ths or truths told "with bad intent". Presenting statistics and historical documentation, Vnuk shows how Luptak ignores and intentionally omits whatever does not serve to further Communistic propaganda. This distorted or "rewritten" history centers on events leading to tht> separation of Slovakia from Austra-Hungary , the Pittsburgh Pact, politics prior to World War II and ,t he Warsaw Pact of 1968. Included in the publication are SLOVAKIA several fine poetic selections by living Slovak poets and a few short stories. Following a long established custom, the annual features protographs, many of which may interest only members of the society. Other photographs, such as some very fine pictures commemorating the centennial of the death of the poet Jan Holly, which would interest readers in general, are lost among the former. Si ster M . Alfred Massura, SS.C.M. Jednota Annual FURDEK 1970: Published by the First Catholic Slovak Union (Jednota Press, Middletown, Pa. 1970, 200 pp.) Edited by Joseph C. Krajsa. The 1970 FURDEK is an event as well as a publication. It is a treasure of information as well as a reservoir of delight and diversion. At a glance one notices the diversified appeal of its contents. From the first several pages beam the a•t tractive faces of the young "Promise of the future," collegebound students, subsidized in their course with JEDNOTA scholarships. These young people know from personal experience that the First Catholic Slovak Union is a wide-awake, alert, generous, truly fraternal society of the second half of the twentieth century. An installment of "Who's Who Among Slovak Priests" introduces the reader to some of the ministers of the Gospel called from the Slovak population to proclaim the Good News to the world. Such a Roll-Call of S 1 o v a k - A m e rican priests serves a useful purpose: it satisfies the reader's curiosity and, more importantly, it informs him of the resources of SJovak 175 American culture, its accomplishments, its possibilities, and its blessings. The first title that caught my eye in the FURDEK Almanach was "The Clergy in Slovak History and Culture," by Father Theodoric Zubek, 0 . F . M. I am familiar with the leading role played by clergymen in the history of our nation, but having the spotlight placed on it in a single article is particularly valuable today when our own American clergymen are venturing into leadership roles in government and politics. What combination of circumstances makes this advisable ? What makes it necessary? Whait makes it imperative? How did Bishop Moyses, for example, become President of the Matica Slovenska, the leading cultural society in Slovakia? What conditions brought Monsignor Andrej Hlinka into the limelight? How did Monsignor Jozef Tiso get to be President of the Slovak Republic in 1939? Two articles on St. Cyril were very welcome to me as a Sister of SS. Cyril and Methodius. One was written by Mother M. Emerentia, SS. C. M. , and is a fine scholarly study of the character and accomplishments of our patron. The other is a discourse delivered at a Centenary Assembly of bishops and priests in Greece by Archbishop Maury of Rheims, who was head of the papal delegation at the ceremony. It is a masterpiece in its insight into the holiness, the scholarliness, the universality of St. Cyril, who challenges us eleven hundred years later to promote the best interests of the Church with the mind of Christ. The article on Slovak pioneers show their self-sacrificing spirit and their enthusiastic zeal during the organization of the first Slovak 176 SLOVAKIA parishes. Their experiences in the mines are timely, coinciding with current interest in the Molly Maguires. The stories by Michael Simko are human-interest episodes that delight the reader. "Christmas in Slovakia" and "Slovak Easter Customs" by the Rev. Andrew Pier, 0. S. B. not only fascinate the reader with the wide variety of traditional practices of our ancestors, but also portray to him the rich culture, the deep faith and the joyous spirit so characteristic to our Slovak people. The articles are of particular interest to me since I learned of these customs from my immigrant parents, through our observance of them in our home. In "Slovakia-A Veritable Gem of Central Europe" one is carried to the scenic sights of the Tatras and the shores of the beautiful Danube, the Gothic churches and cathedrals, the ancient castles, the fishing and hunting grounds, and the historic cities of the country. The article is a source of valuable information, both cultural and historical and practical, mentioning as it does also the famous health resorts and modern tourist facilities. We are fully aware that the immigrants who came to the shores of America from every European country contributed to the rapid growth and progress of this nation. I wonder, however, whether any other ethnic group has knowledge of its very first immigrant. Sister Martina, SS. C. M. has enriched us with her fine article on the "First Slovak Immigralllt-Samuel Francis Figuly," portraying him as an individual of unusual caliber, wide and daring experiences, good education, and strong convictions. In the scholarly article, "Slovaks and the Upheavals of Czecho-Slovakia" by J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D., LL.D., the reader sees a change in the attitude to the West toward Slovaks; namely, that they do exist. He is also enlightened on the many causes of dissatisfaction and discrimination against them since 1918, when the Czecho-Slovak Republic was established. Sister M. Evangela's presentation of the "Organization of the Slovak Catholic Students Fraternity" and iits publication of FURDEK is interesting. In dialogue from Sister gives the reader a vivid picture of the enthusiasm of the Fraternity's first members, its aims and its progress. Though their publication of FURDEK in Slovak ceased in 1941, the English publication is a highly cultural and literary annual, as this issue substantiates. Sister M. Clotil,da Omasta, SS. C. M., M.A. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism promoted by the Soviet Union. SLOVAKIA 177 Our Contributors historian; professor, Institute of Technology, Francis Vnuk, M.A . - Adelaide, Australia. Sr. M. Martina Tybor, SS. C. M . John T . Van Sant - teacher and author, Danville, Pa. Senator of Pennsylvania and Majority Whip. Joseph M. Kirschbaum, LL. D., Ph.D. - former diplomat, professor, historian, author, Toronto, Ontario. former professor at Bratislava University, prominent Slovak historian and educator. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D. (late) - Konstantin Culen (late) - outstanding newspaperman, author, politi- cian. Joseph A . Mikus, M. CL., J. D. professor, historian, author, former diplomat, Washington, D. C. newspaperman, political prisoner under Stalinists in Slovakia; now editor of Kanadsky Slovak, Toronto, Ontario. Marian Jankovsky - Joseph C. Krajsa - Slovak American Fraternalist, Editor, Jednota, Middletown, Pa. Sister M . Gabriel Hricko, SS. C. M., Sister M . Alfred Massura, SS. C. M., Sister M. Clotilda Omasta, SS. C. M., M. A. - teachers, Danville, Pa. 178 SLOVAKIA Contents F. Vnuk . - Slovak Language and Literature Will the Phoenix Rise Again? - 3 Sister M. Martina Tybor - John T. Van Sant Slovaks Have Repaid Their Adopted Country WelZ - - 11 28 Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum - The Political Message of Matus Cernak This Is Slovakia - Francis Hrufovsky - Dr. Francis Hrusovsky - the Man - 42 K. tulen 70 Joseph A. Mikus Ruzena Svobodova's "Feuilletons on Slovakia" - 76 I Was a Communist - J. V. - 90 Marian Jankovsky - Powers of Darkness and Powers of Truth The Development of Slovak Literature Matica Slovenska - Joseph S. Kost - Our Cyrilo-Methodian Heritage - Karen Ann Syzdek - 94 105 113 Patricia Revetta - American Slovaks on the Home and War Fronts - 116 122 The Centenary of Bishop S. Moyses - J. M. Kirschbaum - The Slovak League Firmly Believes - 139 Bratislava, Capital of Slovakia - 35 Joseph C. Krajsa - 131 141 Current Issues (Senator Hugh Scott's Speech Before Slovak League of America in Washington. - Edward M. Zelenak: The Slovaks of Detroit. - Winn Gallegher: A Slovak Immigrant - Master of Arts. - 50 Years in Danville, Pa.) - 143 As Others See It - 154 Comments (Two Czech Professors about Slovak°Czech Relations "Slovak News" or Communist Propaganda) - - 159 Book Reviews (J.M. Kirschbaum: Books on the Event in Czecho-Slovakia in 1968 - Heinrich Kuhn: Handbuch der Tschechoslowakei Rudolf Sturm: Czechoslovakia - A Bibliographic Guide - Stefan Glejdura: Los Grandes Problemas dei Este Europeo - Thaddeus V. Gromada: Pilsudski and the Slovak Autonomists - Sister M. Gabriel Hricko, SS. C. M.: The 1970 Literary Almanac. - Sister M. Alfred Massura, SS. C. M.: Kalendar Jednota 1970. - Sister M. Clotilda Omasta, SS. C. M.: Jednota Annual Furdek 1970) - 162 SLOVAKIA ~ V .;::-v ~~ 4."'<~':r-, 0 sAsnK o BAN, STIA VN'lc'A TRNAVA 0 'Q: Q: (.;~ $ PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 20 (No. 43) Description An account of the resource includes Current Issues; As Others See It; Comments; Book Reviews; Contributors Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1970 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/eaf8cd33fe36b1b52de2f48125723f4a.pdf 282ee0138479eabcbb48a62b3b40bd7b PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 141 The Face of a Thousand-Year-O ld-City Bratislava, Capital of Slovakia Since the Stone Age, the narrow neck of land connecting the last foot hills of the Europe's famous mountain ranges, the Carpathian Mountains and Alps, has been a natural area for man to settle. Situated along the central part of the Danube River, it has become the crossroads of two famous commercial routes-the Danube and Amber routes-which gave access between the West and the East and between South and North. In this area today is the sprawling city of Bratislava, the Capital of Slovakia. Before the time of Christ, several settlements developed in this area along the Danube and in the course of centuries, they belonged to different nations. The land was occupied by the Celts, the Germans and the Romans, but ever since the 6th century it has become the home of the Slovaks. In the second part of the 10th century it became an important Slovak town and it was named Bratislava. In the early part of the 16tbi century Bratislava grew in importance, especially after the Turks occupied a great part of Hungary. Bratislava became the capital of Hungary instead of Budapest for a period of over 200 years. Through the centuries, Bratislava maintained its position of importance. In the middle of the last century, it became the center of Slovak national enlightenment as the Slovaks sought to free themselves from the feudal aristocracy of the Hungarian regime. In the 1800's Bratislava had a population of 42 thousand and was the largest city in Slovakia. After World War I, with the fall of the Austria-Hungarian Monarchy, Bratislava became the real capital of Slovakia when the Czecho-Slovak Republic was formed comprising the Czechs of Bohemia and Moravia and the Slovaks of Slovakia. With over a hundred thousand inhabitants, Bratislava became the actual center of the political, economical and cultural life in Slovakia. In 1939 Slovakia declared its independence from the �142 SLOVAKIA domination of the Czechs and this move created the Republic of Slovakia with Bratislava as the capital. Now a thriving metropolis, Bratislava was the seat of government for six years for the first President of the Slovak Republic, Msgr. Joseph Tiso. When the Communists restored the Czecho-Slovak Republic in 1945 after World War II, Bratislava had progressed to the position of being the undisputable seat of Slovak political, governmental, economical, cultural, scientific and educational life. Here were the cultural organs and mass organizations and institutions. Its University of Bratislava was world-famous and the position of the city on the Danube River marked it as a center of communication and an important harbor. In January of 1969 Slovakia again became a Republic, this time in the federated country of Czecho-Slovakia. Today the capital city of Slovakia has a population of over 300,000 and soon it is expected it will be the second largest city in the political entity of Czecho-Slovakia. The image of Bratislava is changing every day-and it is more beautiful than ever. This metropolis of Slovakia, with a thousand-year-old face, is getting younger every day and it shines in the setting of time as a precious gem. Joseph C. Krajsa 8LOVAK1A is published annually by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of Amerjcaus of Slovak descent. One of the purposes of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better tmdel'standing ru1d appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. Subsc1·iption to Slo ,-akia $3.00 per year in the u.S.A.. - $4.00 elsewhe1·c. Send sub. cription to: SLOVAKIA 313 Ridge A venue Mid<l1eto,v71, Pa. 17057 � SLOVAKIA 141 The Face of a Thousand-Year-O ld-City Bratislava, Capital of Slovakia Since the Stone Age, the narrow neck of land connecting the last foot hills of the Europe's famous mountain ranges, the Carpathian Mountains and Alps, has been a natural area for man to settle. Situated along the central part of the Danube River, it has become the crossroads of two famous commercial routes-the Danube and Amber routes-which gave access between the West and the East and between South and North. In this area today is the sprawling city of Bratislava, the Capital of Slovakia. Before the time of Christ, several settlements developed in this area along the Danube and in the course of centuries, they belonged to different nations. The land was occupied by the Celts, the Germans and the Romans, but ever since the 6th century it has become the home of the Slovaks. In the second part of the 10th century it became an important Slovak town and it was named Bratislava. In the early part of the 16tbi century Bratislava grew in importance, especially after the Turks occupied a great part of Hungary. Bratislava became the capital of Hungary instead of Budapest for a period of over 200 years. Through the centuries, Bratislava maintained its position of importance. In the middle of the last century, it became the center of Slovak national enlightenment as the Slovaks sought to free themselves from the feudal aristocracy of the Hungarian regime. In the 1800's Bratislava had a population of 42 thousand and was the largest city in Slovakia. After World War I, with the fall of the Austria-Hungarian Monarchy, Bratislava became the real capital of Slovakia when the Czecho-Slovak Republic was formed comprising the Czechs of Bohemia and Moravia and the Slovaks of Slovakia. With over a hundred thousand inhabitants, Bratislava became the actual center of the political, economical and cultural life in Slovakia. In 1939 Slovakia declared its independence from the �142 SLOVAKIA domination of the Czechs and this move created the Republic of Slovakia with Bratislava as the capital. Now a thriving metropolis, Bratislava was the seat of government for six years for the first President of the Slovak Republic, Msgr. Joseph Tiso. When the Communists restored the Czecho-Slovak Republic in 1945 after World War II, Bratislava had progressed to the position of being the undisputable seat of Slovak political, governmental, economical, cultural, scientific and educational life. Here were the cultural organs and mass organizations and institutions. Its University of Bratislava was world-famous and the position of the city on the Danube River marked it as a center of communication and an important harbor. In January of 1969 Slovakia again became a Republic, this time in the federated country of Czecho-Slovakia. Today the capital city of Slovakia has a population of over 300,000 and soon it is expected it will be the second largest city in the political entity of Czecho-Slovakia. The image of Bratislava is changing every day-and it is more beautiful than ever. This metropolis of Slovakia, with a thousand-year-old face, is getting younger every day and it shines in the setting of time as a precious gem. Joseph C. Krajsa 8LOVAK1A is published annually by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of Amerjcaus of Slovak descent. One of the purposes of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better tmdel'standing ru1d appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. Subsc1·iption to Slo ,-akia $3.00 per year in the u.S.A.. - $4.00 elsewhe1·c. Send sub. cription to: SLOVAKIA 313 Ridge A venue Mid<l1eto,v71, Pa. 17057 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1970, Vol. 20 Description An account of the resource Vol. 20 (No. 43), 1970. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1970 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 141 The Face of a Thousand-Year-O ld-City Bratislava, Capital of Slovakia Since the Stone Age, the narrow neck of land connecting the last foot hills of the Europe's famous mountain ranges, the Carpathian Mountains and Alps, has been a natural area for man to settle. Situated along the central part of the Danube River, it has become the crossroads of two famous commercial routes-the Danube and Amber routes-which gave access between the West and the East and between South and North. In this area today is the sprawling city of Bratislava, the Capital of Slovakia. Before the time of Christ, several settlements developed in this area along the Danube and in the course of centuries, they belonged to different nations. The land was occupied by the Celts, the Germans and the Romans, but ever since the 6th century it has become the home of the Slovaks. In the second part of the 10th century it became an important Slovak town and it was named Bratislava. In the early part of the 16tbi century Bratislava grew in importance, especially after the Turks occupied a great part of Hungary. Bratislava became the capital of Hungary instead of Budapest for a period of over 200 years. Through the centuries, Bratislava maintained its position of importance. In the middle of the last century, it became the center of Slovak national enlightenment as the Slovaks sought to free themselves from the feudal aristocracy of the Hungarian regime. In the 1800's Bratislava had a population of 42 thousand and was the largest city in Slovakia. After World War I, with the fall of the Austria-Hungarian Monarchy, Bratislava became the real capital of Slovakia when the Czecho-Slovak Republic was formed comprising the Czechs of Bohemia and Moravia and the Slovaks of Slovakia. With over a hundred thousand inhabitants, Bratislava became the actual center of the political, economical and cultural life in Slovakia. In 1939 Slovakia declared its independence from the 142 SLOVAKIA domination of the Czechs and this move created the Republic of Slovakia with Bratislava as the capital. Now a thriving metropolis, Bratislava was the seat of government for six years for the first President of the Slovak Republic, Msgr. Joseph Tiso. When the Communists restored the Czecho-Slovak Republic in 1945 after World War II, Bratislava had progressed to the position of being the undisputable seat of Slovak political, governmental, economical, cultural, scientific and educational life. Here were the cultural organs and mass organizations and institutions. Its University of Bratislava was world-famous and the position of the city on the Danube River marked it as a center of communication and an important harbor. In January of 1969 Slovakia again became a Republic, this time in the federated country of Czecho-Slovakia. Today the capital city of Slovakia has a population of over 300,000 and soon it is expected it will be the second largest city in the political entity of Czecho-Slovakia. The image of Bratislava is changing every day-and it is more beautiful than ever. This metropolis of Slovakia, with a thousand-year-old face, is getting younger every day and it shines in the setting of time as a precious gem. Joseph C. Krajsa 8LOVAK1A is published annually by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of Amerjcaus of Slovak descent. One of the purposes of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better tmdel'standing ru1d appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. Subsc1·iption to Slo ,-akia $3.00 per year in the u.S.A.. - $4.00 elsewhe1·c. Send sub. cription to: SLOVAKIA 313 Ridge A venue Mid<l1eto,v71, Pa. 17057  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Bratislava, Capital of Slovakia Description An account of the resource Joseph C. Krajsa Slovakia, Vol. 20 (No. 43), 1970 pp. 141-142 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Krajsa, Joseph C. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1970 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/a1dab0e556764d40525d3613569b260f.pdf ac569b85f5e09475c0b34e435d909ac2 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 139 Gracious Majesty's favour-in deepest reverence, Your Imperial Royal Apostolic Majesty's most loyal subject and submissive chaplain, Stephen Moyses, Bishop of Banska Bystrica Vienna, December 5, 1861. (Translated from "Petitionen der Serben und Slowaken von Jahre 1861", Vienna, 1862, and published in Scotus Viator, Raciai Probiems in Hungary, Archibald Constable & Co. Ltd., London, 1908.) The Slovak League Finnly Believes ... Our primary interest is the welfare and security of the United States of America. We condemn all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. We recognize the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism as the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as a political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement. We have fought consistently and resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, are more determined than ever to persevere in our fight against it with all possible means at our command until the plague of Communism is completely wiped off the face of the earth. We strongly recommend that all official, semi-official and private American institutions desiring any information on problems affecting the Slovak nation, consult with the Slovak League of America, an American institution which since 1907 has been advancing the cause of freedom and national rights of the Slovak nation. We heartily commend all efforts on the part of our Government, its agencies and Congressional Committees to ferret out, unmask and prosecute all subversive elements, specifically all communists and fellow-travelers, which propagate class hatreds, economic strife, chaos and anarchy. All persons and organizations, who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism, .s hould be thoroughly investigated by the proper organs of our Government. We approve the idea of a United Nations Organization which shall promote and preserve peace and prosperity in all countries of the world, as far as humanly possible. �14-0 SLOVAKIA The UNO at the present time is not really an organization of United Nations, but an organization of governments, several of which definitely are not representative of the political will and the national interests of the nations they claim to represent. We subscribe wholeheartedly to the principle that all nations have the right to determine by their own free choice the state or form of political organization under which they wish to live. The principle of selfdetermination -the fundamental principle of American policy in Europe since the administration of President Woodrow Wilsonmust apply without reservations even to the Slovak nation from which we are descended. We endorse the principle that the Government of the United States shall refuse to recognize any government imposed upon any nation by the force of an alien power and urge that this principle be made operative even in the case of the Slovak nation, which is in fact dominated today by the Communist regime of Prague in violation of the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations Organization and the fundamental principle of American policy of self-determination. As Christians and adherents of the democratic way of life, we resolutely oppose the domination and exploitation of any nation by any other nation or political state. The Slovak nation did not want to be dominated by the Magyars prior to 1918 and, today, does not want to be ruled by the Czech nation. We firmly believe that the national existence and welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own Slovak Republic. We seek no special favors or grants for the nation we are descended from. We only plead for the recognition of and respect for its inherent and fundamental rights, because it cannot voice itself freely today. These rights are predicated on the elementary democratic and Christian principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend the right of their nation to survival and self..'