9 50 763 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/6f50096647bd83ac201a87921054fd17.pdf 072cbb36f515d5c2bab1ba9c2a65b086 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 165 The Lyrical Prose of Vincent Sikula Peter Petro Of the three outstanding Slovak literary movements - romanticism, surrealism, and lyrical prose - only the last one is still with us, though echoes of the Romantic school can be found in both surrealist poetry and lyrical prose. It is not really surprising that the world knows little about Slovak romanticism; other romantic schools in more influential European literatures easily overshadow this late bloomer. As for surrealist poetry, though some information about it, together with a few translations, appeared recently, 1 they cannot communicate more than a flavor of the movement that would doubtless be more known had it not flourished during the war, when communication with the rest of the world was lessened. After the war, the movement was officially banned. Thus we are left with lyrical prose. Lyrical prose is sometimes identified with expressionism, but since the examples of expressionism offered by handbooks include Joyce ' s Finnegans Wake and Kafka's Trial, it seems there is a need to differentiate expressionism from lyrical prose, inasmuch as the works of Jozef Cfger Hronsky, Milo Urban, and Vincent Sikula - the major Slovak practitioners of this genre - have very little in common indeed with Joyce and Kafka . The difference would lie in the quintessential role that the village plays in the work of these Slovak authors . This is not merely a question of thematics: urban writers like Joyce and Kafka versus the Slovaks who write about the village. The difference lies rather in the world of the Slovak village and in the world view that the village inspires as the repository of traditional life long extinct in the more advanced western Europe . I think this was understood very clearly by J.C. Hronsky , when he said: " The Slovak village, despite all its simplicity, has its depth , and it is a more mysterious depth than anyone would guess judging by a superficial look. " i The village is closer to God than the city. N eed one say that thi s realization is by no means unique, that the traditional life has always been connected in literature with the country, that in fact we are dealing with an ancient topos found in the earliest �166 SLOVAKIA literature ? What is then the specificity of Slovak lyrical prose? Perhaps a brief look at the work of Vincent Sikula, the contemporary representative of the genre, might offer us the answer. Vincent Sikula, born in 1936 , is fully aware that representing the school of lyrical prose, and following such giants as Hronsky and Urban , placed him in an enviable , though necessarily responsible position. But he is a worthy disciple . Moreover, he does not lack a certain flair for self-promotion, so very important for an author from a little known literature. He even managed to provoke some interest in his biography , when he alluded, somewhat mysteriously , to his years spent in a monastery. This would explain, at least partially, his abiding interest in and constant reference to the Church . Thus, he puzzles and even infuriates those of his critics who are dependent on the official Marxist pseudo-religion and, consequently, hate Catholicism. This is not to say that he is clearly a religious author: we look in vain for the mysticism , that , for example , is such a prominent feature of Hronsky's prose . 3 This puzzlement is visible in the variety of critical responses to Sikula' s work that Pavol Stevcek divided into three groups : the critics who are enthusiastic about Sikula (Vincent Sabfk, Julius Noge, Ivan Sulfk) ; those with doubts about the author ' s method (Vladimir Mirnic, Bretislav Truhlar, Jan Stevcek); and those radically opposed to Sikula (as is Daniel Okali). ◄ It should be pointed out in all fairness that being opposed by Daniel Okali is highly desirable , since he suffers from a chronic case of Zhdanovism and is suspicious of anything that bears an unmistakable sign of originality. It seems that Sikula takes for granted the accomplishments of Hronsky and Urban, and does not try to duplicate their efforts. Rather, Sikula uses their work as a secure base on which to build his often precarious narrative structures that, as was the case with Hronsky, depend so heavily on the dialogue, and also on the lyricism of the first person narrator . Hronsky found out that "in the distant villages, far away from civilization, below gigantic forests, and under the huge cupola of the heavens, the world is peaceful, awesome, and silent. And this silence is the expression of a great divinity. Disturbances are always pitifully small and engineered by us , men . That is what I sensed out there, in the mountains .. . ' ' 5 However, Sikula ' s village is not so far away from civilization , as was Hronsky's. The fact that Sikula writes about the western Slovakian �SLOVAKIA 167 villages that are close to the c1t1es is perhaps a sign of encroaching modernization: his villagers have a lot of contact with the city and know more than Hronsky's. At the same time, Sikula preserves their natural, traditional frame of mind as if forgetting, or perhaps purposefully ignoring, their loss of innocence and their new-found knowledge . Thus, one of Sikula's early stories opens with a whimsical introduction where the narrator's loneliness is accentuated by the apparent emptiness of the village over which echoes the narrator's loud call: I shout across the village, and nobody answers . Only the road about which people sing meanders ahead of me like a girl ' s braid . I am shouting. When a man walks along the road, he often has to call out to the man walking ahead of him . Who could it be? Who could it be, walking ahead of me? If it is a man , he will have a match, if a girl, I shall see her home. It does not become one to walk alone, whether someone walks ahead of me or behind me. 6 In reading Sikula' s lyrical narration we are struck again and again by the apparent non sequiturs that somehow manage to coalesce into a meaningful narrative at the end of a particular section or story. This is even more striking in Sikula's dialogue, which throws light on how one and the same incident is perceived in two villages, recreating the peasant language: - Do you know they caught a spy in Brusky? - Nonsense! - They really did. - What ' s his name? - Mucka . - Mucka? - Come on! - I know a Mucka. - Me too . - Me too. - Me too. - Mucka worked for Ringos, didn't he? - Yes, for Ringos. - He worked for everyone! - Mucka must be an old man now . �SLOVAKIA 168 - He is . Who would have thought that about him, tell me! Mucka? A spy? You must be kidding! They say he had a gang too, would you believe that! He sent a note to Ringos . No kidding! Really! To Ringos? Mucka . A note? He sold the lumber. Lumber? A saw. To Ringos? You're kidding! They've got him. They don't. 7 In the village Brusky itself, the same event is discussed as a rumor about a shooting at Ringos' s farm. - Who was shooting? Ringos? -No . - And the police? - What would they do with him? - It was like this: Ringos's cow was bloated because he let her feed on fresh clover. - Ringos does not even own a cow. - Ringos? - Well, he does not. - Then you don't know him . - He used to own cows. - He used to. - Ringos founded a cooperative in Ostrica. - His cow was bloated and so he went to have a look at her at night. - He does not have a cow. As soon as he founded the co-op, he got rid of everything. - Good idea. �SLOVAKIA 169 - You're all so stupid! - Who told you? - He did . - Maybe he was dreaming. - How could he have been dreaming, if he walked along the courtyard and watched the cow? - He is all upset. - He had a stroke . - A heart attack! - Ringos? - Futka. - Then what are you babbling about? - Who knows if he had a stroke, when they found him in the vineyard? - Have they called the doctor? - They have. - What did he say? - Nothing. - A heart attack! - But they say that Mucka sent a note to somebody. - To Belus . - To Ringos . - To Futka. - I don't know what you're talking about. - He sent it to Futka. - To Belus . And so on. Where is the truth of the matter, of any matter? In Sikula, the truth does emerge at the end of the story, novel, or trilogy, but it is available only to the narrator and the reader following the sum total of experiences, hints , possibilities and events that are, as in the examples of Sikula's dialogue, open to doubts. Thus, Sikula often trivializes and relativizes events, leading us to the conclusion that they are not really important to him , suggesting, perhaps , that they should not be important to us either. He is much more interested in the lyrical quality of his narrative. And this would mean, in Sikula's case, the re-invention of the child's innocence, naivety, and simplicity. It would mean adopting a consciously nostalgic approach, presenting the world as seen through the eyes of a child , even when the narrator is obviously mature. Sikula's dialogues �170 SLOVAKIA are conversations overheard by a child who hears the sounds, understands the words , and yet lacks enough experience to enter fully into the significance of the overheard communication . Not so the reader. Consequently, we witness a tension between the world that, so to speak, does not make sense to the narrator, and the same world accessible to the reader. Reading Sikula means adjusting ourselves to both levels. For some, such adjustment is difficult, as it is for the critics who have doubts about Sikula. For others still, adjustment is out of the question. Daniel Okali cannot bear to see the mythologized Slovak National Uprising of 1944 distorted, as he would have it, by a child-like lyrical narrator. The legend of the Uprising has to be preserved. There must only be one official version, nothing more . To lyricize, that is to say, to relativize and trivialize this legend is a sacrilege to Okali. But this is exactly what Sikula has done with his trilogy Majstri (The Craftsmen, 1976), Muskat (The Geranium, 1977), and Vilma (1979) . Okali misses in the trilogy the expression of the '' historic-social dimension of Slovak fascism, the complex historic and artistic truth, its ideational-aesthetic presentation in its dialectic contradictions and nakedness.' ' 9 It is not easy to satisfy Okali. But Sikula seemed untouched by Okali's attack that came before the appearance of the last volume of the trilogy, Vilma. On the contrary, he dared to issue a new challenge to the likes of Okali, refusing to accept the official explanation of history as finite . Everything must be available to the lyrical narrator , everything can be endowed with new content, everything should be open for lyrical transformation. As he says in Vilma: Friends , history is written by the people! But of course! And who writes the books? If only the historians reminded us of it again! If only they reminded us of it more often! Historical fact is a bag which has to be filled! Who said that? I don't remember. Even so, historical fact is a bag that has to be filled and that's that! One has to save, save the bag! Even the bag, my friends! 10 And on the opening page of Vilma, Sikula, as if to underscore his contempt for dogmatic criticism , continues unruffied with his lyrical narrator: Oftentimes I don't even know why some people are angry with me. Maybe I do know, but I don't always admit it. People don't like to admit they have faults. I 'm like that too. �SLOVAKIA 171 M aybe I do m ake a mistake now and then, and maybe more than one. But who is without faults ? You tell me! When I look a t you som etimes, it seems to me that you are looking at m e too . But ifl turn away and look elsewhere, I can think that you too stopped looking at m e. Let's say I am still a little boy. For a short time I have even served as an altar boy . I know by heart the confiteor and suscipiat. But ifl put on the white shirt and robe which went so nicely with a white, red , or violet collar - and I used to be so proud, not realizing that I looked like an angel with tussled hair, at least I see myself like that now , although today I could hardly join my hands and piously lower m y eyes, and even if I could - as soon as I would appear in a clean and freshly ironed robe in front of the altar, no matter how pious m y expression , I guess the priest would get scared and the once sinful and now already devout little old ladies who never miss a single mass would perhaps run out of the church. You better not consider me an altar boy any more! But even so, I am still a little boy. W e have to play this little theatrical to the end. 11 Again the disjointed style with its seemingly irrelevant insertions and naive parenthetical comments , again the evocation of childhood . Once the reader accepts su ch a narrator , he has to put up with his point of view, that is , with the other level of the narrative introduced by the third paragraph: ''When I look at you sometimes, it seems to me that you are lookin g at me too. But if I turn away and look elsewhere, I can think that you too stopped looking at m e.'' Of course, this only seems irrelevant: the reader soon finds out that the statement is d esigned to make a tran siti on to the lyrical narrative and to a nchor it in the psychology characterized by a childlike wonder and circum scribed by the world of the vill age. T o a citified modern man , the villager is like a child. Sikula accepts this premise and peoples his works with childlike peasants, eccentrics , and even weird characters who all communicate naturally and easily with the lyrical n arrator. P erhaps the n arrator does not understand them , the same as he does not understand the events of the Upri sing that angered Okali . But he does convey to u s their essential quality , essential in the sense that it is raw, unprocessed , and reported �172 SLOVAKIA with the kind of objectivity accessible to a child or a villager who both perceive the world on a level that may seem superficial to a modem man, but which does not lack its depth, as Hronsky reminded us. When the peasants argue about what really happened in Brusky, when they try to find out whether Mucka is a spy, or whether Ringos suffered a stroke or a heart attack, the truth of the matter takes second place to the new happening that looms larger, namely to the conversation itself. The conversation is an event happening in the now immediately accessible to a peasant. It is something that he understands , it is the very stuff of life. The rumors about Mucka and Ringos belong to a bewitched circle outside their reach and control and are as unimportant to them as the past is to a child . It may be objected that Sikula distorts his peasants and gives us a false picture of the village, particularly if we bear in mind that he is writing about the western Slovakian village that, one has to stress, has never been isolated the way villages were (and some still are) in the upper Hron area, or in the Orava region. The answer to this is that he does distort , but that this very distortion is the main charm of his work . And Sikula is not alone. He is a part of a very wide movement indeed, a movement that includes the Russian derevenshchiki, or village writers, and many authors in other Slavic literatures. The movement, it seems, is Slavic literature's reaction to the modem uprootedness that followed the Second World War. The West has experienced uprootedness as well, but it was a process that started long ago and went on for centuries . Not so in the Slavic countries. A good case could be made to show how the sudden changes occasioned by the two wars, and eve n more by the coming of social engineering on a gigantic scale coupled with a war on traditional life with its faults and great virtues, led to the loss of values, bemoaned so often in the W est and East, and to the emptiness that. this nostalgic literary movement tries to fill. This wider perspective might help us to situate Vincent Sikula's work within the native Slovak literary tradition of lyrical prose, but also in the emerging trends appearing elsewhere in the Slavic literary world, wherein the village reappears forcefully in the guise of the national conscience, of the very soul of the nation, despite the sad fact that the traditional village and all that it implies has in the meantime been modernized and no longer exists. Thus, Sikula does not go wrong when he places the action of his �SLOVAKIA 17 3 work in villages that are so close to the cities. We may assume that they are modernized or citified to an extent that should make the planners and social engineers who would like to erase the difference between the village and the city feel proud. He does not go wrong , because it is not so much the village as the village m entality that he would like to preserve in his work. Sikula's village is no lon ger the mysterious site cut off from the corrupting influences of the city, a lost domain preserved and embedded in the crystal of fi ction , as it is in Hronsky . It survives in Sikula's work in the village m entality which he sees as a precious remnant of the traditional life , as a tonic against the ailment of modern uprootedness, and finally as the lyrical soul of a child in abiding wonderment, illuminating a world that has lost its soul. NOTES ' See my " Slovak Surrealist Poetry : The M ovement and Its Rediscove ry," Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. XX , No . 2 Gune 1978), pp . 237-244, a nd "Slovak Surrealist P arty," Prism Intern ational , Vol. XV , N os. 2 and 3 (Summer- Fall 1976), pp. 146-164 . ' Quoted in Alexander M atuska, J. C . Hronsky, rpt. in Osobnosti (Bratislava : Slovensky Spisovatel', 1973), p. 435. ' Matuska, p. 448. • Pavo! Stevcek , Contemporary Slovak Literature, transl. Olga H orska (Bratislava: Obzor, 1980), p. 89 . ' Quoted in M a tu ska, p. 435. ' Vincent Sikula , " T ancuj ," in Maino si postavim bungalow (Bratislava: Slovensky Spisovatel' , 1964), p. 49 . 7 V . Sikul a, Povetrie (Brat islava: Slovensky Spisovatel', 1968), pp. 169- 170. 'Ibid. , pp . 170-17 1. 9 Stevcek, p . 89. 10 V. Sikula , Vilma (Bratislava: Slovensky Spisovatel' , 1979), p. 172. " Ibid ., p. 7. Presented in Panel 65, " The Vi llage in Slovak Li te rature," at the AAASS conventi on in Asilomar, Cali fornia on 21 September 1981. �� SLOVAKIA 165 The Lyrical Prose of Vincent Sikula Peter Petro Of the three outstanding Slovak literary movements - romanticism, surrealism, and lyrical prose - only the last one is still with us, though echoes of the Romantic school can be found in both surrealist poetry and lyrical prose. It is not really surprising that the world knows little about Slovak romanticism; other romantic schools in more influential European literatures easily overshadow this late bloomer. As for surrealist poetry, though some information about it, together with a few translations, appeared recently, 1 they cannot communicate more than a flavor of the movement that would doubtless be more known had it not flourished during the war, when communication with the rest of the world was lessened. After the war, the movement was officially banned. Thus we are left with lyrical prose. Lyrical prose is sometimes identified with expressionism, but since the examples of expressionism offered by handbooks include Joyce ' s Finnegans Wake and Kafka's Trial, it seems there is a need to differentiate expressionism from lyrical prose, inasmuch as the works of Jozef Cfger Hronsky, Milo Urban, and Vincent Sikula - the major Slovak practitioners of this genre - have very little in common indeed with Joyce and Kafka . The difference would lie in the quintessential role that the village plays in the work of these Slovak authors . This is not merely a question of thematics: urban writers like Joyce and Kafka versus the Slovaks who write about the village. The difference lies rather in the world of the Slovak village and in the world view that the village inspires as the repository of traditional life long extinct in the more advanced western Europe . I think this was understood very clearly by J.C. Hronsky , when he said: " The Slovak village, despite all its simplicity, has its depth , and it is a more mysterious depth than anyone would guess judging by a superficial look. " i The village is closer to God than the city. N eed one say that thi s realization is by no means unique, that the traditional life has always been connected in literature with the country, that in fact we are dealing with an ancient topos found in the earliest �166 SLOVAKIA literature ? What is then the specificity of Slovak lyrical prose? Perhaps a brief look at the work of Vincent Sikula, the contemporary representative of the genre, might offer us the answer. Vincent Sikula, born in 1936 , is fully aware that representing the school of lyrical prose, and following such giants as Hronsky and Urban , placed him in an enviable , though necessarily responsible position. But he is a worthy disciple . Moreover, he does not lack a certain flair for self-promotion, so very important for an author from a little known literature. He even managed to provoke some interest in his biography , when he alluded, somewhat mysteriously , to his years spent in a monastery. This would explain, at least partially, his abiding interest in and constant reference to the Church . Thus, he puzzles and even infuriates those of his critics who are dependent on the official Marxist pseudo-religion and, consequently, hate Catholicism. This is not to say that he is clearly a religious author: we look in vain for the mysticism , that , for example , is such a prominent feature of Hronsky's prose . 3 This puzzlement is visible in the variety of critical responses to Sikula' s work that Pavol Stevcek divided into three groups : the critics who are enthusiastic about Sikula (Vincent Sabfk, Julius Noge, Ivan Sulfk) ; those with doubts about the author ' s method (Vladimir Mirnic, Bretislav Truhlar, Jan Stevcek); and those radically opposed to Sikula (as is Daniel Okali). ◄ It should be pointed out in all fairness that being opposed by Daniel Okali is highly desirable , since he suffers from a chronic case of Zhdanovism and is suspicious of anything that bears an unmistakable sign of originality. It seems that Sikula takes for granted the accomplishments of Hronsky and Urban, and does not try to duplicate their efforts. Rather, Sikula uses their work as a secure base on which to build his often precarious narrative structures that, as was the case with Hronsky, depend so heavily on the dialogue, and also on the lyricism of the first person narrator . Hronsky found out that "in the distant villages, far away from civilization, below gigantic forests, and under the huge cupola of the heavens, the world is peaceful, awesome, and silent. And this silence is the expression of a great divinity. Disturbances are always pitifully small and engineered by us , men . That is what I sensed out there, in the mountains .. . ' ' 5 However, Sikula ' s village is not so far away from civilization , as was Hronsky's. The fact that Sikula writes about the western Slovakian �SLOVAKIA 167 villages that are close to the c1t1es is perhaps a sign of encroaching modernization: his villagers have a lot of contact with the city and know more than Hronsky's. At the same time, Sikula preserves their natural, traditional frame of mind as if forgetting, or perhaps purposefully ignoring, their loss of innocence and their new-found knowledge . Thus, one of Sikula's early stories opens with a whimsical introduction where the narrator's loneliness is accentuated by the apparent emptiness of the village over which echoes the narrator's loud call: I shout across the village, and nobody answers . Only the road about which people sing meanders ahead of me like a girl ' s braid . I am shouting. When a man walks along the road, he often has to call out to the man walking ahead of him . Who could it be? Who could it be, walking ahead of me? If it is a man , he will have a match, if a girl, I shall see her home. It does not become one to walk alone, whether someone walks ahead of me or behind me. 6 In reading Sikula' s lyrical narration we are struck again and again by the apparent non sequiturs that somehow manage to coalesce into a meaningful narrative at the end of a particular section or story. This is even more striking in Sikula's dialogue, which throws light on how one and the same incident is perceived in two villages, recreating the peasant language: - Do you know they caught a spy in Brusky? - Nonsense! - They really did. - What ' s his name? - Mucka . - Mucka? - Come on! - I know a Mucka. - Me too . - Me too. - Me too. - Mucka worked for Ringos, didn't he? - Yes, for Ringos. - He worked for everyone! - Mucka must be an old man now . �SLOVAKIA 168 - He is . Who would have thought that about him, tell me! Mucka? A spy? You must be kidding! They say he had a gang too, would you believe that! He sent a note to Ringos . No kidding! Really! To Ringos? Mucka . A note? He sold the lumber. Lumber? A saw. To Ringos? You're kidding! They've got him. They don't. 7 In the village Brusky itself, the same event is discussed as a rumor about a shooting at Ringos' s farm. - Who was shooting? Ringos? -No . - And the police? - What would they do with him? - It was like this: Ringos's cow was bloated because he let her feed on fresh clover. - Ringos does not even own a cow. - Ringos? - Well, he does not. - Then you don't know him . - He used to own cows. - He used to. - Ringos founded a cooperative in Ostrica. - His cow was bloated and so he went to have a look at her at night. - He does not have a cow. As soon as he founded the co-op, he got rid of everything. - Good idea. �SLOVAKIA 169 - You're all so stupid! - Who told you? - He did . - Maybe he was dreaming. - How could he have been dreaming, if he walked along the courtyard and watched the cow? - He is all upset. - He had a stroke . - A heart attack! - Ringos? - Futka. - Then what are you babbling about? - Who knows if he had a stroke, when they found him in the vineyard? - Have they called the doctor? - They have. - What did he say? - Nothing. - A heart attack! - But they say that Mucka sent a note to somebody. - To Belus . - To Ringos . - To Futka. - I don't know what you're talking about. - He sent it to Futka. - To Belus . And so on. Where is the truth of the matter, of any matter? In Sikula, the truth does emerge at the end of the story, novel, or trilogy, but it is available only to the narrator and the reader following the sum total of experiences, hints , possibilities and events that are, as in the examples of Sikula's dialogue, open to doubts. Thus, Sikula often trivializes and relativizes events, leading us to the conclusion that they are not really important to him , suggesting, perhaps , that they should not be important to us either. He is much more interested in the lyrical quality of his narrative. And this would mean, in Sikula's case, the re-invention of the child's innocence, naivety, and simplicity. It would mean adopting a consciously nostalgic approach, presenting the world as seen through the eyes of a child , even when the narrator is obviously mature. Sikula's dialogues �170 SLOVAKIA are conversations overheard by a child who hears the sounds, understands the words , and yet lacks enough experience to enter fully into the significance of the overheard communication . Not so the reader. Consequently, we witness a tension between the world that, so to speak, does not make sense to the narrator, and the same world accessible to the reader. Reading Sikula means adjusting ourselves to both levels. For some, such adjustment is difficult, as it is for the critics who have doubts about Sikula. For others still, adjustment is out of the question. Daniel Okali cannot bear to see the mythologized Slovak National Uprising of 1944 distorted, as he would have it, by a child-like lyrical narrator. The legend of the Uprising has to be preserved. There must only be one official version, nothing more . To lyricize, that is to say, to relativize and trivialize this legend is a sacrilege to Okali. But this is exactly what Sikula has done with his trilogy Majstri (The Craftsmen, 1976), Muskat (The Geranium, 1977), and Vilma (1979) . Okali misses in the trilogy the expression of the '' historic-social dimension of Slovak fascism, the complex historic and artistic truth, its ideational-aesthetic presentation in its dialectic contradictions and nakedness.' ' 9 It is not easy to satisfy Okali. But Sikula seemed untouched by Okali's attack that came before the appearance of the last volume of the trilogy, Vilma. On the contrary, he dared to issue a new challenge to the likes of Okali, refusing to accept the official explanation of history as finite . Everything must be available to the lyrical narrator , everything can be endowed with new content, everything should be open for lyrical transformation. As he says in Vilma: Friends , history is written by the people! But of course! And who writes the books? If only the historians reminded us of it again! If only they reminded us of it more often! Historical fact is a bag which has to be filled! Who said that? I don't remember. Even so, historical fact is a bag that has to be filled and that's that! One has to save, save the bag! Even the bag, my friends! 10 And on the opening page of Vilma, Sikula, as if to underscore his contempt for dogmatic criticism , continues unruffied with his lyrical narrator: Oftentimes I don't even know why some people are angry with me. Maybe I do know, but I don't always admit it. People don't like to admit they have faults. I 'm like that too. �SLOVAKIA 171 M aybe I do m ake a mistake now and then, and maybe more than one. But who is without faults ? You tell me! When I look a t you som etimes, it seems to me that you are looking at m e too . But ifl turn away and look elsewhere, I can think that you too stopped looking at m e. Let's say I am still a little boy. For a short time I have even served as an altar boy . I know by heart the confiteor and suscipiat. But ifl put on the white shirt and robe which went so nicely with a white, red , or violet collar - and I used to be so proud, not realizing that I looked like an angel with tussled hair, at least I see myself like that now , although today I could hardly join my hands and piously lower m y eyes, and even if I could - as soon as I would appear in a clean and freshly ironed robe in front of the altar, no matter how pious m y expression , I guess the priest would get scared and the once sinful and now already devout little old ladies who never miss a single mass would perhaps run out of the church. You better not consider me an altar boy any more! But even so, I am still a little boy. W e have to play this little theatrical to the end. 11 Again the disjointed style with its seemingly irrelevant insertions and naive parenthetical comments , again the evocation of childhood . Once the reader accepts su ch a narrator , he has to put up with his point of view, that is , with the other level of the narrative introduced by the third paragraph: ''When I look at you sometimes, it seems to me that you are lookin g at me too. But if I turn away and look elsewhere, I can think that you too stopped looking at m e.'' Of course, this only seems irrelevant: the reader soon finds out that the statement is d esigned to make a tran siti on to the lyrical narrative and to a nchor it in the psychology characterized by a childlike wonder and circum scribed by the world of the vill age. T o a citified modern man , the villager is like a child. Sikula accepts this premise and peoples his works with childlike peasants, eccentrics , and even weird characters who all communicate naturally and easily with the lyrical n arrator. P erhaps the n arrator does not understand them , the same as he does not understand the events of the Upri sing that angered Okali . But he does convey to u s their essential quality , essential in the sense that it is raw, unprocessed , and reported �172 SLOVAKIA with the kind of objectivity accessible to a child or a villager who both perceive the world on a level that may seem superficial to a modem man, but which does not lack its depth, as Hronsky reminded us. When the peasants argue about what really happened in Brusky, when they try to find out whether Mucka is a spy, or whether Ringos suffered a stroke or a heart attack, the truth of the matter takes second place to the new happening that looms larger, namely to the conversation itself. The conversation is an event happening in the now immediately accessible to a peasant. It is something that he understands , it is the very stuff of life. The rumors about Mucka and Ringos belong to a bewitched circle outside their reach and control and are as unimportant to them as the past is to a child . It may be objected that Sikula distorts his peasants and gives us a false picture of the village, particularly if we bear in mind that he is writing about the western Slovakian village that, one has to stress, has never been isolated the way villages were (and some still are) in the upper Hron area, or in the Orava region. The answer to this is that he does distort , but that this very distortion is the main charm of his work . And Sikula is not alone. He is a part of a very wide movement indeed, a movement that includes the Russian derevenshchiki, or village writers, and many authors in other Slavic literatures. The movement, it seems, is Slavic literature's reaction to the modem uprootedness that followed the Second World War. The West has experienced uprootedness as well, but it was a process that started long ago and went on for centuries . Not so in the Slavic countries. A good case could be made to show how the sudden changes occasioned by the two wars, and eve n more by the coming of social engineering on a gigantic scale coupled with a war on traditional life with its faults and great virtues, led to the loss of values, bemoaned so often in the W est and East, and to the emptiness that. this nostalgic literary movement tries to fill. This wider perspective might help us to situate Vincent Sikula's work within the native Slovak literary tradition of lyrical prose, but also in the emerging trends appearing elsewhere in the Slavic literary world, wherein the village reappears forcefully in the guise of the national conscience, of the very soul of the nation, despite the sad fact that the traditional village and all that it implies has in the meantime been modernized and no longer exists. Thus, Sikula does not go wrong when he places the action of his �SLOVAKIA 17 3 work in villages that are so close to the cities. We may assume that they are modernized or citified to an extent that should make the planners and social engineers who would like to erase the difference between the village and the city feel proud. He does not go wrong , because it is not so much the village as the village m entality that he would like to preserve in his work. Sikula's village is no lon ger the mysterious site cut off from the corrupting influences of the city, a lost domain preserved and embedded in the crystal of fi ction , as it is in Hronsky . It survives in Sikula's work in the village m entality which he sees as a precious remnant of the traditional life , as a tonic against the ailment of modern uprootedness, and finally as the lyrical soul of a child in abiding wonderment, illuminating a world that has lost its soul. NOTES ' See my " Slovak Surrealist Poetry : The M ovement and Its Rediscove ry," Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. XX , No . 