.f ulfillment. ( Platform of the Slovak League of America) � SLOVAKIA 139 Gracious Majesty's favour-in deepest reverence, Your Imperial Royal Apostolic Majesty's most loyal subject and submissive chaplain, Stephen Moyses, Bishop of Banska Bystrica Vienna, December 5, 1861. (Translated from "Petitionen der Serben und Slowaken von Jahre 1861", Vienna, 1862, and published in Scotus Viator, Raciai Probiems in Hungary, Archibald Constable & Co. Ltd., London, 1908.) The Slovak League Finnly Believes ... Our primary interest is the welfare and security of the United States of America. We condemn all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. We recognize the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism as the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as a political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement. We have fought consistently and resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, are more determined than ever to persevere in our fight against it with all possible means at our command until the plague of Communism is completely wiped off the face of the earth. We strongly recommend that all official, semi-official and private American institutions desiring any information on problems affecting the Slovak nation, consult with the Slovak League of America, an American institution which since 1907 has been advancing the cause of freedom and national rights of the Slovak nation. We heartily commend all efforts on the part of our Government, its agencies and Congressional Committees to ferret out, unmask and prosecute all subversive elements, specifically all communists and fellow-travelers, which propagate class hatreds, economic strife, chaos and anarchy. All persons and organizations, who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism, .s hould be thoroughly investigated by the proper organs of our Government. We approve the idea of a United Nations Organization which shall promote and preserve peace and prosperity in all countries of the world, as far as humanly possible. �14-0 SLOVAKIA The UNO at the present time is not really an organization of United Nations, but an organization of governments, several of which definitely are not representative of the political will and the national interests of the nations they claim to represent. We subscribe wholeheartedly to the principle that all nations have the right to determine by their own free choice the state or form of political organization under which they wish to live. The principle of selfdetermination -the fundamental principle of American policy in Europe since the administration of President Woodrow Wilsonmust apply without reservations even to the Slovak nation from which we are descended. We endorse the principle that the Government of the United States shall refuse to recognize any government imposed upon any nation by the force of an alien power and urge that this principle be made operative even in the case of the Slovak nation, which is in fact dominated today by the Communist regime of Prague in violation of the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations Organization and the fundamental principle of American policy of self-determination. As Christians and adherents of the democratic way of life, we resolutely oppose the domination and exploitation of any nation by any other nation or political state. The Slovak nation did not want to be dominated by the Magyars prior to 1918 and, today, does not want to be ruled by the Czech nation. We firmly believe that the national existence and welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own Slovak Republic. We seek no special favors or grants for the nation we are descended from. We only plead for the recognition of and respect for its inherent and fundamental rights, because it cannot voice itself freely today. These rights are predicated on the elementary democratic and Christian principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend the right of their nation to survival and self..'.f ulfillment. ( Platform of the Slovak League of America) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1970, Vol. 20 Description An account of the resource Vol. 20 (No. 43), 1970. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1970 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 139 Gracious Majesty's favour-in deepest reverence, Your Imperial Royal Apostolic Majesty's most loyal subject and submissive chaplain, Stephen Moyses, Bishop of Banska Bystrica Vienna, December 5, 1861. (Translated from "Petitionen der Serben und Slowaken von Jahre 1861", Vienna, 1862, and published in Scotus Viator, Raciai Probiems in Hungary, Archibald Constable & Co. Ltd., London, 1908.) The Slovak League Finnly Believes ... Our primary interest is the welfare and security of the United States of America. We condemn all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. We recognize the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism as the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as a political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement. We have fought consistently and resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, are more determined than ever to persevere in our fight against it with all possible means at our command until the plague of Communism is completely wiped off the face of the earth. We strongly recommend that all official, semi-official and private American institutions desiring any information on problems affecting the Slovak nation, consult with the Slovak League of America, an American institution which since 1907 has been advancing the cause of freedom and national rights of the Slovak nation. We heartily commend all efforts on the part of our Government, its agencies and Congressional Committees to ferret out, unmask and prosecute all subversive elements, specifically all communists and fellow-travelers, which propagate class hatreds, economic strife, chaos and anarchy. All persons and organizations, who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism, .s hould be thoroughly investigated by the proper organs of our Government. We approve the idea of a United Nations Organization which shall promote and preserve peace and prosperity in all countries of the world, as far as humanly possible. 14-0 SLOVAKIA The UNO at the present time is not really an organization of United Nations, but an organization of governments, several of which definitely are not representative of the political will and the national interests of the nations they claim to represent. We subscribe wholeheartedly to the principle that all nations have the right to determine by their own free choice the state or form of political organization under which they wish to live. The principle of selfdetermination -the fundamental principle of American policy in Europe since the administration of President Woodrow Wilsonmust apply without reservations even to the Slovak nation from which we are descended. We endorse the principle that the Government of the United States shall refuse to recognize any government imposed upon any nation by the force of an alien power and urge that this principle be made operative even in the case of the Slovak nation, which is in fact dominated today by the Communist regime of Prague in violation of the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations Organization and the fundamental principle of American policy of self-determination. As Christians and adherents of the democratic way of life, we resolutely oppose the domination and exploitation of any nation by any other nation or political state. The Slovak nation did not want to be dominated by the Magyars prior to 1918 and, today, does not want to be ruled by the Czech nation. We firmly believe that the national existence and welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own Slovak Republic. We seek no special favors or grants for the nation we are descended from. We only plead for the recognition of and respect for its inherent and fundamental rights, because it cannot voice itself freely today. These rights are predicated on the elementary democratic and Christian principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend the right of their nation to survival and self..'.f ulfillment. ( Platform of the Slovak League of America)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovak League Firmly Believes... Description An account of the resource Platform of the Slovak League of America Slovakia, Vol. 20 (No. 43), 1970 pp. 139-140 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1970 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/f8b7d7b39fabe52b38da5be643a5af68.pdf 23b85fe4fa9f0ab3c6b7b736f656811a PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 131 The Centenary of Bishop S. J\Ioyses J . M . Ki rs c h b au m Among all the prominent Slovaks of the 19th century, the Catholic Bishop Stephen Moyses seems to be the strongest personality even if the least known. He overI, shadowed Slovak leaders of previous decades not only by his education but also by his experience as a university professor, delegate to the ~ (~~ ) Diet, member of the diplomatic mission to the Impe~ rial Court and last but not least by his courage in the fight against the wave of -Magyarization. The reason for his relegation to obscurity between 1918 and 1938 was the official tendency of the inter-war Czecho-Slovak governments to recognize as good Slovaks and patriots only those who subscribed to the ideology of the "Czechoslovak nation" and belonged to the' Protestant church. Great figures of the Slovak past like Bernolak, Holly or even :Cudovit stlir, who was a Protestant but represented together with Bernolak and Holly the Slovak national aspirations for a distinct cultural, linguistic and political identity of Slovaks, were to be sent into oblivion. Bishop Moyses who waged a fierce struggle against the Hungarian policy of assimilation in the 1860's and was the first and the most successful President of Matica Slovenska, the institution which represented the best Slovak traditions, was not a person to be recognized by Prague and her representatives in Slovakia as a great figure of Slovak history. Even though he was a promoter of the Catholic-Protestant co-operation in Slovakia, his name, his activities and his patriotism were to be belittled or forgotten. ~7\f - �132 SLOVAKIA After the Second World War the atmosphere did not change for the better for the recognition of Slovak leaders who came from and represented the Catholic majority of Slovakia. Slovakia was ruled not only from Prague but for a short time by a coalition from which Catholics were practically excluded, and later by Communists. As a result, only after the 1968 political Spring, Moyses was accepted as one of the prominent figures of Slovak history and his centenary was duly remembered. 1 Before 1918 Moyses had been recognized even by the Slovak Protestant leaders as the most prominent national leader of his time. Svetozar Hurban-Vajansky, a prominent poet, writer and leader of the struggle for Slovak national rights at the turn of the 20th century, wrote about Bishop Moyses that Moyses was "the most outstanding head among Slovaks and possessed such an erudition and experience in life that prominent Slovak leaders had accepted his moderate, but definitive leadership without any resistance ... Not even the most radical Slovaks were more dedicated to the Slovak cause than Moyses ... " Vajansky wrote even more favourable statements about Moyses in the only biography which was until recently published in Slovakia. The recognition of Moyses' great personal qualities and dedication to the Slovak cause by Vajansky was of great importance if we take into consideration the fact that Vajansky was a prominent Protestant and Moyses a Catholic Bishop. However, Moyses fully deserved this recognition. He overlooked the confessional differences in the Slovak national life and forgot the quarrels of the past decades and together with the Lutheran Bishop Karol Kuzmany laid foundation to an exemplary co-operation of Slovak Catholics and Protestants in national offices. Each Slovak generation since the 1860's was reminded of the "Moyses-Kuzmany" tradition. In the 1930's this tradition was renewed for a short period by the prominent Slovak leaders, Andrew Hlinka and Martin Razus. Unfortunately it was abandoned after 1945 by the Protestants. Several other Protestant leaders of the past century also expressed great admiration for Moyses and recognized that he helped the Slovak cause a long time before he returned to Slovakia from Zagreb, Croatia, where he was �SLOVAKIA 133 a university professor and representative of the Croats at the Diet and at the Imperial Court in Vienna. According to Jan Francisci and M. Dohnany, the leaders of the Slovak uprising of 1848 received support from the Croatian "ban" Jelacic only thanks to the intervention of Bishop Moyses. 2 It was, however, during the period of his presidency of Matica Slovenska that Bishop Moyses became the most respected personality in Slovakia. When he was attacked by Magyar newspapers after his successful audience with the Emperor, prominent Slovaks of all walks of life expressed in hundreds of letters their admiration of and gratitude to Bishop Moyses. The role which Bishop Moyses played in Slovak national life at one of the crucial periods of Slovak history, deserved his nation's recognition. He gave an example of a courageous leadership in national, cultural and educational affairs at a time of concentrated efforts of the Hungarian Government to suppress Slovak political and cultural life and assimilate Slovaks. Among the most memorable actions of Bishop Moyses in this period was his protest to the Emperor Francis Joseph I in December 1861. In May of the same year, Slovak leaders adopted a "Memorandum of the Slovak Nation" in which they requested political, indicial and linguistic rights as a distinct national entity. The Budapest government disregarded the Memorandum and Moyses, hurt in his national feelings, decided to lead a delegation to the Emperor. He presented to the Emperor not only the Memorandum, but also his own "Memorial" which was later considered by historians as an example of great diplomatic skill. In spite of Magyar protests, Moyses obtained from Emperor the permission to organize a national cultural institution MATICA SLOVENSKA and even a gift of 1000 crowns for that purpose. 3 Moyses fought against great odds, but never discouraged he helped to organize Slovak schools, supported publications defending Slovak cultural heritage and renewed the Cyrillo-Methodian tradition which gave the Slovak nation moral strength and resistance in their struggle for survival. Honoured and respected until his death on July 6, 1869, Moyses passed in to the gallery of great Slovak figures of the 19th century. Only the anti-Slovak �134 SLOVAKIA and anti-Catholic policy of Prague government could temporarily deny him the place of honour among Slovaks. In 1969 even the Communist regime had to "rehabilitate" and revive this outstanding figure of the Slovak past. Bishop Moyses ' Role in the Views of Non-Slovaks While in the past fifty years the activities of Bishop Moyses on behalf of the Slovak nation were not recognized by the rulers of pre-war Czecho-Slovakia or by the Regime which was imposed on the Slovaks after the Second World War, we find in foreign languages an objective valuation of his work, especially of the period when he was the President of Matica Slovenska. Seton Watson, writing under the pseudonym Scotus Viator, was the first to praise the role which Bishop Moyses played amongst Slovaks in the 1860's. Moreover, Bishop Moyses had received recognition even from the Emperor Francis Joseph who appointed him in 1863 to the Imperial Court Council. In September 1863 Moyses led another delegation to Vienna and was received by the Emperor. The delegation assured the Emperor that the Slovak nation will contribute in the spirit of the "October Diploma" to the "strengthening of the empire internally as well as externally." On the same occasion the delegation was received by the Chancellor for Hungary, Count Forgach, whom Bishop Moyses greeted in Slovak. Seton Watson recorded the recognition given to Bishop Moyses, and as a historian praising Moyses' Memorial to the Emperor 4 as an example of good diplomacy wrote: "Roused by such unwarrantable action ( of the Magyars), Dr. Stephen Moyses, the Bishop of Banska Bystrica, one of the truest of Slovak patriots, decided to appeal to the monarch direct on behalf of his unfortunate countrymen; and on December 12, 1861, a Slovak deputation headed by the Bishop was actually received by Francis Joseph in the Hofburg at Vienna, and presented an address of grievances and requests. This address, and the memorial submitted by Bishop Moyses himself at the same time, mark a decided advance upon the manifestos of May 1848, and June 1861.5 They are at once more lucid and dignified, they avoid the verbosity and provocative tone of the Memorandum, show far more respect for existing institu- �SLOVAKIA 135 tions, and base their case upon law and fact. They lay stress upon the racial equality and concord which had prevailed in Hungary during former centuries, and contrast him with the Magyar hegemony which the legislation of the past seventy years established. The non-Magyars, they assert, are quite content to recognize the Magyar language in the higher administration, but they demand free play for their own tongues in church, school and local affairs, and in their direct contact with the authorities. The Magyars will not allow this, and try to 'cut off from the Slovaks every road to culture, and thus to let them languish in a condition of moral and social atrophy, as the prey of a future Magyarizing policy.' In effect, they put forward. the same claims as the Memorandists--the formation of Slovak Okolie, with a Slovak local assembly: the introduction of Slovak within this district as the official language of administration, justice and education: free control of the schools by 'the Slovak nation'-but at the same time they are careful to define the new territory of their dreams as 'an integral part of Hungary,' which would be subject to the central Parliament and to the supreme authorities. Moreover, they repair the most regrettable omission of the Memorandum: for while claiming Slovak as the official language of the Okolie, they specially exclude all places of other nationality, and express the wish that their communal affairs should be conducted without hindrance in the language of the majority. Bishop Moyses was inundated with addresses of thanks from the Slovak villages and corporations of North Hungary for his courageous advocacy of the Slovak cause." 6 FOOTNOTES 1) See Historicky casopis, No. 4, 1969 and Nove Slov o, June 26, 1969. The regime also allowed a public celebration of the centenary and a conference on the work and life of Moyses. 2) Moyses was born in Slovakia on October 27, 1797 and spent bis young years in his native country, but as a young priest he was sent by bis bishop first to Budapest and later he was appointed professor at the University of Zagreb, Croatia, where he spent 21 years. Both Slovakia and Croatia were parts of the Kingdom of Hungary and of the Hahsburg Empire. 3) For more details on the life and activities of Bishop Moyses in Slovakia see J. M. Kirschbaum, "K storocnici biskupa Stefana Moysesa", Ncirodny Americko-slovensky Kalendcir, (Pittsburgh, Pa. 1970) , p. 39-44. �136 SLOVAKIA 4) See the text at the end of this article and commentary by Seton Watson (Scotus Viator) on the following pages. 5) The documents were published in Petitionen der Serben und Slo waken von Jahre 1861. (Vienna, 1862). 6) The Pe~tbudinske Vedomosti published no fewer than sixty-five of these addresses in the early months of 1862. And yet Bela Grunwald calmly asserted (Felvidek, p. 41) that "the majority of the Slovak population showed the greatest antipathy and indignation" toward Slovak national programme. MEMORIAL OF BISHOP STEPHEN MOYSES OF BANSKA BYSTRICA TO HIS MAJESTY EMPEROR FRANCIS JOSEPH I Your Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty! Most gracious sovereign lord: It is an undoubted historic fact that the kingdom of Hungary was not founded by Saint Stephen upon any one special nationality, but rather upon the Christian faith and upon the laws borrowed from pre-Christian peoples. So far as the written records of this kingdom show us, history knows nothing of a special privileged position of the Magyar people. Even the conquerors under Arpad were not Magyars alone, but came in company with Cumanes and Russians, who all spread themselves throughout the country. At the real foundation of the kingdom under Stephen, the predominant--our native history says, the exclusive-influence was exercised by foreigners, Italians, Germans and Slavs. King Stephen expressly declares himself for the equal rights of all the languages in use in the country. The various divisions of the country as well as the highest dignities of the kingdom have preserved even to the present day their Slav names. After the country had been completely Christianized, the various races, inhabiting it lived in brotherly concord, without any trace of a privileged position for the Magyars. Indeed, the Germans and Slavs from time to time gained the upper hand •to such an extent that the Magyars felt it necessary to seek the protection of the Diet against this. Even on such occasions the Diet always proclaimed the most complete equality, without the slightest privilege for the Magyars. This did not, however, prevent the Magyars from being either completely or at least parlially excluded from the magistracy of several municipalities, in accordance with the Royal privileges to the latter. Above all was this the .!ase in the city of Buda. The Latin language, which was employed for over eight hundred years in the legislature, administration and judicature, was specially qualified to arrest the jealousy of the various nationalities. This was, moreover, recognized by the municipalities* of the ~oul)try, .and w&s specially cited in defence of the Latin language against , *) Here used in the legal sense, to include town councils and county assemblies. �SLOVAKIA 137 the Germanizing efforts of the Emperor Joseph II of glorious memory. But it was the very efforts of the Emperor Joseph which awakened the national movements in Hungary: among the Slovaks, it is true, only in the field of literature: among the Magyars politically as well. Naturally the non-Magyar inhabitants of the country have no objection to raise against the efforts of the Magyars to develop their language on their own territory. Indeed, they are even ready to recognize cheerfully the privileged position of the Magyar language in the higher administrative spheres of the state, within limits prescribed by Your Majesty; they wish, however, free play for their own languages in church, school, communal and municipal administration, as well as in direct communication with ,t he organs of the public administration, in so far as is necessary for the assertion of their rights as men and as citizens. The Magyars, however, will not take into consideration these just and inalienable claims, but employ every means of violence in order to cut off the Slovak people from every path to culture and thus to let it languish in a state of moral and national unconsciousness, as a prey to future Magyarization. No wonder that the county committees and magistrates who have been active since October 20 of the last years up to the present day have by excesses of all kinds ruthlessly terrorized the unsuspecting Slovak people. The same is true of the Diet which