2 Gune 1978), pp . 237-244, a nd "Slovak Surrealist P arty," Prism Intern ational , Vol. XV , N os. 2 and 3 (Summer- Fall 1976), pp. 146-164 . ' Quoted in Alexander M atuska, J. C . Hronsky, rpt. in Osobnosti (Bratislava : Slovensky Spisovatel', 1973), p. 435. ' Matuska, p. 448. • Pavo! Stevcek , Contemporary Slovak Literature, transl. Olga H orska (Bratislava: Obzor, 1980), p. 89 . ' Quoted in M a tu ska, p. 435. ' Vincent Sikula , " T ancuj ," in Maino si postavim bungalow (Bratislava: Slovensky Spisovatel' , 1964), p. 49 . 7 V . Sikul a, Povetrie (Brat islava: Slovensky Spisovatel', 1968), pp. 169- 170. 'Ibid. , pp . 170-17 1. 9 Stevcek, p . 89. 10 V. Sikula , Vilma (Bratislava: Slovensky Spisovatel' , 1979), p. 172. " Ibid ., p. 7. Presented in Panel 65, " The Vi llage in Slovak Li te rature," at the AAASS conventi on in Asilomar, Cali fornia on 21 September 1981. �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1982-83, Vol. 30 Description An account of the resource Vol. 30 (No. 55-56), 1982-83. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982-83 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 165 The Lyrical Prose of Vincent Sikula Peter Petro Of the three outstanding Slovak literary movements - romanticism, surrealism, and lyrical prose - only the last one is still with us, though echoes of the Romantic school can be found in both surrealist poetry and lyrical prose. It is not really surprising that the world knows little about Slovak romanticism; other romantic schools in more influential European literatures easily overshadow this late bloomer. As for surrealist poetry, though some information about it, together with a few translations, appeared recently, 1 they cannot communicate more than a flavor of the movement that would doubtless be more known had it not flourished during the war, when communication with the rest of the world was lessened. After the war, the movement was officially banned. Thus we are left with lyrical prose. Lyrical prose is sometimes identified with expressionism, but since the examples of expressionism offered by handbooks include Joyce ' s Finnegans Wake and Kafka's Trial, it seems there is a need to differentiate expressionism from lyrical prose, inasmuch as the works of Jozef Cfger Hronsky, Milo Urban, and Vincent Sikula - the major Slovak practitioners of this genre - have very little in common indeed with Joyce and Kafka . The difference would lie in the quintessential role that the village plays in the work of these Slovak authors . This is not merely a question of thematics: urban writers like Joyce and Kafka versus the Slovaks who write about the village. The difference lies rather in the world of the Slovak village and in the world view that the village inspires as the repository of traditional life long extinct in the more advanced western Europe . I think this was understood very clearly by J.C. Hronsky , when he said: " The Slovak village, despite all its simplicity, has its depth , and it is a more mysterious depth than anyone would guess judging by a superficial look. " i The village is closer to God than the city. N eed one say that thi s realization is by no means unique, that the traditional life has always been connected in literature with the country, that in fact we are dealing with an ancient topos found in the earliest 166 SLOVAKIA literature ? What is then the specificity of Slovak lyrical prose? Perhaps a brief look at the work of Vincent Sikula, the contemporary representative of the genre, might offer us the answer. Vincent Sikula, born in 1936 , is fully aware that representing the school of lyrical prose, and following such giants as Hronsky and Urban , placed him in an enviable , though necessarily responsible position. But he is a worthy disciple . Moreover, he does not lack a certain flair for self-promotion, so very important for an author from a little known literature. He even managed to provoke some interest in his biography , when he alluded, somewhat mysteriously , to his years spent in a monastery. This would explain, at least partially, his abiding interest in and constant reference to the Church . Thus, he puzzles and even infuriates those of his critics who are dependent on the official Marxist pseudo-religion and, consequently, hate Catholicism. This is not to say that he is clearly a religious author: we look in vain for the mysticism , that , for example , is such a prominent feature of Hronsky's prose . 3 This puzzlement is visible in the variety of critical responses to Sikula' s work that Pavol Stevcek divided into three groups : the critics who are enthusiastic about Sikula (Vincent Sabfk, Julius Noge, Ivan Sulfk) ; those with doubts about the author ' s method (Vladimir Mirnic, Bretislav Truhlar, Jan Stevcek); and those radically opposed to Sikula (as is Daniel Okali). ◄ It should be pointed out in all fairness that being opposed by Daniel Okali is highly desirable , since he suffers from a chronic case of Zhdanovism and is suspicious of anything that bears an unmistakable sign of originality. It seems that Sikula takes for granted the accomplishments of Hronsky and Urban, and does not try to duplicate their efforts. Rather, Sikula uses their work as a secure base on which to build his often precarious narrative structures that, as was the case with Hronsky, depend so heavily on the dialogue, and also on the lyricism of the first person narrator . Hronsky found out that "in the distant villages, far away from civilization, below gigantic forests, and under the huge cupola of the heavens, the world is peaceful, awesome, and silent. And this silence is the expression of a great divinity. Disturbances are always pitifully small and engineered by us , men . That is what I sensed out there, in the mountains .. . ' ' 5 However, Sikula ' s village is not so far away from civilization , as was Hronsky's. The fact that Sikula writes about the western Slovakian SLOVAKIA 167 villages that are close to the c1t1es is perhaps a sign of encroaching modernization: his villagers have a lot of contact with the city and know more than Hronsky's. At the same time, Sikula preserves their natural, traditional frame of mind as if forgetting, or perhaps purposefully ignoring, their loss of innocence and their new-found knowledge . Thus, one of Sikula's early stories opens with a whimsical introduction where the narrator's loneliness is accentuated by the apparent emptiness of the village over which echoes the narrator's loud call: I shout across the village, and nobody answers . Only the road about which people sing meanders ahead of me like a girl ' s braid . I am shouting. When a man walks along the road, he often has to call out to the man walking ahead of him . Who could it be? Who could it be, walking ahead of me? If it is a man , he will have a match, if a girl, I shall see her home. It does not become one to walk alone, whether someone walks ahead of me or behind me. 6 In reading Sikula' s lyrical narration we are struck again and again by the apparent non sequiturs that somehow manage to coalesce into a meaningful narrative at the end of a particular section or story. This is even more striking in Sikula's dialogue, which throws light on how one and the same incident is perceived in two villages, recreating the peasant language: - Do you know they caught a spy in Brusky? - Nonsense! - They really did. - What ' s his name? - Mucka . - Mucka? - Come on! - I know a Mucka. - Me too . - Me too. - Me too. - Mucka worked for Ringos, didn't he? - Yes, for Ringos. - He worked for everyone! - Mucka must be an old man now . SLOVAKIA 168 - He is . Who would have thought that about him, tell me! Mucka? A spy? You must be kidding! They say he had a gang too, would you believe that! He sent a note to Ringos . No kidding! Really! To Ringos? Mucka . A note? He sold the lumber. Lumber? A saw. To Ringos? You're kidding! They've got him. They don't. 7 In the village Brusky itself, the same event is discussed as a rumor about a shooting at Ringos' s farm. - Who was shooting? Ringos? -No . - And the police? - What would they do with him? - It was like this: Ringos's cow was bloated because he let her feed on fresh clover. - Ringos does not even own a cow. - Ringos? - Well, he does not. - Then you don't know him . - He used to own cows. - He used to. - Ringos founded a cooperative in Ostrica. - His cow was bloated and so he went to have a look at her at night. - He does not have a cow. As soon as he founded the co-op, he got rid of everything. - Good idea. SLOVAKIA 169 - You're all so stupid! - Who told you? - He did . - Maybe he was dreaming. - How could he have been dreaming, if he walked along the courtyard and watched the cow? - He is all upset. - He had a stroke . - A heart attack! - Ringos? - Futka. - Then what are you babbling about? - Who knows if he had a stroke, when they found him in the vineyard? - Have they called the doctor? - They have. - What did he say? - Nothing. - A heart attack! - But they say that Mucka sent a note to somebody. - To Belus . - To Ringos . - To Futka. - I don't know what you're talking about. - He sent it to Futka. - To Belus . And so on. Where is the truth of the matter, of any matter? In Sikula, the truth does emerge at the end of the story, novel, or trilogy, but it is available only to the narrator and the reader following the sum total of experiences, hints , possibilities and events that are, as in the examples of Sikula's dialogue, open to doubts. Thus, Sikula often trivializes and relativizes events, leading us to the conclusion that they are not really important to him , suggesting, perhaps , that they should not be important to us either. He is much more interested in the lyrical quality of his narrative. And this would mean, in Sikula's case, the re-invention of the child's innocence, naivety, and simplicity. It would mean adopting a consciously nostalgic approach, presenting the world as seen through the eyes of a child , even when the narrator is obviously mature. Sikula's dialogues 170 SLOVAKIA are conversations overheard by a child who hears the sounds, understands the words , and yet lacks enough experience to enter fully into the significance of the overheard communication . Not so the reader. Consequently, we witness a tension between the world that, so to speak, does not make sense to the narrator, and the same world accessible to the reader. Reading Sikula means adjusting ourselves to both levels. For some, such adjustment is difficult, as it is for the critics who have doubts about Sikula. For others still, adjustment is out of the question. Daniel Okali cannot bear to see the mythologized Slovak National Uprising of 1944 distorted, as he would have it, by a child-like lyrical narrator. The legend of the Uprising has to be preserved. There must only be one official version, nothing more . To lyricize, that is to say, to relativize and trivialize this legend is a sacrilege to Okali. But this is exactly what Sikula has done with his trilogy Majstri (The Craftsmen, 1976), Muskat (The Geranium, 1977), and Vilma (1979) . Okali misses in the trilogy the expression of the '' historic-social dimension of Slovak fascism, the complex historic and artistic truth, its ideational-aesthetic presentation in its dialectic contradictions and nakedness.' ' 9 It is not easy to satisfy Okali. But Sikula seemed untouched by Okali's attack that came before the appearance of the last volume of the trilogy, Vilma. On the contrary, he dared to issue a new challenge to the likes of Okali, refusing to accept the official explanation of history as finite . Everything must be available to the lyrical narrator , everything can be endowed with new content, everything should be open for lyrical transformation. As he says in Vilma: Friends , history is written by the people! But of course! And who writes the books? If only the historians reminded us of it again! If only they reminded us of it more often! Historical fact is a bag which has to be filled! Who said that? I don't remember. Even so, historical fact is a bag that has to be filled and that's that! One has to save, save the bag! Even the bag, my friends! 10 And on the opening page of Vilma, Sikula, as if to underscore his contempt for dogmatic criticism , continues unruffied with his lyrical narrator: Oftentimes I don't even know why some people are angry with me. Maybe I do know, but I don't always admit it. People don't like to admit they have faults. I 'm like that too. SLOVAKIA 171 M aybe I do m ake a mistake now and then, and maybe more than one. But who is without faults ? You tell me! When I look a t you som etimes, it seems to me that you are looking at m e too . But ifl turn away and look elsewhere, I can think that you too stopped looking at m e. Let's say I am still a little boy. For a short time I have even served as an altar boy . I know by heart the confiteor and suscipiat. But ifl put on the white shirt and robe which went so nicely with a white, red , or violet collar - and I used to be so proud, not realizing that I looked like an angel with tussled hair, at least I see myself like that now , although today I could hardly join my hands and piously lower m y eyes, and even if I could - as soon as I would appear in a clean and freshly ironed robe in front of the altar, no matter how pious m y expression , I guess the priest would get scared and the once sinful and now already devout little old ladies who never miss a single mass would perhaps run out of the church. You better not consider me an altar boy any more! But even so, I am still a little boy. W e have to play this little theatrical to the end. 11 Again the disjointed style with its seemingly irrelevant insertions and naive parenthetical comments , again the evocation of childhood . Once the reader accepts su ch a narrator , he has to put up with his point of view, that is , with the other level of the narrative introduced by the third paragraph: ''When I look at you sometimes, it seems to me that you are lookin g at me too. But if I turn away and look elsewhere, I can think that you too stopped looking at m e.'' Of course, this only seems irrelevant: the reader soon finds out that the statement is d esigned to make a tran siti on to the lyrical narrative and to a nchor it in the psychology characterized by a childlike wonder and circum scribed by the world of the vill age. T o a citified modern man , the villager is like a child. Sikula accepts this premise and peoples his works with childlike peasants, eccentrics , and even weird characters who all communicate naturally and easily with the lyrical n arrator. P erhaps the n arrator does not understand them , the same as he does not understand the events of the Upri sing that angered Okali . But he does convey to u s their essential quality , essential in the sense that it is raw, unprocessed , and reported 172 SLOVAKIA with the kind of objectivity accessible to a child or a villager who both perceive the world on a level that may seem superficial to a modem man, but which does not lack its depth, as Hronsky reminded us. When the peasants argue about what really happened in Brusky, when they try to find out whether Mucka is a spy, or whether Ringos suffered a stroke or a heart attack, the truth of the matter takes second place to the new happening that looms larger, namely to the conversation itself. The conversation is an event happening in the now immediately accessible to a peasant. It is something that he understands , it is the very stuff of life. The rumors about Mucka and Ringos belong to a bewitched circle outside their reach and control and are as unimportant to them as the past is to a child . It may be objected that Sikula distorts his peasants and gives us a false picture of the village, particularly if we bear in mind that he is writing about the western Slovakian village that, one has to stress, has never been isolated the way villages were (and some still are) in the upper Hron area, or in the Orava region. The answer to this is that he does distort , but that this very distortion is the main charm of his work . And Sikula is not alone. He is a part of a very wide movement indeed, a movement that includes the Russian derevenshchiki, or village writers, and many authors in other Slavic literatures. The movement, it seems, is Slavic literature's reaction to the modem uprootedness that followed the Second World War. The West has experienced uprootedness as well, but it was a process that started long ago and went on for centuries . Not so in the Slavic countries. A good case could be made to show how the sudden changes occasioned by the two wars, and eve n more by the coming of social engineering on a gigantic scale coupled with a war on traditional life with its faults and great virtues, led to the loss of values, bemoaned so often in the W est and East, and to the emptiness that. this nostalgic literary movement tries to fill. This wider perspective might help us to situate Vincent Sikula's work within the native Slovak literary tradition of lyrical prose, but also in the emerging trends appearing elsewhere in the Slavic literary world, wherein the village reappears forcefully in the guise of the national conscience, of the very soul of the nation, despite the sad fact that the traditional village and all that it implies has in the meantime been modernized and no longer exists. Thus, Sikula does not go wrong when he places the action of his SLOVAKIA 17 3 work in villages that are so close to the cities. We may assume that they are modernized or citified to an extent that should make the planners and social engineers who would like to erase the difference between the village and the city feel proud. He does not go wrong , because it is not so much the village as the village m entality that he would like to preserve in his work. Sikula's village is no lon ger the mysterious site cut off from the corrupting influences of the city, a lost domain preserved and embedded in the crystal of fi ction , as it is in Hronsky . It survives in Sikula's work in the village m entality which he sees as a precious remnant of the traditional life , as a tonic against the ailment of modern uprootedness, and finally as the lyrical soul of a child in abiding wonderment, illuminating a world that has lost its soul. NOTES ' See my " Slovak Surrealist Poetry : The M ovement and Its Rediscove ry," Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. XX , No . 2 Gune 1978), pp . 237-244, a nd "Slovak Surrealist P arty," Prism Intern ational , Vol. XV , N os. 2 and 3 (Summer- Fall 1976), pp. 146-164 . ' Quoted in Alexander M atuska, J. C . Hronsky, rpt. in Osobnosti (Bratislava : Slovensky Spisovatel', 1973), p. 435. ' Matuska, p. 448. • Pavo! Stevcek , Contemporary Slovak Literature, transl. Olga H orska (Bratislava: Obzor, 1980), p. 89 . ' Quoted in M a tu ska, p. 435. ' Vincent Sikula , " T ancuj ," in Maino si postavim bungalow (Bratislava: Slovensky Spisovatel' , 1964), p. 49 . 7 V . Sikul a, Povetrie (Brat islava: Slovensky Spisovatel', 1968), pp. 169- 170. 'Ibid. , pp . 170-17 1. 9 Stevcek, p . 89. 10 V. Sikula , Vilma (Bratislava: Slovensky Spisovatel' , 1979), p. 172. " Ibid ., p. 7. Presented in Panel 65, " The Vi llage in Slovak Li te rature," at the AAASS conventi on in Asilomar, Cali fornia on 21 September 1981.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Lyrical Prose of Vincent Šikula Description An account of the resource Peter Petro Slovakia, Vol. 30 (No. 55-56), 1982-83 pp. 165-173 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Petro, Peter Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982-83 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/799b5c7c131b6084f79b53afed77cefa.pdf d174f9ebf9e39c37f43eb11bc0bbfca8 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 153 Modern Slovak Fiction: The Sixties, A Decade of Experimentation Peter Petro During the l 960's literatures of the Eastern European countries experienced a revival. On the one hand this revival became possible by the gradual relaxation of political control over literature; on the other hand it was spurred on by literary developments in the West as well as in the East. I t would be difficult to overestimate this foreign factor in the general revival. Nor was it always a case of the local application of some hitherto unavailabl e literary techniques of experimental character. Very often it was simply the act of rediscovering authors whose reputations had already been made some decades ago. This was the case with Proust , Joyce , Hemingway, T.S. Eliot, Babel , Pilnyak, Platonov, and many , many others. Franz Kafka held a special position among these rediscovered authors. His appearance in print was hailed as a symbolic, liberating event of major proportion in the literary ( and cultural) history of both the Czech and Slovak nations. As for the experimental impulses emanating from the West, the anti-novel or nouveau-roman (of Alain Robbe-Grillet, Nathalie Sarraute) , and the thea tre of the absurd (not only oflonesco, but of the mu ch older Alfred Jarry) quickly found willing practitioners as well. Not the least among these factors was the re-evaluation of native authors rehabilitated and brought back from oblivion, or rather from a literary limbo (in Slovakia they were Milo Urban , J.C. Hronsk y, Tido J. Gaspar, and others). In Slovakia, as indeed in the entire Eastern Europe, the important mileposts were the years 1956 and 1962. We can get an insight into what went on after 1956 and 1962 in Czech literature from a recently published work edited by William E. Harkins and Paul I. Trensky . 1 But here, too, the center of grav ity lies in the sixties and the reader's atten tion is directed to some half a dozen names that became known , not only in Bohemia , but also abroad. Slovak literary developments, inasmuch as these were influ en ced by political events occurring in the power cen- �154 SLOV AKI A te rs of P ragu e a nd Mosco w, to which Sl ovak literatu re h ad b ee n di rectly o r indirectly subo rdin a ted , could n ot bu t foll ow a path simil a r to the Czech d evelo pments . However , thi s d oes n ot m ean tha t th ey d evelop ed in the sam e directio n , o r even a t the sam e p ace. U po n examina ti o n of som e re p rese nta tive wo rks of Slovak a u th o r s who a ppea red durin g the p e ri od of th e revival of the six ti es, o n e is impressed b y the varie t y a nd quality of th e literature if compa red to the d ecades tha t preced e a nd follow it. Th a t so m e m as te rpieces p rodu ced a t the t im e still re m a in unkno wn in the W es t is p e rh a p s n o t e n t irely th e fa ult of write r s; the lack of tra n sla tion s is equ ally crippling. F o r this reaso n a look a t some examples of the ex perime ntal fictio n of the sixties could be o f som e help . Tha t decad e was a n ew b eginnin g in Slovak litearture; its accomplishme nts will help us to o rientate ou rselves in co ntemporary Slovak lite ra ture a nd they will help u s, in all proba bility, in the future a s well . If the six ties wer e indeed the n e w b eginnin g, what is really m eant b y thi s " n e wness" and al so b y "expe rime nt " in the context of the six ties? To start w ith , the conte xt o f the sixties w as the coll a pse of the d octrine, concept , or m e thod of socialist realism . 2 Of course, socialist realism h ad n o t b ee n re tired b y a n a dminist ra ti ve fi a t ; it h a d b ee n re -defin ed . But the sp ell h ad b een b ro ke n a nd the ch a n ges in theor y we re follo wed b y ch a n ges in p ractice. E ver yon e still p a id lip service to socialist realism but wh a t matte red m ost to p a rt y offi cials, namely the control of lite rature, was gradually slippin g from the ir h a nds, a nd their periodic a ttempts to re-establi sh con trol we re n ot su ccess ful : they h a d le t the genie out of the b o ttle. And so, whil e th e critics still p e nned th e ir tribu te s to su ch model a u th o r s as F ra n t isek H eck o (b . 190 5), P e te r Jile mnick y (b . 1901 ) , a nd Frano Kral' (b . 1903), the new w rite rs th at b egan to ap pear in print w rote in a w ay th a t w as ofte n e ntirely alie n to th ese " cl assics," som e t im es eve n to the exte nt of u sin g th e sociali st realist m od els in a w ay th at parod ied th e o ri ginal. T h e n ewn ess o f th e li teratu re of th e sixties, th e n , li es in breaki ng with th e p ast, o r rath e r with th e im m edi a te past of socialist real ist literat ure of b uildin g a nd co n stru c tin g, o f o p timi sm, of tr a n spare nt sch e m e a nd ideological or phil osophi cal m o n och rome. H owever , w h en we com e to th e "exp e rim e n t ," we fi n d th at m atters are much more complex tha n th at. F irs t o f a ll , at th e b eginnin g of th e decade (an d already in th e seco nd h alf o f th e fifti es), a n y veerin g off th e established model h ad to b e co n sidered a n experiment. For this reason , o n e h as to take "experi men t" �SLOVAKIA 155 in our con text quite liberally and broadly as meaning a wide variety of writing, from that which merely joins an already established prose current to that which attempts at importing certain contemporary western literary techniques . Most importantly , we have to understand it as the development of a genuine, new literary voice with its own style, its own original seeing of the world. It would hardly be possible for new, unknown writers simply to appear with their new work and displace the established authors overnight. What happened instead was a transition period when the next literary generation of authors following Hecko , Jil emnicky, Kral', and others - namely Vladimfr Minac (b.1922), Ladislav Mnacko (b.1919), Dominik Tata rko (b.1913), and Peter Karvas (b.1920), among others - abandoned their orthodoxy to such an extent that further experiments along the same lines seemed no longer astonishing. Even here one would like to stress that the authors of the sixties were by no means readily accepted. There was first a struggle. There was very often harsh criticism; and , objectively spea king, such criticism was sometimes quite ju stified. On the whole , however, any criticism had to be fundamentally unfair if we take into consideration the still limited freedom to write as the author pleased. Thus , we witness the sorry spectacle of compromised literature criticized by compromised critics. A good example would be the case ofjaroslava Blazkova's Nylonovy mesiac (Nylon Moon, 1961 ). Jozef Kot attacked it by saying: "I do not know why, but Slovak prose has suddenly discovered ero ticism , and Sagan and others," adding a statement difficult to challenge: " Bratislava will never be a Paris and Slovaks will never be erotomaniacs. " 3 Of course, Kot knows full well why was it that there was no erot icism before. It simply was not allowed. Nor were any modern western authors pe rmitted to serve as model s, before. Kot perceives the change and his reaction is a good, though mild , sign of his bewilderment. Alas, in a very few years, by Kot 's standards, Bratislava was teeming with erotomaniac authors as socialist puritanism fizzl ed out. In fact, the standards used to measure the quality of lite rary production in Slovakia were high. P erhaps too high , and that led to contradictions . Thus , J an Rozner took the young writers Blazkova and Anton H ykisch to task: "We can not call that which is being done by the young prose writers experime ntin g. It is ceaseless searching, learning , testing, but not experimenting" (SP, September 1961 , 17) . In the case �156 SLOVAKIA of Hykisch , he was take n to task for using the inte rnal monologu e or strea m of consciousness technique , and it was pointed out to him that this was not new at all , as it h ad been used by mode rnist authors a long time ago. Again the crit ic pretended to be unaware of the fact that even su ch a basic and harmless technique h ad been very suspect just recently. And Hykisch was reacting to the literature immediately preceding him , even though , pe rhaps unconsciously , he actuall y returned to the interrupted modernist line of Slovak prose. " Modernism " - a word of opprobrium only rece ntly - became th e most desired aim in the ge neral atmosphe re of catching up with the W est. But H ykisch would not stop experimenting. Here is the conclusion of his sho rt novel Nad'a (SP August-Dece mbe r 1963): Who is guilty of the librarian 's d eath? Who ? I ? H e? Nadia , you are a merciful Samaritan, should you try to save people who were hurt ? ... The door to the washroom banged shut. They always bang, someone shouted feebly from the next room. Dreaming. At the other end it started to ring . I started. I began to run, the doors are lea ping a t my side and are running b ehind me, there is ringing, a seco nd alarm clock. A third . A fourth. Simultaneously. Voices, banging , slippers , fee t , the first door, a person . Woma n. I closed m y eyes a nd eve rything around m e vibrated, unknown sounds a nd voices, something securely lived here. I stood for a mome nt in front of our room, I heard Liz . I quickly ente red , Good morning , girls . Hi , Nadia, why a re you h a untin g here? I opened the window, hun g the towel on the bed and started to dress quickly. The girls were still sleepy and watched me in surprise . I hurried . It seem ed to m e that it was late for eve rything . It would not be difficult to prove how Hyki sch 's style differs from the more orthodox styles of th e forties a nd fifti es - the sudde n cha nges of voice, the economy , the dynamism , the palpa ble presence of the furniture of life, the reali a, in short, the mode rn shorthand, telegraphic style is here clearly represe nted. But the experime ntal ch a racter of this novel lies in the implications of the plot , in the introduction of a characte r �SLOVAKIA 157 out of favo r with the P arty, a nd the int rodu ctory device of qu ota ti on s from au thors su ch as Campa n ella (his Th e City of the S un ), H. G . W ells (Th e Sh ap e of Thin gs to Com e), qu otation s th at pro m oted qu estionin g, skep ti cism a nd pess imi sm . These qu ota ti on s co m e from Robert, th e m an in di sfavor with wh om adi a, th e hero in e, fall s in love . W e are led to believe th a t R obe rt 's difficulti es ste m from the fact th a t he is a thinker, not a careerist , and also a man of p rinciple. N adi a, a n intellige nt but slightl y fri volou s econ omics student , does n ot measure up to the strictures a nd u tter seriou sn ess of Robert , a libraria n by p ro fession , but a philosoph er b y callin g. Of interest , too, is the sett in g , th e urban se tt in g - Brati slava - which will come to be the set tin g of man y works of the decade. But it is th e city see n throu gh the eyes of a n out sider , N adi a, who com es to Brati slava to study . Th e ambi gu ou s endin g (Robert commits sui cide, but h ove rs b etwee n life an~ death) is also som ethin g new . ot becau se of the a mbi guity , but again fo r su ggestin g (by impli cation) th a t perh aps N adi a was n ot entirely to bl am e for R obert 's sui cide. It woul d not be enti rely in a ppropria te to call R obert a m odern Slovak in carna tion of th e "supe rflu ou s m a n " known to u s from Russian litera ture . The isolated individual , the m a n against the world , against a K afk aesqu e bureau cracy: su ch is th e un co m fo rta bl e situ a tion of the new Slovak literary ch a rac te r of the sixties. In a nothe r urba n writer , J a n J oh a nides, the ch a racte r is isol ated without the h elp of politi cs . R a th er , h e is pressed a nd tried sorely b y the existential choice , by lack of com munication , a nd b y the alien world from which he seem s so woefull y estra n ged . C a mu s a nd Sartre a re the two m ost obviou s m en tors ofj oh a nides, especially the latter, according to Mil a n H amad a (SP , O ctob er 1963 , 134). L ack of co mmunication is the them e of an impressive story entitled Potapaca prit'ahuju pram ene m ora (A Di ve r I s Attracted by O cean Sprin gs). I qu ote from the co nclu sion : Everybody loves hi s wi fe fo r som e m ore or less co ncrete reason , b u t the re a re some who love fo r a less ce rta in , or eve n un ce rtain reason . And th at reaso n could b e the fact that he saw h er, th at they h ave me t a t all , th at sh e too exis ts. It seems tha t I loved Marth a for a sim il a r reason. I saw her, I looked at her w ith these my eyes a n d she wanted me to marry her. And that "more certain " reason fo r whi ch , if I ca n say so, m y love multi pli ed , was her beautiful a r rogan ce. T h a t is �158 SLOVAKIA wha t I would call he r in sisten t d esire to be h appy . Perh a ps she co uld gu ess a t the beginnin g that I could secure her existen ce and would make no claims on her. I call her desire for happiness beautiful a rrogance because she d a red to turn m e into a spring board to aims tha t she thou ght would m a ke h er ha ppy. This a r rogance - of wh a tever kind - I find interestin g; I do n ot judge h er for it. It p roves tha t M a rtha had to be profoundl y unha ppy a nd alone. Little things that I could furnish for her were designed to suggest to he r that this was not the way to ha ppiness. I do not know if she unde rstood . (SP, July 196 1, 111 ) Now the sen sitive n a rrator-hu sb a nd is him self d yin g of cance r , but still goin g a bout hi s tasks, unworried ab out his a pproaching end . Hi s profession is rather prosaic: he is a chef in a resta ura nt . Whe n he find s out a bout his wife ' s unfaithfuln ess, he fail s to ge t a n gry. When he learns a bou t her death of sudden heart failure while drivin g with her love r , he still m a intains his equ animity. Thu s he is almost superna turally calm a nd ra tion al, or em o tion ally defici e nt - a judgem ent th a t is sys tem a tically contradicted by his superior sen sitivity of perception and un d erstandin g . Still , hi s sta nce is suspicious to his fri end s who find him too stran ge for their compa n y . All thi s would b e new and unu su al in Slovak lite rature, but the essenti al experimental feature of J oha nides is his stress on th e private space of the individu al; n ot only his in ne r world tha t he so carefull y sketches, but the ou te r world as well. H owever , it is a highly individu al, private world tha t his cha racte rs see. And for that reaso n th ey are u nabl e to share it wi th an yon e. Con sequ entl y, these wo rlds often clash . Such a cl ash is described by the obj ective n arrator of a title story in J oha nides' s Sukromie (Privacy, 1963). During the fun e ral of a ve ry act ive wo rke r a nd Pa r ty m em ber, the orato r addresses the deceased: I d o n ot know h ow to tha nk you fra nkl y fo r all your effort a nd pe rso nal in volve m en t in our facto ry's cl ub of the R evolutio na ry U nion Move m e nt. You we re a good union m embe r , we deeply honor yo ur wo rk. W e knew yo u , we tru sted you . Bu t d id we really know you ? The wind lifted the red fl ag that covered the coffin, and som eo ne fro m the crowd p assed a n open bottle of soda water �SLOVAKIA 15 9 to the cl a rinet pl aye r . H e put it in to th e condu ctor's h a nd. - But w hy did you leave so su dd enl y? The bo ttle of soda water was ta ken by a sm all m a n in a gray sui t w ith a wart ri ght un der hi s eye. H e was holdin g the wife of the deceased in hi s arms, pou r in g the sod a water o n he r face th rou gh the veil , but som e wom a n too k th e bo ttle away from him a nd lifted the ve il . - Why did you leave so sudde nl y? 4 Two activities are in progress simultan eou sly. T he world of the deceased is no m o re; to who m , then , is th e orator a ddressing hi s m ela ncholy m essage? To him self, fo r th e widow h as fa inted , a nd people a re busy ta king care of h er. The commo tio n of the world " out the re" cl ashes w ith the wo rld of the o rator whose speech a nd qu estion s give the scen e an a b su rd a ir a t first ; it will turn out tha t n o on e, n ot eve n his wife, really kn ew the d eceased . Jan J oh a nid es b a ffl ed hi s critics and div id ed them sh a rply into two groups . Fo r the first group , here is Mila n H am ad a: '' The failure of intellect in J ohanides caused the loss of spiritual and artistic tran scendence " (SP , Au gu st 1966 , 9). For the second , Fra nti sek Miko: "The stren gth of J oh a nides ' s style I see m a inly in w h a t I would like to call indep enden ce. It shows itself in the a n alys is, con cretely in the sh a rp , m a tter -offact an alyti cal to ne. This tone was always very rare h e re, a nd the refore always desirable a nd n ew" (SP , D ecember 1966, 15). In this m a tter-of-fact tone a nd in hi s som etim es excess ive a ttention to detail J oh anides was bested by P eter J aros, who brings into Slovak litera ture perh ap s the m ost experim ental features th a t we associa te with the a nti-n ovel or n ou vea u rom an. H e is playing with ti me, "coll apsing" it , d iffu sin g o ur a ttenti o n in paren thetical deta il s that seem to be la rgely irrelevant to the main action , which itself is ve ry difficult to de fin e . H ere is an example from hi s work Vah y (Scales, 1966): (Some movemen ts attract by the ir u nexpected vigorou sness or their unusual character. Ri gh t now a hu ge clou d mu st have fl ow n away a nd uncove red th e settin g su n , for it su ddenl y brightened up .) We move away carefu ll y from the door , hi t somethin g ge ntl y a nd feel behind our b ack the wall ( eve n the sitting man can be seen mo re clearly). Sudde nl y , as if by m iracle, we e n ter the room w he re the man is sitti ng , and we �160 SLOVAKIA stay there even after the sun sets and the twilight turns to darkness. (The room is a spacious one, from the armchair in which the man is sitting, one can see, n ear the glass door, a double chest of brown walnut wood. There is nothing on the rear wall , although be tween the doo r a nd the chest there is sufficie nt space to fit a big elongated vase that would moderate the sudden transition between the chest and the door. )5 Und erstanda bly , we a re dealing here with literature heavily influenced by foreign models; the expe rime ntatio n does not seem to follow a native model, unless we see J a ros as a follower ofjohanides . Even so , there is injohanides's work also a lyricism which is missing fromjaros's work. Lyricism or rather " lyrical prose " is the main accomplishment of perhaps the most talented writer of the new generation, Vincent Sikula. H ere, for example, is the conclusion of Sikula' s story Dlhe tyzdne sjasnymi n ocami pred odletmi st'ahovavych vtakov (Long Weeks with Bright Nights befo re the Flights of Birds). A boy , Rudko , befriends a village idiot , Viktor, who attracts the boy with his ri ch imagination and asks him to join him secretly at night. Outside, th ey observe the m ysteriou s n a ture, crawl in the wet grass, a nd th en Viktor blindfolds the boy: Rudko, maybe I lied to you, h e said. I told you an hour ago that it 's beginning to d awn , but you could have seen that this was not so. Is the ni gh t bright? I took a mirror with m e, maybe I wanted to confuse you with it . I 've thrown it away, a nd you didn't even notice it. T ell m e, Rudko , what do I n eed a mirror fo r? M aybe yo u really are sick a nd maybe yo u feel like slee ping . But how could you slee p when the ni gh t is so bright? I p rom ised to give you a handke rchief, I didn ' t make a parachute out of it , because I would be sorry to see it go . H e told me th a t he would talk to m e un til I fall asleep. H e m entioned thin gs abo ut which he u sed to talk to me all summ er lo n g, that is, th e merry-go-round , the du ck , ... but also the gander , m aybe it will b e a wild gander and it will take off, lift itself off th e gro und, fl y over Koligram, it will avo id the poplars, it will disa ppear over the fi eld s ... �SLOVAKIA 161 Rudko, can you still see me? I can't. They found me in the morning with my head in the ditch. On my back, there was a heavy stone that was supposed to kill me. 6 Sikula admits that he is a follower of the outstanding village prose writers of the older generation, Jozef Ciger-Hronsky and Milo Urban, but his arrival on the literary scene with his lyricism was still an experiment under the circumstances. He does not flinch from horror when he shows the destruction of the village by sudden change brought on by war or revolution. But the violence of war has been more strikingly portrayed in the work of Ladislav Tazky, especially in his work Amenmaria: Sam[ dobrf vojaci (Amenmaria: All the Good Soldiers, 1964). H ere we see a conscious departure from the older socialist realist depiction of war, such as the schematic picture of the resistance and the horrors of the uprising against the Germans that we find in Jilemnicky' s Kronika (Chronicle, 1947) , where everything is simple and clear. On the one side the partisans, on the other - Germans. In Tazky we find a difference . The experiment lies in introducing to the reader a hero who is a soldier of the Slovak Army fighting in the Ukraine against the Red Army and on the side of the Germans . Although , to be sure, the narrator is a communist, the difficult period, the ambiguities, the different pulls and demands on soldiers, the hell of war, are all rendered in a striking style that lacks comforting simplicity and bewilders us by its provocative character. What follows is a description of a German attack on a hut harboring deserters: Why do the Germans keep the light on at D aytim e and How Come they don 't Shout " H eil "? What are you doing, soldier-boys? At this time they h ave to be near the hut and the officer is commanding them to hit the snow and crawl towards the bark bunker. Boys , how long will you be playing this game? You've done it once before. Do you remember, we answered you then, and now the hut stays mum , it is waiting for you , so break �162 SLOVAKIA her waist, who will fire into he r warmth smelling of human warmth? Nobody will leave the grave, nobody will a nswer, the dead do not fear death , you are death , only the living are afraid of you, those whose waist is still unbroken (SP, June 1965, 154) . But lest I leave the impression that m ost of the n ew prose of the sixties was so depressing and utterly serious, let me turn to humor. Clearly, the most talented practitioners at the time were Milan Lasica and Julius Satinsky : humorists, satirists, p arodists and performers of their work. But I would like to turn to Milan Zelinka instead, because of the allusive character of Lasica and Satinsky's work . Zelinka's work , from which I will quote, won the competition organized by the prestigious journal Slovenske Pohl'ady in 1968 . The story is a pseudo-historical take-off on folklore and infirmities of the age reminiscent of Alfred Jarry' s Ubu . A kingdom is harrassed by a robber whom no one is able to stop. Finally , after cau sing the death of the king, the robber engages the n ew king in correspondence. H ere then is an exchange of letters from Povest' o strasnom zbojnfkovi Folstynskom a nest'astnom katovi Holcusko vi (The Story about the T errible Robber Folstynsky and the Unfortunate Executio n er Holcuska) . After the capture of the robber , who finds out that he is about to be shown to tourists instead of being executed , the robber fires a letter of protest to the king: D ear Sir, I thought tha t you h ad character , but today I found out otherwise . I a m a nnouncing thereby that I protest again st being put on a show for tourists just because you lack good economists! It is against my con science. I swear that if you force m e to do what I hate with all m y soul , I sh all spit upon the tourists and haran gu e them with u gly words to su ch an effe ct that they will be unable to sleep in our guest h ou ses not only because of the fleas, bu t also b ecause of the horror cau sed b y my tongue . Folstynsky �SLOVAKIA 163 The king answered the robber: Dear buddy, I think you are being unfair . Even though I do believe that the postponement of your execution has disappointed you deeply, there's nothing to be done, you'll have to go on living for some time ye t. As for the tourists , don't forget that our country needs money badly . It is partly and mainly your own fault that we find ourselves in a deep economic crisis. You should not forget that . Who was zipping up and down our country causing mischief, but you alone? After all, if I published your opinions in the press, our young people would laugh at you. And you do not want to appear ridiculous to them , do you? Your friend , King Bazulfk P .S . Finally, have no fear . It is not going to be so bad with those tourists. They are generous, I experienced it personally . You ' ll get lots of chewing gum. (SP, March 1968 , 154) . It would be difficult to pretend that anything except broad currents of the variety found in Slovak literature of the sixties were mentioned here. Peter Balgha and Rudolf Slaboda should have been and Vlado Bednar could have been m entioned as well. But rather than piling up a great number of names and titles, it seemed more appropriate to communicate the special flavor of the new prose . Moreover , it is also the special excitem ent that greeted the new experiments, the new works, the new names in the sixties that one would want to evoke here. And that excitem ent was, as is only natural , the property of those who had a good knowledge of the standard , or older socialist realist literature , those who could see how much this new literature differed from the older one. They could see how , quite co nsciously , the new authors began to displace the old rules, the schemata, and above all, the fear. When these were pushed away, the experimenting began . In some cases it was a modest kind of experim ent : the author wanted to see if he could write the way people used to write in the thirties or even twenties. Other writers wanted to bring in forbidde n topics: repressed people, eroticism, foreign philosoph y. Others still concentrated on the style, the form, th e structure of their work. Taken together , the effor ts of youn g Slovak authors (and som e not so you n g) made the decade of the sixties a veritable liter- �164 SLOVAKIA ary revival. That it happened at all is a miracle , despite the ready explanations . One wonders how right Thomas Merton was when he said that "tomorrow the abstract paintings will be on the walls of the Commissars.' ' 8 NOTES ' Czech Literature since 1956: A Symposium , ed . William E . Harkins a nd Paul I. Trensky (New York: Bohemica, 1980). ' Frantisek Vnuk ' ~ Sedemnast' neurodnych rokov (Middletown: Slovak v Amerike , 1965) discusses literary developments after 1956 and into 1962. It is pa rticularly valuable for its description of the infertile period of the reign of socialist realism , as the fertile period of the sixties is mostly outside th e com pass of his work . 3 Jozef Kot , " Ako dalej ," Slovenske pohl'ady, 78 Oanuary 1962), 136-3 7. This journal will hence appear in the text as SP. Translations a re mine . • JanJohanides, Sukromie (Bratislava: Slovensky Spisovatel' , 1963), p. 118 . ' Peter Jaros , Vahy (Bratislava: Slovensky Spisovatel', 1968), p. 1011 . 6 Vincent Sikula, Povetrie (Bratislava: Slovensky Spisovatel', 1968) , p . 13. 7 Thomas Merton, Raids on the Unspeakable (New York : New Directions , 1965), p. 168). Presented in Panel 128, '' Slovak Literature as a Mirror of the National Awakening, ' ' at the AAASS co nventi on in Philadelphia on 8 November 1980. � SLOVAKIA 153 Modern Slovak Fiction: The Sixties, A Decade of Experimentation Peter Petro During the l 960's literatures of the Eastern European countries experienced a revival. On the one hand this revival became possible by the gradual relaxation of political control over literature; on the other hand it was spurred on by literary developments in the West as well as in the East. I t would be difficult to overestimate this foreign factor in the general revival. Nor was it always a case of the local application of some hitherto unavailabl e literary techniques of experimental character. Very often it was simply the act of rediscovering authors whose reputations had already been made some decades ago. This was the case with Proust , Joyce , Hemingway, T.S. Eliot, Babel , Pilnyak, Platonov, and many , many others. Franz Kafka held a special position among these rediscovered authors. His appearance in print was hailed as a symbolic, liberating event of major proportion in the literary ( and cultural) history of both the Czech and Slovak nations. As for the experimental impulses emanating from the West, the anti-novel or nouveau-roman (of Alain Robbe-Grillet, Nathalie Sarraute) , and the thea tre of the absurd (not only oflonesco, but of the mu ch older Alfred Jarry) quickly found willing practitioners as well. Not the least among these factors was the re-evaluation of native authors rehabilitated and brought back from oblivion, or rather from a literary limbo (in Slovakia they were Milo Urban , J.C. Hronsk y, Tido J. Gaspar, and others). In Slovakia, as indeed in the entire Eastern Europe, the important mileposts were the years 1956 and 1962. We can get an insight into what went on after 1956 and 1962 in Czech literature from a recently published work edited by William E. Harkins and Paul I. Trensky . 1 But here, too, the center of grav ity lies in the sixties and the reader's atten tion is directed to some half a dozen names that became known , not only in Bohemia , but also abroad. Slovak literary developments, inasmuch as these were influ en ced by political events occurring in the power cen- �154 SLOV AKI A te rs of P ragu e a nd Mosco w, to which Sl ovak literatu re h ad b ee n di rectly o r indirectly subo rdin a ted , could n ot bu t foll ow a path simil a r to the Czech d evelo pments . However , thi s d oes n ot m ean tha t th ey d evelop ed in the sam e directio n , o r even a t the sam e p ace. U po n examina ti o n of som e re p rese nta tive wo rks of Slovak a u th o r s who a ppea red durin g the p e ri od of th e revival of the six ti es, o n e is impressed b y the varie t y a nd quality of th e literature if compa red to the d ecades tha t preced e a nd follow it. Th a t so m e m as te rpieces p rodu ced a t the t im e still re m a in unkno wn in the W es t is p e rh a p s n o t e n t irely th e fa ult of write r s; the lack of tra n sla tion s is equ ally crippling. F o r this reaso n a look a t some examples of the ex perime ntal fictio n of the sixties could be o f som e help . Tha t decad e was a n ew b eginnin g in Slovak litearture; its accomplishme nts will help us to o rientate ou rselves in co ntemporary Slovak lite ra ture a nd they will help u s, in all proba bility, in the future a s well . If the six ties wer e indeed the n e w b eginnin g, what is really m eant b y thi s " n e wness" and al so b y "expe rime nt " in the context of the six ties? To start w ith , the conte xt o f the sixties w as the coll a pse of the d octrine, concept , or m e thod of socialist realism . 2 Of course, socialist realism h ad n o t b ee n re tired b y a n a dminist ra ti ve fi a t ; it h a d b ee n re -defin ed . But the sp ell h ad b een b ro ke n a nd the ch a n ges in theor y we re follo wed b y ch a n ges in p ractice. E ver yon e still p a id lip service to socialist realism but wh a t matte red m ost to p a rt y offi cials, namely the control of lite rature, was gradually slippin g from the ir h a nds, a nd their periodic a ttempts to re-establi sh con trol we re n ot su ccess ful : they h a d le t the genie out of the b o ttle. And so, whil e th e critics still p e nned th e ir tribu te s to su ch model a u th o r s as F ra n t isek H eck o (b . 190 5), P e te r Jile mnick y (b . 1901 ) , a nd Frano Kral' (b . 1903), the new w rite rs th at b egan to ap pear in print w rote in a w ay th a t w as ofte n e ntirely alie n to th ese " cl assics," som e t im es eve n to the exte nt of u sin g th e sociali st realist m od els in a w ay th at parod ied th e o ri ginal. T h e n ewn ess o f th e li teratu re of th e sixties, th e n , li es in breaki ng with th e p ast, o r rath e r with th e im m edi a te past of socialist real ist literat ure of b uildin g a nd co n stru c tin g, o f o p timi sm, of tr a n spare nt sch e m e a nd ideological or phil osophi cal m o n och rome. H owever , w h en we com e to th e "exp e rim e n t ," we fi n d th at m atters are much more complex tha n th at. F irs t o f a ll , at th e b eginnin g of th e decade (an d already in th e seco nd h alf o f th e fifti es), a n y veerin g off th e established model h ad to b e co n sidered a n experiment. For this reason , o n e h as to take "experi men t" �SLOVAKIA 155 in our con text quite liberally and broadly as meaning a wide variety of writing, from that which merely joins an already established prose current to that which attempts at importing certain contemporary western literary techniques . Most importantly , we have to understand it as the development of a genuine, new literary voice with its own style, its own original seeing of the world. It would hardly be possible for new, unknown writers simply to appear with their new work and displace the established authors overnight. What happened instead was a transition period when the next literary generation of authors following Hecko , Jil emnicky, Kral', and others - namely Vladimfr Minac (b.1922), Ladislav Mnacko (b.1919), Dominik Tata rko (b.1913), and Peter Karvas (b.1920), among others - abandoned their orthodoxy to such an extent that further experiments along the same lines seemed no longer astonishing. Even here one would like to stress that the authors of the sixties were by no means readily accepted. There was first a struggle. There was very often harsh criticism; and , objectively spea king, such criticism was sometimes quite ju stified. On the whole , however, any criticism had to be fundamentally unfair if we take into consideration the still limited freedom to write as the author pleased. Thus , we witness the sorry spectacle of compromised literature criticized by compromised critics. A good example would be the case ofjaroslava Blazkova's Nylonovy mesiac (Nylon Moon, 1961 ). Jozef Kot attacked it by saying: "I do not know why, but Slovak prose has suddenly discovered ero ticism , and Sagan and others," adding a statement difficult to challenge: " Bratislava will never be a Paris and Slovaks will never be erotomaniacs. " 3 Of course, Kot knows full well why was it that there was no erot icism before. It simply was not allowed. Nor were any modern western authors pe rmitted to serve as model s, before. Kot perceives the change and his reaction is a good, though mild , sign of his bewilderment. Alas, in a very few years, by Kot 's standards, Bratislava was teeming with erotomaniac authors as socialist puritanism fizzl ed out. In fact, the standards used to measure the quality of lite rary production in Slovakia were high. P erhaps too high , and that led to contradictions . Thus , J an Rozner took the young writers Blazkova and Anton H ykisch to task: "We can not call that which is being done by the young prose writers experime ntin g. It is ceaseless searching, learning , testing, but not experimenting" (SP, September 1961 , 17) . In the case �156 SLOVAKIA of Hykisch , he was take n to task for using the inte rnal monologu e or strea m of consciousness technique , and it was pointed out to him that this was not new at all , as it h ad been used by mode rnist authors a long time ago. Again the crit ic pretended to be unaware of the fact that even su ch a basic and harmless technique h ad been very suspect just recently. And Hykisch was reacting to the literature immediately preceding him , even though , pe rhaps unconsciously , he actuall y returned to the interrupted modernist line of Slovak prose. " Modernism " - a word of opprobrium only rece ntly - became th e most desired aim in the ge neral atmosphe re of catching up with the W est. But H ykisch would not stop experimenting. Here is the conclusion of his sho rt novel Nad'a (SP August-Dece mbe r 1963): Who is guilty of the librarian 's d eath? Who ? I ? H e? Nadia , you are a merciful Samaritan, should you try to save people who were hurt ? ... The door to the washroom banged shut. They always bang, someone shouted feebly from the next room. Dreaming. At the other end it started to ring . I started. I began to run, the doors are lea ping a t my side and are running b ehind me, there is ringing, a seco nd alarm clock. A third . A fourth. Simultaneously. Voices, banging , slippers , fee t , the first door, a person . Woma n. I closed m y eyes a nd eve rything around m e vibrated, unknown sounds a nd voices, something securely lived here. I stood for a mome nt in front of our room, I heard Liz . I quickly ente red , Good morning , girls . Hi , Nadia, why a re you h a untin g here? I opened the window, hun g the towel on the bed and started to dress quickly. The girls were still sleepy and watched me in surprise . I hurried . It seem ed to m e that it was late for eve rything . It would not be difficult to prove how Hyki sch 's style differs from the more orthodox styles of th e forties a nd fifti es - the sudde n cha nges of voice, the economy , the dynamism , the palpa ble presence of the furniture of life, the reali a, in short, the mode rn shorthand, telegraphic style is here clearly represe nted. But the experime ntal ch a racter of this novel lies in the implications of the plot , in the introduction of a characte r �SLOVAKIA 157 out of favo r with the P arty, a nd the int rodu ctory device of qu ota ti on s from au thors su ch as Campa n ella (his Th e City of the S un ), H. G . W ells (Th e Sh ap e of Thin gs to Com e), qu otation s th at pro m oted qu estionin g, skep ti cism a nd pess imi sm . These qu ota ti on s co m e from Robert, th e m an in di sfavor with wh om adi a, th e hero in e, fall s in love . W e are led to believe th a t R obe rt 's difficulti es ste m from the fact th a t he is a thinker, not a careerist , and also a man of p rinciple. N adi a, a n intellige nt but slightl y fri volou s econ omics student , does n ot measure up to the strictures a nd u tter seriou sn ess of Robert , a libraria n by p ro fession , but a philosoph er b y callin g. Of interest , too, is the sett in g , th e urban se tt in g - Brati slava - which will come to be the set tin g of man y works of the decade. But it is th e city see n throu gh the eyes of a n out sider , N adi a, who com es to Brati slava to study . Th e ambi gu ou s endin g (Robert commits sui cide, but h ove rs b etwee n life an~ death) is also som ethin g new . ot becau se of the a mbi guity , but again fo r su ggestin g (by impli cation) th a t perh aps N adi a was n ot entirely to bl am e for R obert 's sui cide. It woul d not be enti rely in a ppropria te to call R obert a m odern Slovak in carna tion of th e "supe rflu ou s m a n " known to u s from Russian litera ture . The isolated individual , the m a n against the world , against a K afk aesqu e bureau cracy: su ch is th e un co m fo rta bl e situ a tion of the new Slovak literary ch a rac te r of the sixties. In a nothe r urba n writer , J a n J oh a nides, the ch a racte r is isol ated without the h elp of politi cs . R a th er , h e is pressed a nd tried sorely b y the existential choice , by lack of com munication , a nd b y the alien world from which he seem s so woefull y estra n ged . C a mu s a nd Sartre a re the two m ost obviou s m en tors ofj oh a nides, especially the latter, according to Mil a n H amad a (SP , O ctob er 1963 , 134). L ack of co mmunication is the them e of an impressive story entitled Potapaca prit'ahuju pram ene m ora (A Di ve r I s Attracted by O cean Sprin gs). I qu ote from the co nclu sion : Everybody loves hi s wi fe fo r som e m ore or less co ncrete reason , b u t the re a re some who love fo r a less ce rta in , or eve n un ce rtain reason . And th at reaso n could b e the fact that he saw h er, th at they h ave me t a t all , th at sh e too exis ts. It seems tha t I loved Marth a for a sim il a r reason. I saw her, I looked at her w ith these my eyes a n d she wanted me to marry her. And that "more certain " reason fo r whi ch , if I ca n say so, m y love multi pli ed , was her beautiful a r rogan ce. T h a t is �158 SLOVAKIA wha t I would call he r in sisten t d esire to be h appy . Perh a ps she co uld gu ess a t the beginnin g that I could secure her existen ce and would make no claims on her. I call her desire for happiness beautiful a rrogance because she d a red to turn m e into a spring board to aims tha t she thou ght would m a ke h er ha ppy. This a r rogance - of wh a tever kind - I find interestin g; I do n ot judge h er for it. It p roves tha t M a rtha had to be profoundl y unha ppy a nd alone. Little things that I could furnish for her were designed to suggest to he r that this was not the way to ha ppiness. I do not know if she unde rstood . (SP, July 196 1, 111 ) Now the sen sitive n a rrator-hu sb a nd is him self d yin g of cance r , but still goin g a bout hi s tasks, unworried ab out his a pproaching end . Hi s profession is rather prosaic: he is a chef in a resta ura nt . Whe n he find s out a bout his wife ' s unfaithfuln ess, he fail s to ge t a n gry. When he learns a bou t her death of sudden heart failure while drivin g with her love r , he still m a intains his equ animity. Thu s he is almost superna turally calm a nd ra tion al, or em o tion ally defici e nt - a judgem ent th a t is sys tem a tically contradicted by his superior sen sitivity of perception and un d erstandin g . Still , hi s sta nce is suspicious to his fri end s who find him too stran ge for their compa n y . All thi s would b e new and unu su al in Slovak lite rature, but the essenti al experimental feature of J oha nides is his stress on th e private space of the individu al; n ot only his in ne r world tha t he so carefull y sketches, but the ou te r world as well. H owever , it is a highly individu al, private world tha t his cha racte rs see. And for that reaso n th ey are u nabl e to share it wi th an yon e. Con sequ entl y, these wo rlds often clash . Such a cl ash is described by the obj ective n arrator of a title story in J oha nides' s Sukromie (Privacy, 1963). During the fun e ral of a ve ry act ive wo rke r a nd Pa r ty m em ber, the orato r addresses the deceased: I d o n ot know h ow to tha nk you fra nkl y fo r all your effort a nd pe rso nal in volve m en t in our facto ry's cl ub of the R evolutio na ry U nion Move m e nt. You we re a good union m embe r , we deeply honor yo ur wo rk. W e knew yo u , we tru sted you . Bu t d id we really know you ? The wind lifted the red fl ag that covered the coffin, and som eo ne fro m the crowd p assed a n open bottle of soda water �SLOVAKIA 15 9 to the cl a rinet pl aye r . H e put it in to th e condu ctor's h a nd. - But w hy did you leave so su dd enl y? The bo ttle of soda water was ta ken by a sm all m a n in a gray sui t w ith a wart ri ght un der hi s eye. H e was holdin g the wife of the deceased in hi s arms, pou r in g the sod a water o n he r face th rou gh the veil , but som e wom a n too k th e bo ttle away from him a nd lifted the ve il . - Why did you leave so sudde nl y? 4 Two activities are in progress simultan eou sly. T he world of the deceased is no m o re; to who m , then , is th e orator a ddressing hi s m ela ncholy m essage? To him self, fo r th e widow h as fa inted , a nd people a re busy ta king care of h er. The commo tio n of the world " out the re" cl ashes w ith the wo rld of the o rator whose speech a nd qu estion s give the scen e an a b su rd a ir a t first ; it will turn out tha t n o on e, n ot eve n his wife, really kn ew the d eceased . Jan J oh a nid es b a ffl ed hi s critics and div id ed them sh a rply into two groups . Fo r the first group , here is Mila n H am ad a: '' The failure of intellect in J ohanides caused the loss of spiritual and artistic tran scendence " (SP , Au gu st 1966 , 9). For the second , Fra nti sek Miko: "The stren gth of J oh a nides ' s style I see m a inly in w h a t I would like to call indep enden ce. It shows itself in the a n alys is, con cretely in the sh a rp , m a tter -offact an alyti cal to ne. This tone was always very rare h e re, a nd the refore always desirable a nd n ew" (SP , D ecember 1966, 15). In this m a tter-of-fact tone a nd in hi s som etim es excess ive a ttention to detail J oh anides was bested by P eter J aros, who brings into Slovak litera ture perh ap s the m ost experim ental features th a t we associa te with the a nti-n ovel or n ou vea u rom an. H e is playing with ti me, "coll apsing" it , d iffu sin g o ur a ttenti o n in paren thetical deta il s that seem to be la rgely irrelevant to the main action , which itself is ve ry difficult to de fin e . H ere is an example from hi s work Vah y (Scales, 1966): (Some movemen ts attract by the ir u nexpected vigorou sness or their unusual character. Ri gh t now a hu ge clou d mu st have fl ow n away a nd uncove red th e settin g su n , for it su ddenl y brightened up .) We move away carefu ll y from the door , hi t somethin g ge ntl y a nd feel behind our b ack the wall ( eve n the sitting man can be seen mo re clearly). Sudde nl y , as if by m iracle, we e n ter the room w he re the man is sitti ng , and we �160 SLOVAKIA stay there even after the sun sets and the twilight turns to darkness. (The room is a spacious one, from the armchair in which the man is sitting, one can see, n ear the glass door, a double chest of brown walnut wood. There is nothing on the rear wall , although be tween the doo r a nd the chest there is sufficie nt space to fit a big elongated vase that would moderate the sudden transition between the chest and the door. )5 Und erstanda bly , we a re dealing here with literature heavily influenced by foreign models; the expe rime ntatio n does not seem to follow a native model, unless we see J a ros as a follower ofjohanides . Even so , there is injohanides's work also a lyricism which is missing fromjaros's work. Lyricism or rather " lyrical prose " is the main accomplishment of perhaps the most talented writer of the new generation, Vincent Sikula. H ere, for example, is the conclusion of Sikula' s story Dlhe tyzdne sjasnymi n ocami pred odletmi st'ahovavych vtakov (Long Weeks with Bright Nights befo re the Flights of Birds). A boy , Rudko , befriends a village idiot , Viktor, who attracts the boy with his ri ch imagination and asks him to join him secretly at night. Outside, th ey observe the m ysteriou s n a ture, crawl in the wet grass, a nd th en Viktor blindfolds the boy: Rudko, maybe I lied to you, h e said. I told you an hour ago that it 's beginning to d awn , but you could have seen that this was not so. Is the ni gh t bright? I took a mirror with m e, maybe I wanted to confuse you with it . I 've thrown it away, a nd you didn't even notice it. T ell m e, Rudko , what do I n eed a mirror fo r? M aybe yo u really are sick a nd maybe yo u feel like slee ping . But how could you slee p when the ni gh t is so bright? I p rom ised to give you a handke rchief, I didn ' t make a parachute out of it , because I would be sorry to see it go . H e told me th a t he would talk to m e un til I fall asleep. H e m entioned thin gs abo ut which he u sed to talk to me all summ er lo n g, that is, th e merry-go-round , the du ck , ... but also the gander , m aybe it will b e a wild gander and it will take off, lift itself off th e gro und, fl y over Koligram, it will avo id the poplars, it will disa ppear over the fi eld s ... �SLOVAKIA 161 Rudko, can you still see me? I can't. They found me in the morning with my head in the ditch. On my back, there was a heavy stone that was supposed to kill me. 6 Sikula admits that he is a follower of the outstanding village prose writers of the older generation, Jozef Ciger-Hronsky and Milo Urban, but his arrival on the literary scene with his lyricism was still an experiment under the circumstances. He does not flinch from horror when he shows the destruction of the village by sudden change brought on by war or revolution. But the violence of war has been more strikingly portrayed in the work of Ladislav Tazky, especially in his work Amenmaria: Sam[ dobrf vojaci (Amenmaria: All the Good Soldiers, 1964). H ere we see a conscious departure from the older socialist realist depiction of war, such as the schematic picture of the resistance and the horrors of the uprising against the Germans that we find in Jilemnicky' s Kronika (Chronicle, 1947) , where everything is simple and clear. On the one side the partisans, on the other - Germans. In Tazky we find a difference . The experiment lies in introducing to the reader a hero who is a soldier of the Slovak Army fighting in the Ukraine against the Red Army and on the side of the Germans . Although , to be sure, the narrator is a communist, the