assembled in the course of this year. It has none the less caused a painful impression upon your Majesty'., devoted servant, the petitioner, that even the Royal Palatinal Council has committed a similar injustice. Despite the clear wording of the Royal Rescript of October 20, 1860, addressed to the Chancellor of Hungary and providing for the protection of the various nationalities, the Royal Hungarian Palatinal Council, by its decree of October 20, 1861 (No. 61, 917) , none the less threatens all Slovak and German Catholic elementary schools with the introduction of the Magyar language. Considering the circumstance that the diocese of Banska Bystrica which is entrusted to Your Majesty's most devoted petitioner contains thirteen parishes with pure German, ninety-three with pure Slo,ak, four with Slovak-German, and not a single one with Magyar population, the result of this threatened measure of the Royal Palatinal Council would be to reduce to zero the progress of the elementary schools within this diocese-which has in any case been slight, owing to the circumstances of the past eleven months--without the intended Magyarization of the people being thereby attained. Although 1he Royal Hungarian Chancellory by two separate decrees of October 5, 1861 (No. 13,583) solemnly enjoined the Royal Hungarian Palatinal Council to satisfy so far as possible the claims of the various non-Magyar nationalities of the country, when provisionally reorganizing the Catholic gymnasiums (highschools); none the less the decree of October 21, 1861, issued to the governing bodies of the gymnasiums had the exact opposite effect, and indeed so far as the gymnasium of Banska Bystrica is concerned, stood in direct conflict with the opinions expressed (in compliance with official instructions), both by the diocesan court and the governing body of that gymnasium. As a result this gymnasium-as also those others where similar linguistic con- �138 SLOVAKIA ditions prevai:-has become involved in such incredible confusion. that alike the expenditure of the parents and the time of the pupils -time which can never be made good-are robbed of all their fruits. The regrettable partiality of the provisional organization of the gymnasiums is clearly shown, among other things, by the fact that though capable and well qualified men who have been employed for years as teachers but are free from ultra-Magyar tendencies, cannot be dispensed with altogether, they are placed in the lowest category in the matter of salary; while persons of doubtful and entirely untested capacity, if only they appear reliable in respect of such tendencies, are provided with the highest salaries. Since, moreover, the county officials show practically no consideration towards the non-Hungarian population, and in open violation of the already mentioned Rescript of H. M. sent on October 20, 1860, to the Royal Hungarian Chancellor, orders and instructions are sent to non-Magyar communes drawn up in Magyar only and hence wholly incomprehensible to the people; and since, moreover, protection against such excesses is to be found neither with the counties nor with the Hungarian Palatinal Council ; it is thus clear that the county authorities which are influenced by extremists and enemies of the harmless non-Magyar people, and also the Royal Hungarian Palatinal Council, unscrupulously violate the most sacred rights of the non-Magyar peoples-among whom the Slovaks alone far exceed two million souls -although these peoples have ever shown inviolable loyalty to their king and although their rights have been asserted by solemn pronouncements of the sovereign. It is further clear that the intention unhappily prevails, of condemning -these non-Magyar inhabitants to the country to perpetual ignorance and brutalization by depriving them of every suitable instrument of culture, and thus to tread under foot their feelings of human dignity, in defiance not only of the whole course of our country's history in the days preceding the present terrorism, but also in defiance of that boastful ostentation with which the late Diet in Pest saught to acquire abroad an undeserved reputation of liberalism by employing the hollow phrase of "Equality". Since then Your Majesty's most devoted petitioner-in virtue of the Divine appointment to the Episcopal dignity, as expressed through the most gracious act of your I. R. A. Majesty-feels bound to regard himself as the natural advocate of the spiritual possessions of those committed to his charge: he therefore ventures-resting upon the inalienable rights of his diocesans and upon the services which they have rendered to the country alike in peace and before the enemy, calling to mind the country's history previous to the last twenty-five years, relying the sanctity of Your Most Gracious Majesty's word-to take refuge at the foot of Your Most Gracious Majesty's throne in the most unbounded confidence, most humbly being Your I. R. A. to deign to order, that in the sense of Your Majesty's Rescript of July 21, 1861, to the Hungarian Diet, the rights of nationality of the loyal non-Magyar people, both in regard to the development of their language and nationality and to their administrative conditions, be laid down and clearly formulated, and no less effectually and permanently assured. For the rest recommending himself most earnestly to Your Most �SLOVAKIA 139 Gracious Majesty's favour-in deepest reverence, Your Imperial Royal Apostolic Majesty's most loyal subject and submissive chaplain, Stephen Moyses, Bishop of Banska Bystrica Vienna, December 5, 1861. (Translated from "Petitionen der Serben und Slowaken von Jahre 1861", Vienna, 1862, and published in Scotus Viator, Raciai Probiems in Hungary, Archibald Constable & Co. Ltd., London, 1908.) The Slovak League Finnly Believes ... Our primary interest is the welfare and security of the United States of America. We condemn all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. We recognize the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism as the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as a political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement. We have fought consistently and resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, are more determined than ever to persevere in our fight against it with all possible means at our command until the plague of Communism is completely wiped off the face of the earth. We strongly recommend that all official, semi-official and private American institutions desiring any information on problems affecting the Slovak nation, consult with the Slovak League of America, an American institution which since 1907 has been advancing the cause of freedom and national rights of the Slovak nation. We heartily commend all efforts on the part of our Government, its agencies and Congressional Committees to ferret out, unmask and prosecute all subversive elements, specifically all communists and fellow-travelers, which propagate class hatreds, economic strife, chaos and anarchy. All persons and organizations, who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism, .s hould be thoroughly investigated by the proper organs of our Government. We approve the idea of a United Nations Organization which shall promote and preserve peace and prosperity in all countries of the world, as far as humanly possible. � SLOVAKIA 131 The Centenary of Bishop S. J\Ioyses J . M . Ki rs c h b au m Among all the prominent Slovaks of the 19th century, the Catholic Bishop Stephen Moyses seems to be the strongest personality even if the least known. He overI, shadowed Slovak leaders of previous decades not only by his education but also by his experience as a university professor, delegate to the ~ (~~ ) Diet, member of the diplomatic mission to the Impe~ rial Court and last but not least by his courage in the fight against the wave of -Magyarization. The reason for his relegation to obscurity between 1918 and 1938 was the official tendency of the inter-war Czecho-Slovak governments to recognize as good Slovaks and patriots only those who subscribed to the ideology of the "Czechoslovak nation" and belonged to the' Protestant church. Great figures of the Slovak past like Bernolak, Holly or even :Cudovit stlir, who was a Protestant but represented together with Bernolak and Holly the Slovak national aspirations for a distinct cultural, linguistic and political identity of Slovaks, were to be sent into oblivion. Bishop Moyses who waged a fierce struggle against the Hungarian policy of assimilation in the 1860's and was the first and the most successful President of Matica Slovenska, the institution which represented the best Slovak traditions, was not a person to be recognized by Prague and her representatives in Slovakia as a great figure of Slovak history. Even though he was a promoter of the Catholic-Protestant co-operation in Slovakia, his name, his activities and his patriotism were to be belittled or forgotten. ~7\f - �132 SLOVAKIA After the Second World War the atmosphere did not change for the better for the recognition of Slovak leaders who came from and represented the Catholic majority of Slovakia. Slovakia was ruled not only from Prague but for a short time by a coalition from which Catholics were practically excluded, and later by Communists. As a result, only after the 1968 political Spring, Moyses was accepted as one of the prominent figures of Slovak history and his centenary was duly remembered. 1 Before 1918 Moyses had been recognized even by the Slovak Protestant leaders as the most prominent national leader of his time. Svetozar Hurban-Vajansky, a prominent poet, writer and leader of the struggle for Slovak national rights at the turn of the 20th century, wrote about Bishop Moyses that Moyses was "the most outstanding head among Slovaks and possessed such an erudition and experience in life that prominent Slovak leaders had accepted his moderate, but definitive leadership without any resistance ... Not even the most radical Slovaks were more dedicated to the Slovak cause than Moyses ... " Vajansky wrote even more favourable statements about Moyses in the only biography which was until recently published in Slovakia. The recognition of Moyses' great personal qualities and dedication to the Slovak cause by Vajansky was of great importance if we take into consideration the fact that Vajansky was a prominent Protestant and Moyses a Catholic Bishop. However, Moyses fully deserved this recognition. He overlooked the confessional differences in the Slovak national life and forgot the quarrels of the past decades and together with the Lutheran Bishop Karol Kuzmany laid foundation to an exemplary co-operation of Slovak Catholics and Protestants in national offices. Each Slovak generation since the 1860's was reminded of the "Moyses-Kuzmany" tradition. In the 1930's this tradition was renewed for a short period by the prominent Slovak leaders, Andrew Hlinka and Martin Razus. Unfortunately it was abandoned after 1945 by the Protestants. Several other Protestant leaders of the past century also expressed great admiration for Moyses and recognized that he helped the Slovak cause a long time before he returned to Slovakia from Zagreb, Croatia, where he was �SLOVAKIA 133 a university professor and representative of the Croats at the Diet and at the Imperial Court in Vienna. According to Jan Francisci and M. Dohnany, the leaders of the Slovak uprising of 1848 received support from the Croatian "ban" Jelacic only thanks to the intervention of Bishop Moyses. 2 It was, however, during the period of his presidency of Matica Slovenska that Bishop Moyses became the most respected personality in Slovakia. When he was attacked by Magyar newspapers after his successful audience with the Emperor, prominent Slovaks of all walks of life expressed in hundreds of letters their admiration of and gratitude to Bishop Moyses. The role which Bishop Moyses played in Slovak national life at one of the crucial periods of Slovak history, deserved his nation's recognition. He gave an example of a courageous leadership in national, cultural and educational affairs at a time of concentrated efforts of the Hungarian Government to suppress Slovak political and cultural life and assimilate Slovaks. Among the most memorable actions of Bishop Moyses in this period was his protest to the Emperor Francis Joseph I in December 1861. In May of the same year, Slovak leaders adopted a "Memorandum of the Slovak Nation" in which they requested political, indicial and linguistic rights as a distinct national entity. The Budapest government disregarded the Memorandum and Moyses, hurt in his national feelings, decided to lead a delegation to the Emperor. He presented to the Emperor not only the Memorandum, but also his own "Memorial" which was later considered by historians as an example of great diplomatic skill. In spite of Magyar protests, Moyses obtained from Emperor the permission to organize a national cultural institution MATICA SLOVENSKA and even a gift of 1000 crowns for that purpose. 3 Moyses fought against great odds, but never discouraged he helped to organize Slovak schools, supported publications defending Slovak cultural heritage and renewed the Cyrillo-Methodian tradition which gave the Slovak nation moral strength and resistance in their struggle for survival. Honoured and respected until his death on July 6, 1869, Moyses passed in to the gallery of great Slovak figures of the 19th century. Only the anti-Slovak �134 SLOVAKIA and anti-Catholic policy of Prague government could temporarily deny him the place of honour among Slovaks. In 1969 even the Communist regime had to "rehabilitate" and revive this outstanding figure of the Slovak past. Bishop Moyses ' Role in the Views of Non-Slovaks While in the past fifty years the activities of Bishop Moyses on behalf of the Slovak nation were not recognized by the rulers of pre-war Czecho-Slovakia or by the Regime which was imposed on the Slovaks after the Second World War, we find in foreign languages an objective valuation of his work, especially of the period when he was the President of Matica Slovenska. Seton Watson, writing under the pseudonym Scotus Viator, was the first to praise the role which Bishop Moyses played amongst Slovaks in the 1860's. Moreover, Bishop Moyses had received recognition even from the Emperor Francis Joseph who appointed him in 1863 to the Imperial Court Council. In September 1863 Moyses led another delegation to Vienna and was received by the Emperor. The delegation assured the Emperor that the Slovak nation will contribute in the spirit of the "October Diploma" to the "strengthening of the empire internally as well as externally." On the same occasion the delegation was received by the Chancellor for Hungary, Count Forgach, whom Bishop Moyses greeted in Slovak. Seton Watson recorded the recognition given to Bishop Moyses, and as a historian praising Moyses' Memorial to the Emperor 4 as an example of good diplomacy wrote: "Roused by such unwarrantable action ( of the Magyars), Dr. Stephen Moyses, the Bishop of Banska Bystrica, one of the truest of Slovak patriots, decided to appeal to the monarch direct on behalf of his unfortunate countrymen; and on December 12, 1861, a Slovak deputation headed by the Bishop was actually received by Francis Joseph in the Hofburg at Vienna, and presented an address of grievances and requests. This address, and the memorial submitted by Bishop Moyses himself at the same time, mark a decided advance upon the manifestos of May 1848, and June 1861.5 They are at once more lucid and dignified, they avoid the verbosity and provocative tone of the Memorandum, show far more respect for existing institu- �SLOVAKIA 135 tions, and base their case upon law and fact. They lay stress upon the racial equality and concord which had prevailed in Hungary during former centuries, and contrast him with the Magyar hegemony which the legislation of the past seventy years established. The non-Magyars, they assert, are quite content to recognize the Magyar language in the higher administration, but they demand free play for their own tongues in church, school and local affairs, and in their direct contact with the authorities. The Magyars will not allow this, and try to 'cut off from the Slovaks every road to culture, and thus to let them languish in a condition of moral and social atrophy, as the prey of a future Magyarizing policy.' In effect, they put forward. the same claims as the Memorandists--the formation of Slovak Okolie, with a Slovak local assembly: the introduction of Slovak within this district as the official language of administration, justice and education: free control of the schools by 'the Slovak nation'-but at the same time they are careful to define the new territory of their dreams as 'an integral part of Hungary,' which would be subject to the central Parliament and to the supreme authorities. Moreover, they repair the most regrettable omission of the Memorandum: for while claiming Slovak as the official language of the Okolie, they specially exclude all places of other nationality, and express the wish that their communal affairs should be conducted without hindrance in the language of the majority. Bishop Moyses was inundated with addresses of thanks from the Slovak villages and corporations of North Hungary for his courageous advocacy of the Slovak cause." 6 FOOTNOTES 1) See Historicky casopis, No. 4, 1969 and Nove Slov o, June 26, 1969. The regime also allowed a public celebration of the centenary and a conference on the work and life of Moyses. 2) Moyses was born in Slovakia on October 27, 1797 and spent bis young years in his native country, but as a young priest he was sent by bis bishop first to Budapest and later he was appointed professor at the University of Zagreb, Croatia, where he spent 21 years. Both Slovakia and Croatia were parts of the Kingdom of Hungary and of the Hahsburg Empire. 3) For more details on the life and activities of Bishop Moyses in Slovakia see J. M. Kirschbaum, "K storocnici biskupa Stefana Moysesa", Ncirodny Americko-slovensky Kalendcir, (Pittsburgh, Pa. 1970) , p. 39-44. �136 SLOVAKIA 4) See the text at the end of this article and commentary by Seton Watson (Scotus Viator) on the following pages. 5) The documents were published in Petitionen der Serben und Slo waken von Jahre 1861. (Vienna, 1862). 6) The Pe~tbudinske Vedomosti published no fewer than sixty-five of these addresses in the early months of 1862. And yet Bela Grunwald calmly asserted (Felvidek, p. 41) that "the majority of the Slovak population showed the greatest antipathy and indignation" toward Slovak national programme. MEMORIAL OF BISHOP STEPHEN MOYSES OF BANSKA BYSTRICA TO HIS MAJESTY EMPEROR FRANCIS JOSEPH I Your Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty! Most gracious sovereign lord: It is an undoubted historic fact that the kingdom of Hungary was not founded by Saint Stephen upon any one special nationality, but rather upon the Christian faith and upon the laws borrowed from pre-Christian peoples. So far as the written records of this kingdom show us, history knows nothing of a special privileged position of the Magyar people. Even the conquerors under Arpad were not Magyars alone, but came in company with Cumanes and Russians, who all spread themselves throughout the country. At the real foundation of the kingdom under Stephen, the predominant--our native history says, the exclusive-influence was exercised by foreigners, Italians, Germans and Slavs. King Stephen expressly declares himself for the equal rights of all the languages in use in the country. The various divisions of the country as well as the highest dignities of the kingdom have preserved even to the present day their Slav names. After the country had been completely Christianized, the various races, inhabiting it lived in brotherly concord, without any trace of a privileged position for the Magyars. Indeed, the Germans and Slavs from time to time gained the upper hand •to such an extent that the Magyars felt it necessary to seek the protection of the Diet against this. Even on such occasions the Diet always proclaimed the most complete equality, without the slightest privilege for the Magyars. This did not, however, prevent the Magyars from being either completely or at least parlially excluded from the magistracy of several municipalities, in accordance with the Royal privileges to the latter. Above all was this the .!ase in the city of Buda. The Latin language, which was employed for over eight hundred years in the legislature, administration and judicature, was specially qualified to arrest the jealousy of the various nationalities. This was, moreover, recognized by the municipalities* of the ~oul)try, .and w&s specially cited in defence of the Latin language against , *) Here used in the legal sense, to include town councils and county assemblies. �SLOVAKIA 137 the Germanizing efforts of the Emperor Joseph II of glorious memory. But it was the very efforts of the Emperor Joseph which awakened the national movements in Hungary: among the Slovaks, it is true, only in the field of literature: among the Magyars politically as well. Naturally the non-Magyar inhabitants of the country have no objection to raise against the efforts of the Magyars to develop their language on their own territory. Indeed, they are even ready to recognize cheerfully the privileged position of the Magyar language in the higher administrative spheres of the state, within limits prescribed by Your Majesty; they wish, however, free play for their own languages in church, school, communal and municipal administration, as well as in direct communication with ,t he organs of the public administration, in so far as is necessary for the assertion of their rights as men and as citizens. The Magyars, however, will not take into consideration these just and inalienable claims, but employ every means of violence in order to cut off the Slovak people from every path to culture and thus to let it languish in a state of moral and national unconsciousness, as a prey to future Magyarization. No wonder that the county committees and magistrates who have been active since October 20 of the last years up to the present day have by excesses of all kinds ruthlessly terrorized the unsuspecting Slovak people. The same is true of the Diet which assembled in the course of this year. It has none the less caused a painful impression upon your Majesty'., devoted servant, the petitioner, that even the Royal Palatinal Council has committed a similar injustice. Despite the clear wording of the Royal Rescript of October 20, 1860, addressed to the Chancellor of Hungary and providing for the protection of the various nationalities, the Royal Hungarian Palatinal Council, by its decree of October 20, 1861 (No. 61, 917) , none the less threatens all Slovak and German Catholic elementary schools with the introduction of the Magyar language. Considering the circumstance that the diocese of Banska Bystrica which is entrusted to Your Majesty's most devoted petitioner contains thirteen parishes with pure German, ninety-three with pure Slo,ak, four with Slovak-German, and not a single one with Magyar population, the result of this threatened measure of the Royal Palatinal Council would be to reduce to zero the progress of the elementary schools within this diocese-which has in any case been slight, owing to the circumstances of the past eleven months--without the intended Magyarization of the people being thereby attained. Although 1he Royal Hungarian Chancellory by two separate decrees of October 5, 1861 (No. 13,583) solemnly enjoined the Royal Hungarian Palatinal Council to satisfy so far as possible the claims of the various non-Magyar nationalities of the country, when provisionally reorganizing the Catholic gymnasiums (highschools); none the less the decree of October 21, 1861, issued to the governing bodies of the gymnasiums had the exact opposite effect, and indeed so far as the gymnasium of Banska Bystrica is concerned, stood in direct conflict with the opinions expressed (in compliance with official instructions), both by the diocesan court and the governing body of that gymnasium. As a result this gymnasium-as also those others where similar linguistic con- �138 SLOVAKIA ditions prevai:-has become involved in such incredible confusion. that