difficult period, the ambiguities, the different pulls and demands on soldiers, the hell of war, are all rendered in a striking style that lacks comforting simplicity and bewilders us by its provocative character. What follows is a description of a German attack on a hut harboring deserters: Why do the Germans keep the light on at D aytim e and How Come they don 't Shout " H eil "? What are you doing, soldier-boys? At this time they h ave to be near the hut and the officer is commanding them to hit the snow and crawl towards the bark bunker. Boys , how long will you be playing this game? You've done it once before. Do you remember, we answered you then, and now the hut stays mum , it is waiting for you , so break �162 SLOVAKIA her waist, who will fire into he r warmth smelling of human warmth? Nobody will leave the grave, nobody will a nswer, the dead do not fear death , you are death , only the living are afraid of you, those whose waist is still unbroken (SP, June 1965, 154) . But lest I leave the impression that m ost of the n ew prose of the sixties was so depressing and utterly serious, let me turn to humor. Clearly, the most talented practitioners at the time were Milan Lasica and Julius Satinsky : humorists, satirists, p arodists and performers of their work. But I would like to turn to Milan Zelinka instead, because of the allusive character of Lasica and Satinsky's work . Zelinka's work , from which I will quote, won the competition organized by the prestigious journal Slovenske Pohl'ady in 1968 . The story is a pseudo-historical take-off on folklore and infirmities of the age reminiscent of Alfred Jarry' s Ubu . A kingdom is harrassed by a robber whom no one is able to stop. Finally , after cau sing the death of the king, the robber engages the n ew king in correspondence. H ere then is an exchange of letters from Povest' o strasnom zbojnfkovi Folstynskom a nest'astnom katovi Holcusko vi (The Story about the T errible Robber Folstynsky and the Unfortunate Executio n er Holcuska) . After the capture of the robber , who finds out that he is about to be shown to tourists instead of being executed , the robber fires a letter of protest to the king: D ear Sir, I thought tha t you h ad character , but today I found out otherwise . I a m a nnouncing thereby that I protest again st being put on a show for tourists just because you lack good economists! It is against my con science. I swear that if you force m e to do what I hate with all m y soul , I sh all spit upon the tourists and haran gu e them with u gly words to su ch an effe ct that they will be unable to sleep in our guest h ou ses not only because of the fleas, bu t also b ecause of the horror cau sed b y my tongue . Folstynsky �SLOVAKIA 163 The king answered the robber: Dear buddy, I think you are being unfair . Even though I do believe that the postponement of your execution has disappointed you deeply, there's nothing to be done, you'll have to go on living for some time ye t. As for the tourists , don't forget that our country needs money badly . It is partly and mainly your own fault that we find ourselves in a deep economic crisis. You should not forget that . Who was zipping up and down our country causing mischief, but you alone? After all, if I published your opinions in the press, our young people would laugh at you. And you do not want to appear ridiculous to them , do you? Your friend , King Bazulfk P .S . Finally, have no fear . It is not going to be so bad with those tourists. They are generous, I experienced it personally . You ' ll get lots of chewing gum. (SP, March 1968 , 154) . It would be difficult to pretend that anything except broad currents of the variety found in Slovak literature of the sixties were mentioned here. Peter Balgha and Rudolf Slaboda should have been and Vlado Bednar could have been m entioned as well. But rather than piling up a great number of names and titles, it seemed more appropriate to communicate the special flavor of the new prose . Moreover , it is also the special excitem ent that greeted the new experiments, the new works, the new names in the sixties that one would want to evoke here. And that excitem ent was, as is only natural , the property of those who had a good knowledge of the standard , or older socialist realist literature , those who could see how much this new literature differed from the older one. They could see how , quite co nsciously , the new authors began to displace the old rules, the schemata, and above all, the fear. When these were pushed away, the experimenting began . In some cases it was a modest kind of experim ent : the author wanted to see if he could write the way people used to write in the thirties or even twenties. Other writers wanted to bring in forbidde n topics: repressed people, eroticism, foreign philosoph y. Others still concentrated on the style, the form, th e structure of their work. Taken together , the effor ts of youn g Slovak authors (and som e not so you n g) made the decade of the sixties a veritable liter- �164 SLOVAKIA ary revival. That it happened at all is a miracle , despite the ready explanations . One wonders how right Thomas Merton was when he said that "tomorrow the abstract paintings will be on the walls of the Commissars.' ' 8 NOTES ' Czech Literature since 1956: A Symposium , ed . William E . Harkins a nd Paul I. Trensky (New York: Bohemica, 1980). ' Frantisek Vnuk ' ~ Sedemnast' neurodnych rokov (Middletown: Slovak v Amerike , 1965) discusses literary developments after 1956 and into 1962. It is pa rticularly valuable for its description of the infertile period of the reign of socialist realism , as the fertile period of the sixties is mostly outside th e com pass of his work . 3 Jozef Kot , " Ako dalej ," Slovenske pohl'ady, 78 Oanuary 1962), 136-3 7. This journal will hence appear in the text as SP. Translations a re mine . • JanJohanides, Sukromie (Bratislava: Slovensky Spisovatel' , 1963), p. 118 . ' Peter Jaros , Vahy (Bratislava: Slovensky Spisovatel', 1968), p. 1011 . 6 Vincent Sikula, Povetrie (Bratislava: Slovensky Spisovatel', 1968) , p . 13. 7 Thomas Merton, Raids on the Unspeakable (New York : New Directions , 1965), p. 168). Presented in Panel 128, '' Slovak Literature as a Mirror of the National Awakening, ' ' at the AAASS co nventi on in Philadelphia on 8 November 1980. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1982-83, Vol. 30 Description An account of the resource Vol. 30 (No. 55-56), 1982-83. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982-83 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 153 Modern Slovak Fiction: The Sixties, A Decade of Experimentation Peter Petro During the l 960's literatures of the Eastern European countries experienced a revival. On the one hand this revival became possible by the gradual relaxation of political control over literature; on the other hand it was spurred on by literary developments in the West as well as in the East. I t would be difficult to overestimate this foreign factor in the general revival. Nor was it always a case of the local application of some hitherto unavailabl e literary techniques of experimental character. Very often it was simply the act of rediscovering authors whose reputations had already been made some decades ago. This was the case with Proust , Joyce , Hemingway, T.S. Eliot, Babel , Pilnyak, Platonov, and many , many others. Franz Kafka held a special position among these rediscovered authors. His appearance in print was hailed as a symbolic, liberating event of major proportion in the literary ( and cultural) history of both the Czech and Slovak nations. As for the experimental impulses emanating from the West, the anti-novel or nouveau-roman (of Alain Robbe-Grillet, Nathalie Sarraute) , and the thea tre of the absurd (not only oflonesco, but of the mu ch older Alfred Jarry) quickly found willing practitioners as well. Not the least among these factors was the re-evaluation of native authors rehabilitated and brought back from oblivion, or rather from a literary limbo (in Slovakia they were Milo Urban , J.C. Hronsk y, Tido J. Gaspar, and others). In Slovakia, as indeed in the entire Eastern Europe, the important mileposts were the years 1956 and 1962. We can get an insight into what went on after 1956 and 1962 in Czech literature from a recently published work edited by William E. Harkins and Paul I. Trensky . 1 But here, too, the center of grav ity lies in the sixties and the reader's atten tion is directed to some half a dozen names that became known , not only in Bohemia , but also abroad. Slovak literary developments, inasmuch as these were influ en ced by political events occurring in the power cen- 154 SLOV AKI A te rs of P ragu e a nd Mosco w, to which Sl ovak literatu re h ad b ee n di rectly o r indirectly subo rdin a ted , could n ot bu t foll ow a path simil a r to the Czech d evelo pments . However , thi s d oes n ot m ean tha t th ey d evelop ed in the sam e directio n , o r even a t the sam e p ace. U po n examina ti o n of som e re p rese nta tive wo rks of Slovak a u th o r s who a ppea red durin g the p e ri od of th e revival of the six ti es, o n e is impressed b y the varie t y a nd quality of th e literature if compa red to the d ecades tha t preced e a nd follow it. Th a t so m e m as te rpieces p rodu ced a t the t im e still re m a in unkno wn in the W es t is p e rh a p s n o t e n t irely th e fa ult of write r s; the lack of tra n sla tion s is equ ally crippling. F o r this reaso n a look a t some examples of the ex perime ntal fictio n of the sixties could be o f som e help . Tha t decad e was a n ew b eginnin g in Slovak litearture; its accomplishme nts will help us to o rientate ou rselves in co ntemporary Slovak lite ra ture a nd they will help u s, in all proba bility, in the future a s well . If the six ties wer e indeed the n e w b eginnin g, what is really m eant b y thi s " n e wness" and al so b y "expe rime nt " in the context of the six ties? To start w ith , the conte xt o f the sixties w as the coll a pse of the d octrine, concept , or m e thod of socialist realism . 2 Of course, socialist realism h ad n o t b ee n re tired b y a n a dminist ra ti ve fi a t ; it h a d b ee n re -defin ed . But the sp ell h ad b een b ro ke n a nd the ch a n ges in theor y we re follo wed b y ch a n ges in p ractice. E ver yon e still p a id lip service to socialist realism but wh a t matte red m ost to p a rt y offi cials, namely the control of lite rature, was gradually slippin g from the ir h a nds, a nd their periodic a ttempts to re-establi sh con trol we re n ot su ccess ful : they h a d le t the genie out of the b o ttle. And so, whil e th e critics still p e nned th e ir tribu te s to su ch model a u th o r s as F ra n t isek H eck o (b . 190 5), P e te r Jile mnick y (b . 1901 ) , a nd Frano Kral' (b . 1903), the new w rite rs th at b egan to ap pear in print w rote in a w ay th a t w as ofte n e ntirely alie n to th ese " cl assics," som e t im es eve n to the exte nt of u sin g th e sociali st realist m od els in a w ay th at parod ied th e o ri ginal. T h e n ewn ess o f th e li teratu re of th e sixties, th e n , li es in breaki ng with th e p ast, o r rath e r with th e im m edi a te past of socialist real ist literat ure of b uildin g a nd co n stru c tin g, o f o p timi sm, of tr a n spare nt sch e m e a nd ideological or phil osophi cal m o n och rome. H owever , w h en we com e to th e "exp e rim e n t ," we fi n d th at m atters are much more complex tha n th at. F irs t o f a ll , at th e b eginnin g of th e decade (an d already in th e seco nd h alf o f th e fifti es), a n y veerin g off th e established model h ad to b e co n sidered a n experiment. For this reason , o n e h as to take "experi men t" SLOVAKIA 155 in our con text quite liberally and broadly as meaning a wide variety of writing, from that which merely joins an already established prose current to that which attempts at importing certain contemporary western literary techniques . Most importantly , we have to understand it as the development of a genuine, new literary voice with its own style, its own original seeing of the world. It would hardly be possible for new, unknown writers simply to appear with their new work and displace the established authors overnight. What happened instead was a transition period when the next literary generation of authors following Hecko , Jil emnicky, Kral', and others - namely Vladimfr Minac (b.1922), Ladislav Mnacko (b.1919), Dominik Tata rko (b.1913), and Peter Karvas (b.1920), among others - abandoned their orthodoxy to such an extent that further experiments along the same lines seemed no longer astonishing. Even here one would like to stress that the authors of the sixties were by no means readily accepted. There was first a struggle. There was very often harsh criticism; and , objectively spea king, such criticism was sometimes quite ju stified. On the whole , however, any criticism had to be fundamentally unfair if we take into consideration the still limited freedom to write as the author pleased. Thus , we witness the sorry spectacle of compromised literature criticized by compromised critics. A good example would be the case ofjaroslava Blazkova's Nylonovy mesiac (Nylon Moon, 1961 ). Jozef Kot attacked it by saying: "I do not know why, but Slovak prose has suddenly discovered ero ticism , and Sagan and others," adding a statement difficult to challenge: " Bratislava will never be a Paris and Slovaks will never be erotomaniacs. " 3 Of course, Kot knows full well why was it that there was no erot icism before. It simply was not allowed. Nor were any modern western authors pe rmitted to serve as model s, before. Kot perceives the change and his reaction is a good, though mild , sign of his bewilderment. Alas, in a very few years, by Kot 's standards, Bratislava was teeming with erotomaniac authors as socialist puritanism fizzl ed out. In fact, the standards used to measure the quality of lite rary production in Slovakia were high. P erhaps too high , and that led to contradictions . Thus , J an Rozner took the young writers Blazkova and Anton H ykisch to task: "We can not call that which is being done by the young prose writers experime ntin g. It is ceaseless searching, learning , testing, but not experimenting" (SP, September 1961 , 17) . In the case 156 SLOVAKIA of Hykisch , he was take n to task for using the inte rnal monologu e or strea m of consciousness technique , and it was pointed out to him that this was not new at all , as it h ad been used by mode rnist authors a long time ago. Again the crit ic pretended to be unaware of the fact that even su ch a basic and harmless technique h ad been very suspect just recently. And Hykisch was reacting to the literature immediately preceding him , even though , pe rhaps unconsciously , he actuall y returned to the interrupted modernist line of Slovak prose. " Modernism " - a word of opprobrium only rece ntly - became th e most desired aim in the ge neral atmosphe re of catching up with the W est. But H ykisch would not stop experimenting. Here is the conclusion of his sho rt novel Nad'a (SP August-Dece mbe r 1963): Who is guilty of the librarian 's d eath? Who ? I ? H e? Nadia , you are a merciful Samaritan, should you try to save people who were hurt ? ... The door to the washroom banged shut. They always bang, someone shouted feebly from the next room. Dreaming. At the other end it started to ring . I started. I began to run, the doors are lea ping a t my side and are running b ehind me, there is ringing, a seco nd alarm clock. A third . A fourth. Simultaneously. Voices, banging , slippers , fee t , the first door, a person . Woma n. I closed m y eyes a nd eve rything around m e vibrated, unknown sounds a nd voices, something securely lived here. I stood for a mome nt in front of our room, I heard Liz . I quickly ente red , Good morning , girls . Hi , Nadia, why a re you h a untin g here? I opened the window, hun g the towel on the bed and started to dress quickly. The girls were still sleepy and watched me in surprise . I hurried . It seem ed to m e that it was late for eve rything . It would not be difficult to prove how Hyki sch 's style differs from the more orthodox styles of th e forties a nd fifti es - the sudde n cha nges of voice, the economy , the dynamism , the palpa ble presence of the furniture of life, the reali a, in short, the mode rn shorthand, telegraphic style is here clearly represe nted. But the experime ntal ch a racter of this novel lies in the implications of the plot , in the introduction of a characte r SLOVAKIA 157 out of favo r with the P arty, a nd the int rodu ctory device of qu ota ti on s from au thors su ch as Campa n ella (his Th e City of the S un ), H. G . W ells (Th e Sh ap e of Thin gs to Com e), qu otation s th at pro m oted qu estionin g, skep ti cism a nd pess imi sm . These qu ota ti on s co m e from Robert, th e m an in di sfavor with wh om adi a, th e hero in e, fall s in love . W e are led to believe th a t R obe rt 's difficulti es ste m from the fact th a t he is a thinker, not a careerist , and also a man of p rinciple. N adi a, a n intellige nt but slightl y fri volou s econ omics student , does n ot measure up to the strictures a nd u tter seriou sn ess of Robert , a libraria n by p ro fession , but a philosoph er b y callin g. Of interest , too, is the sett in g , th e urban se tt in g - Brati slava - which will come to be the set tin g of man y works of the decade. But it is th e city see n throu gh the eyes of a n out sider , N adi a, who com es to Brati slava to study . Th e ambi gu ou s endin g (Robert commits sui cide, but h ove rs b etwee n life an~ death) is also som ethin g new . ot becau se of the a mbi guity , but again fo r su ggestin g (by impli cation) th a t perh aps N adi a was n ot entirely to bl am e for R obert 's sui cide. It woul d not be enti rely in a ppropria te to call R obert a m odern Slovak in carna tion of th e "supe rflu ou s m a n " known to u s from Russian litera ture . The isolated individual , the m a n against the world , against a K afk aesqu e bureau cracy: su ch is th e un co m fo rta bl e situ a tion of the new Slovak literary ch a rac te r of the sixties. In a nothe r urba n writer , J a n J oh a nides, the ch a racte r is isol ated without the h elp of politi cs . R a th er , h e is pressed a nd tried sorely b y the existential choice , by lack of com munication , a nd b y the alien world from which he seem s so woefull y estra n ged . C a mu s a nd Sartre a re the two m ost obviou s m en tors ofj oh a nides, especially the latter, according to Mil a n H amad a (SP , O ctob er 1963 , 134). L ack of co mmunication is the them e of an impressive story entitled Potapaca prit'ahuju pram ene m ora (A Di ve r I s Attracted by O cean Sprin gs). I qu ote from the co nclu sion : Everybody loves hi s wi fe fo r som e m ore or less co ncrete reason , b u t the re a re some who love fo r a less ce rta in , or eve n un ce rtain reason . And th at reaso n could b e the fact that he saw h er, th at they h ave me t a t all , th at sh e too exis ts. It seems tha t I loved Marth a for a sim il a r reason. I saw her, I looked at her w ith these my eyes a n d she wanted me to marry her. And that "more certain " reason fo r whi ch , if I ca n say so, m y love multi pli ed , was her beautiful a r rogan ce. T h a t is 158 SLOVAKIA wha t I would call he r in sisten t d esire to be h appy . Perh a ps she co uld gu ess a t the beginnin g that I could secure her existen ce and would make no claims on her. I call her desire for happiness beautiful a rrogance because she d a red to turn m e into a spring board to aims tha t she thou ght would m a ke h er ha ppy. This a r rogance - of wh a tever kind - I find interestin g; I do n ot judge h er for it. It p roves tha t M a rtha had to be profoundl y unha ppy a nd alone. Little things that I could furnish for her were designed to suggest to he r that this was not the way to ha ppiness. I do not know if she unde rstood . (SP, July 196 1, 111 ) Now the sen sitive n a rrator-hu sb a nd is him self d yin g of cance r , but still goin g a bout hi s tasks, unworried ab out his a pproaching end . Hi s profession is rather prosaic: he is a chef in a resta ura nt . Whe n he find s out a bout his wife ' s unfaithfuln ess, he fail s to ge t a n gry. When he learns a bou t her death of sudden heart failure while drivin g with her love r , he still m a intains his equ animity. Thu s he is almost superna turally calm a nd ra tion al, or em o tion ally defici e nt - a judgem ent th a t is sys tem a tically contradicted by his superior sen sitivity of perception and un d erstandin g . Still , hi s sta nce is suspicious to his fri end s who find him too stran ge for their compa n y . All thi s would b e new and unu su al in Slovak lite rature, but the essenti al experimental feature of J oha nides is his stress on th e private space of the individu al; n ot only his in ne r world tha t he so carefull y sketches, but the ou te r world as well. H owever , it is a highly individu al, private world tha t his cha racte rs see. And for that reaso n th ey are u nabl e to share it wi th an yon e. Con sequ entl y, these wo rlds often clash . Such a cl ash is described by the obj ective n arrator of a title story in J oha nides' s Sukromie (Privacy, 1963). During the fun e ral of a ve ry act ive wo rke r a nd Pa r ty m em ber, the orato r addresses the deceased: I d o n ot know h ow to tha nk you fra nkl y fo r all your effort a nd pe rso nal in volve m en t in our facto ry's cl ub of the R evolutio na ry U nion Move m e nt. You we re a good union m embe r , we deeply honor yo ur wo rk. W e knew yo u , we tru sted you . Bu t d id we really know you ? The wind lifted the red fl ag that covered the coffin, and som eo ne fro m the crowd p assed a n open bottle of soda water SLOVAKIA 15 9 to the cl a rinet pl aye r . H e put it in to th e condu ctor's h a nd. - But w hy did you leave so su dd enl y? The bo ttle of soda water was ta ken by a sm all m a n in a gray sui t w ith a wart ri ght un der hi s eye. H e was holdin g the wife of the deceased in hi s arms, pou r in g the sod a water o n he r face th rou gh the veil , but som e wom a n too k th e bo ttle away from him a nd lifted the ve il . - Why did you leave so sudde nl y? 4 Two activities are in progress simultan eou sly. T he world of the deceased is no m o re; to who m , then , is th e orator a ddressing hi s m ela ncholy m essage? To him self, fo r th e widow h as fa inted , a nd people a re busy ta king care of h er. The commo tio n of the world " out the re" cl ashes w ith the wo rld of the o rator whose speech a nd qu estion s give the scen e an a b su rd a ir a t first ; it will turn out tha t n o on e, n ot eve n his wife, really kn ew the d eceased . Jan J oh a nid es b a ffl ed hi s critics and div id ed them sh a rply into two groups . Fo r the first group , here is Mila n H am ad a: '' The failure of intellect in J ohanides caused the loss of spiritual and artistic tran scendence " (SP , Au gu st 1966 , 9). For the second , Fra nti sek Miko: "The stren gth of J oh a nides ' s style I see m a inly in w h a t I would like to call indep enden ce. It shows itself in the a n alys is, con cretely in the sh a rp , m a tter -offact an alyti cal to ne. This tone was always very rare h e re, a nd the refore always desirable a nd n ew" (SP , D ecember 1966, 15). In this m a tter-of-fact tone a nd in hi s som etim es excess ive a ttention to detail J oh anides was bested by P eter J aros, who brings into Slovak litera ture perh ap s the m ost experim ental features th a t we associa te with the a nti-n ovel or n ou vea u rom an. H e is playing with ti me, "coll apsing" it , d iffu sin g o ur a ttenti o n in paren thetical deta il s that seem to be la rgely irrelevant to the main action , which itself is ve ry difficult to de fin e . H ere is an example from hi s work Vah y (Scales, 1966): (Some movemen ts attract by the ir u nexpected vigorou sness or their unusual character. Ri gh t now a hu ge clou d mu st have fl ow n away a nd uncove red th e settin g su n , for it su ddenl y brightened up .) We move away carefu ll y from the door , hi t somethin g ge ntl y a nd feel behind our b ack the wall ( eve n the sitting man can be seen mo re clearly). Sudde nl y , as if by m iracle, we e n ter the room w he re the man is sitti ng , and we 160 SLOVAKIA stay there even after the sun sets and the twilight turns to darkness. (The room is a spacious one, from the armchair in which the man is sitting, one can see, n ear the glass door, a double chest of brown walnut wood. There is nothing on the rear wall , although be tween the doo r a nd the chest there is sufficie nt space to fit a big elongated vase that would moderate the sudden transition between the chest and the door. )5 Und erstanda bly , we a re dealing here with literature heavily influenced by foreign models; the expe rime ntatio n does not seem to follow a native model, unless we see J a ros as a follower ofjohanides . Even so , there is injohanides's work also a lyricism which is missing fromjaros's work. Lyricism or rather " lyrical prose " is the main accomplishment of perhaps the most talented writer of the new generation, Vincent Sikula. H ere, for example, is the conclusion of Sikula' s story Dlhe tyzdne sjasnymi n ocami pred odletmi st'ahovavych vtakov (Long Weeks with Bright Nights befo re the Flights of Birds). A boy , Rudko , befriends a village idiot , Viktor, who attracts the boy with his ri ch imagination and asks him to join him secretly at night. Outside, th ey observe the m ysteriou s n a ture, crawl in the wet grass, a nd th en Viktor blindfolds the boy: Rudko, maybe I lied to you, h e said. I told you an hour ago that it 's beginning to d awn , but you could have seen that this was not so. Is the ni gh t bright? I took a mirror with m e, maybe I wanted to confuse you with it . I 've thrown it away, a nd you didn't even notice it. T ell m e, Rudko , what do I n eed a mirror fo r? M aybe yo u really are sick a nd maybe yo u feel like slee ping . But how could you slee p when the ni gh t is so bright? I p rom ised to give you a handke rchief, I didn ' t make a parachute out of it , because I would be sorry to see it go . H e told me th a t he would talk to m e un til I fall asleep. H e m entioned thin gs abo ut which he u sed to talk to me all summ er lo n g, that is, th e merry-go-round , the du ck , ... but also the gander , m aybe it will b e a wild gander and it will take off, lift itself off th e gro und, fl y over Koligram, it will avo id the poplars, it will disa ppear over the fi eld s ... SLOVAKIA 161 Rudko, can you still see me? I can't. They found me in the morning with my head in the ditch. On my back, there was a heavy stone that was supposed to kill me. 6 Sikula admits that he is a follower of the outstanding village prose writers of the older generation, Jozef Ciger-Hronsky and Milo Urban, but his arrival on the literary scene with his lyricism was still an experiment under the circumstances. He does not flinch from horror when he shows the destruction of the village by sudden change brought on by war or revolution. But the violence of war has been more strikingly portrayed in the work of Ladislav Tazky, especially in his work Amenmaria: Sam[ dobrf vojaci (Amenmaria: All the Good Soldiers, 1964). H ere we see a conscious departure from the older socialist realist depiction of war, such as the schematic picture of the resistance and the horrors of the uprising against the Germans that we find in Jilemnicky' s Kronika (Chronicle, 1947) , where everything is simple and clear. On the one side the partisans, on the other - Germans. In Tazky we find a difference . The experiment lies in introducing to the reader a hero who is a soldier of the Slovak Army fighting in the Ukraine against the Red Army and on the side of the Germans . Although , to be sure, the narrator is a communist, the difficult period, the ambiguities, the different pulls and demands on soldiers, the hell of war, are all rendered in a striking style that lacks comforting simplicity and bewilders us by its provocative character. What follows is a description of a German attack on a hut harboring deserters: Why do the Germans keep the light on at D aytim e and How Come they don 't Shout " H eil "? What are you doing, soldier-boys? At this time they h ave to be near the hut and the officer is commanding them to hit the snow and crawl towards the bark bunker. Boys , how long will you be playing this game? You've done it once before. Do you remember, we answered you then, and now the hut stays mum , it is waiting for you , so break 162 SLOVAKIA her waist, who will fire into he r warmth smelling of human warmth? Nobody will leave the grave, nobody will a nswer, the dead do not fear death , you are death , only the living are afraid of you, those whose waist is still unbroken (SP, June 1965, 154) . But lest I leave the impression that m ost of the n ew prose of the sixties was so depressing and utterly serious, let me turn to humor. Clearly, the most talented practitioners at the time were Milan Lasica and Julius Satinsky : humorists, satirists, p arodists and performers of their work. But I would like to turn to Milan Zelinka instead, because of the allusive character of Lasica and Satinsky's work . Zelinka's work , from which I will quote, won the competition organized by the prestigious journal Slovenske Pohl'ady in 1968 . The story is a pseudo-historical take-off on folklore and infirmities of the age reminiscent of Alfred Jarry' s Ubu . A kingdom is harrassed by a robber whom no one is able to stop. Finally , after cau sing the death of the king, the robber engages the n ew king in correspondence. H ere then is an exchange of letters from Povest' o strasnom zbojnfkovi Folstynskom a nest'astnom katovi Holcusko vi (The Story about the T errible Robber Folstynsky and the Unfortunate Executio n er Holcuska) . After the capture of the robber , who finds out that he is about to be shown to tourists instead of being executed , the robber fires a letter of protest to the king: D ear Sir, I thought tha t you h ad character , but today I found out otherwise . I a m a nnouncing thereby that I protest again st being put on a show for tourists just because you lack good economists! It is against my con science. I swear that if you force m e to do what I hate with all m y soul , I sh all spit upon the tourists and haran gu e them with u gly words to su ch an effe ct that they will be unable to sleep in our guest h ou ses not only because of the fleas, bu t also b ecause of the horror cau sed b y my tongue . Folstynsky SLOVAKIA 163 The king answered the robber: Dear buddy, I think you are being unfair . Even though I do believe that the postponement of your execution has disappointed you deeply, there's nothing to be done, you'll have to go on living for some time ye t. As for the tourists , don't forget that our country needs money badly . It is partly and mainly your own fault that we find ourselves in a deep economic crisis. You should not forget that . Who was zipping up and down our country causing mischief, but you alone? After all, if I published your opinions in the press, our young people would laugh at you. And you do not want to appear ridiculous to them , do you? Your friend , King Bazulfk P .S . Finally, have no fear . It is not going to be so bad with those tourists. They are generous, I experienced it personally . You ' ll get lots of chewing gum. (SP, March 1968 , 154) . It would be difficult to pretend that anything except broad currents of the variety found in Slovak literature of the sixties were mentioned here. Peter Balgha and Rudolf Slaboda should have been and Vlado Bednar could have been m entioned as well. But rather than piling up a great number of names and titles, it seemed more appropriate to communicate the special flavor of the new prose . Moreover , it is also the special excitem ent that greeted the new experiments, the new works, the new names in the sixties that one would want to evoke here. And that excitem ent was, as is only natural , the property of those who had a good knowledge of the standard , or older socialist realist literature , those who could see how much this new literature differed from the older one. They could see how , quite co nsciously , the new authors began to displace the old rules, the schemata, and above all, the fear. When these were pushed away, the experimenting began . In some cases it was a modest kind of experim ent : the author wanted to see if he could write the way people used to write in the thirties or even twenties. Other writers wanted to bring in forbidde n topics: repressed people, eroticism, foreign philosoph y. Others still concentrated on the style, the form, th e structure of their work. Taken together , the effor ts of youn g Slovak authors (and som e not so you n g) made the decade of the sixties a veritable liter- 164 SLOVAKIA ary revival. That it happened at all is a miracle , despite the ready explanations . One wonders how right Thomas Merton was when he said that "tomorrow the abstract paintings will be on the walls of the Commissars.' ' 8 NOTES ' Czech Literature since 1956: A Symposium , ed . William E . Harkins a nd Paul I. Trensky (New York: Bohemica, 1980). ' Frantisek Vnuk ' ~ Sedemnast' neurodnych rokov (Middletown: Slovak v Amerike , 1965) discusses literary developments after 1956 and into 1962. It is pa rticularly valuable for its description of the infertile period of the reign of socialist realism , as the fertile period of the sixties is mostly outside th e com pass of his work . 3 Jozef Kot , " Ako dalej ," Slovenske pohl'ady, 78 Oanuary 1962), 136-3 7. This journal will hence appear in the text as SP. Translations a re mine . • JanJohanides, Sukromie (Bratislava: Slovensky Spisovatel' , 1963), p. 118 . ' Peter Jaros , Vahy (Bratislava: Slovensky Spisovatel', 1968), p. 1011 . 6 Vincent Sikula, Povetrie (Bratislava: Slovensky Spisovatel', 1968) , p . 13. 7 Thomas Merton, Raids on the Unspeakable (New York : New Directions , 1965), p. 168). Presented in Panel 128, '' Slovak Literature as a Mirror of the National Awakening, ' ' at the AAASS co nventi on in Philadelphia on 8 November 1980.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Modern Slovak Fiction: The Sixties, a Decade of Experimentation Description An account of the resource Peter Petro Slovakia, Vol. 30 (No. 55-56), 1982-83 pp. 153-164 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Petro, Peter Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982-83 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/1ba38c6ef7721653399bdfc41322ddda.pdf f2ef06811d3b44a0bb2f7fd6d5dce9f6 PDF Text Text 142 SLOVAKIA Jozef Cfger-Hronsky: A Major Slovak Novelist Pete r P etro Slovak literature is still a Cinderalla even among the Central European literatures. This is ce rta inly not because of a lack of good authors; but one is naturally drawn towards the larger literatures of the Slavic world , and Slovak translations are rare and good translations rarer still ; finally, some of the more interestin g a u th ors su ch as J .C . Hronsky are often ignored, instead of bein g actively promoted by the literary establishment at home. Ye t , one feels, if it ever happen s that a single author will represent the best in Slovak literature , that author will be J .C. Hronsky. Jozef Cfger Hronsky ( 1896-1960) was an unknown writer for the Slovak generation that grew up after 1945 . His name could not be found in any hi story of modern literature publish ed after the war. Officially , then , he did not exist in Slovakia , becau se he had left his homela nd in 1945. Hronsky eventually settled in Argentina , where he also died . The official prohibition lasted until 1965 , and then he was publish ed again. Yet , even before his departure in 1945 , he was already recognized as a maj or novelist and a worthy follower of the great Slovak writer , M artin Kukucfn , whom he came to overshadow . Curiously e nou gh, the two decad es-long pen an ce worked to Hronsky's advantage. And not because he published that much in exile: two major works Andreas Bur M ajster (Master Andreas Bur, 1948) and Svet na Trasovisku (The World Caught in Quicksand , 1960) , a re fascinating in their own right a nd round out his life's work, m akin g it m ore complete and articulate. Yet even without them his reputation would be safe. The following is an attempt to account for the undisputed p romin ence of Hronsky a nd thu s give a n introdu ct ion to hi s work. Hronsky is usually pl aced with the gen eration of a uthors th at appeared after the Great W a r and therefo re is most often m entioned in discu ss ions of the literature of the interwar pe riod. Howeve r , some of his b est novels appeared during a nd after the Second W orld War , and the reappearan ce of his work after 1965 played a n unpreced ented role �SLOVAKIA 143 in the literary life of the country when it influenced the newest generation at its most productive stage. Thus, he clearly transcends formal periodization as is only fitting for an author of his scope, accomplishment, and importance. Then again, the posthumous stage of Hronsky's literary fortune must have caught by surprise even such an admirer of his work as the author of an excellent monograph, Alexander Matuska. 1 Hronsky also transcends the attempt to limit his significance to one particular genre: that of the village novel. The temptation to so limit him grows quite naturally from the success of his noveljozefMak (1933), where h e demonstrated in a definitive fashion his mastery of the genre, having previously published a great number of short stories 2 and an im portant novel, Chlieb (Bread, 1931), all dealing with the village. Born in the town of Zvolen , Hronsky taught school in several central Slovak villages. But in writing about the village, Hronsky simply shows himself as a traditionalist, satisfied with the development and the continuation of an established genre, playing with it, adding and subtracting, and finally, withjozefMak, "fulfilling" the genre by producing a work in which it culminates. That he should start with village prose is hardly surprising. In Matuska's words, the whole of Slovakia was just a big village and as such a starting point for the development of Slovak realism, whether of the fantastic, idyllic, or local variety. 3 But Hronsky does not stop there, for he is also the author of a profoundly urban novel, Pisar Grae (Grae the Clerk, 1940) , one of his best, wherein typically urban concerns appear in the guise of an innovative, formally daring experiment in the novel , an experiment, moreover, that works and which, despite the crit ical attention it inspired, still seems underrated. 4 Finally , there is an attempt to claim Hronsky as an author of the "social novel" - or what others call the " problem novel , " that is , a novel concerned with social issues, as Jan Stevcek, otherwise a sensitive critic of Hronsky, has done. 5 Stevcek claims that Hronsky pointed out "some n ew facets of social reality and created, o n an artistic level , a new type of social novel , the main point of which was not a clearly determin ed issu e, but a hidden secret of social resistance. " 6 But this fancy footwork cannot hide the absence of the kind of social commitment that wou ld warrant the description of Jozef Mak as a " n ew type of social novel. '' On e could say with equal justification that this is a n ew type of reli giou s novel , a nd perhaps one would be closer to the truth, but even that would be insufficient. �144 SLOVAKIA If it is true that Hronsky transcends such partial treatment, how can we get at his core, his essential characteristic? For, to be sure, there is a grain of truth in the partial views mentioned here. The problem is , they are not too helpful in presenting us with the essential Hronsky. For this reason, Alexander Matuska comes much closer to this essential Hronsky, in his evaluation of Hronsky's stories, saying that they impress one as fairy tales from the past; as a neglect of the real problems of the village; as a dream village, not a real one; yet never as a lie , because they simultaneously impress one as something ancient, a joyful message to a younger, less fortunate age; as a universe that has besides its lower truth a higher significance, something akin to a reservation, where the "good man is still alive,'' something - if one can put it that way - like a miraculous ghetto, where basic human values are preserved, where man can exist whole and undivided , not because he let chaos and contradictions in and defeated them, but becau se he did not let them in and rejected them. 7 How far this is from a "social novel"! The ambivalence, or rather the polyvalence of Hronsky makes one hesitate: J. M . Rydlo says that Hronsky is a "truthful expressionist," an experimentalist , and an author who " lyricized " French reali sm, having been influenced, among others, by Jean Giono (1895-1970) and the Swiss Charles Ferdinand Ramuz (1878-194 7), whose work exemplifies " lyricized symbolism. " 8 Without going to outside sources and influences for Hronsky's unique, highly personal, and above all influential vision of the world , one can agree that he writes what is called ' ' lyricized'' or '' lyrical'' prose . With the advantage of hind sight, one notes that the school of lyrical prose has made a major impact on both the Slovak interwar period and the literature of the sixties and seventies. This was mainly due to H ronsky and it found worthy followers in such contemporary writers as Vincent Sikula and others . 9 Perhaps a few words about the phenomenon of lyrical prose might be in place here. Lyrical prose destroys the realistic convention by substituting for the conventionally objective narrative one that originates in a consciousness which is lyrical, poetic, and thus must of necessity clash with the underlying realistic background. Then again, "realistic" �SLOVAKIA 145 action may be submerged or enveloped in a lyrical, poetic, idealistic, even mystical light which itself serves as a background. At times this consciousness may seem childlike in its freshness of impression, reminding us of the well-known device of defamiliarization; yet in Bronsky the change in focus arrived at through defamiliarization is not at all the point of the device as he uses it. In Bronsky, such vision is a part of his belief system, his world view: it is always integral, never extraneous or exotic. The lyrical , poetic figures and symbols exist side by side with the realistic ones, often playing a key role, or "explaining" a character, by suggesting his raison d'etre . Thus, the opening ofJozef Mak is bathed in a green mist which is and is not of this world: From the wispy green fog emerged a white figure that leaves no tracks , has no weight, and can enter any courtyard without opening the gates, because the figure has no body but only hands bleeding from their pierced palms, and wise and good eyes. Its fingers were so m e rciful and light that the sleeping Jan Mak did not feel them upon his head. The son (and now since dawn the brother) heard only the movement of the wind, yet he understood every thing while he slept. The figure enters : " You're here, Jozef Mak? Yes, you are. I 've come too late . I have nothing left to give you. Since yesterday I 've been walking among quiet m en and women, and they've begged from me everything I had - by dawn there was nothing left. I gave away eve rything I had. And here you were born, Jozef Mak, with no one waiting for you except your mother ' s fright. No one welcomed you , no one brought you any presents. Well , I'll give you at least what I still have. I give you my crucified hands - they were left from the ni ght. Take them, but don't expect a mouth to match them, n ot even when you grow up and understand people and they try to persuade you that you should also get a voice somewhere.'' At that J ozef Mak sighed on his pillow. He sighed for joy that someone had given him something, for otherwise he would have had n othing in all his life. (p. 9) Thus starts the life of Jozef Mak, full of suffering that is never voiced , though it never lacks m eaning: a meaning that is ultimately liberating. �146 SLOVAKIA Mak is explained by this introduction , as are his good and evil actions. A poor man is traditionally close to God. A totally destitute one is closer still. Such proximity is M ak's birthright, yet he too goes astray, and only purification through suffering, a leitmotif in Hronsky , offers hope . But the crucified hands remain at the end of the novel: So then, suffer, Jozef Mak . You are just one of millions, a mere statistic, but you will endure everything, because it is not true that the hardest element in the world is stone , and the strongest steel. The truth is that the ordinary Jozef Mak will endure the most of all . (p. 301) It is not difficult to interpret the character as a symbol of the Slovak people, or even the nation . There is evidence in the novel that this unvoiced suffering fascinated the author, as if he were unwilling to part with his character whom he even engaged in imaginary conversations: Well , you can't run away, no matter what, you have to listen since you are h ere. Understand this , everything h as not come to an end yet. Things like this end only in a novel. In a novel something would happen to remove Jozef Mak from the world. But life is not a novel. Life is a cliff, a valley, mountains, tree stumps, an ax, passions, bread , and hoarfrost, and all these things are not just pieces of scenery and stage props which one can move a bout to suit one's fantasy. So you can not disappear just like that, Jozef Mak . (p. 300) And indeed, Mak survives in the ordinary man, in the mass man, if you like, for his inarticulateness grants him anonymity, as well as the distinction of being a symbol for the downtrodden anywhere anytime . Thus the essentially and even clinically authentic Slovak villager, as no one else could draw him , becomes also Hronsky's most universal creation . At this point , it has to be said that Hronsky does not idealize the village, nor is it a case of artifi cially preserving folklore . He is able, after all, to see the village without illusions , and often in painfully sh arp relief with its attendant cruelty and even savagery that are the obverse of the traditional lyricism found in the evocat ion of village li fe in prose . Stevcek goes even farther, saying that Hronsky "de-folklorizes old motifs and the old literary tradition, " and is "faithful to his dual optics, which he made his own, elevating it to his creative prin ciple.'' 10 lnjozef Mak �SLOVAKIA 147 the principle of " dual optics" is communicated throu gh the d evice of a "monologue inwardly made into a dialogue," 11 but this shou ld not b e confusing or surprising, b ecause the a uthor has to co mmunicate by such means what would h ave otherwise bee n communicated through a more articulate character. In addition, Hron sky is characte ristically indirect. The most importa nt , vital events takes place in the lives of his characters without anyone uttering a singl e word , as if Hronsky disbelieved in the power of the word. His characte rs are rarely swayed by example, m o re often b y passion , but a lastin g mark o n their behavior is exacted only b y the force of seemin gly m e rciless suffe ring. It is for this reason that Pisar Grae occupies much a distinctive place in th~ entire work of Hronsky. For here Hron sky reve rses himself, as he presents to u s a garrulous character, described by another as an "angry dog . Just like an a ngry dog! You will eve n b a rk at the pe rson who o ffers you a slice of bread; you h ave no God, a nd better people than you were h a n ged , but you ' ll just go on barking a nd barking until someone gives you a good kick " (p . 7) . What is more, this loquacious ch aracter indulges in conversations with the reade r and with a d ead m a n , the late second hu sband of his (Grac's) wife-to-be. Grae writes to the dead man , reminisces a bout the Great War, philosophizes, but lets us know only indirec tly a bout what is really most important to him , namely hi s love for Jana: a ha unting and luminous figure at the center of the novel. This indirect approach is submerged, as it were, in the noise of th e incessant monologue inte rrupted by non -chronologically arranged scen es which n eve rtheless follow a n internal o rder, leading u s, however circuito u sly, to a resolution which we co me to half expect anyway . One particul a rly admires the way in which J ana, the beau tiful , even tragic widow a nd narrator's wife-to-be, is revealed to u s, stage b y stage. W e find her fl ee tingly a ppearing a nd di sappearing in mirrors co nvenie ntly supplied b y the n arrator in the guise of o the r ch aracters a nd the ir rem ini scences, their stories, where Jan a appears as if by ch a n ce. But all this ·is beau tifull y, cooll y controll ed , for the seemin gly cyn ical n arrator has within him a ce nte r that hi s mundane and unprepossessing ex terior formed b y the monolo gue replete with aphorisms and quotidian wisdom , hides without co mpletely co ncealing it from our view. At first we only gu ess that it ex ists, later we kn ow. The distan ce between these stages is bridged by events osten sibl y unrelated to th e " main" hidden content, eve nts su ch as the dyin g a nd d eath of little Miklu sko. �148 SLOVAKIA This genuin ely tragic death is opposed to the death of Jan a's second hu sband , Greskovie, which Hronsky chooses to treat with a degree of co m edy , if not grotesqueness, as if to highlight the profoundly tragic death of Miklusko . Hron sky's cool , understated narrative is the proper vehicle: we cannot consider it maudlin , nor sentimental , for it is presented to u s by a n arrator that excludes such possibilities and for that very reason enables the reader to feel with great empathy the tragedy of the event. The boy 's d eath leads to the recon ciliation of old lovers - Jan a and Grae; Grae d escribes the eve nt to J ana's late hu sband : We m et , Mr. Greskovie, but not the way J ana and I imagined it , nor the way you im agined it! It happened very simply. When Mik.lusko was dying, J ana offered to let m e stay in a room upstairs during those nights that his mother wanted to spend taking leave of her son. She led m e into her room herself. She loved the boy , so her eyes were full of sadness . W e just stood next to each other and did not talk much . P erhaps we said almost nothing. Jana maybe did m ention somethin g or other, saying that the war has died, but I am not quite sure she actually said that . She bent down her head a bit , and I felt as if she had touched my shoulder, so I stretched out my arm across her back and unsurely and timidly drew her to myself. She hardly moved , and m erely rested her head on m y shoulder. And so quietly , ever so quietly she started to cry, so that I could hardly hear her .. . . D o you unders tand m e, Mr. Greskovi e? (p. 221) Mr. Greskovie understands and d oes not answer Grae the clerk, letting the reader know that a painful , but somehow inevitable chapter ofGrac's life is over, producing a different Grae, minus his cynicism, which , at any rate, the read er suspects is only a m ask covering a suffering heart , in love and waiting for the beloved . Suddenly the waiting is over, and it is as if an enchantment were lifted. The war, the Great War that plays such a large role in the n arrator's fl ash backs, dies with the boy, which is not as ill ogical as it seem s. For the boy is an offsprin g of a father who dies in the war , leaving hi s little son "trapped" in the world, an example of an unresolved , unfinished business awaiting resolution. Hronsky's universe has its rules and one of them is a fateful and perhap s �SLOVAKIA 149 strange symmetry , occasionally overly tragic, as with Miklusko. His d eath is required by Hronsky' s sense of tragic symme try . But lest it be thought that Pisar is just a brilliant experiment with a dash of black humor , the grotesque, and a ha ppy e nding, one has to point out another level of the novel in which Hronsky takes stock of the entire interwar generation. H e th rows also a fasci n ating light on the then young Slovak Republic ( 1939- 1945), express ing with prophetic exactitude his misgivings about the Slovak nat io n al ch aracter. In such passages, the generally light-hearted, bantering to ne g ives way to sob ering earnestness in a sweeping indictment of hi s ge nerat io n: Grae Watch out! There are a lot of clich es in today's world! I admit that we hardly know what a n idea is a nd what a n em pty cliche. There a re a lot of speech es, everybod y is a n o ra tor, especia lly those who have n o ideas, so they throw around cliches. In twenty year s one cannot tear out a ll the weeds. But that's how it is , and it cannot be otherwise. It is also true that the war has poisoned us . W e ran a bout like horses that were suddenly let loose, running back and forth, no lon ger liste ning on e ithe r the right or the left , not knowi n g what it was we wanted. One d ay we would b e on the road, the next day we would be stomping over a freshly sow n fi eld a nd find ourselves in a morass . Each minute someone would shoo t at u s, then would g ive u s something, then would take something from u s, a nd so, wounded, we moon ed about the world. W e soiled every thing we walked on, poisoned it , made it u gly, but most of all we hurt ourselves. (p.213) One h as to conclude that Grae is a surv ivor, nursing his wounds, regretting hi s sins on the way to a recovery effected when he fin ally putt; aside hi s tedium vitae, hi s acedie. But there a re also apologetics and d ark , proph etic warn ings on this level of the n ovel. First the apologetics: I would like to add that we sho uld b e forgiven a lot. It has to be co nsidered that nobody helped us, that we could rely only o n o urselves. And how m a n y stupid thin gs we have yet to comm it! (p. 215) Next, the prophecy: H ow much idiocy there is! . . . W e are capa ble of sett in g fire to our own b a rn a nd sitting down in it , if we get it in o ur �150 SLOVAKIA heads that it is a wise thing to do. And we can ge t such ideas quickly ! W e think we understand eve rythin g, know eve rythin g, a nd can overcome anythin g. (Ibid.) Such was hi s fate that H ro nsky lived to see hi s d arkest forebodings realized , with the cruel twist that eve n he was un able to picture the consequences and would ha rdl y have beli eved them had he been told about them in ad vance. Thus it is in exil e in Rom e - the spiritu al capital of Slovaks - that H ron sky wrote his next work, the novelette Predavac talizmanov Liberiu s Caius (The T alism a n M erchant : Liberius C aiu s, 1947 ),'i a bout the earl y C hri stians in R om e, focusing on the painful tran sition from paganism to Christianity. H ere, clearly, yet another stage of Hronsky's literary career began . According to K arol Strmen , a friend of Hronsky and one of his sensitive readers, this short work is a breakthrou gh , a key that enables the reader to see in a different li ght not only the foll owin g, but also hi s precedin g work. Consequently , to follow Strmen, we should not see Hronsky's characters such as M ak a nd Grae as typically post-Christian fi gures vagu ely dependent on the Christian ethos, but as pre-Christian , and existentially imprisoned on the borderland of the C hri stian m essage, which they never heard in its completeness, or loudly enou gh . 13 But such advice would seem a radical departure from the general acceptance of Hronsky's unive rse as a quintessentially Christian one . Perha ps it is easier to accept Strmen 's testimonial as a witness to th e intensification of Hronsky's Christian world view in his last works. Also written in R om e, Andreas Bur Majster , an important novel, is a nother hi storical wo rk deal ing with a tragic story of a misunderstood ecce ntric, or mystic, whose proximity to G od makes him suspiciou s in the eyes of his fellow m en who ridicul e, fear, and finall y kill him . Written in the m anner of the ' ' novel of secrets,'' it is a powerful evocati on of the force, beauty, and otherworldly quality of pure co ntempl ation and saintly openn ess. Thou gh saintly, Bur is no saint, at least not until the end , which find s him purified by sufferin g and read y to share the fa te of hi s M as ter . There a re eni gm atic m om ents here, and one se nses the closeness between Bur and the author . The enigm as, left unexplained , und erscore the essen tiall y mysterious cha racter of life when lived on a sp iritu al level. For here we are far above M ak and Grae. In th at se nse, one can speak about a trilogy of Mak-Grae-Bur , as Stevee k does, 14 onl y in a very n arrow way. For if we take Mak and Grae as antipodes, Bur �SLOVAKIA 15 1 will be defin ed n ot in relation to them but , as Stevcek him self admits , in relation to the absolute arch e type, to God . 15 Andreas Bur Majster is for Stevcek the "completion and the crown in g effort of the school of lyrical prose." 16 It would be h ard to find a more complimentary word of pra ise. For it is ge nerally recognized that the most valu able accompli shment of Slovak literature is found in the school or movement known as lyrical prose of which B ron sky is an undisputed master. And here, perhaps, on su ch a high n ote, w ithout actually exhau sting Bronsky' s work, 17 we sh ould stop to ask for a good reason why the world should be interested in this lyrical prose of Bronsky . It could be that the renewed interest in his work stems from a desire, partl y sentimental, to learn a bout the world of the recent p ast , at least in Slovakia, when people, however destitute, still lived in harmon y with their so il in which they were so firmly rooted. Nor were they prey to the moral and sp iritu al uprootedness that we h ave come to know as an integral part of the experie nce of modernity. This is espec ially true of Jozef Mak , who, perhaps qui te subconsciou sly but for th at matter so mu ch m ore emphat ically a nd essentially, resists uprootedness in all its forms. What a unique figure in modern wo rld literature this pained but su ccessful resistance makes him ! What a feast of meaning , of hope, and of spiritu al insight - a nd all that accomplish ed through a character unable to a rticu late his pain. Truly , this is a masterpiece that goes against the gra in in an age of modernity, a n age when uprootedness is extolled and fas hioned into a marketable life style, an age of noisy, aimless, chatter debasin g the logos. Bronsky knew of our true desires, of the mysteries of faith and hope . Th ese he articulated as no other Slovak author before or after him ; furthermore, h e has done so with force and beauty that are by no means destined to be admired only by Slovaks. That is why the world should want to know aboutjozefMak, Pisar Grae, Andreas Bur Majster, and Hronsky 's other work. For that reaso n and for many others that will occur to us as we e nter more deeply into hi s world . NOTES ' Al exa nd er M atus ka , j. C. H ronsk y (Brati slava: Slove n sky Spisovatel', 1970) ; also in Osobnosci (Bratislava: Slove nsky Spisovatel', 1973), Vol. JV of V y brane spisy Alexandra 1"1acusku . R eferences in the text a re to the 1973 editi on . �152 SLOVAKIA ' The most remarkable among th em are collected in Podpolian sk e rozpravky ( 1932), and Tomcikovci ( 1933) . M y references are to the collected works in ten volumes (Turcia nsky Sv . M art in : M a ti ca Slovenska, 1938-44). ' M a tu ska, p. 408. ◄ See " Hronskeho Pisar Grae a slovenska pr6za" (A round-tabl e discussion), Slovenske Pohl'ady, LXXXVI ( 1970), n .3, pp. 30-43. 5 J an Stevcek, " R oma n J ozef Mak ajeho histo ricky obsah , " inJ. C . Hronsky,jozef Mak (Bratislava: Tatran, 1980) , pp . 283-290. ' Ibid ., p. 290. 7 Matuska , p. 413. 8 J . M . R ydlo , " The World on a Quagmire : The Last Literary Work of Jozef Giger Hron sky," Slovak Studies, XV ( 1975), p . 119 . 9 For a study of " lyrical prose," see J . Stevcek, Lyrizovana pr6za (Bra tislava: Slovensky Spisovatel', 1973), and Oskar Cepan , K on tury naturiam u (Bratislava: Slovensky spisovatel', 1977). 10 J. Stevcek, "Doslov," in]. C. Hronsky, Podpolianske rozpravky (Bratislava: Tatran, 197 1), p . 242. 11 R ydlo, p. 12 1. " J . C. H ronsky , Predavac talizmanov , in Nadej vftazna (Scranton: Obrana Press, 1947) , pp . 7-50; 2nd ed. (Cambrid ge , Ont.: Dobra Knih a, 1972) . A literal English translation was made by J ohn J . K ester, Seller ofTalizm ans: Liberius Caius (Scotch Plai ns, N .J ., pri vately printed , 1978). " K . Strmei\ , " Zapadalo slnko, " in]. C . H ronsky, Predavac talizmanov Liberius Caius , 2nd ed. , ibid. , p. 79. " See J . Stevcek '' Hronskeho romanova legenda, '' in J. C. Hronsky, Andreas Bur M ajster (Bratislava: Tatran, 1970), p . 263. " Ibid. , p. 266. 16 Ibid ., p. 268. 17 J .C. Hronsky , Svet na Trasovisku (Whiting, I N: R ev. Jan]. Lach, Publisher, 1960), was his last novel. Presented in P anel 109, " Changin g Views of Slovak Literature," at the AAASS convent ion in Washington, D .C. on 17 O ctober 1982. � 142 SLOVAKIA Jozef Cfger-Hronsky: A Major Slovak Novelist Pete r P etro Slovak literature is still a Cinderalla even among the Central European literatures. This is ce rta inly not because of a lack of good authors; but one is naturally drawn towards the larger literatures of the Slavic world , and Slovak translations are rare and good translations rarer still ; finally, some of the more interestin g a u th ors su ch as J .C . Hronsky are often ignored, instead of bein g actively promoted by the literary establishment at home. Ye t , one feels, if it ever happen s that a single author will represent the best in Slovak literature , that author will be J .C. Hronsky. Jozef Cfger Hronsky ( 1896-1960) was an unknown writer for the Slovak generation that grew up after 1945 . His name could not be found in any hi story of modern literature publish ed after the war. Officially , then , he did not exist in Slovakia , becau se he had left his homela nd in 1945. Hronsky eventually settled in Argentina , where he also died . The official prohibition lasted until 1965 , and then he was publish ed again. Yet , even before his departure in 1945 , he was already recognized as a maj or novelist and a worthy follower of the great Slovak writer , M artin Kukucfn , whom he came to overshadow . Curiously e nou gh, the two decad es-long pen an ce worked to Hronsky's advantage. And not because he published that much in exile: two major works Andreas Bur M ajster (Master Andreas Bur, 1948) and Svet na Trasovisku (The World Caught in Quicksand , 1960) , a re fascinating in their own right a nd round out his life's work, m akin g it m ore complete and articulate. Yet even without them his reputation would be safe. The following is an attempt to account for the undisputed p romin ence of Hronsky a nd thu s give a n introdu ct ion to hi s work. Hronsky is usually pl aced with the gen eration of a uthors th at appeared after the Great W a r and therefo re is most often m entioned in discu ss ions of the literature of the interwar pe riod. Howeve r , some of his b est novels appeared during a nd after the Second W orld War , and the reappearan ce of his work after 1965 played a n unpreced ented role �SLOVAKIA 143 in the literary life of the country when it influenced the newest generation at its most productive stage. Thus, he clearly transcends formal periodization as is only fitting for an author of his scope, accomplishment, and importance. Then again, the posthumous stage of Hronsky's literary fortune must have caught by surprise even such an admirer of his work as the author of an excellent monograph, Alexander Matuska. 1 Hronsky also transcends the attempt to limit his significance to one particular genre: that of the village novel. The temptation to so limit him grows quite naturally from the success of his noveljozefMak (1933), where h e demonstrated in a definitive fashion his mastery of the genre, having previously published a great number of short stories 2 and an im portant novel, Chlieb (Bread, 1931), all dealing with the village. Born in the town of Zvolen , Hronsky taught school in several central Slovak villages. But in writing about the village, Hronsky simply shows himself as a traditionalist, satisfied with the development and the continuation of an established genre, playing with it, adding and subtracting, and finally, withjozefMak, "fulfilling" the genre by producing a work in which it culminates. That he should start with village prose is hardly surprising. In Matuska's words, the whole of Slovakia was just a big village and as such a starting point for the development of Slovak realism, whether of the fantastic, idyllic, or local variety. 3 But Hronsky does not stop there, for he is also the author of a profoundly urban novel, Pisar Grae (Grae the Clerk, 1940) , one of his best, wherein typically urban concerns appear in the guise of an innovative, formally daring experiment in the novel , an experiment, moreover, that works and which, despite the crit ical attention it inspired, still seems underrated. 4 Finally , there is an attempt to claim Hronsky as an author of the "social novel" - or what others call the " problem novel , " that is , a novel concerned with social issues, as Jan Stevcek, otherwise a sensitive critic of Hronsky, has done. 5 Stevcek claims that Hronsky pointed out "some n ew facets of social reality and created, o n an artistic level , a new type of social novel , the main point of which was not a clearly determin ed issu e, but a hidden secret of social resistance. " 6 But this fancy footwork cannot hide the absence of the kind of social commitment that wou ld warrant the description of Jozef Mak as a " n ew type of social novel. '' On e could say with equal justification that this is a n ew type of reli giou s novel , a nd perhaps one would be closer to the truth, but even that would be insufficient. �144 SLOVAKIA If it is true that Hronsky transcends such partial treatment, how can we get at his core, his essential characteristic? For, to be sure, there is a grain of truth in the partial views mentioned here. The problem is , they are not too helpful in presenting us with the essential Hronsky. For this reason, Alexander Matuska comes much closer to this essential Hronsky, in his evaluation of Hronsky's stories, saying that they impress one as fairy tales from the past; as a neglect of the real problems of the village; as a dream village, not a real one; yet never as a lie , because they simultaneously impress one as something ancient, a joyful message to a younger, less fortunate age; as a universe that has besides its lower truth a higher significance, something akin to a reservation, where the "good man is still alive,'' something - if one can put it that way - like a miraculous ghetto, where basic human values are preserved, where man can exist whole and undivided , not because he let chaos and contradictions in and defeated them, but becau se he did not let them in and rejected them. 7 How far this is from a "social novel"! The ambivalence, or rather the polyvalence of Hronsky makes one hesitate: J. M . Rydlo says that Hronsky is a "truthful expressionist," an experimentalist , and an author who " lyricized " French reali sm, having been influenced, among others, by Jean Giono (1895-1970) and the Swiss Charles Ferdinand Ramuz (1878-194 7), whose work exemplifies " lyricized symbolism. " 8 Without going to outside sources and influences for Hronsky's unique, highly personal, and above all influential vision of the world , one can agree that he writes what is called ' ' lyricized'' or '' lyrical'' prose . With the advantage of hind sight, one notes that the school of lyrical prose has made a major impact on both the Slovak interwar period and the literature of the sixties and seventies. This was mainly due to H ronsky and it found worthy followers in such contemporary writers as Vincent Sikula and others . 