alike the expenditure of the parents and the time of the pupils -time which can never be made good-are robbed of all their fruits. The regrettable partiality of the provisional organization of the gymnasiums is clearly shown, among other things, by the fact that though capable and well qualified men who have been employed for years as teachers but are free from ultra-Magyar tendencies, cannot be dispensed with altogether, they are placed in the lowest category in the matter of salary; while persons of doubtful and entirely untested capacity, if only they appear reliable in respect of such tendencies, are provided with the highest salaries. Since, moreover, the county officials show practically no consideration towards the non-Hungarian population, and in open violation of the already mentioned Rescript of H. M. sent on October 20, 1860, to the Royal Hungarian Chancellor, orders and instructions are sent to non-Magyar communes drawn up in Magyar only and hence wholly incomprehensible to the people; and since, moreover, protection against such excesses is to be found neither with the counties nor with the Hungarian Palatinal Council ; it is thus clear that the county authorities which are influenced by extremists and enemies of the harmless non-Magyar people, and also the Royal Hungarian Palatinal Council, unscrupulously violate the most sacred rights of the non-Magyar peoples-among whom the Slovaks alone far exceed two million souls -although these peoples have ever shown inviolable loyalty to their king and although their rights have been asserted by solemn pronouncements of the sovereign. It is further clear that the intention unhappily prevails, of condemning -these non-Magyar inhabitants to the country to perpetual ignorance and brutalization by depriving them of every suitable instrument of culture, and thus to tread under foot their feelings of human dignity, in defiance not only of the whole course of our country's history in the days preceding the present terrorism, but also in defiance of that boastful ostentation with which the late Diet in Pest saught to acquire abroad an undeserved reputation of liberalism by employing the hollow phrase of "Equality". Since then Your Majesty's most devoted petitioner-in virtue of the Divine appointment to the Episcopal dignity, as expressed through the most gracious act of your I. R. A. Majesty-feels bound to regard himself as the natural advocate of the spiritual possessions of those committed to his charge: he therefore ventures-resting upon the inalienable rights of his diocesans and upon the services which they have rendered to the country alike in peace and before the enemy, calling to mind the country's history previous to the last twenty-five years, relying the sanctity of Your Most Gracious Majesty's word-to take refuge at the foot of Your Most Gracious Majesty's throne in the most unbounded confidence, most humbly being Your I. R. A. to deign to order, that in the sense of Your Majesty's Rescript of July 21, 1861, to the Hungarian Diet, the rights of nationality of the loyal non-Magyar people, both in regard to the development of their language and nationality and to their administrative conditions, be laid down and clearly formulated, and no less effectually and permanently assured. For the rest recommending himself most earnestly to Your Most �SLOVAKIA 139 Gracious Majesty's favour-in deepest reverence, Your Imperial Royal Apostolic Majesty's most loyal subject and submissive chaplain, Stephen Moyses, Bishop of Banska Bystrica Vienna, December 5, 1861. (Translated from "Petitionen der Serben und Slowaken von Jahre 1861", Vienna, 1862, and published in Scotus Viator, Raciai Probiems in Hungary, Archibald Constable & Co. Ltd., London, 1908.) The Slovak League Finnly Believes ... Our primary interest is the welfare and security of the United States of America. We condemn all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. We recognize the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism as the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as a political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement. We have fought consistently and resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, are more determined than ever to persevere in our fight against it with all possible means at our command until the plague of Communism is completely wiped off the face of the earth. We strongly recommend that all official, semi-official and private American institutions desiring any information on problems affecting the Slovak nation, consult with the Slovak League of America, an American institution which since 1907 has been advancing the cause of freedom and national rights of the Slovak nation. We heartily commend all efforts on the part of our Government, its agencies and Congressional Committees to ferret out, unmask and prosecute all subversive elements, specifically all communists and fellow-travelers, which propagate class hatreds, economic strife, chaos and anarchy. All persons and organizations, who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism, .s hould be thoroughly investigated by the proper organs of our Government. We approve the idea of a United Nations Organization which shall promote and preserve peace and prosperity in all countries of the world, as far as humanly possible. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1970, Vol. 20 Description An account of the resource Vol. 20 (No. 43), 1970. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1970 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 131 The Centenary of Bishop S. J\Ioyses J . M . Ki rs c h b au m Among all the prominent Slovaks of the 19th century, the Catholic Bishop Stephen Moyses seems to be the strongest personality even if the least known. He overI, shadowed Slovak leaders of previous decades not only by his education but also by his experience as a university professor, delegate to the ~ (~~ ) Diet, member of the diplomatic mission to the Impe~ rial Court and last but not least by his courage in the fight against the wave of -Magyarization. The reason for his relegation to obscurity between 1918 and 1938 was the official tendency of the inter-war Czecho-Slovak governments to recognize as good Slovaks and patriots only those who subscribed to the ideology of the "Czechoslovak nation" and belonged to the' Protestant church. Great figures of the Slovak past like Bernolak, Holly or even :Cudovit stlir, who was a Protestant but represented together with Bernolak and Holly the Slovak national aspirations for a distinct cultural, linguistic and political identity of Slovaks, were to be sent into oblivion. Bishop Moyses who waged a fierce struggle against the Hungarian policy of assimilation in the 1860's and was the first and the most successful President of Matica Slovenska, the institution which represented the best Slovak traditions, was not a person to be recognized by Prague and her representatives in Slovakia as a great figure of Slovak history. Even though he was a promoter of the Catholic-Protestant co-operation in Slovakia, his name, his activities and his patriotism were to be belittled or forgotten. ~7\f - 132 SLOVAKIA After the Second World War the atmosphere did not change for the better for the recognition of Slovak leaders who came from and represented the Catholic majority of Slovakia. Slovakia was ruled not only from Prague but for a short time by a coalition from which Catholics were practically excluded, and later by Communists. As a result, only after the 1968 political Spring, Moyses was accepted as one of the prominent figures of Slovak history and his centenary was duly remembered. 1 Before 1918 Moyses had been recognized even by the Slovak Protestant leaders as the most prominent national leader of his time. Svetozar Hurban-Vajansky, a prominent poet, writer and leader of the struggle for Slovak national rights at the turn of the 20th century, wrote about Bishop Moyses that Moyses was "the most outstanding head among Slovaks and possessed such an erudition and experience in life that prominent Slovak leaders had accepted his moderate, but definitive leadership without any resistance ... Not even the most radical Slovaks were more dedicated to the Slovak cause than Moyses ... " Vajansky wrote even more favourable statements about Moyses in the only biography which was until recently published in Slovakia. The recognition of Moyses' great personal qualities and dedication to the Slovak cause by Vajansky was of great importance if we take into consideration the fact that Vajansky was a prominent Protestant and Moyses a Catholic Bishop. However, Moyses fully deserved this recognition. He overlooked the confessional differences in the Slovak national life and forgot the quarrels of the past decades and together with the Lutheran Bishop Karol Kuzmany laid foundation to an exemplary co-operation of Slovak Catholics and Protestants in national offices. Each Slovak generation since the 1860's was reminded of the "Moyses-Kuzmany" tradition. In the 1930's this tradition was renewed for a short period by the prominent Slovak leaders, Andrew Hlinka and Martin Razus. Unfortunately it was abandoned after 1945 by the Protestants. Several other Protestant leaders of the past century also expressed great admiration for Moyses and recognized that he helped the Slovak cause a long time before he returned to Slovakia from Zagreb, Croatia, where he was SLOVAKIA 133 a university professor and representative of the Croats at the Diet and at the Imperial Court in Vienna. According to Jan Francisci and M. Dohnany, the leaders of the Slovak uprising of 1848 received support from the Croatian "ban" Jelacic only thanks to the intervention of Bishop Moyses. 2 It was, however, during the period of his presidency of Matica Slovenska that Bishop Moyses became the most respected personality in Slovakia. When he was attacked by Magyar newspapers after his successful audience with the Emperor, prominent Slovaks of all walks of life expressed in hundreds of letters their admiration of and gratitude to Bishop Moyses. The role which Bishop Moyses played in Slovak national life at one of the crucial periods of Slovak history, deserved his nation's recognition. He gave an example of a courageous leadership in national, cultural and educational affairs at a time of concentrated efforts of the Hungarian Government to suppress Slovak political and cultural life and assimilate Slovaks. Among the most memorable actions of Bishop Moyses in this period was his protest to the Emperor Francis Joseph I in December 1861. In May of the same year, Slovak leaders adopted a "Memorandum of the Slovak Nation" in which they requested political, indicial and linguistic rights as a distinct national entity. The Budapest government disregarded the Memorandum and Moyses, hurt in his national feelings, decided to lead a delegation to the Emperor. He presented to the Emperor not only the Memorandum, but also his own "Memorial" which was later considered by historians as an example of great diplomatic skill. In spite of Magyar protests, Moyses obtained from Emperor the permission to organize a national cultural institution MATICA SLOVENSKA and even a gift of 1000 crowns for that purpose. 3 Moyses fought against great odds, but never discouraged he helped to organize Slovak schools, supported publications defending Slovak cultural heritage and renewed the Cyrillo-Methodian tradition which gave the Slovak nation moral strength and resistance in their struggle for survival. Honoured and respected until his death on July 6, 1869, Moyses passed in to the gallery of great Slovak figures of the 19th century. Only the anti-Slovak 134 SLOVAKIA and anti-Catholic policy of Prague government could temporarily deny him the place of honour among Slovaks. In 1969 even the Communist regime had to "rehabilitate" and revive this outstanding figure of the Slovak past. Bishop Moyses ' Role in the Views of Non-Slovaks While in the past fifty years the activities of Bishop Moyses on behalf of the Slovak nation were not recognized by the rulers of pre-war Czecho-Slovakia or by the Regime which was imposed on the Slovaks after the Second World War, we find in foreign languages an objective valuation of his work, especially of the period when he was the President of Matica Slovenska. Seton Watson, writing under the pseudonym Scotus Viator, was the first to praise the role which Bishop Moyses played amongst Slovaks in the 1860's. Moreover, Bishop Moyses had received recognition even from the Emperor Francis Joseph who appointed him in 1863 to the Imperial Court Council. In September 1863 Moyses led another delegation to Vienna and was received by the Emperor. The delegation assured the Emperor that the Slovak nation will contribute in the spirit of the "October Diploma" to the "strengthening of the empire internally as well as externally." On the same occasion the delegation was received by the Chancellor for Hungary, Count Forgach, whom Bishop Moyses greeted in Slovak. Seton Watson recorded the recognition given to Bishop Moyses, and as a historian praising Moyses' Memorial to the Emperor 4 as an example of good diplomacy wrote: "Roused by such unwarrantable action ( of the Magyars), Dr. Stephen Moyses, the Bishop of Banska Bystrica, one of the truest of Slovak patriots, decided to appeal to the monarch direct on behalf of his unfortunate countrymen; and on December 12, 1861, a Slovak deputation headed by the Bishop was actually received by Francis Joseph in the Hofburg at Vienna, and presented an address of grievances and requests. This address, and the memorial submitted by Bishop Moyses himself at the same time, mark a decided advance upon the manifestos of May 1848, and June 1861.5 They are at once more lucid and dignified, they avoid the verbosity and provocative tone of the Memorandum, show far more respect for existing institu- SLOVAKIA 135 tions, and base their case upon law and fact. They lay stress upon the racial equality and concord which had prevailed in Hungary during former centuries, and contrast him with the Magyar hegemony which the legislation of the past seventy years established. The non-Magyars, they assert, are quite content to recognize the Magyar language in the higher administration, but they demand free play for their own tongues in church, school and local affairs, and in their direct contact with the authorities. The Magyars will not allow this, and try to 'cut off from the Slovaks every road to culture, and thus to let them languish in a condition of moral and social atrophy, as the prey of a future Magyarizing policy.' In effect, they put forward. the same claims as the Memorandists--the formation of Slovak Okolie, with a Slovak local assembly: the introduction of Slovak within this district as the official language of administration, justice and education: free control of the schools by 'the Slovak nation'-but at the same time they are careful to define the new territory of their dreams as 'an integral part of Hungary,' which would be subject to the central Parliament and to the supreme authorities. Moreover, they repair the most regrettable omission of the Memorandum: for while claiming Slovak as the official language of the Okolie, they specially exclude all places of other nationality, and express the wish that their communal affairs should be conducted without hindrance in the language of the majority. Bishop Moyses was inundated with addresses of thanks from the Slovak villages and corporations of North Hungary for his courageous advocacy of the Slovak cause." 6 FOOTNOTES 1) See Historicky casopis, No. 4, 1969 and Nove Slov o, June 26, 1969. The regime also allowed a public celebration of the centenary and a conference on the work and life of Moyses. 2) Moyses was born in Slovakia on October 27, 1797 and spent bis young years in his native country, but as a young priest he was sent by bis bishop first to Budapest and later he was appointed professor at the University of Zagreb, Croatia, where he spent 21 years. Both Slovakia and Croatia were parts of the Kingdom of Hungary and of the Hahsburg Empire. 3) For more details on the life and activities of Bishop Moyses in Slovakia see J. M. Kirschbaum, "K storocnici biskupa Stefana Moysesa", Ncirodny Americko-slovensky Kalendcir, (Pittsburgh, Pa. 1970) , p. 39-44. 136 SLOVAKIA 4) See the text at the end of this article and commentary by Seton Watson (Scotus Viator) on the following pages. 5) The documents were published in Petitionen der Serben und Slo waken von Jahre 1861. (Vienna, 1862). 6) The Pe~tbudinske Vedomosti published no fewer than sixty-five of these addresses in the early months of 1862. And yet Bela Grunwald calmly asserted (Felvidek, p. 41) that "the majority of the Slovak population showed the greatest antipathy and indignation" toward Slovak national programme. MEMORIAL OF BISHOP STEPHEN MOYSES OF BANSKA BYSTRICA TO HIS MAJESTY EMPEROR FRANCIS JOSEPH I Your Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty! Most gracious sovereign lord: It is an undoubted historic fact that the kingdom of Hungary was not founded by Saint Stephen upon any one special nationality, but rather upon the Christian faith and upon the laws borrowed from pre-Christian peoples. So far as the written records of this kingdom show us, history knows nothing of a special privileged position of the Magyar people. Even the conquerors under Arpad were not Magyars alone, but came in company with Cumanes and Russians, who all spread themselves throughout the country. At the real foundation of the kingdom under Stephen, the predominant--our native history says, the exclusive-influence was exercised by foreigners, Italians, Germans and Slavs. King Stephen expressly declares himself for the equal rights of all the languages in use in the country. The various divisions of the country as well as the highest dignities of the kingdom have preserved even to the present day their Slav names. After the country had been completely Christianized, the various races, inhabiting it lived in brotherly concord, without any trace of a privileged position for the Magyars. Indeed, the Germans and Slavs from time to time gained the upper hand •to such an extent that the Magyars felt it necessary to seek the protection of the Diet against this. Even on such occasions the Diet always proclaimed the most complete equality, without the slightest privilege for the Magyars. This did not, however, prevent the Magyars from being either completely or at least parlially excluded from the magistracy of several municipalities, in accordance with the Royal privileges to the latter. Above all was this the .!ase in the city of Buda. The Latin language, which was employed for over eight hundred years in the legislature, administration and judicature, was specially qualified to arrest the jealousy of the various nationalities. This was, moreover, recognized by the municipalities* of the ~oul)try, .and w&s specially cited in defence of the Latin language against , *) Here used in the legal sense, to include town councils and county assemblies. SLOVAKIA 137 the Germanizing efforts of the Emperor Joseph II of glorious memory. But it was the very efforts of the Emperor Joseph which awakened the national movements in Hungary: among the Slovaks, it is true, only in the field of literature: among the Magyars politically as well. Naturally the non-Magyar inhabitants of the country have no objection to raise against the efforts of the Magyars to develop their language on their own territory. Indeed, they are even ready to recognize cheerfully the privileged position of the Magyar language in the higher administrative spheres of the state, within limits prescribed by Your Majesty; they wish, however, free play for their own languages in church, school, communal and municipal administration, as well as in direct communication with ,t he organs of the public administration, in so far as is necessary for the assertion of their rights as men and as citizens. The Magyars, however, will not take into consideration these just and inalienable claims, but employ every means of violence in order to cut off the Slovak people from every path to culture and thus to let it languish in a state of moral and national unconsciousness, as a prey to future Magyarization. No wonder that the county committees and magistrates who have been active since October 20 of the last years up to the present day have by excesses of all kinds ruthlessly terrorized the unsuspecting Slovak people. The same is true of the Diet which assembled in the course of this year. It has none the less caused a painful impression upon your Majesty'., devoted servant, the petitioner, that even the Royal Palatinal Council has committed a similar injustice. Despite the clear wording of the Royal Rescript of October 20, 1860, addressed to the Chancellor of Hungary and providing for the protection of the various nationalities, the Royal Hungarian Palatinal Council, by its decree of October 20, 1861 (No. 61, 917) , none the less threatens all Slovak and German Catholic elementary schools with the introduction of the Magyar language. Considering the circumstance that the diocese of Banska Bystrica which is entrusted to Your Majesty's most devoted petitioner contains thirteen parishes with pure German, ninety-three with pure Slo,ak, four with Slovak-German, and not a single one with Magyar population, the result of this threatened measure of the Royal Palatinal Council would be to reduce to zero the progress of the elementary schools within this diocese-which has in any case been slight, owing to the circumstances of the past eleven months--without the intended Magyarization of the people being thereby attained. Although 1he Royal Hungarian Chancellory by two separate decrees of October 5, 1861 (No. 13,583) solemnly enjoined the Royal Hungarian Palatinal Council to satisfy so far as possible the claims of the various non-Magyar nationalities of the country, when provisionally reorganizing the Catholic gymnasiums (highschools); none the less the decree of October 21, 1861, issued to the governing bodies of the gymnasiums had the exact opposite effect, and indeed so far as the gymnasium of Banska Bystrica is concerned, stood in direct conflict with the opinions expressed (in compliance with official instructions), both by the diocesan court and the governing body of that gymnasium. As a result this gymnasium-as also those others where similar linguistic con- 138 SLOVAKIA ditions prevai:-has become involved in such incredible confusion. that alike the expenditure of the parents and the time of the pupils -time which can never be made good-are robbed of all their fruits. The regrettable partiality of the provisional organization of the gymnasiums is clearly shown, among other things, by the fact that though capable and well qualified men who have been employed for years as teachers but are free from ultra-Magyar tendencies, cannot be dispensed with altogether, they are placed in the lowest category in the matter of salary; while persons of doubtful and entirely untested capacity, if only they appear reliable in respect of such tendencies, are provided with the highest salaries. Since, moreover, the county officials show practically no consideration towards the non-Hungarian population, and in open violation of the already mentioned Rescript of H. M. sent on October 20, 1860, to the Royal Hungarian Chancellor, orders and instructions are sent to non-Magyar communes drawn up in Magyar only and hence wholly incomprehensible to the people; and since, moreover, protection against such excesses is to be found neither with the counties nor with the Hungarian Palatinal Council ; it is thus clear that the county authorities which are influenced by extremists and enemies of the harmless non-Magyar people, and also the Royal Hungarian Palatinal Council, unscrupulously violate the most sacred rights of the non-Magyar peoples-among whom the Slovaks alone far exceed two million souls -although these peoples have ever shown inviolable loyalty to their king and although their rights have been asserted by solemn pronouncements of the sovereign. It is further clear that the intention unhappily prevails, of condemning -these non-Magyar inhabitants to the country to perpetual ignorance and brutalization by depriving them of every suitable instrument of culture, and thus to tread under foot their feelings of human dignity, in defiance not only of the whole course of our country's history in the days preceding the present terrorism, but also in defiance of that boastful ostentation with which the late Diet in Pest saught to acquire abroad an undeserved reputation of liberalism by employing the hollow phrase of "Equality". Since then Your Majesty's most devoted petitioner-in virtue of the Divine appointment to the Episcopal dignity, as expressed through the most gracious act of your I. R. A. Majesty-feels bound to regard himself as the natural advocate of the spiritual possessions of those committed to his charge: he therefore ventures-resting upon the inalienable rights of his diocesans and upon the services which they have rendered to the country alike in peace and before the enemy, calling to mind the country's history previous to the last twenty-five years, relying the sanctity of Your Most Gracious Majesty's word-to take refuge at the foot of Your Most Gracious Majesty's throne in the most unbounded confidence, most humbly being Your I. R. A. to deign to order, that in the sense of Your Majesty's Rescript of July 21, 1861, to the Hungarian Diet, the rights of nationality of the loyal non-Magyar people, both in regard to the development of their language and nationality and to their administrative conditions, be laid down and clearly formulated, and no less effectually and permanently assured. For the rest recommending himself most earnestly to Your Most SLOVAKIA 139 Gracious Majesty's favour-in deepest reverence, Your Imperial Royal Apostolic Majesty's most loyal subject and submissive chaplain, Stephen Moyses, Bishop of Banska Bystrica Vienna, December 5, 1861. (Translated from "Petitionen der Serben und Slowaken von Jahre 1861", Vienna, 1862, and published in Scotus Viator, Raciai Probiems in Hungary, Archibald Constable & Co. Ltd., London, 1908.) The Slovak League Finnly Believes ... Our primary interest is the welfare and security of the United States of America. We condemn all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. We recognize the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism as the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as a political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement. We have fought consistently and resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, are more determined than ever to persevere in our fight against it with all possible means at our command until the plague of Communism is completely wiped off the face of the earth. We strongly recommend that all official, semi-official and private American institutions desiring any information on problems affecting the Slovak nation, consult with the Slovak League of America, an American institution which since 1907 has been advancing the cause of freedom and national rights of the Slovak nation. We heartily commend all efforts on the part of our Government, its agencies and Congressional Committees to ferret out, unmask and prosecute all subversive elements, specifically all communists and fellow-travelers, which propagate class hatreds, economic strife, chaos and anarchy. All persons and organizations, who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism, .s hould be thoroughly investigated by the proper organs of our Government. We approve the idea of a United Nations Organization which shall promote and preserve peace and prosperity in all countries of the world, as far as humanly possible.