9 Perhaps a few words about the phenomenon of lyrical prose might be in place here. Lyrical prose destroys the realistic convention by substituting for the conventionally objective narrative one that originates in a consciousness which is lyrical, poetic, and thus must of necessity clash with the underlying realistic background. Then again, "realistic" �SLOVAKIA 145 action may be submerged or enveloped in a lyrical, poetic, idealistic, even mystical light which itself serves as a background. At times this consciousness may seem childlike in its freshness of impression, reminding us of the well-known device of defamiliarization; yet in Bronsky the change in focus arrived at through defamiliarization is not at all the point of the device as he uses it. In Bronsky, such vision is a part of his belief system, his world view: it is always integral, never extraneous or exotic. The lyrical , poetic figures and symbols exist side by side with the realistic ones, often playing a key role, or "explaining" a character, by suggesting his raison d'etre . Thus, the opening ofJozef Mak is bathed in a green mist which is and is not of this world: From the wispy green fog emerged a white figure that leaves no tracks , has no weight, and can enter any courtyard without opening the gates, because the figure has no body but only hands bleeding from their pierced palms, and wise and good eyes. Its fingers were so m e rciful and light that the sleeping Jan Mak did not feel them upon his head. The son (and now since dawn the brother) heard only the movement of the wind, yet he understood every thing while he slept. The figure enters : " You're here, Jozef Mak? Yes, you are. I 've come too late . I have nothing left to give you. Since yesterday I 've been walking among quiet m en and women, and they've begged from me everything I had - by dawn there was nothing left. I gave away eve rything I had. And here you were born, Jozef Mak, with no one waiting for you except your mother ' s fright. No one welcomed you , no one brought you any presents. Well , I'll give you at least what I still have. I give you my crucified hands - they were left from the ni ght. Take them, but don't expect a mouth to match them, n ot even when you grow up and understand people and they try to persuade you that you should also get a voice somewhere.'' At that J ozef Mak sighed on his pillow. He sighed for joy that someone had given him something, for otherwise he would have had n othing in all his life. (p. 9) Thus starts the life of Jozef Mak, full of suffering that is never voiced , though it never lacks m eaning: a meaning that is ultimately liberating. �146 SLOVAKIA Mak is explained by this introduction , as are his good and evil actions. A poor man is traditionally close to God. A totally destitute one is closer still. Such proximity is M ak's birthright, yet he too goes astray, and only purification through suffering, a leitmotif in Hronsky , offers hope . But the crucified hands remain at the end of the novel: So then, suffer, Jozef Mak . You are just one of millions, a mere statistic, but you will endure everything, because it is not true that the hardest element in the world is stone , and the strongest steel. The truth is that the ordinary Jozef Mak will endure the most of all . (p. 301) It is not difficult to interpret the character as a symbol of the Slovak people, or even the nation . There is evidence in the novel that this unvoiced suffering fascinated the author, as if he were unwilling to part with his character whom he even engaged in imaginary conversations: Well , you can't run away, no matter what, you have to listen since you are h ere. Understand this , everything h as not come to an end yet. Things like this end only in a novel. In a novel something would happen to remove Jozef Mak from the world. But life is not a novel. Life is a cliff, a valley, mountains, tree stumps, an ax, passions, bread , and hoarfrost, and all these things are not just pieces of scenery and stage props which one can move a bout to suit one's fantasy. So you can not disappear just like that, Jozef Mak . (p. 300) And indeed, Mak survives in the ordinary man, in the mass man, if you like, for his inarticulateness grants him anonymity, as well as the distinction of being a symbol for the downtrodden anywhere anytime . Thus the essentially and even clinically authentic Slovak villager, as no one else could draw him , becomes also Hronsky's most universal creation . At this point , it has to be said that Hronsky does not idealize the village, nor is it a case of artifi cially preserving folklore . He is able, after all, to see the village without illusions , and often in painfully sh arp relief with its attendant cruelty and even savagery that are the obverse of the traditional lyricism found in the evocat ion of village li fe in prose . Stevcek goes even farther, saying that Hronsky "de-folklorizes old motifs and the old literary tradition, " and is "faithful to his dual optics, which he made his own, elevating it to his creative prin ciple.'' 10 lnjozef Mak �SLOVAKIA 147 the principle of " dual optics" is communicated throu gh the d evice of a "monologue inwardly made into a dialogue," 11 but this shou ld not b e confusing or surprising, b ecause the a uthor has to co mmunicate by such means what would h ave otherwise bee n communicated through a more articulate character. In addition, Hron sky is characte ristically indirect. The most importa nt , vital events takes place in the lives of his characters without anyone uttering a singl e word , as if Hronsky disbelieved in the power of the word. His characte rs are rarely swayed by example, m o re often b y passion , but a lastin g mark o n their behavior is exacted only b y the force of seemin gly m e rciless suffe ring. It is for this reason that Pisar Grae occupies much a distinctive place in th~ entire work of Hronsky. For here Hron sky reve rses himself, as he presents to u s a garrulous character, described by another as an "angry dog . Just like an a ngry dog! You will eve n b a rk at the pe rson who o ffers you a slice of bread; you h ave no God, a nd better people than you were h a n ged , but you ' ll just go on barking a nd barking until someone gives you a good kick " (p . 7) . What is more, this loquacious ch aracter indulges in conversations with the reade r and with a d ead m a n , the late second hu sband of his (Grac's) wife-to-be. Grae writes to the dead man , reminisces a bout the Great War, philosophizes, but lets us know only indirec tly a bout what is really most important to him , namely hi s love for Jana: a ha unting and luminous figure at the center of the novel. This indirect approach is submerged, as it were, in the noise of th e incessant monologue inte rrupted by non -chronologically arranged scen es which n eve rtheless follow a n internal o rder, leading u s, however circuito u sly, to a resolution which we co me to half expect anyway . One particul a rly admires the way in which J ana, the beau tiful , even tragic widow a nd narrator's wife-to-be, is revealed to u s, stage b y stage. W e find her fl ee tingly a ppearing a nd di sappearing in mirrors co nvenie ntly supplied b y the n arrator in the guise of o the r ch aracters a nd the ir rem ini scences, their stories, where Jan a appears as if by ch a n ce. But all this ·is beau tifull y, cooll y controll ed , for the seemin gly cyn ical n arrator has within him a ce nte r that hi s mundane and unprepossessing ex terior formed b y the monolo gue replete with aphorisms and quotidian wisdom , hides without co mpletely co ncealing it from our view. At first we only gu ess that it ex ists, later we kn ow. The distan ce between these stages is bridged by events osten sibl y unrelated to th e " main" hidden content, eve nts su ch as the dyin g a nd d eath of little Miklu sko. �148 SLOVAKIA This genuin ely tragic death is opposed to the death of Jan a's second hu sband , Greskovie, which Hronsky chooses to treat with a degree of co m edy , if not grotesqueness, as if to highlight the profoundly tragic death of Miklusko . Hron sky's cool , understated narrative is the proper vehicle: we cannot consider it maudlin , nor sentimental , for it is presented to u s by a n arrator that excludes such possibilities and for that very reason enables the reader to feel with great empathy the tragedy of the event. The boy 's d eath leads to the recon ciliation of old lovers - Jan a and Grae; Grae d escribes the eve nt to J ana's late hu sband : We m et , Mr. Greskovie, but not the way J ana and I imagined it , nor the way you im agined it! It happened very simply. When Mik.lusko was dying, J ana offered to let m e stay in a room upstairs during those nights that his mother wanted to spend taking leave of her son. She led m e into her room herself. She loved the boy , so her eyes were full of sadness . W e just stood next to each other and did not talk much . P erhaps we said almost nothing. Jana maybe did m ention somethin g or other, saying that the war has died, but I am not quite sure she actually said that . She bent down her head a bit , and I felt as if she had touched my shoulder, so I stretched out my arm across her back and unsurely and timidly drew her to myself. She hardly moved , and m erely rested her head on m y shoulder. And so quietly , ever so quietly she started to cry, so that I could hardly hear her .. . . D o you unders tand m e, Mr. Greskovi e? (p. 221) Mr. Greskovie understands and d oes not answer Grae the clerk, letting the reader know that a painful , but somehow inevitable chapter ofGrac's life is over, producing a different Grae, minus his cynicism, which , at any rate, the read er suspects is only a m ask covering a suffering heart , in love and waiting for the beloved . Suddenly the waiting is over, and it is as if an enchantment were lifted. The war, the Great War that plays such a large role in the n arrator's fl ash backs, dies with the boy, which is not as ill ogical as it seem s. For the boy is an offsprin g of a father who dies in the war , leaving hi s little son "trapped" in the world, an example of an unresolved , unfinished business awaiting resolution. Hronsky's universe has its rules and one of them is a fateful and perhap s �SLOVAKIA 149 strange symmetry , occasionally overly tragic, as with Miklusko. His d eath is required by Hronsky' s sense of tragic symme try . But lest it be thought that Pisar is just a brilliant experiment with a dash of black humor , the grotesque, and a ha ppy e nding, one has to point out another level of the novel in which Hronsky takes stock of the entire interwar generation. H e th rows also a fasci n ating light on the then young Slovak Republic ( 1939- 1945), express ing with prophetic exactitude his misgivings about the Slovak nat io n al ch aracter. In such passages, the generally light-hearted, bantering to ne g ives way to sob ering earnestness in a sweeping indictment of hi s ge nerat io n: Grae Watch out! There are a lot of clich es in today's world! I admit that we hardly know what a n idea is a nd what a n em pty cliche. There a re a lot of speech es, everybod y is a n o ra tor, especia lly those who have n o ideas, so they throw around cliches. In twenty year s one cannot tear out a ll the weeds. But that's how it is , and it cannot be otherwise. It is also true that the war has poisoned us . W e ran a bout like horses that were suddenly let loose, running back and forth, no lon ger liste ning on e ithe r the right or the left , not knowi n g what it was we wanted. One d ay we would b e on the road, the next day we would be stomping over a freshly sow n fi eld a nd find ourselves in a morass . Each minute someone would shoo t at u s, then would g ive u s something, then would take something from u s, a nd so, wounded, we moon ed about the world. W e soiled every thing we walked on, poisoned it , made it u gly, but most of all we hurt ourselves. (p.213) One h as to conclude that Grae is a surv ivor, nursing his wounds, regretting hi s sins on the way to a recovery effected when he fin ally putt; aside hi s tedium vitae, hi s acedie. But there a re also apologetics and d ark , proph etic warn ings on this level of the n ovel. First the apologetics: I would like to add that we sho uld b e forgiven a lot. It has to be co nsidered that nobody helped us, that we could rely only o n o urselves. And how m a n y stupid thin gs we have yet to comm it! (p. 215) Next, the prophecy: H ow much idiocy there is! . . . W e are capa ble of sett in g fire to our own b a rn a nd sitting down in it , if we get it in o ur �150 SLOVAKIA heads that it is a wise thing to do. And we can ge t such ideas quickly ! W e think we understand eve rythin g, know eve rythin g, a nd can overcome anythin g. (Ibid.) Such was hi s fate that H ro nsky lived to see hi s d arkest forebodings realized , with the cruel twist that eve n he was un able to picture the consequences and would ha rdl y have beli eved them had he been told about them in ad vance. Thus it is in exil e in Rom e - the spiritu al capital of Slovaks - that H ron sky wrote his next work, the novelette Predavac talizmanov Liberiu s Caius (The T alism a n M erchant : Liberius C aiu s, 1947 ),'i a bout the earl y C hri stians in R om e, focusing on the painful tran sition from paganism to Christianity. H ere, clearly, yet another stage of Hronsky's literary career began . According to K arol Strmen , a friend of Hronsky and one of his sensitive readers, this short work is a breakthrou gh , a key that enables the reader to see in a different li ght not only the foll owin g, but also hi s precedin g work. Consequently , to follow Strmen, we should not see Hronsky's characters such as M ak a nd Grae as typically post-Christian fi gures vagu ely dependent on the Christian ethos, but as pre-Christian , and existentially imprisoned on the borderland of the C hri stian m essage, which they never heard in its completeness, or loudly enou gh . 13 But such advice would seem a radical departure from the general acceptance of Hronsky's unive rse as a quintessentially Christian one . Perha ps it is easier to accept Strmen 's testimonial as a witness to th e intensification of Hronsky's Christian world view in his last works. Also written in R om e, Andreas Bur Majster , an important novel, is a nother hi storical wo rk deal ing with a tragic story of a misunderstood ecce ntric, or mystic, whose proximity to G od makes him suspiciou s in the eyes of his fellow m en who ridicul e, fear, and finall y kill him . Written in the m anner of the ' ' novel of secrets,'' it is a powerful evocati on of the force, beauty, and otherworldly quality of pure co ntempl ation and saintly openn ess. Thou gh saintly, Bur is no saint, at least not until the end , which find s him purified by sufferin g and read y to share the fa te of hi s M as ter . There a re eni gm atic m om ents here, and one se nses the closeness between Bur and the author . The enigm as, left unexplained , und erscore the essen tiall y mysterious cha racter of life when lived on a sp iritu al level. For here we are far above M ak and Grae. In th at se nse, one can speak about a trilogy of Mak-Grae-Bur , as Stevee k does, 14 onl y in a very n arrow way. For if we take Mak and Grae as antipodes, Bur �SLOVAKIA 15 1 will be defin ed n ot in relation to them but , as Stevcek him self admits , in relation to the absolute arch e type, to God . 15 Andreas Bur Majster is for Stevcek the "completion and the crown in g effort of the school of lyrical prose." 16 It would be h ard to find a more complimentary word of pra ise. For it is ge nerally recognized that the most valu able accompli shment of Slovak literature is found in the school or movement known as lyrical prose of which B ron sky is an undisputed master. And here, perhaps, on su ch a high n ote, w ithout actually exhau sting Bronsky' s work, 17 we sh ould stop to ask for a good reason why the world should be interested in this lyrical prose of Bronsky . It could be that the renewed interest in his work stems from a desire, partl y sentimental, to learn a bout the world of the recent p ast , at least in Slovakia, when people, however destitute, still lived in harmon y with their so il in which they were so firmly rooted. Nor were they prey to the moral and sp iritu al uprootedness that we h ave come to know as an integral part of the experie nce of modernity. This is espec ially true of Jozef Mak , who, perhaps qui te subconsciou sly but for th at matter so mu ch m ore emphat ically a nd essentially, resists uprootedness in all its forms. What a unique figure in modern wo rld literature this pained but su ccessful resistance makes him ! What a feast of meaning , of hope, and of spiritu al insight - a nd all that accomplish ed through a character unable to a rticu late his pain. Truly , this is a masterpiece that goes against the gra in in an age of modernity, a n age when uprootedness is extolled and fas hioned into a marketable life style, an age of noisy, aimless, chatter debasin g the logos. Bronsky knew of our true desires, of the mysteries of faith and hope . Th ese he articulated as no other Slovak author before or after him ; furthermore, h e has done so with force and beauty that are by no means destined to be admired only by Slovaks. That is why the world should want to know aboutjozefMak, Pisar Grae, Andreas Bur Majster, and Hronsky 's other work. For that reaso n and for many others that will occur to us as we e nter more deeply into hi s world . NOTES ' Al exa nd er M atus ka , j. C. H ronsk y (Brati slava: Slove n sky Spisovatel', 1970) ; also in Osobnosci (Bratislava: Slove nsky Spisovatel', 1973), Vol. JV of V y brane spisy Alexandra 1"1acusku . R eferences in the text a re to the 1973 editi on . �152 SLOVAKIA ' The most remarkable among th em are collected in Podpolian sk e rozpravky ( 1932), and Tomcikovci ( 1933) . M y references are to the collected works in ten volumes (Turcia nsky Sv . M art in : M a ti ca Slovenska, 1938-44). ' M a tu ska, p. 408. ◄ See " Hronskeho Pisar Grae a slovenska pr6za" (A round-tabl e discussion), Slovenske Pohl'ady, LXXXVI ( 1970), n .3, pp. 30-43. 5 J an Stevcek, " R oma n J ozef Mak ajeho histo ricky obsah , " inJ. C . Hronsky,jozef Mak (Bratislava: Tatran, 1980) , pp . 283-290. ' Ibid ., p. 290. 7 Matuska , p. 413. 8 J . M . R ydlo , " The World on a Quagmire : The Last Literary Work of Jozef Giger Hron sky," Slovak Studies, XV ( 1975), p . 119 . 9 For a study of " lyrical prose," see J . Stevcek, Lyrizovana pr6za (Bra tislava: Slovensky Spisovatel', 1973), and Oskar Cepan , K on tury naturiam u (Bratislava: Slovensky spisovatel', 1977). 10 J. Stevcek, "Doslov," in]. C. Hronsky, Podpolianske rozpravky (Bratislava: Tatran, 197 1), p . 242. 11 R ydlo, p. 12 1. " J . C. H ronsky , Predavac talizmanov , in Nadej vftazna (Scranton: Obrana Press, 1947) , pp . 7-50; 2nd ed. (Cambrid ge , Ont.: Dobra Knih a, 1972) . A literal English translation was made by J ohn J . K ester, Seller ofTalizm ans: Liberius Caius (Scotch Plai ns, N .J ., pri vately printed , 1978). " K . Strmei\ , " Zapadalo slnko, " in]. C . H ronsky, Predavac talizmanov Liberius Caius , 2nd ed. , ibid. , p. 79. " See J . Stevcek '' Hronskeho romanova legenda, '' in J. C. Hronsky, Andreas Bur M ajster (Bratislava: Tatran, 1970), p . 263. " Ibid. , p. 266. 16 Ibid ., p. 268. 17 J .C. Hronsky , Svet na Trasovisku (Whiting, I N: R ev. Jan]. Lach, Publisher, 1960), was his last novel. Presented in P anel 109, " Changin g Views of Slovak Literature," at the AAASS convent ion in Washington, D .C. on 17 O ctober 1982. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1982-83, Vol. 30 Description An account of the resource Vol. 30 (No. 55-56), 1982-83. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982-83 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 142 SLOVAKIA Jozef Cfger-Hronsky: A Major Slovak Novelist Pete r P etro Slovak literature is still a Cinderalla even among the Central European literatures. This is ce rta inly not because of a lack of good authors; but one is naturally drawn towards the larger literatures of the Slavic world , and Slovak translations are rare and good translations rarer still ; finally, some of the more interestin g a u th ors su ch as J .C . Hronsky are often ignored, instead of bein g actively promoted by the literary establishment at home. Ye t , one feels, if it ever happen s that a single author will represent the best in Slovak literature , that author will be J .C. Hronsky. Jozef Cfger Hronsky ( 1896-1960) was an unknown writer for the Slovak generation that grew up after 1945 . His name could not be found in any hi story of modern literature publish ed after the war. Officially , then , he did not exist in Slovakia , becau se he had left his homela nd in 1945. Hronsky eventually settled in Argentina , where he also died . The official prohibition lasted until 1965 , and then he was publish ed again. Yet , even before his departure in 1945 , he was already recognized as a maj or novelist and a worthy follower of the great Slovak writer , M artin Kukucfn , whom he came to overshadow . Curiously e nou gh, the two decad es-long pen an ce worked to Hronsky's advantage. And not because he published that much in exile: two major works Andreas Bur M ajster (Master Andreas Bur, 1948) and Svet na Trasovisku (The World Caught in Quicksand , 1960) , a re fascinating in their own right a nd round out his life's work, m akin g it m ore complete and articulate. Yet even without them his reputation would be safe. The following is an attempt to account for the undisputed p romin ence of Hronsky a nd thu s give a n introdu ct ion to hi s work. Hronsky is usually pl aced with the gen eration of a uthors th at appeared after the Great W a r and therefo re is most often m entioned in discu ss ions of the literature of the interwar pe riod. Howeve r , some of his b est novels appeared during a nd after the Second W orld War , and the reappearan ce of his work after 1965 played a n unpreced ented role SLOVAKIA 143 in the literary life of the country when it influenced the newest generation at its most productive stage. Thus, he clearly transcends formal periodization as is only fitting for an author of his scope, accomplishment, and importance. Then again, the posthumous stage of Hronsky's literary fortune must have caught by surprise even such an admirer of his work as the author of an excellent monograph, Alexander Matuska. 1 Hronsky also transcends the attempt to limit his significance to one particular genre: that of the village novel. The temptation to so limit him grows quite naturally from the success of his noveljozefMak (1933), where h e demonstrated in a definitive fashion his mastery of the genre, having previously published a great number of short stories 2 and an im portant novel, Chlieb (Bread, 1931), all dealing with the village. Born in the town of Zvolen , Hronsky taught school in several central Slovak villages. But in writing about the village, Hronsky simply shows himself as a traditionalist, satisfied with the development and the continuation of an established genre, playing with it, adding and subtracting, and finally, withjozefMak, "fulfilling" the genre by producing a work in which it culminates. That he should start with village prose is hardly surprising. In Matuska's words, the whole of Slovakia was just a big village and as such a starting point for the development of Slovak realism, whether of the fantastic, idyllic, or local variety. 3 But Hronsky does not stop there, for he is also the author of a profoundly urban novel, Pisar Grae (Grae the Clerk, 1940) , one of his best, wherein typically urban concerns appear in the guise of an innovative, formally daring experiment in the novel , an experiment, moreover, that works and which, despite the crit ical attention it inspired, still seems underrated. 4 Finally , there is an attempt to claim Hronsky as an author of the "social novel" - or what others call the " problem novel , " that is , a novel concerned with social issues, as Jan Stevcek, otherwise a sensitive critic of Hronsky, has done. 5 Stevcek claims that Hronsky pointed out "some n ew facets of social reality and created, o n an artistic level , a new type of social novel , the main point of which was not a clearly determin ed issu e, but a hidden secret of social resistance. " 6 But this fancy footwork cannot hide the absence of the kind of social commitment that wou ld warrant the description of Jozef Mak as a " n ew type of social novel. '' On e could say with equal justification that this is a n ew type of reli giou s novel , a nd perhaps one would be closer to the truth, but even that would be insufficient. 144 SLOVAKIA If it is true that Hronsky transcends such partial treatment, how can we get at his core, his essential characteristic? For, to be sure, there is a grain of truth in the partial views mentioned here. The problem is , they are not too helpful in presenting us with the essential Hronsky. For this reason, Alexander Matuska comes much closer to this essential Hronsky, in his evaluation of Hronsky's stories, saying that they impress one as fairy tales from the past; as a neglect of the real problems of the village; as a dream village, not a real one; yet never as a lie , because they simultaneously impress one as something ancient, a joyful message to a younger, less fortunate age; as a universe that has besides its lower truth a higher significance, something akin to a reservation, where the "good man is still alive,'' something - if one can put it that way - like a miraculous ghetto, where basic human values are preserved, where man can exist whole and undivided , not because he let chaos and contradictions in and defeated them, but becau se he did not let them in and rejected them. 7 How far this is from a "social novel"! The ambivalence, or rather the polyvalence of Hronsky makes one hesitate: J. M . Rydlo says that Hronsky is a "truthful expressionist," an experimentalist , and an author who " lyricized " French reali sm, having been influenced, among others, by Jean Giono (1895-1970) and the Swiss Charles Ferdinand Ramuz (1878-194 7), whose work exemplifies " lyricized symbolism. " 8 Without going to outside sources and influences for Hronsky's unique, highly personal, and above all influential vision of the world , one can agree that he writes what is called ' ' lyricized'' or '' lyrical'' prose . With the advantage of hind sight, one notes that the school of lyrical prose has made a major impact on both the Slovak interwar period and the literature of the sixties and seventies. This was mainly due to H ronsky and it found worthy followers in such contemporary writers as Vincent Sikula and others . 9 Perhaps a few words about the phenomenon of lyrical prose might be in place here. Lyrical prose destroys the realistic convention by substituting for the conventionally objective narrative one that originates in a consciousness which is lyrical, poetic, and thus must of necessity clash with the underlying realistic background. Then again, "realistic" SLOVAKIA 145 action may be submerged or enveloped in a lyrical, poetic, idealistic, even mystical light which itself serves as a background. At times this consciousness may seem childlike in its freshness of impression, reminding us of the well-known device of defamiliarization; yet in Bronsky the change in focus arrived at through defamiliarization is not at all the point of the device as he uses it. In Bronsky, such vision is a part of his belief system, his world view: it is always integral, never extraneous or exotic. The lyrical , poetic figures and symbols exist side by side with the realistic ones, often playing a key role, or "explaining" a character, by suggesting his raison d'etre . Thus, the opening ofJozef Mak is bathed in a green mist which is and is not of this world: From the wispy green fog emerged a white figure that leaves no tracks , has no weight, and can enter any courtyard without opening the gates, because the figure has no body but only hands bleeding from their pierced palms, and wise and good eyes. Its fingers were so m e rciful and light that the sleeping Jan Mak did not feel them upon his head. The son (and now since dawn the brother) heard only the movement of the wind, yet he understood every thing while he slept. The figure enters : " You're here, Jozef Mak? Yes, you are. I 've come too late . I have nothing left to give you. Since yesterday I 've been walking among quiet m en and women, and they've begged from me everything I had - by dawn there was nothing left. I gave away eve rything I had. And here you were born, Jozef Mak, with no one waiting for you except your mother ' s fright. No one welcomed you , no one brought you any presents. Well , I'll give you at least what I still have. I give you my crucified hands - they were left from the ni ght. Take them, but don't expect a mouth to match them, n ot even when you grow up and understand people and they try to persuade you that you should also get a voice somewhere.'' At that J ozef Mak sighed on his pillow. He sighed for joy that someone had given him something, for otherwise he would have had n othing in all his life. (p. 9) Thus starts the life of Jozef Mak, full of suffering that is never voiced , though it never lacks m eaning: a meaning that is ultimately liberating. 146 SLOVAKIA Mak is explained by this introduction , as are his good and evil actions. A poor man is traditionally close to God. A totally destitute one is closer still. Such proximity is M ak's birthright, yet he too goes astray, and only purification through suffering, a leitmotif in Hronsky , offers hope . But the crucified hands remain at the end of the novel: So then, suffer, Jozef Mak . You are just one of millions, a mere statistic, but you will endure everything, because it is not true that the hardest element in the world is stone , and the strongest steel. The truth is that the ordinary Jozef Mak will endure the most of all . (p. 301) It is not difficult to interpret the character as a symbol of the Slovak people, or even the nation . There is evidence in the novel that this unvoiced suffering fascinated the author, as if he were unwilling to part with his character whom he even engaged in imaginary conversations: Well , you can't run away, no matter what, you have to listen since you are h ere. Understand this , everything h as not come to an end yet. Things like this end only in a novel. In a novel something would happen to remove Jozef Mak from the world. But life is not a novel. Life is a cliff, a valley, mountains, tree stumps, an ax, passions, bread , and hoarfrost, and all these things are not just pieces of scenery and stage props which one can move a bout to suit one's fantasy. So you can not disappear just like that, Jozef Mak . (p. 300) And indeed, Mak survives in the ordinary man, in the mass man, if you like, for his inarticulateness grants him anonymity, as well as the distinction of being a symbol for the downtrodden anywhere anytime . Thus the essentially and even clinically authentic Slovak villager, as no one else could draw him , becomes also Hronsky's most universal creation . At this point , it has to be said that Hronsky does not idealize the village, nor is it a case of artifi cially preserving folklore . He is able, after all, to see the village without illusions , and often in painfully sh arp relief with its attendant cruelty and even savagery that are the obverse of the traditional lyricism found in the evocat ion of village li fe in prose . Stevcek goes even farther, saying that Hronsky "de-folklorizes old motifs and the old literary tradition, " and is "faithful to his dual optics, which he made his own, elevating it to his creative prin ciple.'' 10 lnjozef Mak SLOVAKIA 147 the principle of " dual optics" is communicated throu gh the d evice of a "monologue inwardly made into a dialogue," 11 but this shou ld not b e confusing or surprising, b ecause the a uthor has to co mmunicate by such means what would h ave otherwise bee n communicated through a more articulate character. In addition, Hron sky is characte ristically indirect. The most importa nt , vital events takes place in the lives of his characters without anyone uttering a singl e word , as if Hronsky disbelieved in the power of the word. His characte rs are rarely swayed by example, m o re often b y passion , but a lastin g mark o n their behavior is exacted only b y the force of seemin gly m e rciless suffe ring. It is for this reason that Pisar Grae occupies much a distinctive place in th~ entire work of Hronsky. For here Hron sky reve rses himself, as he presents to u s a garrulous character, described by another as an "angry dog . Just like an a ngry dog! You will eve n b a rk at the pe rson who o ffers you a slice of bread; you h ave no God, a nd better people than you were h a n ged , but you ' ll just go on barking a nd barking until someone gives you a good kick " (p . 7) . What is more, this loquacious ch aracter indulges in conversations with the reade r and with a d ead m a n , the late second hu sband of his (Grac's) wife-to-be. Grae writes to the dead man , reminisces a bout the Great War, philosophizes, but lets us know only indirec tly a bout what is really most important to him , namely hi s love for Jana: a ha unting and luminous figure at the center of the novel. This indirect approach is submerged, as it were, in the noise of th e incessant monologue inte rrupted by non -chronologically arranged scen es which n eve rtheless follow a n internal o rder, leading u s, however circuito u sly, to a resolution which we co me to half expect anyway . One particul a rly admires the way in which J ana, the beau tiful , even tragic widow a nd narrator's wife-to-be, is revealed to u s, stage b y stage. W e find her fl ee tingly a ppearing a nd di sappearing in mirrors co nvenie ntly supplied b y the n arrator in the guise of o the r ch aracters a nd the ir rem ini scences, their stories, where Jan a appears as if by ch a n ce. But all this ·is beau tifull y, cooll y controll ed , for the seemin gly cyn ical n arrator has within him a ce nte r that hi s mundane and unprepossessing ex terior formed b y the monolo gue replete with aphorisms and quotidian wisdom , hides without co mpletely co ncealing it from our view. At first we only gu ess that it ex ists, later we kn ow. The distan ce between these stages is bridged by events osten sibl y unrelated to th e " main" hidden content, eve nts su ch as the dyin g a nd d eath of little Miklu sko. 148 SLOVAKIA This genuin ely tragic death is opposed to the death of Jan a's second hu sband , Greskovie, which Hronsky chooses to treat with a degree of co m edy , if not grotesqueness, as if to highlight the profoundly tragic death of Miklusko . Hron sky's cool , understated narrative is the proper vehicle: we cannot consider it maudlin , nor sentimental , for it is presented to u s by a n arrator that excludes such possibilities and for that very reason enables the reader to feel with great empathy the tragedy of the event. The boy 's d eath leads to the recon ciliation of old lovers - Jan a and Grae; Grae d escribes the eve nt to J ana's late hu sband : We m et , Mr. Greskovie, but not the way J ana and I imagined it , nor the way you im agined it! It happened very simply. When Mik.lusko was dying, J ana offered to let m e stay in a room upstairs during those nights that his mother wanted to spend taking leave of her son. She led m e into her room herself. She loved the boy , so her eyes were full of sadness . W e just stood next to each other and did not talk much . P erhaps we said almost nothing. Jana maybe did m ention somethin g or other, saying that the war has died, but I am not quite sure she actually said that . She bent down her head a bit , and I felt as if she had touched my shoulder, so I stretched out my arm across her back and unsurely and timidly drew her to myself. She hardly moved , and m erely rested her head on m y shoulder. And so quietly , ever so quietly she started to cry, so that I could hardly hear her .. . . D o you unders tand m e, Mr. Greskovi e? (p. 221) Mr. Greskovie understands and d oes not answer Grae the clerk, letting the reader know that a painful , but somehow inevitable chapter ofGrac's life is over, producing a different Grae, minus his cynicism, which , at any rate, the read er suspects is only a m ask covering a suffering heart , in love and waiting for the beloved . Suddenly the waiting is over, and it is as if an enchantment were lifted. The war, the Great War that plays such a large role in the n arrator's fl ash backs, dies with the boy, which is not as ill ogical as it seem s. For the boy is an offsprin g of a father who dies in the war , leaving hi s little son "trapped" in the world, an example of an unresolved , unfinished business awaiting resolution. Hronsky's universe has its rules and one of them is a fateful and perhap s SLOVAKIA 149 strange symmetry , occasionally overly tragic, as with Miklusko. His d eath is required by Hronsky' s sense of tragic symme try . But lest it be thought that Pisar is just a brilliant experiment with a dash of black humor , the grotesque, and a ha ppy e nding, one has to point out another level of the novel in which Hronsky takes stock of the entire interwar generation. H e th rows also a fasci n ating light on the then young Slovak Republic ( 1939- 1945), express ing with prophetic exactitude his misgivings about the Slovak nat io n al ch aracter. In such passages, the generally light-hearted, bantering to ne g ives way to sob ering earnestness in a sweeping indictment of hi s ge nerat io n: Grae Watch out! There are a lot of clich es in today's world! I admit that we hardly know what a n idea is a nd what a n em pty cliche. There a re a lot of speech es, everybod y is a n o ra tor, especia lly those who have n o ideas, so they throw around cliches. In twenty year s one cannot tear out a ll the weeds. But that's how it is , and it cannot be otherwise. It is also true that the war has poisoned us . W e ran a bout like horses that were suddenly let loose, running back and forth, no lon ger liste ning on e ithe r the right or the left , not knowi n g what it was we wanted. One d ay we would b e on the road, the next day we would be stomping over a freshly sow n fi eld a nd find ourselves in a morass . Each minute someone would shoo t at u s, then would g ive u s something, then would take something from u s, a nd so, wounded, we moon ed about the world. W e soiled every thing we walked on, poisoned it , made it u gly, but most of all we hurt ourselves. (p.213) One h as to conclude that Grae is a surv ivor, nursing his wounds, regretting hi s sins on the way to a recovery effected when he fin ally putt; aside hi s tedium vitae, hi s acedie. But there a re also apologetics and d ark , proph etic warn ings on this level of the n ovel. First the apologetics: I would like to add that we sho uld b e forgiven a lot. It has to be co nsidered that nobody helped us, that we could rely only o n o urselves. And how m a n y stupid thin gs we have yet to comm it! (p. 215) Next, the prophecy: H ow much idiocy there is! . . . W e are capa ble of sett in g fire to our own b a rn a nd sitting down in it , if we get it in o ur 150 SLOVAKIA heads that it is a wise thing to do. And we can ge t such ideas quickly ! W e think we understand eve rythin g, know eve rythin g, a nd can overcome anythin g. (Ibid.) Such was hi s fate that H ro nsky lived to see hi s d arkest forebodings realized , with the cruel twist that eve n he was un able to picture the consequences and would ha rdl y have beli eved them had he been told about them in ad vance. Thus it is in exil e in Rom e - the spiritu al capital of Slovaks - that H ron sky wrote his next work, the novelette Predavac talizmanov Liberiu s Caius (The T alism a n M erchant : Liberius C aiu s, 1947 ),'i a bout the earl y C hri stians in R om e, focusing on the painful tran sition from paganism to Christianity. H ere, clearly, yet another stage of Hronsky's literary career began . According to K arol Strmen , a friend of Hronsky and one of his sensitive readers, this short work is a breakthrou gh , a key that enables the reader to see in a different li ght not only the foll owin g, but also hi s precedin g work. Consequently , to follow Strmen, we should not see Hronsky's characters such as M ak a nd Grae as typically post-Christian fi gures vagu ely dependent on the Christian ethos, but as pre-Christian , and existentially imprisoned on the borderland of the C hri stian m essage, which they never heard in its completeness, or loudly enou gh . 13 But such advice would seem a radical departure from the general acceptance of Hronsky's unive rse as a quintessentially Christian one . Perha ps it is easier to accept Strmen 's testimonial as a witness to th e intensification of Hronsky's Christian world view in his last works. Also written in R om e, Andreas Bur Majster , an important novel, is a nother hi storical wo rk deal ing with a tragic story of a misunderstood ecce ntric, or mystic, whose proximity to G od makes him suspiciou s in the eyes of his fellow m en who ridicul e, fear, and finall y kill him . Written in the m anner of the ' ' novel of secrets,'' it is a powerful evocati on of the force, beauty, and otherworldly quality of pure co ntempl ation and saintly openn ess. Thou gh saintly, Bur is no saint, at least not until the end , which find s him purified by sufferin g and read y to share the fa te of hi s M as ter . There a re eni gm atic m om ents here, and one se nses the closeness between Bur and the author . The enigm as, left unexplained , und erscore the essen tiall y mysterious cha racter of life when lived on a sp iritu al level. For here we are far above M ak and Grae. In th at se nse, one can speak about a trilogy of Mak-Grae-Bur , as Stevee k does, 14 onl y in a very n arrow way. For if we take Mak and Grae as antipodes, Bur SLOVAKIA 15 1 will be defin ed n ot in relation to them but , as Stevcek him self admits , in relation to the absolute arch e type, to God . 15 Andreas Bur Majster is for Stevcek the "completion and the crown in g effort of the school of lyrical prose." 16 It would be h ard to find a more complimentary word of pra ise. For it is ge nerally recognized that the most valu able accompli shment of Slovak literature is found in the school or movement known as lyrical prose of which B ron sky is an undisputed master. And here, perhaps, on su ch a high n ote, w ithout actually exhau sting Bronsky' s work, 17 we sh ould stop to ask for a good reason why the world should be interested in this lyrical prose of Bronsky . It could be that the renewed interest in his work stems from a desire, partl y sentimental, to learn a bout the world of the recent p ast , at least in Slovakia, when people, however destitute, still lived in harmon y with their so il in which they were so firmly rooted. Nor were they prey to the moral and sp iritu al uprootedness that we h ave come to know as an integral part of the experie nce of modernity. This is espec ially true of Jozef Mak , who, perhaps qui te subconsciou sly but for th at matter so mu ch m ore emphat ically a nd essentially, resists uprootedness in all its forms. What a unique figure in modern wo rld literature this pained but su ccessful resistance makes him ! What a feast of meaning , of hope, and of spiritu al insight - a nd all that accomplish ed through a character unable to a rticu late his pain. Truly , this is a masterpiece that goes against the gra in in an age of modernity, a n age when uprootedness is extolled and fas hioned into a marketable life style, an age of noisy, aimless, chatter debasin g the logos. Bronsky knew of our true desires, of the mysteries of faith and hope . Th ese he articulated as no other Slovak author before or after him ; furthermore, h e has done so with force and beauty that are by no means destined to be admired only by Slovaks. That is why the world should want to know aboutjozefMak, Pisar Grae, Andreas Bur Majster, and Hronsky 's other work. For that reaso n and for many others that will occur to us as we e nter more deeply into hi s world . NOTES ' Al exa nd er M atus ka , j. C. H ronsk y (Brati slava: Slove n sky Spisovatel', 1970) ; also in Osobnosci (Bratislava: Slove nsky Spisovatel', 1973), Vol. JV of V y brane spisy Alexandra 1"1acusku . R eferences in the text a re to the 1973 editi on . 152 SLOVAKIA ' The most remarkable among th em are collected in Podpolian sk e rozpravky ( 1932), and Tomcikovci ( 1933) . M y references are to the collected works in ten volumes (Turcia nsky Sv . M art in : M a ti ca Slovenska, 1938-44). ' M a tu ska, p. 408. ◄ See " Hronskeho Pisar Grae a slovenska pr6za" (A round-tabl e discussion), Slovenske Pohl'ady, LXXXVI ( 1970), n .3, pp. 30-43. 5 J an Stevcek, " R oma n J ozef Mak ajeho histo ricky obsah , " inJ. C . Hronsky,jozef Mak (Bratislava: Tatran, 1980) , pp . 283-290. ' Ibid ., p. 290. 7 Matuska , p. 413. 8 J . M . R ydlo , " The World on a Quagmire : The Last Literary Work of Jozef Giger Hron sky," Slovak Studies, XV ( 1975), p . 119 . 9 For a study of " lyrical prose," see J . Stevcek, Lyrizovana pr6za (Bra tislava: Slovensky Spisovatel', 1973), and Oskar Cepan , K on tury naturiam u (Bratislava: Slovensky spisovatel', 1977). 10 J. Stevcek, "Doslov," in]. C. Hronsky, Podpolianske rozpravky (Bratislava: Tatran, 197 1), p . 242. 11 R ydlo, p. 12 1. " J . C. H ronsky , Predavac talizmanov , in Nadej vftazna (Scranton: Obrana Press, 1947) , pp . 7-50; 2nd ed. (Cambrid ge , Ont.: Dobra Knih a, 1972) . A literal English translation was made by J ohn J . K ester, Seller ofTalizm ans: Liberius Caius (Scotch Plai ns, N .J ., pri vately printed , 1978). " K . Strmei\ , " Zapadalo slnko, " in]. C . H ronsky, Predavac talizmanov Liberius Caius , 2nd ed. , ibid. , p. 79. " See J . Stevcek '' Hronskeho romanova legenda, '' in J. C. Hronsky, Andreas Bur M ajster (Bratislava: Tatran, 1970), p . 263. " Ibid. , p. 266. 16 Ibid ., p. 268. 17 J .C. Hronsky , Svet na Trasovisku (Whiting, I N: R ev. Jan]. Lach, Publisher, 1960), was his last novel. Presented in P anel 109, " Changin g Views of Slovak Literature," at the AAASS convent ion in Washington, D .C. on 17 O ctober 1982.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Jozef Cíger-Hronský: A Major Slovak Novelist Description An account of the resource Peter Petro Slovakia, Vol. 30 (No. 55-56), 1982-83 pp. 142-152 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Petro, Peter Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982-83 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2c556388b5ae469772d396e611e7b6a3.pdf 22be1dfe9b4f01ed3cda7b57635994ef PDF Text Text 24 SLOVAKIA GUSTAV MARSHALL-PETROVSKY (1862-1916) Jan Petrovsky In the capitalist United States of America in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, conditions were such that American Slovaks were able to achieve a higher level of national consciousness than their cousins in the Kingdom of Hungary. This was shown by their well-developed societies, associations and organizations, by the quality and range of numerous American-Slovak publications and by their cultural activities with their own literary, theatrical and scientific achievements. 1 One of the preeminent cultural leaders of American Slovaks at that time was Gustav Marshall-Petrovsky and, since Jozef Pauco failed to include him in his book on Slovak pioneers in America, I will attempt to fill this gap. 2 The idea of national self-realization among American Slovaks originated in the last decades of the nineteenth century, when Slovak fraternal benefit societies were established. 3 The writer, journalist and patriot Gustav Marshall-Petrovsky was one of the pre-eminent leaders of American Slovaks. He was the best-known and most published of Slovak prose writers living in the USA. As such, he was an important symbol of Slovak national development. 4 He defined a nation as a people related by blood, speaking the same language and practicing the same culture and ideals. 5 Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky played a leading role in promoting Slovak culture and ideals.6 11 Bielik, Frantisek, "Slovenske vyst'ahovalectvo a jeho mi es to v nas ich narodnyc h dejinach" [Slova k Emigration and Its Place in Our Nati onal History], in "Vyst'ahovalectvo a i ivot kraj anov vo svete [E mi grati on and the Life of Our Co untrymen Abroad] (Martin: Matica slove nska, 1982), 32. 2 Pauco, Jozef, Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike (Cleveland, 1972). 3 Bielik, op.cit. 4 Alner, Juraj , " Literatura o slove nskom vyst'ahovalectve do Spojenych statov americkych" [Literature about Slovak Emi grati on to the United States of Ameri ca], in : Slovaci v zahranici 4 - 5 ( I 979), I 3 7. 5 Balch, Emily G., Our Slavic Fellow Citizens (New York: Charities Publication Committee, 1910), I 0. 6 Alner, " Literature about Slova k Emi gra ti on .. ... , 137. �SLOVAKIA 25 This patriot was born on June 8, 1862 in the Lutheran village of Bacsky Petrovec, in southern Hungary (now in Serbia) to the family of an affluent Slovak tanner. He attended elementary school in his home town and went on to grammar school in nearby Novy Sad and Sarvas. After studying law for a year at the Lutheran Lyceum in Presov (Slovakia), he was expelled by Education Minister Agoston Trefort for his national activity among fellow-students when he tried to form a Slovak student organization. Indeed, he was forbidden to study in any school in Hungary. Therefore, between 1882 and 1890 he studied medicine in Vienna and joined the Slovak academic society "Tatran," of which he was elected president three times. 7 Gustav's father and grandfather had also made a deep impresssion upon him, especially in his perception of his nation, language and culture. Both gave him a strong appreciation of his homeland. But the strongest influence on Gustav was his father. 8 That led to his umbrage against national oppression and Magyarization 9 in Hungary, which made his further studies in that Kingdom impossible. 10 Petrovsky was a conscious Slovak patriot who, even in the most difficult and crucial moments of harassment in Presov, never turned away from his primary goal: the social, economic, cultural and literary elevation of his nation. In that effort there was no obstacle in his temperament, boisterous and ambitious character, but on the contrary, these attributes enabled him to penetrate the cause of the problems, to recruit young Slovak students and inflame them for work 7 Kocak, Michal , "Gustav Marsall- Petrovsky : Spomienka pri 135. vyroc i narodeni a" [Gustav Marshall - Petrovsky: On the Anniversary of his 135 th Birthday], in: Slovenske narodne noviny. 8, No. 11 , 1997, p. 8. 8 Various authors, "Zivot a die/a Gustava Marfola- Petrovskeho: Zborn ik prac z medzinarodneho sy mp6zia v Novom Sade, Petro vci a Hloianoch 23. a 24. okt6bra 1987" [The Life and Work of Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky," Almanac of Works from the International Symposium in No vy Sad, Petrovec and Hloiany on October 23rd and 24th, 198 7] (Novy Sad: OBZOR, 1989), p. 19. 9 It was an attem pt by the Magyar ruling classes to create a united Hungarian state of 30 mill ion people speaki ng one language (Magyar), practicing one culture, and having one fee ling and thought. Butvin , Jozef, "V boj i za narodnu a socialnu slobodu" [The Struggle fo r Nat iona l and Social Freedom], in Dejiny Slovenska slovom i obrazom II. [Slovak Histo,y in Words and Pictures II.] (Martin: Osveta, I 98 I), 58. Various authors, Life and Work of Gustav ... , p. I 9. 10 Petrovsky, Gustav, M, Janosik, kapitan horskych chlapcov - j eho biirlivy i ivot a desna smrt' [Janosik, Captain of the Mountain Boys- His Notorious Life and Frightful Death] (Bacsky Petrovec: OBZOR, I 967), 267. �26 SLOVAKIA among his people. His unshakeable activity in the 1880s helped in the revival of Slovak national life, especially the Slovak student movement, in times of the strongest Magyarization. 11 In addition to his works that appeared in the Almanach slovenskej mladeie in 1885 (Slovak Youth Almanac) and Pamatnica Tatrana in 1890 (Memory of Tatran), Petrovsky made his literary debut in Tatran with "Novely" - Z parku, Kaplan, Pod hrubou korou (Short Stories- of the Park, the Chaplain, Under the Thick Crust) in 1887. Before leaving Vienna in 1890 he published a Slovak grammar in German. 12 In the United States he published a second edition of a Practical Guidebook of Slovak in the German Language in 1907. 13 In 1890 the persecuted Marshall-Petrovsky moved to the United States. He immediately joined various Slovak fraternal-benefit societies and worked as an editor of Slovak newspapers and periodicals. From the beginning he became one of the pioneers of Slovak national and cultural life. In 1893, together with the Reverend Stefan Furdek of Cleveland, he founded the Matica slovenska in America and Petrovsky became its second president (the Hungarian government had closed the original Matica in 1875). Petrovsky was one of the founders of the Slovak Evangelical Union (1892), initially editor of P.V. Rovnianek's weekly Amerikansko-slovenske noviny (American-Slovak News, founded in 1886) in Pittsburgh, and later editor and co-owner of the weekly Slovak v Amerike (The Slovak in America, founded in 1889) 14 in New York City. Still later he edited the weekly Luteran (Lutheran) 15 in Cleveland, he helped to found the weekly Slovenske slovo (The Slovak Word) in Chicago in 19131914, and became managing editor of Chicagsky dennik (Chicago Daily). After he had a falling out with the publisher of the latter newspaper, he decided to become a banker, but failed in this attempt. He died destitute in Chicago on June 15th, 1916 after 24 years of work in the USA and was buried in the Bohemian National Cemetery. Petrovsky's work in so many newspapers may have drained him of lot of creative energy. The continual uncertainty in that profess11 Various authors, "Life and Work of Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky," Almanac of .. , p. 28 . 12 Praktisches Lehrbuch der slowakische Sprache (Vienna, 1890). 13 Bartalska, I.:ubica, "Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky," in : Slovaks abroad. .., p. 299. 14 The first newspaper in which he started to wri te as an American immigrant. 15 Later Slovens/..y hlasnik (Slovak Herald). �SLOVAKIA 27 sion brought him many troubles . But the same destiny overtook many of his fellow workers. He advertised his works in the newspapers at which he was employed. These works included sketches, novels and fairy tales. The lives and characters of his literary works reflected the hardships and experiences of Slovak immigrants after they moved to the United States. 16 Petrovskys American short stories appeared at a very specific time in his life--from August of 1905 to March of 1906. From his correspondence we know that Petrovsky was at that time editor of Slovensky hlasnik (Slovak Herald) in Allegheny, Pennsylvania. This newspaper was the official organ of the Slovak Evangelical Union and had a strong national orientation. In 1906 it paid a lot of attention to the trial of the Rev. Andrej Hlinka of Ruzomberok. On July 13, 1905 Petrovsky started the valuable rubric Zabava a poucenie (Fun and Advice), given to fiction . In July and August of 1905, drawing upon a Greek fairy tale and a Russian sketch, Petrovsky elaborated upon and translated four didactic pictures of life and published his sketch Kto mecom bojuje, mecom zahynie! (He Who Fights with the Sword, Will Die by the Sword!). The same literary invention follows in two short stories--The Samaritan and The Parakeet. Petrovsky's resolution to fill this rubric with reality was activated by his literary experience and so his pictures of real life as didactic stories attained wider artistic merit and gradually merged into clear fictional works: Tak sa easy menia ... (The Times, They Are a Changing . .. ), September, 1905, Pan Tlchuba v nesnadzach (Mr. Babbler in Trouble), October, 1905, which appeared under "Amusing Narratives in the Life of American Slovaks;" Spat' (Back) November-December, 1905 ; Mi n6 spik englis (Me no Speak English), January, 1906; Ochranca komarov (Protector of Mosquitoes), February, 1906; Pozde (Late), February 1906, with the subtitle "A Short Story from the Life of American Slovaks;" and Presta/ pr6by (He stopped Trying), March, 1906, with the subtitle "A Story From the life of Hungarian Serbians." 17 Meanwhile, Petrovsky also published books of advice and novels . In his much earlier Radca slovenskych prist'ahovalcov v Ame16 Bartalska, Cubica, "Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky," in Slovaci v zahranici, 4-5 (Slovaks abroad) ( 1979), p. 299, 30 I. 17 Marsall-Petrovs ky, Gustav : Spod zavejov americkych. Bacsky Petrovec: Obzor, 1966, s. 260, 26 1. �28 SLOVAKIA rike (Advisor to Slovak Immigrants in America), which he published in 1895, Petrovsky warned his countrymen against exploitation and abuse as cheap labor and criticized contemporary conditions, the system of capitalism and the huge social differences that existed in the United States. In his 1894 novel Janosik, kapitan horskych chlapcov - j eho bur/ivy i ivot a desna smrt' (Janosik, Captain of the Mountain Boys: His Riotous Life and Frightful Death), which is his most extensive work, Petrovsky focused upon traditional, never-beforetold and fabulous acts in Janosik's life. He did not depart from the main, traditional, stories which are divided into particular themesJanosik who steals from the rich and gives to the poor, who has his great love and enemies among his own people, who is admired and hated. Nevertheless, Petrovsky ' s Janosik is different in some places. Through his hero the author wanted to awaken a love for all Slovaks, emphasizing the spirit of patriotism and love for the everlasting values of his ancestors. 18 In 1906 Petrovsky published a collection of short stories entitled Spod zavejov americkych (From Beneath the Snowdrifts of America), in which he detailed the tragedy of many inexperienced countrymen, cruelly exploited and abused by capitalists. 19 Here he utilized the most common anglicized words such as majna (mine) in America, ollerajt (all right) or st6r (store). 20 As he declared: "I named my little book Spod zavejov americkych because the fairy tales contained in it originated in snowdrifts, both there and here. " 21 While in America, Petrovsky did not forget his homeland and tried to rouse his countrymen against Magyarization in Hungary. He criticized those who were indifferent to national societies. In his story Spat' (Back), he discussed the problem of the gradual denationalizing of Slovaks in America, blaming not only the American educational system, but also the indifference of many countrymen to their assimilation. 22 The literary message of this patriot, journalist, rebel, editor and social activist can be illustrated in two ways. In several novels and 18 Petrovsky, Gustav M., Janosik, Captain of .. , p. 267 . Kutlik, F. , "Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky," in : Eud, 35, No. 69 ( I982), p. 5. 20 Petrovsky, Gustav M., Spod zavejo v americkych [From Beneath the Snowdrifts of America] (Bacsky Petrovec : OBZOR and Bratislava: TATRAN0, p. 276 . 21 Petrovsky, Gustav M. : Dielo llJ (Bae sky Petrovec: Obzor, 1966), 196 . 22 Kutlik, F., "Gustav Marshall - Petrovsky," in: People, p. 5. 19 �SLOVAKIA 29 romances he tried to educate the reader in a popular way, at the expense of literary quality. Many of his stories, especially of the love genre, are artistically of high quality and the story Back and the collection of tales From Beneath the Snowdrifts of America are touching and masterfully written.23 In his novel about Slovak coal miners in the United States, Obete ciernych diamantov (Victims of Black Diamonds, 1906), tragedy is substituted for sentimental love, and it leads to a fatal climax. Here he described the coal mining environment in the USA.24 Amongst the best of Marshall's works are the stories which he published in Spod zavejov americkych and Obete ciernych diamantov. The focus of the first group are love affairs, amusing stories of everyday life and sad, even tragic, events. In these stories Petrovsky penetrated inside of a Slovak man who lived separated from his family and his place of birth. He fixed his eyes, not only on his face, but even on his privacy. It is a sad face, covered by tragedy, often by despair, a face yearning for home, a face which is disturbed by those who forgot their homeland. In Obete ciernych diamantov, he presented the story of a mining disaster in one of America's many coalfields . He brought to the surface the tragic story of Slovaks who were looking for work overseas at a time of national oppression and poverty. The author wrote it in a remarkably suggestive style, with a sense for drama and intensity of action.25 The trials and tribulations of Slovak emigrants to America were described by Marshall- Petrovsky himself: "A frost awaits them. What a cry, what hopes they must bury in their scramble for bread. And what will happen to those living at home? Not even millions of dollars sent to Slovakia can compensate for each sender's soul and spirit. " He then added, I greet you all with my sincere fraternal heart and I wish you and I could be back in the place from whence misery and tragedy banished us, to this cold and unforgiving place. 23 1bid. Cabadaj , Peter, "Album za budanych osobnosti: Marsall- Petrovsky, Gustav [Album of Forgotten Persona liti es: Marshall- Petrovsky, Gustav], in Literarny tyi dennfk, 13 , No. 18 (2000), p. 8. 25 Petrovs ky , Gustav M., Spod zavejov americkych [From Beneath the Snowdrifts of America], p. 276. 24 �30 SLOVAKIA The branch ripped from the tree will never become rooted and the stem will dry up, even breaking its limbs ... therefore come back! Back from beneath the snowdrifts of America, here to your place of birth and poverty! Better to cry with a f ellow countryman than to smile with strangers. Here, by ourselves, we will become aliens !26 Until his death, Marshall- Petrovsky was on the front lines of the struggle for Slovak national liberation. At the beginning of the Great War in 1914 he was a co-signer in the name of the Chicagsky dennik (Chicago Daily) of the Memorandum of the Slovak League.27 When he died in 1916 as the most significant American Slovak writer and journalist, Gustav Marshall-Petrovsky had fallen into poverty and was almost forgotten. However, by 1922 his memory was resurrected and his countrymen built him a monument. 28 He died at the age of 54, still eager to work, although he had none. He had abandoned Hungary due to national oppression and was going to leave America due to social oppression. His big dream to return to his liberated homeland went unfulfilled. 29 Whoever knew Gustav Marshall-Petrovsky in his younger years would never forget his elegant and aristocratic looks. He was erudite and well-educated but impulsive and always dissatisfied. He studied law, theology and medicine but finished none. In the USA he worked as a journalist, as a writer, as a banker, but without success. Nevertheless, he had one thing in common with the Czech writer Vladimir Klacel : during his life poverty, after his death, recognition.30 Here is what the literary critic Andrej Mraz had to say about him : Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky, cried out from deep within his soul to his countrymen spread across the United States of 26 Petrovsky, Gustav M.: , Dielo lll (Bacsky Petrovec : Obzor, 1966), 196 . OL ME I 9 15, XXV, 16 I 3 ,"Memorandum of the Slovak League of America." SYD I, 360. Literamy archi v Mati ci slovenskej (LAMS), fo nd broadsheets 5/21 / 19 16. 28 Composite authors: L ife and work of Gustav Mars hall - Petrovsky: Almanac of .. , 73, 74. 9 KUTLiK, F.: Gustav Marshall - Petrovsky. In: Peop le. p. 5. 3 °Capek, Tomas, Nasa Amerika [Our America ] (Prague: Czechoslovak Nati onal Council. 1926) 92. 27 g- �SLOVAKIA 31 America: come back, come home, we are perishing here, we are like a branch ripped from a tree. Many of his countrymen responded, but Marshall-Petrovsky did not make it to the ship carrying home the Slovak emigrants from America, and so came the day whhen his sad and tormented heart beat for the last time .... 31 31 Kocak, Michal, "Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky: Remembrance of... ," In: Slovak ... , p. 8. � 24 SLOVAKIA GUSTAV MARSHALL-PETROVSKY (1862-1916) Jan Petrovsky In the capitalist United States of America in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, conditions were such that American Slovaks were able to achieve a higher level of national consciousness than their cousins in the Kingdom of Hungary. This was shown by their well-developed societies, associations and organizations, by the quality and range of numerous American-Slovak publications and by their cultural activities with their own literary, theatrical and scientific achievements. 1 One of the preeminent cultural leaders of American Slovaks at that time was Gustav Marshall-Petrovsky and, since Jozef Pauco failed to include him in his book on Slovak pioneers in America, I will attempt to fill this gap. 2 The idea of national self-realization among American Slovaks originated in the last decades of the nineteenth century, when Slovak fraternal benefit societies were established. 3 The writer, journalist and patriot Gustav Marshall-Petrovsky was one of the pre-eminent leaders of American Slovaks. He was the best-known and most published of Slovak prose writers living in the USA. As such, he was an important symbol of Slovak national development. 4 He defined a nation as a people related by blood, speaking the same language and practicing the same culture and ideals. 5 Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky played a leading role in promoting Slovak culture and ideals.6 11 Bielik, Frantisek, "Slovenske vyst'ahovalectvo a jeho mi es to v nas ich narodnyc h dejinach" [Slova k Emigration and Its Place in Our Nati onal History], in "Vyst'ahovalectvo a i ivot kraj anov vo svete [E mi grati on and the Life of Our Co untrymen Abroad] (Martin: Matica slove nska, 1982), 32. 2 Pauco, Jozef, Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike (Cleveland, 1972). 3 Bielik, op.cit. 4 Alner, Juraj , " Literatura o slove nskom vyst'ahovalectve do Spojenych statov americkych" [Literature about Slovak Emi grati on to the United States of Ameri ca], in : Slovaci v zahranici 4 - 5 ( I 979), I 3 7. 5 Balch, Emily G., Our Slavic Fellow Citizens (New York: Charities Publication Committee, 1910), I 0. 6 Alner, " Literature about Slova k Emi gra ti on .. ... , 137. �SLOVAKIA 25 This patriot was born on June 8, 1862 in the Lutheran village of Bacsky Petrovec, in southern Hungary (now in Serbia) to the family of an affluent Slovak tanner. He attended elementary school in his home town and went on to grammar school in nearby Novy Sad and Sarvas. After studying law for a year at the Lutheran Lyceum in Presov (Slovakia), he was expelled by Education Minister Agoston Trefort for his national activity among fellow-students when he tried to form a Slovak student organization. Indeed, he was forbidden to study in any school in Hungary. Therefore, between 1882 and 1890 he studied medicine in Vienna and joined the Slovak academic society "Tatran," of which he was elected president three times. 7 Gustav's father and grandfather had also made a deep impresssion upon him, especially in his perception of his nation, language and culture. Both gave him a strong appreciation of his homeland. But the strongest influence on Gustav was his father. 8 That led to his umbrage against national oppression and Magyarization 9 in Hungary, which made his further studies in that Kingdom impossible. 10 Petrovsky was a conscious Slovak patriot who, even in the most difficult and crucial moments of harassment in Presov, never turned away from his primary goal: the social, economic, cultural and literary elevation of his nation. In that effort there was no obstacle in his temperament, boisterous and ambitious character, but on the contrary, these attributes enabled him to penetrate the cause of the problems, to recruit young Slovak students and inflame them for work 7 Kocak, Michal , "Gustav Marsall- Petrovsky : Spomienka pri 135. vyroc i narodeni a" [Gustav Marshall - Petrovsky: On the Anniversary of his 135 th Birthday], in: Slovenske narodne noviny. 8, No. 11 , 1997, p. 8. 8 Various authors, "Zivot a die/a Gustava Marfola- Petrovskeho: Zborn ik prac z medzinarodneho sy mp6zia v Novom Sade, Petro vci a Hloianoch 23. a 24. okt6bra 1987" [The Life and Work of Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky," Almanac of Works from the International Symposium in No vy Sad, Petrovec and Hloiany on October 23rd and 24th, 198 7] (Novy Sad: OBZOR, 1989), p. 19. 9 It was an attem pt by the Magyar ruling classes to create a united Hungarian state of 30 mill ion people speaki ng one language (Magyar), practicing one culture, and having one fee ling and thought. Butvin , Jozef, "V boj i za narodnu a socialnu slobodu" [The Struggle fo r Nat iona l and Social Freedom], in Dejiny Slovenska slovom i obrazom II. [Slovak Histo,y in Words and Pictures II.] (Martin: Osveta, I 98 I), 58. Various authors, Life and Work of Gustav ... , p. I 9. 10 Petrovsky, Gustav, M, Janosik, kapitan horskych chlapcov - j eho biirlivy i ivot a desna smrt' [Janosik, Captain of the Mountain Boys- His Notorious Life and Frightful Death] (Bacsky Petrovec: OBZOR, I 967), 267. �26 SLOVAKIA among his people. His unshakeable activity in the 1880s helped in the revival of Slovak national life, especially the Slovak student movement, in times of the strongest Magyarization. 11 In addition to his works that appeared in the Almanach slovenskej mladeie in 1885 (Slovak Youth Almanac) and Pamatnica Tatrana in 1890 (Memory of Tatran), Petrovsky made his literary debut in Tatran with "Novely" - Z parku, Kaplan, Pod hrubou korou (Short Stories- of the Park, the Chaplain, Under the Thick Crust) in 1887. Before leaving Vienna in 1890 he published a Slovak grammar in German. 12 In the United States he published a second edition of a Practical Guidebook of Slovak in the German Language in 1907. 13 In 1890 the persecuted Marshall-Petrovsky moved to the United States. He immediately joined various Slovak fraternal-benefit societies and worked as an editor of Slovak newspapers and periodicals. From the beginning he became one of the pioneers of Slovak national and cultural life. In 1893, together with the Reverend Stefan Furdek of Cleveland, he founded the Matica slovenska in America and Petrovsky became its second president (the Hungarian government had closed the original Matica in 1875). Petrovsky was one of the founders of the Slovak Evangelical Union (1892), initially editor of P.V. Rovnianek's weekly Amerikansko-slovenske noviny (American-Slovak News, founded in 1886) in Pittsburgh, and later editor and co-owner of the weekly Slovak v Amerike (The Slovak in America, founded in 1889) 14 in New York City. Still later he edited the weekly Luteran (Lutheran) 15 in Cleveland, he helped to found the weekly Slovenske slovo (The Slovak Word) in Chicago in 19131914, and became managing editor of Chicagsky dennik (Chicago Daily). After he had a falling out with the publisher of the latter newspaper, he decided to become a banker, but failed in this attempt. He died destitute in Chicago on June 15th, 1916 after 24 years of work in the USA and was buried in the Bohemian National Cemetery. Petrovsky's work in so many newspapers may have drained him of lot of creative energy. The continual uncertainty in that profess11 Various authors, "Life and Work of Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky," Almanac of .. , p. 28 . 