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Centenary of Bishop S. Moyses Description An account of the resource J. M. Kirschbaum Slovakia, Vol. 20 (No. 43), 1970 pp. 131-139 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1970 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/bf2cce36d2d33788baaafc590a2b2bfc.pdf 21ed57bd8068d09b5812cc3c53d98723 PDF Text Text 122 J,' SLOVAKIA H O M 'l' H E R E C O R D A1n erican Slovaks on the Honie and War Fronts Speech of HON. RAY J. MADDEN of Indiana IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESE NTATIVE S January 13, 1944 MR. MADDEN . Mr. Speaker, in the midst of war, upon the result of which the whole future of civilization depends, I can speak with a deep sense of satisfactio n and pride at the manner in which the Slovaks of America have comported themselves on the war front and on the home front. I refer particularl y to the Slovak response to our Governme nt's request for the Third War Loan. As Representa tive of the First District of Indiana, I wish to extend my hearty congratula tions to the Slovaks of America and the American-S lovak War bond committee , of which Rev. John J. Lach, of Whiting, Ind., is the national chairman, for the outstandin g success of their patriotic effort and cooperatio n with our military forces. This committee appointed by Secretary Morgentha u set out to reach a bond-sale quota of 6,000,000 but at the close of their drive, were happy to announce an oversubscr iption of more than 90 percent, the same totaling approxima tely $11,000,000. These patriotic Americans have thus demonstrated once again their depth of loyality to the United States, its Governme nt, and people, and the sincerity of their desire to see America carry on the war to victory. Their task was hard and difficult as this bond drive covered all communiti es in the United States. Enthusiast ic local committee s with th~ help of devoted Slovak priests were untiring in bringing their parishes to the realization of their Governme nt's needs in this crisis. Special commenda tion and praise should be given the following Slovak newspaper s of America for their untiring �SLOVAKIA 123 effort in this campaign: Slovenska Obrana, Catholic Falcon, Jednota, Osadne Hlasy, Sloboda, zenska Jednota, Pennsylvania Slovak Jednota, Slovensky Obcan, Na.rod, Narodne Noviny and Slovak v Amerike. Also the various State chairmen who assisted in making this drive a success, namely: Rev. Clement Mlynarovich, Indiana Harbor, Indiana State chairman; Rev. John Fedor, Chicago, Illinois State chairman; Rev. Casimir Cvercko, Milwaukee, Wisconsin State chairman; Rev. Joseph Zalibera, Detroit, Michigan State chairman; Rev. Leo Rehak, 0. S. B ., Cleveland, Ohio State chairman; Rev. Martin Rubicky, Clairton, Pennsylvania State chairman; Rev. Florian Billy, 0 . M. C., Schenectady, New York State chairman; Rev. John Rura, Perth Amboy, New Jersey State chairman; Dr. Michael Simko, Bridgeport, Connecticut State chairman; Rev. Joseph Ferenz, Webster, Massachusetts State chairman; Mr. Michael Marcak, Lisbon Falls, Maine State chairman; Mr. Michael M. Vargo, Lakefield, Minnesota State chairman; Mr. Stephen Strecansky, Benwood, West Virginia State chairman; Rev. J . A. Hurcik, St. Louis, Missouri State chairman. The above-stated chairmen worked in cooperation with the national executive committee, consisting of the Right Reverend Francis J. Dubosh, Paul Jamriska, Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, and John A. Kocur. It is by no means the first time this group of citizens has responded generously to the call of the Government for war funds, for the records show that Slovak-Americans have more than met their quotas each time there has been a demand for funds to prosecute the war, and I venture to predict that in the Fourth War Loan drive there will be no let down in their enthusiastic response . The Slovak citizens of the United States, though comparatively small in number, yield to no other racial groups in loyal devotion to our flag and all' that it stands for in the eyes of the world. They have a double interest in the winning of the war by America and her allies of the United Nations-first, their prime interest as patriotic Americans, and, secondly, a very special interest, because their kindred in Europe lie prostrate under the steel-shod heel of nazism. Hence, their youth is serving in all the �124 SLOVAKIA armed forces of the United States; their young women are found in the Army and Navy auxiliaries. The Slovaks of America and their ancestors have advocated freedom for centuries and they looked with nationalistic fervor on this, the promised land of civil and religious liberty. Thanks be to Him who doeth all things well, they found here in the United States the conditions for which their souls longed. They found not only the perfect religious liberty which enabled them forthwith to build their own churches and schools, establish their own priesthood, and worship freely as they wished, but also the civil liberties which gave them the long-suppressed feeling of freemen. They were emancipated from the inhibitions and terrors of the European system of domination by minorities. They became an integral part of the American commonwealth. The record of their race in this country has been one of steady progress in Americanization and good citizenship. In every community in which Slovaks have settled, their sterling character, their industry and integrity have left a deep and lasting impression. They are intensely relie-ious by nature and tradition. Their church is to them the center and hub of the community, and they are inva-riably law-abiding. They observe the laws of man, because their lives and conduct are soundly based upon the eternal laws of God. Their religious faith and practice help them to enrich the community with the moral and spiritual leaven of practical Christianity, with model citizenship as its inevitable development, and so they have become thoroughly asimilated into the great family of American citizens and find a welcome wherever they make their homes . They know the duties and responsibilities of citizenship as well as they recognize and appreciate its rights and privileges. And in such national emergencies as the present, they will always be found ready and anxious to do their patriotic part. But it is not only by buying bonds that the Slovaks of America are again cooperating with the United States Government to the fullest extent of their ability and their resources. They are engaged in every field of activity connected with the equipment and maintenance of our armed forces on land, on the sea, and in the air, and they work �SLOVAKIA 125 with greater zeal and assiduity because they have sons and brothers serving in each and every one of those forces, which are scattered around the globe today as no nation's army and navy ever were scattered before. Whatever their work on the home front, whether it be the farm, in the factory, or in the depths of the mine, Slovak-Americans are putting forth their utmost effort, spurred by the everpresent thought that they are working to maintain their brethren in the field and camp, and working, too, to win the war. The very idea of a war for human freedom captivates the Slovak mind. Centuries of oppression and persecution by ruthless tyrants in Europe have engrained the hopeful prospect of a free world in the subconsciousness of every member of the race. The possibility of its realization through present hostilities against the forces of aggression and domination leaves but one burning desire in the Slovak heart, the desire for victory, complete and speedy as possible. With victory now on the horizon, our Government can rest with great contentment on the fact that our numerous races and various nationalities in this country have not only contributed their money, but have cooperated by enduring bitter hardships and inconveniences that America, this great land of the "four freedoms" can continue to endure. SLOVAKS BUY $11 ,386,700 IN WAR BONDS TO TOP $6,000,000 GOAL Extension of Remarks of HON. RAY J. MADDEN of Indiana IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, December 17, 1943 MR. MADDEN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the RECORD, I include the following article from the Hammond (Ind.) Times of December 15, 1943: SLOVAKS BUY $11,386,700 IN WAR BONDS TO TOP $6,000,00 GOAL The Reverend John J. Lach, pastor of the Immaculate �126 SLOVAKIA Conception Church of Whiting, Ind., and National War bond chairman for the Slovaks of America, announced today that the Slovaks went over the top in their Nationwide drive by purchasing $11 ,386,700 in war certificates to top the $6,000,000 goal in the Third War Loan campaign. The drive closed last Armistice Day, but it was not until yesterday that final tabulation was made from practically every city in the United States. * * * In recognition of his leadership and success in directing the bond sale, the distinguished sedvice of Reverend Lach was hailed by Henry Morgenthau, Jr., Secretary of the Treasury, in citing the Whiting priest and presenting him with a Minute Man citation. Another citation was presented the priest by Wm. C. FitzGibbon, chief of the United Nationalities section. It read: "In token of appreciation for distinguished services rendered on behalf of the war savings program, it is my pleasure to present to you the United States Treasury Department's citation of award. "While this citation is for outstanding patriotic work well done, it also serves as a commission for you to lead the Slovaks of America in a crusade to support the Treasury Department's Fourth War Loan drive which starts January 18, 1944." Father Lach said that the success of the campaign resulted from a carefully laid-out program that was studied for 3 months before a contract was made on a Slovak in the country to make a purchase. First, approval was obtained from the United States Treasury, Henry J. Morgenthau, Secretary, and William C. FitzGibbon, chief of the United Nationalities Section of the War Finance Division, Washington, D. C. Father Lach was chosen to lead the campaign by the Rt. Rev. Msgr. F. J . Dubosh, president of the Slovak League of America, Cleveland, Ohio. �127 SLOVAKIA The chairman explained that the money is to be used for the construction of Liberty ships, Father Lach stated: "When a small racial group of American citizens responds to an appeal by our Government for war funds by oversubscribing its quota, it is an exhibition of good citizenship and loyalty. When its quota exceeded it demonstrates an eager desire to support the Government in its war effort. When the quota is oversubscribed to the splendid extent of 90 percent, it is a striking •evidence of patriotic generosity. "Meanwhile," the priest continued, "let me congratulate my fellow workers upon the happy result of their labors in the recent drive. I wish to thank: them all in the name of the American Slovak War Bond Committee for their invaluable zeal and persistence in bringing home the facts of the Nation's need to every adult Slovak, and also to the children of Slovak families who responded as freely in the purchase of War Savings stamps as the enthusiastic youngsters of larger racial groups. Our Slovak workers could not have been more faithful and loyal than they were throughout the period of the drive. From the bottom of my heart I thank them, as well as the many citizens of other races who assisted us by voice and pen in the sale of bonds." * * Tribute was paid to the Slovak-Americans serving in the various branches of the armed forces and the young women in the WAVES, WACS, and other auxiliary branches. REPORT OF THE FIFTH WAR LOAN DRIVE AMONG THE SLOVAKS OF AMERICA Extension of Remarks of HON. B. W. (PAT) KEARNEY of New York IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, November 27, 1944 Mr. KEARNEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the RECORD, I include a report on the Fifth War loan drive among the Slovaks of America as �128 SLOVAKIA reported to the Slovak League Congress held at Pittsburgh, Pa., on October 17-18, 1944, as follows: Mr. Chairman, it is now my pleasant duty to submit to you my report of the result of the campaign among the Slovaks of America in behalf of the Fifth War Loan requested by the United States Treasury for the purpose of carrying on the war against the aggressors who succeeded in unsetting the world, but are now definitely doomed to utter defeat. In order to relieve any anxiety you may have felt as to the probable nature of this report, I am happy to state at the outset that I do not have to start with the old familiar millitary phrase, "I regret to report," for there is nothing to regret in the result of any Slovak drive for war funds. On the contrary, we of the Slovak League of America have every reason to felicitate ourselves upon the magnificent manner in which our people have ever responded to the call of our adopted and beloved country. As the figures which I shall present to you will show, our Slovak share in the Fifth War Loan was generously borne; and as chairman of the Slovak League of America War Bond Committee, operating under the auspieces of this league, I can address you today upon a note of patriotic cheer and congratulation. We Slovaks have once more justified our American citizenship. The provision of essential war funds at this time is of tremendous importance to America and her allies of the United Nations, for we stand at the threshold of our greatest enemy, and a mighty effort will be necessary to accomplish our great purpose of crushing the fanatical forces of Hitler and stamping out the nazi-ism which has held Europe in chains. Hence we must continue in our patriotic duty of supporting the Government. There must be no let-up on the home front while our gallant lads across the sea continue to battle their way forward. The result of the Fifth War Loan drive as in the similar drives that preceded it, reflects great credit upon our national group in America, demonstrating its loyalty and patriotism; and every such campaign helps to consolidate the Slovaks in this country and to increase the esteem and respect of our fellow citizens of other racial �SLOVAKIA 129 ongms. That is a consummation for which we can be devoutly thankful. Our Slovak successes in these drives are due to close cooperation which your committee has enjoyed in its work of promoting the sale of War bonds. This cooperation has come from all elements of our people--from the devoted Slovak Catholic clergy, from the patriotic Slovak forces, and all our Slovak societies and organizations of men and women; while the executive members of the Slovak League of America have been particularly helpful in matters of organization and supervision; and a fine spirit of unselfish cooperation has prevailed among the members of the American Slovak War Bond Committee. To all these elements of our scattered Slovak communities I desire to extend my warmest thanks and gratitude for their valuable aid in making the Fifth War Loan drive a success, thus adding anothed feather to the cap of American-Slovak patriotism, loyalty, and good citizenship. Where Slovak activities in this country's great war effort are concerned, the leadership of the Slovak League of America has always proved invaluable, because it truly represents and typifies the attitude of our nationality toward the problems of our adopted country. And it is not forgetful of the critical situation of our brethren in Europe, who are living in hope of a better day for our race in the old homeland. That hope, we trust, will be soon fulfilled and in expectation that the great influence of the United States will be exerted in their behalf when the time comes settling the affairs of Europe justly and peaceably, with due regard to the past sufferings of the persecuted and their burning desire for an equitable measure of freedom and independence. In that reliance upon the justice of America, my friends, let us continue to demonstrate, upon every possible occasion, our devotion to the Government and institutions of this country, our patriotism, loyalty, and liberality whenever we are called upon for our racial support. And now I will proceed to give you some of the official statistics of the Fifth War Loan drive among our Slovak people: �130 SLOVAKIA Slovak League of America Fifth War Loan campaign June 12 to August 21 , 1944 Fifth War Loan committee Fifth War Loan individuals Fifth War Loan deduction 50 Arkansas ......... . 50 $ .......... $ 3,000 4,400.00 California .. . .... . . $ 300 500 Colorado ......... . .. . ... . ... 1,475 161 ,300 293,850.00 Connecticut ...... . 1,145,217 7,100 1,646,786.60 Illinois ........... . 128,900 173,987 357,745 .00 Indiana ... . .... . . . 200 250 Iowa .... . ....... . . . . ...... . . 6,250 200 250.00 Kansas ...... .. .. . 8,000 11,118.75 Maine .. .. . . ...... . 21,000 35,665.00 Massachusetts .... . 232,450 3,475 190,900.00 Michigan .. ....... . 7,600 150 11,525.00 Minnesota . . . ... . . . 12,500 26,400 .00 Montana ....... . . . 152,450 2,475 423,005.35 New Jersey . ...... . 349,150 7,175 541,295.00 New York .. . . ... . . 1,287,115 229,700 2,301,732.25 Ohio . .. ...... . . . . . 11,700 801 ,715 3,619,997.50 Pennsylvania ..... . 50 . . . ..... Rhode Island . . ... . . .. . . . .... 3,425 7,950.00 Virginia ...... . . . . . 300 2,075 .00 West Virginia .... . . 127,775 6,075 122,550.00 Wisconsin ........ . 12,000 29,745.00 Wyoming . .. ..... . . 175 . . .. . . . . Washington, D . C .. . . ... .. . ... - - - - - - - - -- -- - - Total . . . . . . . . . 9,626,990 .45 399,450 4,565,784 Outright purchases as per committees $9,626,990.45 Outright purchases as per individuals . . . . . 399,450.00 - -- - - Total outright purchases . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10,026,440.45 Pay-roll deduction (factory ) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,505,784.00 Grand total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . To be added: Bridgeport, Conn. . .. . ... . .. . . .... .... . . Donora, Pa . .... . ..... .. . .. ..... . . . .. .. . Hostetter, Pa. . . .... . ... .. . . ... . .. . ... . Grand total Fifth War Loan bond sales 14,532,224.45 1,000,000.00 99,625.85 1,260.00 1,110,885.85 15,633,110.30 � 122 J,' SLOVAKIA H O M 'l' H E R E C O R D A1n erican Slovaks on the Honie and War Fronts Speech of HON. RAY J. MADDEN of Indiana IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESE NTATIVE S January 13, 1944 MR. MADDEN . Mr. Speaker, in the midst of war, upon the result of which the whole future of civilization depends, I can speak with a deep sense of satisfactio n and pride at the manner in which the Slovaks of America have comported themselves on the war front and on the home front. I refer particularl y to the Slovak response to our Governme nt's request for the Third War Loan. As Representa tive of the First District of Indiana, I wish to extend my hearty congratula tions to the Slovaks of America and the American-S lovak War bond committee , of which Rev. John J. Lach, of Whiting, Ind., is the national chairman, for the outstandin g success of their patriotic effort and cooperatio n with our military forces. This committee appointed by Secretary Morgentha u set out to reach a bond-sale quota of 6,000,000 but at the close of their drive, were happy to announce an oversubscr iption of more than 90 percent, the same totaling approxima tely $11,000,000. These patriotic Americans have thus demonstrated once again their depth of loyality to the United States, its Governme nt, and people, and the sincerity of their desire to see America carry on the war to victory. Their task was hard and difficult as this bond drive covered all communiti es in the United States. Enthusiast ic local committee s with th~ help of devoted Slovak priests were untiring in bringing their parishes to the realization of their Governme nt's needs in this crisis. Special commenda tion and praise should be given the following Slovak newspaper s of America for their untiring �SLOVAKIA 123 effort in this campaign: Slovenska Obrana, Catholic Falcon, Jednota, Osadne Hlasy, Sloboda, zenska Jednota, Pennsylvania Slovak Jednota, Slovensky Obcan, Na.rod, Narodne Noviny and Slovak v Amerike. Also the various State chairmen who assisted in making this drive a success, namely: Rev. Clement Mlynarovich, Indiana Harbor, Indiana State chairman; Rev. John Fedor, Chicago, Illinois State chairman; Rev. Casimir Cvercko, Milwaukee, Wisconsin State chairman; Rev. Joseph Zalibera, Detroit, Michigan State chairman; Rev. Leo Rehak, 0. S. B ., Cleveland, Ohio State chairman; Rev. Martin Rubicky, Clairton, Pennsylvania State chairman; Rev. Florian Billy, 0 . M. C., Schenectady, New York State chairman; Rev. John Rura, Perth Amboy, New Jersey State chairman; Dr. Michael Simko, Bridgeport, Connecticut State chairman; Rev. Joseph Ferenz, Webster, Massachusetts State chairman; Mr. Michael Marcak, Lisbon Falls, Maine State chairman; Mr. Michael M. Vargo, Lakefield, Minnesota State chairman; Mr. Stephen Strecansky, Benwood, West Virginia State chairman; Rev. J . A. Hurcik, St. Louis, Missouri State chairman. The above-stated chairmen worked in cooperation with the national executive committee, consisting of the Right Reverend Francis J. Dubosh, Paul Jamriska, Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, and John A. Kocur. It is by no means the first time this group of citizens has responded generously to the call of the Government for war funds, for the records show that Slovak-Americans have more than met their quotas each time there has been a demand for funds to prosecute the war, and I venture to predict that in the Fourth War Loan drive there will be no let down in their enthusiastic response . The Slovak citizens of the United States, though comparatively small in number, yield to no other racial groups in loyal devotion to our flag and all' that it stands for in the eyes of the world. They have a double interest in the winning of the war by America and her allies of the United Nations-first, their prime interest as patriotic Americans, and, secondly, a very special interest, because their kindred in Europe lie prostrate under the steel-shod heel of nazism. Hence, their youth is serving in all the �124 SLOVAKIA armed forces of the United States; their young women are found in the Army and Navy auxiliaries. The Slovaks of America and their ancestors have advocated freedom for centuries and they looked with nationalistic fervor on this, the promised land of civil and religious liberty. Thanks be to Him who doeth all things well, they found here in the United States the conditions for which their souls longed. They found not only the perfect religious liberty which enabled them forthwith to build their own churches and schools, establish their own priesthood, and worship freely as they wished, but also the civil liberties which gave them the long-suppressed feeling of freemen. They were emancipated from the inhibitions and terrors of the European system of domination by minorities. They became an integral part of the American commonwealth. The record of their race in this country has been one of steady progress in Americanization and good citizenship. In every community in which Slovaks have settled, their sterling character, their industry and integrity have left a deep and lasting impression. They are intensely relie-ious by nature and tradition. Their church is to them the center and hub of the community, and they are inva-riably law-abiding. They observe the laws of man, because their lives and conduct are soundly based upon the eternal laws of God. Their religious faith and practice help them to enrich the community with the moral and spiritual leaven of practical Christianity, with model citizenship as its inevitable development, and so they have become thoroughly asimilated into the great family of American citizens and find a welcome wherever they make their homes . They know the duties and responsibilities of citizenship as well as they recognize and appreciate its rights and privileges. And in such national emergencies as the present, they will always be found ready and anxious to do their patriotic part. But it is not only by buying bonds that the Slovaks of America are again cooperating with the United States Government to the fullest extent of their ability and their resources. They are engaged in every field of activity connected with the equipment and maintenance of our armed forces on land, on the sea, and in the air, and they work �SLOVAKIA 125 with greater zeal and assiduity because they have sons and brothers serving in each and every one of those forces, which are scattered around the globe today as no nation's army and navy ever were scattered before. Whatever their work on the home front, whether it be the farm, in the factory, or in the depths of the mine, Slovak-Americans are putting forth their utmost effort, spurred by the everpresent thought that they are working to maintain their brethren in the field and camp, and working, too, to win the war. The very idea of a war for human freedom captivates the Slovak mind. Centuries of oppression and persecution by ruthless tyrants in Europe have engrained the hopeful prospect of a free world in the subconsciousness of every member of the race. The possibility of its realization through present hostilities against the forces of aggression and domination leaves but one burning desire in the Slovak heart, the desire for victory, complete and speedy as possible. With victory now on the horizon, our Government can rest with great contentment on the fact that our numerous races and various nationalities in this country have not only contributed their money, but have cooperated by enduring bitter hardships and inconveniences that America, this great land of the "four freedoms" can continue to endure. SLOVAKS BUY $11 ,386,700 IN WAR BONDS TO TOP $6,000,000 GOAL Extension of Remarks of HON. RAY J. MADDEN of Indiana IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, December 17, 1943 MR. MADDEN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the RECORD, I include the following article from the Hammond (Ind.) Times of December 15, 1943: SLOVAKS BUY $11,386,700 IN WAR BONDS TO TOP $6,000,00 GOAL The Reverend John J. Lach, pastor of the Immaculate �126 SLOVAKIA Conception Church of Whiting, Ind., and National War bond chairman for the Slovaks of America, announced today that the Slovaks went over the top in their Nationwide drive by purchasing $11 ,386,700 in war certificates to top the $6,000,000 goal in the Third War Loan campaign. The drive closed last Armistice Day, but it was not until yesterday that final tabulation was made from practically every city in the United States. * * * In recognition of his leadership and success in directing the bond sale, the distinguished sedvice of Reverend Lach was hailed by Henry Morgenthau, Jr., Secretary of the Treasury, in citing the Whiting priest and presenting him with a Minute Man citation. Another citation was presented the priest by Wm. C. FitzGibbon, chief of the United Nationalities section. It read: "In token of appreciation for distinguished services rendered on behalf of the war savings program, it is my pleasure to present to you the United States Treasury Department's citation of award. "While this citation is for outstanding patriotic work well done, it also serves as a commission for you to lead the Slovaks of America in a crusade to support the Treasury Department's Fourth War Loan drive which starts January 18, 1944." Father Lach said that the success of the campaign resulted from a carefully laid-out program that was studied for 3 months before a contract was made on a Slovak in the country to make a purchase. First, approval was obtained from the United States Treasury, Henry J. Morgenthau, Secretary, and William C. FitzGibbon, chief of the United Nationalities Section of the War Finance Division, Washington, D. C. Father Lach was chosen to lead the campaign by the Rt. Rev. Msgr. F. J . Dubosh, president of the Slovak League of America, Cleveland, Ohio. �127 SLOVAKIA The chairman explained that the money is to be used for the construction of Liberty ships, Father Lach stated: "When a small racial group of American citizens responds to an appeal by our Government for war funds by oversubscribing its quota, it is an exhibition of good citizenship and loyalty. When its quota exceeded it demonstrates an eager desire to support the Government in its war effort. When the quota is oversubscribed to the splendid extent of 90 percent, it is a striking •evidence of patriotic generosity. "Meanwhile," the priest continued, "let me congratulate my fellow workers upon the happy result of their labors in the recent drive. I wish to thank: them all in the name of the American Slovak War Bond Committee for their invaluable zeal and persistence in bringing home the facts of the Nation's need to every adult Slovak, and also to the children of Slovak families who responded as freely in the purchase of War Savings stamps as the enthusiastic youngsters of larger racial groups. Our Slovak workers could not have been more faithful and loyal than they were throughout the period of the drive. From the bottom of my heart I thank them, as well as the many citizens of other races who assisted us by voice and pen in the sale of bonds." * * Tribute was paid to the Slovak-Americans serving in the various branches of the armed forces and the young women in the WAVES, WACS, and other auxiliary branches. REPORT OF THE FIFTH WAR LOAN DRIVE AMONG THE SLOVAKS OF AMERICA Extension of Remarks of HON. B. W. (PAT) KEARNEY of New York IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, November 27, 1944 Mr. KEARNEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the RECORD, I include a report on the Fifth War loan drive among the Slovaks of America as �128 SLOVAKIA reported to the Slovak League Congress held at Pittsburgh, Pa., on October 17-18, 1944, as follows: Mr. Chairman, it is now my pleasant duty to submit to you my report of the result of the campaign among the Slovaks of America in behalf of the Fifth War Loan requested by the United States Treasury for the purpose of carrying on the war against the aggressors who succeeded in unsetting the world, but are now definitely doomed to utter defeat. In order to relieve any anxiety you may have felt as to the probable nature of this report, I am happy to state at the outset that I do not have to start with the old familiar millitary phrase, "I regret to report," for there is nothing to regret in the result of any Slovak drive for war funds. On the contrary, we of the Slovak League of America have every reason to felicitate ourselves upon the magnificent manner in which our people have ever responded to the call of our adopted and beloved country. As the figures which I shall present to you will show, our Slovak share in the Fifth War Loan was generously borne; and as chairman of the Slovak League of America War Bond Committee, operating under the auspieces of this league, I can address you today upon a note of patriotic cheer and congratulation. We Slovaks have once more justified our American citizenship. The provision of essential war funds at this time is of tremendous importance to America and her allies of the United Nations, for we stand at the threshold of our greatest enemy, and a mighty effort will be necessary to accomplish our great purpose of crushing the fanatical forces of Hitler and stamping out the nazi-ism which has held Europe in chains. Hence we must continue in our patriotic duty of supporting the Government. There must be no let-up on the home front while our gallant lads across the sea continue to battle their way forward. The result of the Fifth War Loan drive as in the similar drives that preceded it, reflects great credit upon our national group in America, demonstrating its loyalty and patriotism; and every such campaign helps to consolidate the Slovaks in this country and to increase the esteem and respect of our fellow citizens of other racial �SLOVAKIA 129 ongms. That is a consummation for which we can be devoutly thankful. Our Slovak successes in these drives are due to close cooperation which your committee has enjoyed in its work of promoting the sale of War bonds. This cooperation has come from all elements of our people--from the devoted Slovak Catholic clergy, from the patriotic Slovak forces, and all our Slovak societies and organizations of men and women; while the executive members of the Slovak League of America have been particularly helpful in matters of organization and supervision; and a fine spirit of unselfish cooperation has prevailed among the members of the American Slovak War Bond Committee. To all these elements of our scattered Slovak communities I desire to extend my warmest thanks and gratitude for their valuable aid in making the Fifth War Loan drive a success, thus adding anothed feather to the cap of American-Slovak patriotism, loyalty, and good citizenship. Where Slovak activities in this country's great war effort are concerned, the leadership of the Slovak League of America has always proved invaluable, because it truly represents and typifies the attitude of our nationality toward the problems of our adopted country. And it is not forgetful of the critical situation of our brethren in Europe, who are living in hope of a better day for our race in the old homeland. That hope, we trust, will be soon fulfilled and in expectation that the great influence of the United States will be exerted in their behalf when the time comes settling the affairs of Europe justly and peaceably, with due regard to the past sufferings of the persecuted and their burning desire for an equitable measure of freedom and independence. In that reliance upon the justice of America, my friends, let us continue to demonstrate, upon every possible occasion, our devotion to the Government and institutions of this country, our patriotism, loyalty, and liberality whenever we are called upon for our racial support. And now I will proceed to give you some of the official statistics of the Fifth War Loan drive among our Slovak people: �130 SLOVAKIA Slovak League of America Fifth War Loan campaign June 12 to August 21 , 1944 Fifth War Loan committee Fifth War Loan individuals Fifth War Loan deduction 50 Arkansas ......... . 50 $ .......... $ 3,000 4,400.00 California .. . .... . . $ 300 500 Colorado ......... . .. . ... . ... 1,475 161 ,300 293,850.00 Connecticut ...... . 1,145,217 7,100 1,646,786.60 Illinois ........... . 128,900 173,987 357,745 .00 Indiana ... . .... . . . 200 250 Iowa .... . ....... . . . . ...... . . 6,250 200 250.00 Kansas ...... .. .. . 8,000 11,118.75 Maine .. .. . . ...... . 21,000 35,665.00 Massachusetts .... . 232,450 3,475 190,900.00 Michigan .. ....... . 7,600 150 11,525.00 Minnesota . . . ... . . . 12,500 26,400 .00 Montana ....... . . . 152,450 2,475 423,005.35 New Jersey . ...... . 349,150 7,175 541,295.00 New York .. . . ... . . 1,287,115 229,700 2,301,732.25 Ohio . .. ...... . . . . . 11,700 801 ,715 3,619,997.50 Pennsylvania ..... . 50 . . . ..... Rhode Island . . ... . . .. . . . .... 3,425 7,950.00 Virginia ...... . . . . . 300 2,075 .00 West Virginia .... . . 127,775 6,075 122,550.00 Wisconsin ........ . 12,000 29,745.00 Wyoming . .. ..... . . 175 . . .. . . . . Washington, D . C .. . . ... .. . ... - - - - - - - - -- -- - - Total . . . . . . . . . 9,626,990 .45 399,450 4,565,784 Outright purchases as per committees $9,626,990.45 Outright purchases as per individuals . . . . . 399,450.00 - -- - - Total outright purchases . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10,026,440.45 Pay-roll deduction (factory ) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,505,784.00 Grand total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . To be added: Bridgeport, Conn. . .. . ... . .. . . .... .... . . Donora, Pa . .... . ..... .. . .. ..... . . . .. .. . Hostetter, Pa. . . .... . ... .. . . ... . .. . ... . Grand total Fifth War Loan bond sales 14,532,224.45 1,000,000.00 99,625.85 1,260.00 1,110,885.85 15,633,110.30 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1970, Vol. 20 Description An account of the resource Vol. 20 (No. 43), 1970. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1970 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 122 J,' SLOVAKIA H O M 'l' H E R E C O R D A1n erican Slovaks on the Honie and War Fronts Speech of HON. RAY J. MADDEN of Indiana IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESE NTATIVE S January 13, 1944 MR. MADDEN . Mr. Speaker, in the midst of war, upon the result of which the whole future of civilization depends, I can speak with a deep sense of satisfactio n and pride at the manner in which the Slovaks of America have comported themselves on the war front and on the home front. I refer particularl y to the Slovak response to our Governme nt's request for the Third War Loan. As Representa tive of the First District of Indiana, I wish to extend my hearty congratula tions to the Slovaks of America and the American-S lovak War bond committee , of which Rev. John J. Lach, of Whiting, Ind., is the national chairman, for the outstandin g success of their patriotic effort and cooperatio n with our military forces. This committee appointed by Secretary Morgentha u set out to reach a bond-sale quota of 6,000,000 but at the close of their drive, were happy to announce an oversubscr iption of more than 90 percent, the same totaling approxima tely $11,000,000. These patriotic Americans have thus demonstrated once again their depth of loyality to the United States, its Governme nt, and people, and the sincerity of their desire to see America carry on the war to victory. Their task was hard and difficult as this bond drive covered all communiti es in the United States. Enthusiast ic local committee s with th~ help of devoted Slovak priests were untiring in bringing their parishes to the realization of their Governme nt's needs in this crisis. Special commenda tion and praise should be given the following Slovak newspaper s of America for their untiring SLOVAKIA 123 effort in this campaign: Slovenska Obrana, Catholic Falcon, Jednota, Osadne Hlasy, Sloboda, zenska Jednota, Pennsylvania Slovak Jednota, Slovensky Obcan, Na.rod, Narodne Noviny and Slovak v Amerike. Also the various State chairmen who assisted in making this drive a success, namely: Rev. Clement Mlynarovich, Indiana Harbor, Indiana State chairman; Rev. John Fedor, Chicago, Illinois State chairman; Rev. Casimir Cvercko, Milwaukee, Wisconsin State chairman; Rev. Joseph Zalibera, Detroit, Michigan State chairman; Rev. Leo Rehak, 0. S. B ., Cleveland, Ohio State chairman; Rev. Martin Rubicky, Clairton, Pennsylvania State chairman; Rev. Florian Billy, 0 . M. C., Schenectady, New York State chairman; Rev. John Rura, Perth Amboy, New Jersey State chairman; Dr. Michael Simko, Bridgeport, Connecticut State chairman; Rev. Joseph Ferenz, Webster, Massachusetts State chairman; Mr. Michael Marcak, Lisbon Falls, Maine State chairman; Mr. Michael M. Vargo, Lakefield, Minnesota State chairman; Mr. Stephen Strecansky, Benwood, West Virginia State chairman; Rev. J . A. Hurcik, St. Louis, Missouri State chairman. The above-stated chairmen worked in cooperation with the national executive committee, consisting of the Right Reverend Francis J. Dubosh, Paul Jamriska, Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, and John A. Kocur. It is by no means the first time this group of citizens has responded generously to the call of the Government for war funds, for the records show that Slovak-Americans have more than met their quotas each time there has been a demand for funds to prosecute the war, and I venture to predict that in the Fourth War Loan drive there will be no let down in their enthusiastic response . The Slovak citizens of the United States, though comparatively small in number, yield to no other racial groups in loyal devotion to our flag and all' that it stands for in the eyes of the world. They have a double interest in the winning of the war by America and her allies of the United Nations-first, their prime interest as patriotic Americans, and, secondly, a very special interest, because their kindred in Europe lie prostrate under the steel-shod heel of nazism. Hence, their youth is serving in all the 124 SLOVAKIA armed forces of the United States; their young women are found in the Army and Navy auxiliaries. The Slovaks of America and their ancestors have advocated freedom for centuries and they looked with nationalistic fervor on this, the promised land of civil and religious liberty. Thanks be to Him who doeth all things well, they found here in the United States the conditions for which their souls longed. They found not only the perfect religious liberty which enabled them forthwith to build their own churches and schools, establish their own priesthood, and worship freely as they wished, but also the civil liberties which gave them the long-suppressed feeling of freemen. They were emancipated from the inhibitions and terrors of the European system of domination by minorities. They became an integral part of the American commonwealth. The record of their race in this country has been one of steady progress in Americanization and good citizenship. In every community in which Slovaks have settled, their sterling character, their industry and integrity have left a deep and lasting impression. They are intensely relie-ious by nature and tradition. Their church is to them the center and hub of the community, and they are inva-riably law-abiding. They observe the laws of man, because their lives and conduct are soundly based upon the eternal laws of God. Their religious faith and practice help them to enrich the community with the moral and spiritual leaven of practical Christianity, with model citizenship as its inevitable development, and so they have become thoroughly asimilated into the great family of American citizens and find a welcome wherever they make their homes . They know the duties and responsibilities of citizenship as well as they recognize and appreciate its rights and privileges. And in such national emergencies as the present, they will always be found ready and anxious to do their patriotic part. But it is not only by buying bonds that the Slovaks of America are again cooperating with the United States Government to the fullest extent of their ability and their resources. They are engaged in every field of activity connected with the equipment and maintenance of our armed forces on land, on the sea, and in the air, and they work SLOVAKIA 125 with greater zeal and assiduity because they have sons and brothers serving in each and every one of those forces, which are scattered around the globe today as no nation's army and navy ever were scattered before. Whatever their work on the home front, whether it be the farm, in the factory, or in the depths of the mine, Slovak-Americans are putting forth their utmost effort, spurred by the everpresent thought that they are working to maintain their brethren in the field and camp, and working, too, to win the war. The very idea of a war for human freedom captivates the Slovak mind. Centuries of oppression and persecution by ruthless tyrants in Europe have engrained the hopeful prospect of a free world in the subconsciousness of every member of the race. The possibility of its realization through present hostilities against the forces of aggression and domination leaves but one burning desire in the Slovak heart, the desire for victory, complete and speedy as possible. With victory now on the horizon, our Government can rest with great contentment on the fact that our numerous races and various nationalities in this country have not only contributed their money, but have cooperated by enduring bitter hardships and inconveniences that America, this great land of the "four freedoms" can continue to endure. SLOVAKS BUY $11 ,386,700 IN WAR BONDS TO TOP $6,000,000 GOAL Extension of Remarks of HON. RAY J. MADDEN of Indiana IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, December 17, 1943 MR. MADDEN. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the RECORD, I include the following article from the Hammond (Ind.) Times of December 15, 1943: SLOVAKS BUY $11,386,700 IN WAR BONDS TO TOP $6,000,00 GOAL The Reverend John J. Lach, pastor of the Immaculate 126 SLOVAKIA Conception Church of Whiting, Ind., and National War bond chairman for the Slovaks of America, announced today that the Slovaks went over the top in their Nationwide drive by purchasing $11 ,386,700 in war certificates to top the $6,000,000 goal in the Third War Loan campaign. The drive closed last Armistice Day, but it was not until yesterday that final tabulation was made from practically every city in the United States. * * * In recognition of his leadership and success in directing the bond sale, the distinguished sedvice of Reverend Lach was hailed by Henry Morgenthau, Jr., Secretary of the Treasury, in citing the Whiting priest and presenting him with a Minute Man citation. Another citation was presented the priest by Wm. C. FitzGibbon, chief of the United Nationalities section. It read: "In token of appreciation for distinguished services rendered on behalf of the war savings program, it is my pleasure to present to you the United States Treasury Department's citation of award. "While this citation is for outstanding patriotic work well done, it also serves as a commission for you to lead the Slovaks of America in a crusade to support the Treasury Department's Fourth War Loan drive which starts January 18, 1944." Father Lach said that the success of the campaign resulted from a carefully laid-out program that was studied for 3 months before a contract was made on a Slovak in the country to make a purchase. First, approval was obtained from the United States Treasury, Henry J. Morgenthau, Secretary, and William C. FitzGibbon, chief of the United Nationalities Section of the War Finance Division, Washington, D. C. Father Lach was chosen to lead the campaign by the Rt. Rev. Msgr. F. J . Dubosh, president of the Slovak League of America, Cleveland, Ohio. 127 SLOVAKIA The chairman explained that the money is to be used for the construction of Liberty ships, Father Lach stated: "When a small racial group of American citizens responds to an appeal by our Government for war funds by oversubscribing its quota, it is an exhibition of good citizenship and loyalty. When its quota exceeded it demonstrates an eager desire to support the Government in its war effort. When the quota is oversubscribed to the splendid extent of 90 percent, it is a striking •evidence of patriotic generosity. "Meanwhile," the priest continued, "let me congratulate my fellow workers upon the happy result of their labors in the recent drive. I wish to thank: them all in the name of the American Slovak War Bond Committee for their invaluable zeal and persistence in bringing home the facts of the Nation's need to every adult Slovak, and also to the children of Slovak families who responded as freely in the purchase of War Savings stamps as the enthusiastic youngsters of larger racial groups. Our Slovak workers could not have been more faithful and loyal than they were throughout the period of the drive. From the bottom of my heart I thank them, as well as the many citizens of other races who assisted us by voice and pen in the sale of bonds." * * Tribute was paid to the Slovak-Americans serving in the various branches of the armed forces and the young women in the WAVES, WACS, and other auxiliary branches. REPORT OF THE FIFTH WAR LOAN DRIVE AMONG THE SLOVAKS OF AMERICA Extension of Remarks of HON. B. W. (PAT) KEARNEY of New York IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, November 27, 1944 Mr. KEARNEY. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the RECORD, I include a report on the Fifth War loan drive among the Slovaks of America as 128 SLOVAKIA reported to the Slovak League Congress held at Pittsburgh, Pa., on October 17-18, 1944, as follows: Mr. Chairman, it is now my pleasant duty to submit to you my report of the result of the campaign among the Slovaks of America in behalf of the Fifth War Loan requested by the United States Treasury for the purpose of carrying on the war against the aggressors who succeeded in unsetting the world, but are now definitely doomed to utter defeat. In order to relieve any anxiety you may have felt as to the probable nature of this report, I am happy to state at the outset that I do not have to start with the old familiar millitary phrase, "I regret to report," for there is nothing to regret in the result of any Slovak drive for war funds. On the contrary, we of the Slovak League of America have every reason to felicitate ourselves upon the magnificent manner in which our people have ever responded to the call of our adopted and beloved country. As the figures which I shall present to you will show, our Slovak share in the Fifth War Loan was generously borne; and as chairman of the Slovak League of America War Bond Committee, operating under the auspieces of this league, I can address you today upon a note of patriotic cheer and congratulation. We Slovaks have once more justified our American citizenship. The provision of essential war funds at this time is of tremendous importance to America and her allies of the United Nations, for we stand at the threshold of our greatest enemy, and a mighty effort will be necessary to accomplish our great purpose of crushing the fanatical forces of Hitler and stamping out the nazi-ism which has held Europe in chains. Hence we must continue in our patriotic duty of supporting the Government. There must be no let-up on the home front while our gallant lads across the sea continue to battle their way forward. The result of the Fifth War Loan drive as in the similar drives that preceded it, reflects great credit upon our national group in America, demonstrating its loyalty and patriotism; and every such campaign helps to consolidate the Slovaks in this country and to increase the esteem and respect of our fellow citizens of other racial SLOVAKIA 129 ongms. That is a consummation for which we can be devoutly thankful. Our Slovak successes in these drives are due to close cooperation which your committee has enjoyed in its work of promoting the sale of War bonds. This cooperation has come from all elements of our people--from the devoted Slovak Catholic clergy, from the patriotic Slovak forces, and all our Slovak societies and organizations of men and women; while the executive members of the Slovak League of America have been particularly helpful in matters of organization and supervision; and a fine spirit of unselfish cooperation has prevailed among the members of the American Slovak War Bond Committee. To all these elements of our scattered Slovak communities I desire to extend my warmest thanks and gratitude for their valuable aid in making the Fifth War Loan drive a success, thus adding anothed feather to the cap of American-Slovak patriotism, loyalty, and good citizenship. Where Slovak activities in this country's great war effort are concerned, the leadership of the Slovak League of America has always proved invaluable, because it truly represents and typifies the attitude of our nationality toward the problems of our adopted country. And it is not forgetful of the critical situation of our brethren in Europe, who are living in hope of a better day for our race in the old homeland. That hope, we trust, will be soon fulfilled and in expectation that the great influence of the United States will be exerted in their behalf when the time comes settling the affairs of Europe justly and peaceably, with due regard to the past sufferings of the persecuted and their burning desire for an equitable measure of freedom and independence. In that reliance upon the justice of America, my friends, let us continue to demonstrate, upon every possible occasion, our devotion to the Government and institutions of this country, our patriotism, loyalty, and liberality whenever we are called upon for our racial support. And now I will proceed to give you some of the official statistics of the Fifth War Loan drive among our Slovak people: 130 SLOVAKIA Slovak League of America Fifth War Loan campaign June 12 to August 21 , 1944 Fifth War Loan committee Fifth War Loan individuals Fifth War Loan deduction 50 Arkansas ......... . 50 $ .......... $ 3,000 4,400.00 California .. . .... . . $ 300 500 Colorado ......... . .. . ... . ... 1,475 161 ,300 293,850.00 Connecticut ...... . 1,145,217 7,100 1,646,786.60 Illinois ........... . 128,900 173,987 357,745 .00 Indiana ... . .... . . . 200 250 Iowa .... . ....... . . . . ...... . . 6,250 200 250.00 Kansas ...... .. .. . 8,000 11,118.75 Maine .. .. . . ...... . 21,000 35,665.00 Massachusetts .... . 232,450 3,475 190,900.00 Michigan .. ....... . 7,600 150 11,525.00 Minnesota . . . ... . . . 12,500 26,400 .00 Montana ....... . . . 152,450 2,475 423,005.35 New Jersey . ...... . 349,150 7,175 541,295.00 New York .. . . ... . . 1,287,115 229,700 2,301,732.25 Ohio . .. ...... . . . . . 11,700 801 ,715 3,619,997.50 Pennsylvania ..... . 50 . . . ..... Rhode Island . . ... . . .. . . . .... 3,425 7,950.00 Virginia ...... . . . . . 300 2,075 .00 West Virginia .... . . 127,775 6,075 122,550.00 Wisconsin ........ . 12,000 29,745.00 Wyoming . .. ..... . . 175 . . .. . . . . Washington, D . C .. . . ... .. . ... - - - - - - - - -- -- - - Total . . . . . . . . . 9,626,990 .45 399,450 4,565,784 Outright purchases as per committees $9,626,990.45 Outright purchases as per individuals . . . . . 399,450.00 - -- - - Total outright purchases . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10,026,440.45 Pay-roll deduction (factory ) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,505,784.00 Grand total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . To be added: Bridgeport, Conn. . .. . ... . .. . . .... .... . . Donora, Pa . .... . ..... .. . .. ..... . . . .. .. . Hostetter, Pa. . . .... . ... .. . . ... . .. . ... . Grand total Fifth War Loan bond sales 14,532,224.45 1,000,000.00 99,625.85 1,260.00 1,110,885.85 15,633,110.30  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource American Slovaks on the Home and War Fronts Description An account of the resource Speech of Hon. Ray J. Madden of Indiana, in the House of Representatives, January 13, 1944 Slovakia, Vol. 20 (No. 43), 1970 pp. 122-130 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1970 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/270c93e3e60f065f6181d508cce0626e.pdf de49570fc8bc753fe01d7b451ec8e72a PDF Text Text 116 SLOVAKIA education were just as comprehensive. Its headquarters and branches arranged thousands of lectures, entertainments, and celebrations; giving numerous courses and about five thousand amateur theatrical performances every year. It has founded or helped to keep up local libraries in more than 3,500 towns and parishes. In all these activities, the Matica has always maintained friendly relations with other countries, particularly with the United States, where over one million Slovaks reside. Thus, Matica Slovenska has passed from its foundation in 1863 through a complicated evolution. It was the only state cultural association of the Slovaks in the years of national and social oppression which later evolved into a scientific and cultural institution and expanded widely its activity. After 1945, with the new divisions of tasks in Slovak national science and culture, Matica ceased to be an association and became a state scientific institution which was charged with the function of the national library and bibliographic institute. Although the history of the Matica Slovenska and especially its activity since 1945 was misinterpreted, the Matica Slovenska will always be remembered for the progressive task which it has played in the Slovak history. Joseph S. Kos t Our C_vrilo-)Iethodiau 1-Ieritagc ( Third Prize Award) "The heritage of our ancestors preserve for us O Lord" unites the Slovak's love of God and his love of the Slovak nation. This Cyrilo-Methodian invocation reflects the accomplishments of Saints Cyril and Methodius that have affected Slovak life from its beginnings in Slovak Great Moravia in the ninth century to the present twentieth century. The missionary endeavors of the Holy Brothers were significant not only in promoting the Catholic faith among Slovak forefathers; equally important were their accomplishments on behalf of the cultural and political �SLOVAKIA 117 heritage of Slovakia. The Cyrilo-Methodian tradition has helped to revitalize Slovak national consciousness and to inspire hope for a better future for the Slovaks. This hope and faith in the future can best be understood and appreciated by journeying back in time to Great Moravia under the leadership of Rastislav. This Slovak monarch was at that time, 860, already devoted to the Christian faith and realized fully Christianity's effect on the moral and cultural fibre of his people. But he also realized the danger of his country's falling under the complete domination of alien rule. He noted the influence of the Bavarian Church's organization and activities and the political strength of the Frankish empire. Therefore , Rastislav initiated his religious-political plan for establishing the foundation for the Slovak people to offset the Frankish-Bavarian coalition. In 862 Rastislav sent a special delegation to Byzantium requesting Emperor Michael III to send a bishop and teacher to the Slovak kingdom. He was not merely asking for regular missionary priests to aid his plan. And he was not, as is often stated, asking only for missionaries who spoke the Slovak language. German (Frankish) missionaries were already ministering to his people, and no doubt . some of them spoke Slavic. Furthermore, the Catholic faith was sufficiently widespread throughout his kingdom . What he really needed was a bishop who could carry out plans for a new religious-political system. Although he had first made this same request of Pope Nicholas in Rome, he has not turning from Rome in his special mission to Byzantium. The schism between Rome and the Byzantine world was not actually in effect at this time. The Byzantine Church was united with Rome and professed the same Catholic faith as well as allegiance to Rome. Acceding to Rastislav's request, Emperor Michael III sent the Holy Brothers, Cyril and Methodius of Thessalonica. In the ninth century this city was the center of a major Byzantine district and the second largest city in the Byzantine empire. There was a large Slav population around Thessalonica. Some authorities believe the family of Cyril and Methodius were "Graecized Slavs" . They were educated �118 SLOVA KIA in Greek school s and religio usly trained in the Byzant ine Rite of the Cathol ic Church accord ing to Byzant ine life and custom s. At any rate, these brothe rs of a socially disting uished family of the Byzant ine Imperi al Court spoke the Slavon ic tongue since the majori ty of inhabit ants in the outlyin g distric ts were Slavs. No better qualifi ed individ uals than tlley could have been chosen by Emper or Michae l III for the missio nary work among the Slovak s. Althou gh Cyril had prepar ed for missio nary work and the priesth ood, Method ius had prepar ed for law and politica l office in the service of the empero r. Method ius, tutored in law by his father in Thessa lonica, had been appoin ted by the empero r as admin istrato r of a certain distric t in the Byzant ine empire where the majori ty of inhabi tants were Slavs. The Life of Saint Method ius comme nts: "The Emper or appoin ted him admin istrato r of this distric t . . . as though he already foresaw that later he would send him to the Slavs as their teache r and first archbis hop." Here Method ius had an opport unity to learn all the custom s of the Slavs and to adapt himsel f to them. After ten years as govern or of this distric t, he sudden ly left politica l office to enter a monas tery on Mt. Olymp us. Here he studied theolog y, thf' scriptu res, paintin g, and later was ordain ed to the priesth ood. Cyril, on the other hand, devote d his life from its very beginn ing to acquiri ng wisdom by the study of philoso phy and theolog y. From his earlies t youth, he chose as his patron in studies the great Father of the Church , the belove d theolog ian, Saint Gregor y Nazian zen. After leaving his positio n as profes sor of philoso phy at the imperi al school in Consta ntinopl e, he remain ed in solitar y seclusi on and later joined Method ius on Mt. Olymp us, very likely as a guest at the monas tery, not as a monk. Realizi ng how import ant it is for missio naries to have the Sacred Scriptu res in the langua ge of the people to whom they were ministe ring, Cyril began to constru ct and organiz e a Slavon ic alphab et and to transla te and put into Slavon ic written form the essenti al liturgic al books. The alphab et which he devised (the Glagol itic) was based on the Greek alphab et and accoun ts for the use of Church Slavon ic in the liturgy of Easter n Rite church es, �SLOVAKIA 119 one numbering 150,000,000 faithful. This Glagolitic alphabet is the most important cultural achieveme nt of the brothers for, in one form or another, it has endured throughou t time and was one capital factor in maintainin g spiritual sustenance for large numbers of Slovaks. After their arrival in Slovak Great Moravia, Cyril envisioned the training of young Slavs for the priesthood as one of his major responsibil ities, for it would take a native clergy to perpetuate their work. For this task, he organized an educationa l program and school to train young Slovaks in their national culture as a preliminar y to advanced study. The Life of Saint Cyril reads: "Soon be translated the entire Ecclesiasti cal Order and taught them (his young disciples) Matins, the Little Hours, Vespers, Compline, and the Eucharisti c Liturgy. And the ears of the deaf were opened, according to the words of the prophet, to hear the words of Scripture, and the tongue of the stutterer was loosened." And Nestor in his Chronicle says: "When they arrived (in Great Moravia) they began to write with Slavonic letters and translated the 'Apostol' (Acts and Epistles of the Apostles) and the Gospel. And the Sloveni (Slovaks) rejoiced that they heard the praise of God in their own language." His teaching of these ritual texts and offices of th~ Byzantine Rite to the young men was so well organized that in only forty months the young disciples were prepared to be ordained. The Eulogy o t Saint Cyril says: "Having translated the entire liturgical ritual into Slavonic, he went to Rome, taking with him chosen ones of his flock for perfection (to be ordained ) and he ended his course (of life) with joy, because it pleased God that here (in Rome) his venerable body should rest." Following Cyril's death in 869, the newly consecrate d Bishop Methodius continued his missionary endeavors in Slovak Great Moravia and was later imprisoned by Bavarian bishops. They opposed the independe nt Slavonic hierarchy, responsible directly to Rome, that Saint Cyril and Methodius achieved along with the Slavonic liturgy. Although he was later released, Methodius ' suffering and humiliatio n for the sake of the independen ce of Slovaks has served as an inspiration for all suppressed Slovaks from the ninth century to the present twentieth century. �120 SLOVAKIA At the beginning of the twentieth century the political situation in Slovakia again suppressed any cultural and political activities aimed at keeping alive Slovak national consciousness and historical traditions. Budapest officialdom and Magyar nationalists viewed the Cyrilo-Methodian tradition as an anti-Hungarian and Pan-Slav conspiracy and often used oppressive and repressive measures to destroy cultural and political activities in Slovakia and even to thwart religious manifestations among the people. In spite of persecution and pressure, the dawning of the twentieth century brought a new generation of dedicated men who did not hesitate to accept at great personal cost and anguish the leading role of allegiance to their cultural heritage and Slovak national life. With the creation of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918, this spirit whetted the desire of Slovak patriots to serve their country as qualified statesmen and leaders and to prevent Czech shemers from asserting themselves as the ruling element of the Slovak nation. They were likewise determined not to permit the socialist government of Prague to impose foreign Czech traditions in place of cherished Slovak Cyrilo-Methodian and Catholic traditions. The first Slovak bishops in new Slovakia were consecrated in Nitra in 1921. The Slovak people at home and abroad viewed this great event as the fruit of devotion and patience which finally matured for them as the true heirs of the magnificent works of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The declaration of Slovakia's independence in 1939 by the Slovak Parliament was considered yet another revival of the first Slovak statehood of the ninth century. The Cyrilo-Methodian tradition was the keystone in the arch which the Slovak nation has built within the temple of its national life founded on authentic spiritual principles. Slovaks again under the cross of oppression since the 1968 August invasion of Czecho-Slovakia by the Soviets must again rely upon the Christian national past of Slovakia to support them through these dark days and to build anew their Slovak state in a happier time for which we fervently pray. The spirit of true religious freedom and the Slovak �SLOVAKIA 121 political and cultural autonomy established in the CyriloMethodian tradition cannot be lost sight of today. It is especially essential to all of us, Slovaks by birth and by ancestry, at this crucial time when Slovakia is threatened by godless and God-defiant Communists. Our vital and vitalizing tradition must become actively operative to promote a wise and intrepid manifestation of Slovak national consciousness both in Slovakia and in America. Saints Cyril and Methodius valiantly labored and heroically suffered for Slovak independence both in ecclesiastical and political spheres. They laid for us the foundations of our Catholic faith and national culture. United in love of God and our Slovak nation we humbly pray- "The heritage of our ancestors preserve for us 0 Lord!" Patricia Revetta BIBLIOGRAPHY Kirschbaum, Joseph. Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. New York, 1960. Kirschbaum, Joseph. "The Role of the Cyrilo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak National and Political Life," Slovak Studies, III (1963), 153-173. Lacko, Michael. "The Cyrilo-Methodian Origin of the Byzantine-Slavonic and the Roman-Slavonic Liturgy," Slovak Studies, m (1963), 79-89. Lacko, Michael. "The Cyrilo-Methodian Mission and Slovakia," Slovak Studies, I (1961) , 23-47. Oddo, Gilbert. Slovakia and Its People. New York, 1960. Palickar, Stephen. Slovakia: From Hungarian Despotism to Atheistic Czech Communism. Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1948. Skultety, Joseph. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown, Pennsylvania, 1930. Yurchak, Peter. The Slovaks: Their History and Traditions. Whiting, Indiana, 1947. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is interested primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the United States of America. � 116 SLOVAKIA education were just as comprehensive. Its headquarters and branches arranged thousands of lectures, entertainments, and celebrations; giving numerous courses and about five thousand amateur theatrical performances every year. It has founded or helped to keep up local libraries in more than 3,500 towns and parishes. In all these activities, the Matica has always maintained friendly relations with other countries, particularly with the United States, where over one million Slovaks reside. Thus, Matica Slovenska has passed from its foundation in 1863 through a complicated evolution. It was the only state cultural association of the Slovaks in the years of national and social oppression which later evolved into a scientific and cultural institution and expanded widely its activity. After 1945, with the new divisions of tasks in Slovak national science and culture, Matica ceased to be an association and became a state scientific institution which was charged with the function of the national library and bibliographic institute. Although the history of the Matica Slovenska and especially its activity since 1945 was misinterpreted, the Matica Slovenska will always be remembered for the progressive task which it has played in the Slovak history. Joseph S. Kos t Our C_vrilo-)Iethodiau 1-Ieritagc ( Third Prize Award) "The heritage of our ancestors preserve for us O Lord" unites the Slovak's love of God and his love of the Slovak nation. This Cyrilo-Methodian invocation reflects the accomplishments of Saints Cyril and Methodius that have affected Slovak life from its beginnings in Slovak Great Moravia in the ninth century to the present twentieth century. The missionary endeavors of the Holy Brothers were significant not only in promoting the Catholic faith among Slovak forefathers; equally important were their accomplishments on behalf of the cultural and political �SLOVAKIA 117 heritage of Slovakia. The Cyrilo-Methodian tradition has helped to revitalize Slovak national consciousness and to inspire hope for a better future for the Slovaks. This hope and faith in the future can best be understood and appreciated by journeying back in time to Great Moravia under the leadership of Rastislav. This Slovak monarch was at that time, 860, already devoted to the Christian faith and realized fully Christianity's effect on the moral and cultural fibre of his people. But he also realized the danger of his country's falling under the complete domination of alien rule. He noted the influence of the Bavarian Church's organization and activities and the political strength of the Frankish empire. Therefore , Rastislav initiated his religious-political plan for establishing the foundation for the Slovak people to offset the Frankish-Bavarian coalition. In 862 Rastislav sent a special delegation to Byzantium requesting Emperor Michael III to send a bishop and teacher to the Slovak kingdom. He was not merely asking for regular missionary priests to aid his plan. And he was not, as is often stated, asking only for missionaries who spoke the Slovak language. German (Frankish) missionaries were already ministering to his people, and no doubt . some of them spoke Slavic. Furthermore, the Catholic faith was sufficiently widespread throughout his kingdom . What he really needed was a bishop who could carry out plans for a new religious-political system. Although he had first made this same request of Pope Nicholas in Rome, he has not turning from Rome in his special mission to Byzantium. The schism between Rome and the Byzantine world was not actually in effect at this time. The Byzantine Church was united with Rome and professed the same Catholic faith as well as allegiance to Rome. Acceding to Rastislav's request, Emperor Michael III sent the Holy Brothers, Cyril and Methodius of Thessalonica. In the ninth century this city was the center of a major Byzantine district and the second largest city in the Byzantine empire. There was a large Slav population around Thessalonica. Some authorities believe the family of Cyril and Methodius were "Graecized Slavs" . They were educated �118 SLOVA KIA in Greek school s and religio usly trained in the Byzant ine Rite of the Cathol ic Church accord ing to Byzant ine life and custom s. At any rate, these brothe rs of a socially disting uished family of the Byzant ine Imperi al Court spoke the Slavon ic tongue since the majori ty of inhabit ants in the outlyin g distric ts were Slavs. No better qualifi ed individ uals than tlley could have been chosen by Emper or Michae l III for the missio nary work among the Slovak s. Althou gh Cyril had prepar ed for missio nary work and the priesth ood, Method ius had prepar ed for law and politica l office in the service of the empero r. Method ius, tutored in law by his father in Thessa lonica, had been appoin ted by the empero r as admin istrato r of a certain distric t in the Byzant ine empire where the majori ty of inhabi tants were Slavs. The Life of Saint Method ius comme nts: "The Emper or appoin ted him admin istrato r of this distric t . . . as though he already foresaw that later he would send him to the Slavs as their teache r and first archbis hop." Here Method ius had an opport unity to learn all the custom s of the Slavs and to adapt himsel f to them. After ten years as govern or of this distric t, he sudden ly left politica l office to enter a monas tery on Mt. Olymp us. Here he studied theolog y, thf' scriptu res, paintin g, and later was ordain ed to the priesth ood. Cyril, on the other hand, devote d his life from its very beginn ing to acquiri ng wisdom by the study of philoso phy and theolog y. From his earlies t youth, he chose as his patron in studies the great Father of the Church , the belove d theolog ian, Saint Gregor y Nazian zen. After leaving his positio n as profes sor of philoso phy at the imperi al school in Consta ntinopl e, he remain ed in solitar y seclusi on and later joined Method ius on Mt. Olymp us, very likely as a guest at the monas tery, not as a monk. Realizi ng how import ant it is for missio naries to have the Sacred Scriptu res in the langua ge of the people to whom they were ministe ring, Cyril began to constru ct and organiz e a Slavon ic alphab et and to transla te and put into Slavon ic written form the essenti al liturgic al books. The alphab et which he devised (the Glagol itic) was based on the Greek alphab et and accoun ts for the use of Church Slavon ic in the liturgy of Easter n Rite church es, �SLOVAKIA 119 one numbering 150,000,000 faithful. This Glagolitic alphabet is the most important cultural achieveme nt of the brothers for, in one form or another, it has endured throughou t time and was one capital factor in maintainin g spiritual sustenance for large numbers of Slovaks. After their arrival in Slovak Great Moravia, Cyril envisioned the training of young Slavs for the priesthood as one of his major responsibil ities, for it would take a native clergy to perpetuate their work. For this task, he organized an educationa l program and school to train young Slovaks in their national culture as a preliminar y to advanced study. The Life of Saint Cyril reads: "Soon be translated the entire Ecclesiasti cal Order and taught them (his young disciples) Matins, the Little Hours, Vespers, Compline, and the Eucharisti c Liturgy. And the ears of the deaf were opened, according to the words of the prophet, to hear the words of Scripture, and the tongue of the stutterer was loosened." And Nestor in his Chronicle says: "When they arrived (in Great Moravia) they began to write with Slavonic letters and translated the 'Apostol' (Acts and Epistles of the Apostles) and the Gospel. And the Sloveni (Slovaks) rejoiced that they heard the praise of God in their own language." His teaching of these ritual texts and offices of th~ Byzantine Rite to the young men was so well organized that in only forty months the young disciples were prepared to be ordained. The Eulogy o t Saint Cyril says: "Having translated the entire liturgical ritual into Slavonic, he went to Rome, taking with him chosen ones of his flock for perfection (to be ordained ) and he ended his course (of life) with joy, because it pleased God that here (in Rome) his venerable body should rest." Following Cyril's death in 869, the newly consecrate d Bishop Methodius continued his missionary endeavors in Slovak Great Moravia and was later imprisoned by Bavarian bishops. They opposed the independe nt Slavonic hierarchy, responsible directly to Rome, that Saint Cyril and Methodius achieved along with the Slavonic liturgy. Although he was later released, Methodius ' suffering and humiliatio n for the sake of the independen ce of Slovaks has served as an inspiration for all suppressed Slovaks from the ninth century to the present twentieth century. �120 SLOVAKIA At the beginning of the twentieth century the political situation in Slovakia again suppressed any cultural and political activities aimed at keeping alive Slovak national consciousness and historical traditions. Budapest officialdom and Magyar nationalists viewed the Cyrilo-Methodian tradition as an anti-Hungarian and Pan-Slav conspiracy and often used oppressive and repressive measures to destroy cultural and political activities in Slovakia and even to thwart religious manifestations among the people. In spite of persecution and pressure, the dawning of the twentieth century brought a new generation of dedicated men who did not hesitate to accept at great personal cost and anguish the leading role of allegiance to their cultural heritage and Slovak national life. With the creation of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918, this spirit whetted the desire of Slovak patriots to serve their country as qualified statesmen and leaders and to prevent Czech shemers from asserting themselves as the ruling element of the Slovak nation. They were likewise determined not to permit the socialist government of Prague to impose foreign Czech traditions in place of cherished Slovak Cyrilo-Methodian and Catholic traditions. The first Slovak bishops in new Slovakia were consecrated in Nitra in 1921. The Slovak people at home and abroad viewed this great event as the fruit of devotion and patience which finally matured for them as the true heirs of the magnificent works of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The declaration of Slovakia's independence in 1939 by the Slovak Parliament was considered yet another revival of the first Slovak statehood of the ninth century. The Cyrilo-Methodian tradition was the keystone in the arch which the Slovak nation has built within the temple of its national life founded on authentic spiritual principles. Slovaks again under the cross of oppression since the 1968 August invasion of Czecho-Slovakia by the Soviets must again rely upon the Christian national past of Slovakia to support them through these dark days and to build anew their Slovak state in a happier time for which we fervently pray. The spirit of true religious freedom and the Slovak �SLOVAKIA 121 political and cultural autonomy established in the CyriloMethodian tradition cannot be lost sight of today. It is especially essential to all of us, Slovaks by birth and by ancestry, at this crucial time when Slovakia is threatened by godless and God-defiant Communists. Our vital and vitalizing tradition must become actively operative to promote a wise and intrepid manifestation of Slovak national consciousness both in Slovakia and in America. Saints Cyril and Methodius valiantly labored and heroically suffered for Slovak independence both in ecclesiastical and political spheres. They laid for us the foundations of our Catholic faith and national culture. United in love of God and our Slovak nation we humbly pray- "The heritage of our ancestors preserve for us 0 Lord!" Patricia Revetta BIBLIOGRAPHY Kirschbaum, Joseph. Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. New York, 1960. Kirschbaum, Joseph. "The Role of the Cyrilo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak National and Political Life," Slovak Studies, III (1963), 153-173. Lacko, Michael. "The Cyrilo-Methodian Origin of the Byzantine-Slavonic and the Roman-Slavonic Liturgy," Slovak Studies, m (1963), 79-89. Lacko, Michael. "The Cyrilo-Methodian Mission and Slovakia," Slovak Studies, I (1961) , 23-47. Oddo, Gilbert. Slovakia and Its People. New York, 1960. Palickar, Stephen. Slovakia: From Hungarian Despotism to Atheistic Czech Communism. Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1948. Skultety, Joseph. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown, Pennsylvania, 1930. Yurchak, Peter. The Slovaks: Their History and Traditions. Whiting, Indiana, 1947. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is interested primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the United States of America. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1970, Vol. 20 Description An account of the resource Vol. 20 (No. 43), 1970. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1970 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 116 SLOVAKIA education were just as comprehensive. Its headquarters and branches arranged thousands of lectures, entertainments, and celebrations; giving numerous courses and about five thousand amateur theatrical performances every year. It has founded or helped to keep up local libraries in more than 3,500 towns and parishes. In all these activities, the Matica has always maintained friendly relations with other countries, particularly with the United States, where over one million Slovaks reside. Thus, Matica Slovenska has passed from its foundation in 1863 through a complicated evolution. It was the only state cultural association of the Slovaks in the years of national and social oppression which later evolved into a scientific and cultural institution and expanded widely its activity. After 1945, with the new divisions of tasks in Slovak national science and culture, Matica ceased to be an association and became a state scientific institution which was charged with the function of the national library and bibliographic institute. Although the history of the Matica Slovenska and especially its activity since 1945 was misinterpreted, the Matica Slovenska will always be remembered for the progressive task which it has played in the Slovak history. Joseph S. Kos t Our C_vrilo-)Iethodiau 1-Ieritagc ( Third Prize Award) "The heritage of our ancestors preserve for us O Lord" unites the Slovak's love of God and his love of the Slovak nation. This Cyrilo-Methodian invocation reflects the accomplishments of Saints Cyril and Methodius that have affected Slovak life from its beginnings in Slovak Great Moravia in the ninth century to the present twentieth century. The missionary endeavors of the Holy Brothers were significant not only in promoting the Catholic faith among Slovak forefathers; equally important were their accomplishments on behalf of the cultural and political SLOVAKIA 117 heritage of Slovakia. The Cyrilo-Methodian tradition has helped to revitalize Slovak national consciousness and to inspire hope for a better future for the Slovaks. This hope and faith in the future can best be understood and appreciated by journeying back in time to Great Moravia under the leadership of Rastislav. This Slovak monarch was at that time, 860, already devoted to the Christian faith and realized fully Christianity's effect on the moral and cultural fibre of his people. But he also realized the danger of his country's falling under the complete domination of alien rule. He noted the influence of the Bavarian Church's organization and activities and the political strength of the Frankish empire. Therefore , Rastislav initiated his religious-political plan for establishing the foundation for the Slovak people to offset the Frankish-Bavarian coalition. In 862 Rastislav sent a special delegation to Byzantium requesting Emperor Michael III to send a bishop and teacher to the Slovak kingdom. He was not merely asking for regular missionary priests to aid his plan. And he was not, as is often stated, asking only for missionaries who spoke the Slovak language. German (Frankish) missionaries were already ministering to his people, and no doubt . some of them spoke Slavic. Furthermore, the Catholic faith was sufficiently widespread throughout his kingdom . What he really needed was a bishop who could carry out plans for a new religious-political system. Although he had first made this same request of Pope Nicholas in Rome, he has not turning from Rome in his special mission to Byzantium. The schism between Rome and the Byzantine world was not actually in effect at this time. The Byzantine Church was united with Rome and professed the same Catholic faith as well as allegiance to Rome. Acceding to Rastislav's request, Emperor Michael III sent the Holy Brothers, Cyril and Methodius of Thessalonica. In the ninth century this city was the center of a major Byzantine district and the second largest city in the Byzantine empire. There was a large Slav population around Thessalonica. Some authorities believe the family of Cyril and Methodius were "Graecized Slavs" . They were educated 118 SLOVA KIA in Greek school s and religio usly trained in the Byzant ine Rite of the Cathol ic Church accord ing to Byzant ine life and custom s. At any rate, these brothe rs of a socially disting uished family of the Byzant ine Imperi al Court spoke the Slavon ic tongue since the majori ty of inhabit ants in the outlyin g distric ts were Slavs. No better qualifi ed individ uals than tlley could have been chosen by Emper or Michae l III for the missio nary work among the Slovak s. Althou gh Cyril had prepar ed for missio nary work and the priesth ood, Method ius had prepar ed for law and politica l office in the service of the empero r. Method ius, tutored in law by his father in Thessa lonica, had been appoin ted by the empero r as admin istrato r of a certain distric t in the Byzant ine empire where the majori ty of inhabi tants were Slavs. The Life of Saint Method ius comme nts: "The Emper or appoin ted him admin istrato r of this distric t . . . as though he already foresaw that later he would send him to the Slavs as their teache r and first archbis hop." Here Method ius had an opport unity to learn all the custom s of the Slavs and to adapt himsel f to them. After ten years as govern or of this distric t, he sudden ly left politica l office to enter a monas tery on Mt. Olymp us. Here he studied theolog y, thf' scriptu res, paintin g, and later was ordain ed to the priesth ood. Cyril, on the other hand, devote d his life from its very beginn ing to acquiri ng wisdom by the study of philoso phy and theolog y. From his earlies t youth, he chose as his patron in studies the great Father of the Church , the belove d theolog ian, Saint Gregor y Nazian zen. After leaving his positio n as profes sor of philoso phy at the imperi al school in Consta ntinopl e, he remain ed in solitar y seclusi on and later joined Method ius on Mt. Olymp us, very likely as a guest at the monas tery, not as a monk. Realizi ng how import ant it is for missio naries to have the Sacred Scriptu res in the langua ge of the people to whom they were ministe ring, Cyril began to constru ct and organiz e a Slavon ic alphab et and to transla te and put into Slavon ic written form the essenti al liturgic al books. The alphab et which he devised (the Glagol itic) was based on the Greek alphab et and accoun ts for the use of Church Slavon ic in the liturgy of Easter n Rite church es, SLOVAKIA 119 one numbering 150,000,000 faithful. This Glagolitic alphabet is the most important cultural achieveme nt of the brothers for, in one form or another, it has endured throughou t time and was one capital factor in maintainin g spiritual sustenance for large numbers of Slovaks. After their arrival in Slovak Great Moravia, Cyril envisioned the training of young Slavs for the priesthood as one of his major responsibil ities, for it would take a native clergy to perpetuate their work. For this task, he organized an educationa l program and school to train young Slovaks in their national culture as a preliminar y to advanced study. The Life of Saint Cyril reads: "Soon be translated the entire Ecclesiasti cal Order and taught them (his young disciples) Matins, the Little Hours, Vespers, Compline, and the Eucharisti c Liturgy. And the ears of the deaf were opened, according to the words of the prophet, to hear the words of Scripture, and the tongue of the stutterer was loosened." And Nestor in his Chronicle says: "When they arrived (in Great Moravia) they began to write with Slavonic letters and translated the 'Apostol' (Acts and Epistles of the Apostles) and the Gospel. And the Sloveni (Slovaks) rejoiced that they heard the praise of God in their own language." His teaching of these ritual texts and offices of th~ Byzantine Rite to the young men was so well organized that in only forty months the young disciples were prepared to be ordained. The Eulogy o t Saint Cyril says: "Having translated the entire liturgical ritual into Slavonic, he went to Rome, taking with him chosen ones of his flock for perfection (to be ordained ) and he ended his course (of life) with joy, because it pleased God that here (in Rome) his venerable body should rest." Following Cyril's death in 869, the newly consecrate d Bishop Methodius continued his missionary endeavors in Slovak Great Moravia and was later imprisoned by Bavarian bishops. They opposed the independe nt Slavonic hierarchy, responsible directly to Rome, that Saint Cyril and Methodius achieved along with the Slavonic liturgy. Although he was later released, Methodius ' suffering and humiliatio n for the sake of the independen ce of Slovaks has served as an inspiration for all suppressed Slovaks from the ninth century to the present twentieth century. 120 SLOVAKIA At the beginning of the twentieth century the political situation in Slovakia again suppressed any cultural and political activities aimed at keeping alive Slovak national consciousness and historical traditions. Budapest officialdom and Magyar nationalists viewed the Cyrilo-Methodian tradition as an anti-Hungarian and Pan-Slav conspiracy and often used oppressive and repressive measures to destroy cultural and political activities in Slovakia and even to thwart religious manifestations among the people. In spite of persecution and pressure, the dawning of the twentieth century brought a new generation of dedicated men who did not hesitate to accept at great personal cost and anguish the leading role of allegiance to their cultural heritage and Slovak national life. With the creation of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918, this spirit whetted the desire of Slovak patriots to serve their country as qualified statesmen and leaders and to prevent Czech shemers from asserting themselves as the ruling element of the Slovak nation. They were likewise determined not to permit the socialist government of Prague to impose foreign Czech traditions in place of cherished Slovak Cyrilo-Methodian and Catholic traditions. The first Slovak bishops in new Slovakia were consecrated in Nitra in 1921. The Slovak people at home and abroad viewed this great event as the fruit of devotion and patience which finally matured for them as the true heirs of the magnificent works of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The declaration of Slovakia's independence in 1939 by the Slovak Parliament was considered yet another revival of the first Slovak statehood of the ninth century. The Cyrilo-Methodian tradition was the keystone in the arch which the Slovak nation has built within the temple of its national life founded on authentic spiritual principles. Slovaks again under the cross of oppression since the 1968 August invasion of Czecho-Slovakia by the Soviets must again rely upon the Christian national past of Slovakia to support them through these dark days and to build anew their Slovak state in a happier time for which we fervently pray. The spirit of true religious freedom and the Slovak SLOVAKIA 121 political and cultural autonomy established in the CyriloMethodian tradition cannot be lost sight of today. It is especially essential to all of us, Slovaks by birth and by ancestry, at this crucial time when Slovakia is threatened by godless and God-defiant Communists. Our vital and vitalizing tradition must become actively operative to promote a wise and intrepid manifestation of Slovak national consciousness both in Slovakia and in America. Saints Cyril and Methodius valiantly labored and heroically suffered for Slovak independence both in ecclesiastical and political spheres. They laid for us the foundations of our Catholic faith and national culture. United in love of God and our Slovak nation we humbly pray- "The heritage of our ancestors preserve for us 0 Lord!" Patricia Revetta BIBLIOGRAPHY Kirschbaum, Joseph. Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. New York, 1960. Kirschbaum, Joseph. "The Role of the Cyrilo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak National and Political Life," Slovak Studies, III (1963), 153-173. Lacko, Michael. "The Cyrilo-Methodian Origin of the Byzantine-Slavonic and the Roman-Slavonic Liturgy," Slovak Studies, m (1963), 79-89. Lacko, Michael. "The Cyrilo-Methodian Mission and Slovakia," Slovak Studies, I (1961) , 23-47. Oddo, Gilbert. Slovakia and Its People. New York, 1960. Palickar, Stephen. Slovakia: From Hungarian Despotism to Atheistic Czech Communism. Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1948. Skultety, Joseph. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown, Pennsylvania, 1930. Yurchak, Peter. The Slovaks: Their History and Traditions. Whiting, Indiana, 1947. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is interested primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the United States of America.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Our Cyrilo-Methodian Heritage Description An account of the resource Patricia Revetta Slovakia, Vol. 20 (No. 43), 1970 pp. 116-121 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Revetta, Patricia Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1970 name