12 Praktisches Lehrbuch der slowakische Sprache (Vienna, 1890). 13 Bartalska, I.:ubica, "Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky," in : Slovaks abroad. .., p. 299. 14 The first newspaper in which he started to wri te as an American immigrant. 15 Later Slovens/..y hlasnik (Slovak Herald). �SLOVAKIA 27 sion brought him many troubles . But the same destiny overtook many of his fellow workers. He advertised his works in the newspapers at which he was employed. These works included sketches, novels and fairy tales. The lives and characters of his literary works reflected the hardships and experiences of Slovak immigrants after they moved to the United States. 16 Petrovskys American short stories appeared at a very specific time in his life--from August of 1905 to March of 1906. From his correspondence we know that Petrovsky was at that time editor of Slovensky hlasnik (Slovak Herald) in Allegheny, Pennsylvania. This newspaper was the official organ of the Slovak Evangelical Union and had a strong national orientation. In 1906 it paid a lot of attention to the trial of the Rev. Andrej Hlinka of Ruzomberok. On July 13, 1905 Petrovsky started the valuable rubric Zabava a poucenie (Fun and Advice), given to fiction . In July and August of 1905, drawing upon a Greek fairy tale and a Russian sketch, Petrovsky elaborated upon and translated four didactic pictures of life and published his sketch Kto mecom bojuje, mecom zahynie! (He Who Fights with the Sword, Will Die by the Sword!). The same literary invention follows in two short stories--The Samaritan and The Parakeet. Petrovsky's resolution to fill this rubric with reality was activated by his literary experience and so his pictures of real life as didactic stories attained wider artistic merit and gradually merged into clear fictional works: Tak sa easy menia ... (The Times, They Are a Changing . .. ), September, 1905, Pan Tlchuba v nesnadzach (Mr. Babbler in Trouble), October, 1905, which appeared under "Amusing Narratives in the Life of American Slovaks;" Spat' (Back) November-December, 1905 ; Mi n6 spik englis (Me no Speak English), January, 1906; Ochranca komarov (Protector of Mosquitoes), February, 1906; Pozde (Late), February 1906, with the subtitle "A Short Story from the Life of American Slovaks;" and Presta/ pr6by (He stopped Trying), March, 1906, with the subtitle "A Story From the life of Hungarian Serbians." 17 Meanwhile, Petrovsky also published books of advice and novels . In his much earlier Radca slovenskych prist'ahovalcov v Ame16 Bartalska, Cubica, "Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky," in Slovaci v zahranici, 4-5 (Slovaks abroad) ( 1979), p. 299, 30 I. 17 Marsall-Petrovs ky, Gustav : Spod zavejov americkych. Bacsky Petrovec: Obzor, 1966, s. 260, 26 1. �28 SLOVAKIA rike (Advisor to Slovak Immigrants in America), which he published in 1895, Petrovsky warned his countrymen against exploitation and abuse as cheap labor and criticized contemporary conditions, the system of capitalism and the huge social differences that existed in the United States. In his 1894 novel Janosik, kapitan horskych chlapcov - j eho bur/ivy i ivot a desna smrt' (Janosik, Captain of the Mountain Boys: His Riotous Life and Frightful Death), which is his most extensive work, Petrovsky focused upon traditional, never-beforetold and fabulous acts in Janosik's life. He did not depart from the main, traditional, stories which are divided into particular themesJanosik who steals from the rich and gives to the poor, who has his great love and enemies among his own people, who is admired and hated. Nevertheless, Petrovsky ' s Janosik is different in some places. Through his hero the author wanted to awaken a love for all Slovaks, emphasizing the spirit of patriotism and love for the everlasting values of his ancestors. 18 In 1906 Petrovsky published a collection of short stories entitled Spod zavejov americkych (From Beneath the Snowdrifts of America), in which he detailed the tragedy of many inexperienced countrymen, cruelly exploited and abused by capitalists. 19 Here he utilized the most common anglicized words such as majna (mine) in America, ollerajt (all right) or st6r (store). 20 As he declared: "I named my little book Spod zavejov americkych because the fairy tales contained in it originated in snowdrifts, both there and here. " 21 While in America, Petrovsky did not forget his homeland and tried to rouse his countrymen against Magyarization in Hungary. He criticized those who were indifferent to national societies. In his story Spat' (Back), he discussed the problem of the gradual denationalizing of Slovaks in America, blaming not only the American educational system, but also the indifference of many countrymen to their assimilation. 22 The literary message of this patriot, journalist, rebel, editor and social activist can be illustrated in two ways. In several novels and 18 Petrovsky, Gustav M., Janosik, Captain of .. , p. 267 . Kutlik, F. , "Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky," in : Eud, 35, No. 69 ( I982), p. 5. 20 Petrovsky, Gustav M., Spod zavejo v americkych [From Beneath the Snowdrifts of America] (Bacsky Petrovec : OBZOR and Bratislava: TATRAN0, p. 276 . 21 Petrovsky, Gustav M. : Dielo llJ (Bae sky Petrovec: Obzor, 1966), 196 . 22 Kutlik, F., "Gustav Marshall - Petrovsky," in: People, p. 5. 19 �SLOVAKIA 29 romances he tried to educate the reader in a popular way, at the expense of literary quality. Many of his stories, especially of the love genre, are artistically of high quality and the story Back and the collection of tales From Beneath the Snowdrifts of America are touching and masterfully written.23 In his novel about Slovak coal miners in the United States, Obete ciernych diamantov (Victims of Black Diamonds, 1906), tragedy is substituted for sentimental love, and it leads to a fatal climax. Here he described the coal mining environment in the USA.24 Amongst the best of Marshall's works are the stories which he published in Spod zavejov americkych and Obete ciernych diamantov. The focus of the first group are love affairs, amusing stories of everyday life and sad, even tragic, events. In these stories Petrovsky penetrated inside of a Slovak man who lived separated from his family and his place of birth. He fixed his eyes, not only on his face, but even on his privacy. It is a sad face, covered by tragedy, often by despair, a face yearning for home, a face which is disturbed by those who forgot their homeland. In Obete ciernych diamantov, he presented the story of a mining disaster in one of America's many coalfields . He brought to the surface the tragic story of Slovaks who were looking for work overseas at a time of national oppression and poverty. The author wrote it in a remarkably suggestive style, with a sense for drama and intensity of action.25 The trials and tribulations of Slovak emigrants to America were described by Marshall- Petrovsky himself: "A frost awaits them. What a cry, what hopes they must bury in their scramble for bread. And what will happen to those living at home? Not even millions of dollars sent to Slovakia can compensate for each sender's soul and spirit. " He then added, I greet you all with my sincere fraternal heart and I wish you and I could be back in the place from whence misery and tragedy banished us, to this cold and unforgiving place. 23 1bid. Cabadaj , Peter, "Album za budanych osobnosti: Marsall- Petrovsky, Gustav [Album of Forgotten Persona liti es: Marshall- Petrovsky, Gustav], in Literarny tyi dennfk, 13 , No. 18 (2000), p. 8. 25 Petrovs ky , Gustav M., Spod zavejov americkych [From Beneath the Snowdrifts of America], p. 276. 24 �30 SLOVAKIA The branch ripped from the tree will never become rooted and the stem will dry up, even breaking its limbs ... therefore come back! Back from beneath the snowdrifts of America, here to your place of birth and poverty! Better to cry with a f ellow countryman than to smile with strangers. Here, by ourselves, we will become aliens !26 Until his death, Marshall- Petrovsky was on the front lines of the struggle for Slovak national liberation. At the beginning of the Great War in 1914 he was a co-signer in the name of the Chicagsky dennik (Chicago Daily) of the Memorandum of the Slovak League.27 When he died in 1916 as the most significant American Slovak writer and journalist, Gustav Marshall-Petrovsky had fallen into poverty and was almost forgotten. However, by 1922 his memory was resurrected and his countrymen built him a monument. 28 He died at the age of 54, still eager to work, although he had none. He had abandoned Hungary due to national oppression and was going to leave America due to social oppression. His big dream to return to his liberated homeland went unfulfilled. 29 Whoever knew Gustav Marshall-Petrovsky in his younger years would never forget his elegant and aristocratic looks. He was erudite and well-educated but impulsive and always dissatisfied. He studied law, theology and medicine but finished none. In the USA he worked as a journalist, as a writer, as a banker, but without success. Nevertheless, he had one thing in common with the Czech writer Vladimir Klacel : during his life poverty, after his death, recognition.30 Here is what the literary critic Andrej Mraz had to say about him : Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky, cried out from deep within his soul to his countrymen spread across the United States of 26 Petrovsky, Gustav M.: , Dielo lll (Bacsky Petrovec : Obzor, 1966), 196 . OL ME I 9 15, XXV, 16 I 3 ,"Memorandum of the Slovak League of America." SYD I, 360. Literamy archi v Mati ci slovenskej (LAMS), fo nd broadsheets 5/21 / 19 16. 28 Composite authors: L ife and work of Gustav Mars hall - Petrovsky: Almanac of .. , 73, 74. 9 KUTLiK, F.: Gustav Marshall - Petrovsky. In: Peop le. p. 5. 3 °Capek, Tomas, Nasa Amerika [Our America ] (Prague: Czechoslovak Nati onal Council. 1926) 92. 27 g- �SLOVAKIA 31 America: come back, come home, we are perishing here, we are like a branch ripped from a tree. Many of his countrymen responded, but Marshall-Petrovsky did not make it to the ship carrying home the Slovak emigrants from America, and so came the day whhen his sad and tormented heart beat for the last time .... 31 31 Kocak, Michal, "Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky: Remembrance of... ," In: Slovak ... , p. 8. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2010, Vol. 40 Description An account of the resource Vol. 40 (No. 74-75), 2010. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 24 SLOVAKIA GUSTAV MARSHALL-PETROVSKY (1862-1916) Jan Petrovsky In the capitalist United States of America in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, conditions were such that American Slovaks were able to achieve a higher level of national consciousness than their cousins in the Kingdom of Hungary. This was shown by their well-developed societies, associations and organizations, by the quality and range of numerous American-Slovak publications and by their cultural activities with their own literary, theatrical and scientific achievements. 1 One of the preeminent cultural leaders of American Slovaks at that time was Gustav Marshall-Petrovsky and, since Jozef Pauco failed to include him in his book on Slovak pioneers in America, I will attempt to fill this gap. 2 The idea of national self-realization among American Slovaks originated in the last decades of the nineteenth century, when Slovak fraternal benefit societies were established. 3 The writer, journalist and patriot Gustav Marshall-Petrovsky was one of the pre-eminent leaders of American Slovaks. He was the best-known and most published of Slovak prose writers living in the USA. As such, he was an important symbol of Slovak national development. 4 He defined a nation as a people related by blood, speaking the same language and practicing the same culture and ideals. 5 Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky played a leading role in promoting Slovak culture and ideals.6 11 Bielik, Frantisek, "Slovenske vyst'ahovalectvo a jeho mi es to v nas ich narodnyc h dejinach" [Slova k Emigration and Its Place in Our Nati onal History], in "Vyst'ahovalectvo a i ivot kraj anov vo svete [E mi grati on and the Life of Our Co untrymen Abroad] (Martin: Matica slove nska, 1982), 32. 2 Pauco, Jozef, Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike (Cleveland, 1972). 3 Bielik, op.cit. 4 Alner, Juraj , " Literatura o slove nskom vyst'ahovalectve do Spojenych statov americkych" [Literature about Slovak Emi grati on to the United States of Ameri ca], in : Slovaci v zahranici 4 - 5 ( I 979), I 3 7. 5 Balch, Emily G., Our Slavic Fellow Citizens (New York: Charities Publication Committee, 1910), I 0. 6 Alner, " Literature about Slova k Emi gra ti on .. ... , 137. SLOVAKIA 25 This patriot was born on June 8, 1862 in the Lutheran village of Bacsky Petrovec, in southern Hungary (now in Serbia) to the family of an affluent Slovak tanner. He attended elementary school in his home town and went on to grammar school in nearby Novy Sad and Sarvas. After studying law for a year at the Lutheran Lyceum in Presov (Slovakia), he was expelled by Education Minister Agoston Trefort for his national activity among fellow-students when he tried to form a Slovak student organization. Indeed, he was forbidden to study in any school in Hungary. Therefore, between 1882 and 1890 he studied medicine in Vienna and joined the Slovak academic society "Tatran," of which he was elected president three times. 7 Gustav's father and grandfather had also made a deep impresssion upon him, especially in his perception of his nation, language and culture. Both gave him a strong appreciation of his homeland. But the strongest influence on Gustav was his father. 8 That led to his umbrage against national oppression and Magyarization 9 in Hungary, which made his further studies in that Kingdom impossible. 10 Petrovsky was a conscious Slovak patriot who, even in the most difficult and crucial moments of harassment in Presov, never turned away from his primary goal: the social, economic, cultural and literary elevation of his nation. In that effort there was no obstacle in his temperament, boisterous and ambitious character, but on the contrary, these attributes enabled him to penetrate the cause of the problems, to recruit young Slovak students and inflame them for work 7 Kocak, Michal , "Gustav Marsall- Petrovsky : Spomienka pri 135. vyroc i narodeni a" [Gustav Marshall - Petrovsky: On the Anniversary of his 135 th Birthday], in: Slovenske narodne noviny. 8, No. 11 , 1997, p. 8. 8 Various authors, "Zivot a die/a Gustava Marfola- Petrovskeho: Zborn ik prac z medzinarodneho sy mp6zia v Novom Sade, Petro vci a Hloianoch 23. a 24. okt6bra 1987" [The Life and Work of Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky," Almanac of Works from the International Symposium in No vy Sad, Petrovec and Hloiany on October 23rd and 24th, 198 7] (Novy Sad: OBZOR, 1989), p. 19. 9 It was an attem pt by the Magyar ruling classes to create a united Hungarian state of 30 mill ion people speaki ng one language (Magyar), practicing one culture, and having one fee ling and thought. Butvin , Jozef, "V boj i za narodnu a socialnu slobodu" [The Struggle fo r Nat iona l and Social Freedom], in Dejiny Slovenska slovom i obrazom II. [Slovak Histo,y in Words and Pictures II.] (Martin: Osveta, I 98 I), 58. Various authors, Life and Work of Gustav ... , p. I 9. 10 Petrovsky, Gustav, M, Janosik, kapitan horskych chlapcov - j eho biirlivy i ivot a desna smrt' [Janosik, Captain of the Mountain Boys- His Notorious Life and Frightful Death] (Bacsky Petrovec: OBZOR, I 967), 267. 26 SLOVAKIA among his people. His unshakeable activity in the 1880s helped in the revival of Slovak national life, especially the Slovak student movement, in times of the strongest Magyarization. 11 In addition to his works that appeared in the Almanach slovenskej mladeie in 1885 (Slovak Youth Almanac) and Pamatnica Tatrana in 1890 (Memory of Tatran), Petrovsky made his literary debut in Tatran with "Novely" - Z parku, Kaplan, Pod hrubou korou (Short Stories- of the Park, the Chaplain, Under the Thick Crust) in 1887. Before leaving Vienna in 1890 he published a Slovak grammar in German. 12 In the United States he published a second edition of a Practical Guidebook of Slovak in the German Language in 1907. 13 In 1890 the persecuted Marshall-Petrovsky moved to the United States. He immediately joined various Slovak fraternal-benefit societies and worked as an editor of Slovak newspapers and periodicals. From the beginning he became one of the pioneers of Slovak national and cultural life. In 1893, together with the Reverend Stefan Furdek of Cleveland, he founded the Matica slovenska in America and Petrovsky became its second president (the Hungarian government had closed the original Matica in 1875). Petrovsky was one of the founders of the Slovak Evangelical Union (1892), initially editor of P.V. Rovnianek's weekly Amerikansko-slovenske noviny (American-Slovak News, founded in 1886) in Pittsburgh, and later editor and co-owner of the weekly Slovak v Amerike (The Slovak in America, founded in 1889) 14 in New York City. Still later he edited the weekly Luteran (Lutheran) 15 in Cleveland, he helped to found the weekly Slovenske slovo (The Slovak Word) in Chicago in 19131914, and became managing editor of Chicagsky dennik (Chicago Daily). After he had a falling out with the publisher of the latter newspaper, he decided to become a banker, but failed in this attempt. He died destitute in Chicago on June 15th, 1916 after 24 years of work in the USA and was buried in the Bohemian National Cemetery. Petrovsky's work in so many newspapers may have drained him of lot of creative energy. The continual uncertainty in that profess11 Various authors, "Life and Work of Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky," Almanac of .. , p. 28 . 12 Praktisches Lehrbuch der slowakische Sprache (Vienna, 1890). 13 Bartalska, I.:ubica, "Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky," in : Slovaks abroad. .., p. 299. 14 The first newspaper in which he started to wri te as an American immigrant. 15 Later Slovens/..y hlasnik (Slovak Herald). SLOVAKIA 27 sion brought him many troubles . But the same destiny overtook many of his fellow workers. He advertised his works in the newspapers at which he was employed. These works included sketches, novels and fairy tales. The lives and characters of his literary works reflected the hardships and experiences of Slovak immigrants after they moved to the United States. 16 Petrovskys American short stories appeared at a very specific time in his life--from August of 1905 to March of 1906. From his correspondence we know that Petrovsky was at that time editor of Slovensky hlasnik (Slovak Herald) in Allegheny, Pennsylvania. This newspaper was the official organ of the Slovak Evangelical Union and had a strong national orientation. In 1906 it paid a lot of attention to the trial of the Rev. Andrej Hlinka of Ruzomberok. On July 13, 1905 Petrovsky started the valuable rubric Zabava a poucenie (Fun and Advice), given to fiction . In July and August of 1905, drawing upon a Greek fairy tale and a Russian sketch, Petrovsky elaborated upon and translated four didactic pictures of life and published his sketch Kto mecom bojuje, mecom zahynie! (He Who Fights with the Sword, Will Die by the Sword!). The same literary invention follows in two short stories--The Samaritan and The Parakeet. Petrovsky's resolution to fill this rubric with reality was activated by his literary experience and so his pictures of real life as didactic stories attained wider artistic merit and gradually merged into clear fictional works: Tak sa easy menia ... (The Times, They Are a Changing . .. ), September, 1905, Pan Tlchuba v nesnadzach (Mr. Babbler in Trouble), October, 1905, which appeared under "Amusing Narratives in the Life of American Slovaks;" Spat' (Back) November-December, 1905 ; Mi n6 spik englis (Me no Speak English), January, 1906; Ochranca komarov (Protector of Mosquitoes), February, 1906; Pozde (Late), February 1906, with the subtitle "A Short Story from the Life of American Slovaks;" and Presta/ pr6by (He stopped Trying), March, 1906, with the subtitle "A Story From the life of Hungarian Serbians." 17 Meanwhile, Petrovsky also published books of advice and novels . In his much earlier Radca slovenskych prist'ahovalcov v Ame16 Bartalska, Cubica, "Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky," in Slovaci v zahranici, 4-5 (Slovaks abroad) ( 1979), p. 299, 30 I. 17 Marsall-Petrovs ky, Gustav : Spod zavejov americkych. Bacsky Petrovec: Obzor, 1966, s. 260, 26 1. 28 SLOVAKIA rike (Advisor to Slovak Immigrants in America), which he published in 1895, Petrovsky warned his countrymen against exploitation and abuse as cheap labor and criticized contemporary conditions, the system of capitalism and the huge social differences that existed in the United States. In his 1894 novel Janosik, kapitan horskych chlapcov - j eho bur/ivy i ivot a desna smrt' (Janosik, Captain of the Mountain Boys: His Riotous Life and Frightful Death), which is his most extensive work, Petrovsky focused upon traditional, never-beforetold and fabulous acts in Janosik's life. He did not depart from the main, traditional, stories which are divided into particular themesJanosik who steals from the rich and gives to the poor, who has his great love and enemies among his own people, who is admired and hated. Nevertheless, Petrovsky ' s Janosik is different in some places. Through his hero the author wanted to awaken a love for all Slovaks, emphasizing the spirit of patriotism and love for the everlasting values of his ancestors. 18 In 1906 Petrovsky published a collection of short stories entitled Spod zavejov americkych (From Beneath the Snowdrifts of America), in which he detailed the tragedy of many inexperienced countrymen, cruelly exploited and abused by capitalists. 19 Here he utilized the most common anglicized words such as majna (mine) in America, ollerajt (all right) or st6r (store). 20 As he declared: "I named my little book Spod zavejov americkych because the fairy tales contained in it originated in snowdrifts, both there and here. " 21 While in America, Petrovsky did not forget his homeland and tried to rouse his countrymen against Magyarization in Hungary. He criticized those who were indifferent to national societies. In his story Spat' (Back), he discussed the problem of the gradual denationalizing of Slovaks in America, blaming not only the American educational system, but also the indifference of many countrymen to their assimilation. 22 The literary message of this patriot, journalist, rebel, editor and social activist can be illustrated in two ways. In several novels and 18 Petrovsky, Gustav M., Janosik, Captain of .. , p. 267 . Kutlik, F. , "Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky," in : Eud, 35, No. 69 ( I982), p. 5. 20 Petrovsky, Gustav M., Spod zavejo v americkych [From Beneath the Snowdrifts of America] (Bacsky Petrovec : OBZOR and Bratislava: TATRAN0, p. 276 . 21 Petrovsky, Gustav M. : Dielo llJ (Bae sky Petrovec: Obzor, 1966), 196 . 22 Kutlik, F., "Gustav Marshall - Petrovsky," in: People, p. 5. 19 SLOVAKIA 29 romances he tried to educate the reader in a popular way, at the expense of literary quality. Many of his stories, especially of the love genre, are artistically of high quality and the story Back and the collection of tales From Beneath the Snowdrifts of America are touching and masterfully written.23 In his novel about Slovak coal miners in the United States, Obete ciernych diamantov (Victims of Black Diamonds, 1906), tragedy is substituted for sentimental love, and it leads to a fatal climax. Here he described the coal mining environment in the USA.24 Amongst the best of Marshall's works are the stories which he published in Spod zavejov americkych and Obete ciernych diamantov. The focus of the first group are love affairs, amusing stories of everyday life and sad, even tragic, events. In these stories Petrovsky penetrated inside of a Slovak man who lived separated from his family and his place of birth. He fixed his eyes, not only on his face, but even on his privacy. It is a sad face, covered by tragedy, often by despair, a face yearning for home, a face which is disturbed by those who forgot their homeland. In Obete ciernych diamantov, he presented the story of a mining disaster in one of America's many coalfields . He brought to the surface the tragic story of Slovaks who were looking for work overseas at a time of national oppression and poverty. The author wrote it in a remarkably suggestive style, with a sense for drama and intensity of action.25 The trials and tribulations of Slovak emigrants to America were described by Marshall- Petrovsky himself: "A frost awaits them. What a cry, what hopes they must bury in their scramble for bread. And what will happen to those living at home? Not even millions of dollars sent to Slovakia can compensate for each sender's soul and spirit. " He then added, I greet you all with my sincere fraternal heart and I wish you and I could be back in the place from whence misery and tragedy banished us, to this cold and unforgiving place. 23 1bid. Cabadaj , Peter, "Album za budanych osobnosti: Marsall- Petrovsky, Gustav [Album of Forgotten Persona liti es: Marshall- Petrovsky, Gustav], in Literarny tyi dennfk, 13 , No. 18 (2000), p. 8. 25 Petrovs ky , Gustav M., Spod zavejov americkych [From Beneath the Snowdrifts of America], p. 276. 24 30 SLOVAKIA The branch ripped from the tree will never become rooted and the stem will dry up, even breaking its limbs ... therefore come back! Back from beneath the snowdrifts of America, here to your place of birth and poverty! Better to cry with a f ellow countryman than to smile with strangers. Here, by ourselves, we will become aliens !26 Until his death, Marshall- Petrovsky was on the front lines of the struggle for Slovak national liberation. At the beginning of the Great War in 1914 he was a co-signer in the name of the Chicagsky dennik (Chicago Daily) of the Memorandum of the Slovak League.27 When he died in 1916 as the most significant American Slovak writer and journalist, Gustav Marshall-Petrovsky had fallen into poverty and was almost forgotten. However, by 1922 his memory was resurrected and his countrymen built him a monument. 28 He died at the age of 54, still eager to work, although he had none. He had abandoned Hungary due to national oppression and was going to leave America due to social oppression. His big dream to return to his liberated homeland went unfulfilled. 29 Whoever knew Gustav Marshall-Petrovsky in his younger years would never forget his elegant and aristocratic looks. He was erudite and well-educated but impulsive and always dissatisfied. He studied law, theology and medicine but finished none. In the USA he worked as a journalist, as a writer, as a banker, but without success. Nevertheless, he had one thing in common with the Czech writer Vladimir Klacel : during his life poverty, after his death, recognition.30 Here is what the literary critic Andrej Mraz had to say about him : Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky, cried out from deep within his soul to his countrymen spread across the United States of 26 Petrovsky, Gustav M.: , Dielo lll (Bacsky Petrovec : Obzor, 1966), 196 . OL ME I 9 15, XXV, 16 I 3 ,"Memorandum of the Slovak League of America." SYD I, 360. Literamy archi v Mati ci slovenskej (LAMS), fo nd broadsheets 5/21 / 19 16. 28 Composite authors: L ife and work of Gustav Mars hall - Petrovsky: Almanac of .. , 73, 74. 9 KUTLiK, F.: Gustav Marshall - Petrovsky. In: Peop le. p. 5. 3 °Capek, Tomas, Nasa Amerika [Our America ] (Prague: Czechoslovak Nati onal Council. 1926) 92. 27 g- SLOVAKIA 31 America: come back, come home, we are perishing here, we are like a branch ripped from a tree. Many of his countrymen responded, but Marshall-Petrovsky did not make it to the ship carrying home the Slovak emigrants from America, and so came the day whhen his sad and tormented heart beat for the last time .... 31 31 Kocak, Michal, "Gustav Marshall- Petrovsky: Remembrance of... ," In: Slovak ... , p. 8.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Gustáv Marshall-Petrovský (1862-1916) Description An account of the resource Ján Petrovský Slovakia, Vol. 40 (No. 74-75), 2010 pp. 24-31 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Petrovský, Ján Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/6d5187cb90418d8e7b5d34192f288914.pdf caf227434c407417333eb8efe42359c7 PDF Text Text 78 SLOVAKIA Philip A. Hrobak �SLOVAKIA 79 PHILIP A. HROBAK (May 1, 1904 - January 10, 1964) We were witnesses to honors paid to Philip A. Hrobak ... in life ... and in death. The dynamic Jednota editor for a quarter of a century performed gigantic tasks with devotion and courage. Father of nine, he extended his work far beyond his immediate family circle to the Slovak family scattered around the world. To characterize "Phil" (as he was known affectionately to his closest friends ... who were many) as a dedicated man is, in his case, an understatement, for the range of hi,s activities inspired by the hollowed motto of the Jednota, "Za Boha a narod," reached to the far corners of the globe, wherever his fellow Slovak countrymen foU!Ild a new home. A crusader for truth and justice, and stout-hearted champion of the Slovak nation's right to a free, democratic, self-governing state in a country that his ancestors inhabited since the 5th or 6th century after Christ, "Phil" was an ideal editor whose vision never clouded, whose zeal did not dimiiilish, and whose hopes never dimmed despite insurmountable odds -arrayed against a cause that was sacred to him until his untimely death. We, who knew 'Phil' and loved him for his genial personality, ,long admired his magnanimity of spirit, and grasped his hand in warm friend.shiip over the years, renew our pledge to remain true to our common heritage, the sacred legacy of faith and freedom to which he dedicated a lifetime of service and devotion. An American Slovak, Philip A. Hrobak, who enjoyed the freedom we all enjoy in our beloved America, was not content to treat this great democratic gift (taken for granted by so many) with complacency. He understood both the letter and the spirit of American freedom and sought to have its meaning become a reality in the oppressed land of the Slovak forefathers. Hence, his relentless drive to have this message heard and acted upon in the councils of the �80 SLOVAKIA United Nations where the destinies of nations are determined . . . that he and his colleagues so far have not succeeded is no fault of theirs. But some day that Message must be heard, for God placed the aspiration to liberty in the heart of every man; and every nation that He created has the right to freedom. In life 'Phil' wore his honors lightly but gratefully. In death the outpouring of so many of his friends was proof of a living testimony of esteem, affection and high regard for a man who was dedicated to noble ideals of faith and freedom under God. The presence of an overflow congregation and thirty Slovak priests at the funeral Mass offered up by one of his closest friends, Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. . . . the moV'1ng eulogy by both Msgr. Milos Mlynarovich and the Rt. Rev. Abbot ... the heartfelt singing of Requiem Mass by the Benedictine priest and clerics . . . the attendance of his fellow Supreme Officers of the First Catholic Slovak Union, as well as Supreme Officers of the fraternal organizations, such as the Zenska Jednota, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union and others ... the Slovak League of America headed by Dr. Peter P. Hletko, M.D., president . . . all these external manifestations of respect betoken ia deep and abiding love for one of the greatest American Slovak leaders of all time. Slovakia's lllational freedom, for which Hrobak fought indefatigably, and with such flaming courage, will sureiy come ... and the establishment of a free, Slovak state in the heart of Europe will one day witness the Slovak nation's tribute to the memory of a truly great American Slovak. Rev. Andrew Pie.r, O. S. B. "The Slovaks are not only the oldest Slovanic inhabitants of the Danube Basin, but also the oldest cultured nation on the middle Danube." - Philip A. Hrobak �SLOVAKIA 81 WHO WAS HROBAK? The answers to this question were eloquently and beautifully phrased in a number of immortal quotes from two eulogies at the Requiem Mass for Philip A. Hrobaik at SS. Cyril and Mtheodius Church, Lakewood, Ohio, on January 15, 1964. Taken from Msgr. Milos Mlynarovich's sermon: "Today a new and eternal light shines on our Slovak heaTth and in the Church, for Philip, our departed brother, was a shining light of virtue throughout his life ... and 1110w in death his immortal memory remains an inspiratioin of faith and devotion for the ages." "He was a devoted husband, a kind father, a fearless champion of the oppressed Slovak nation, a crusader for truth amd justice, a faitJhful member of the Jednota and a fine leader of the Slovak League of America. More than that ... he ~as a man of God, an outstanding Catholic layman." Taken from Abbot Theodore Kojis eulogy: "A good and faithful servamt he now has his reward from Almighty God. As an excellent teacher, a brilliant writer and author, a good family man, but above all Philip Hrobak was an exemplary Christian leader. We thank God for having given us suoh a man whose star now shines ilil the heavens as a guiding light to all of us." "A g,r eat nation hooors its great men. How much more should we, tJhe proud descendants of a small nation, honor a man who in his lifetime battled with unbowed head against great odds. Never once did he admit defeat. Truly a great warrior has fallen. We strongly believe he has won everlasting glory as we, the living, pay 1h omage to his memory." Philip A. Hrobak died in the Harrisburg Hospital January 10, 1964 at 12 :55 P. M. Philip A. Hrobak, Editor-illl-Chief of the Jednota weekly, official pub1ication of the First Catholic Slovak Union in MiddletoWlll, Pa., was born in Cleveland, Ohio, on May 1, 1904. He received his early elementary education in St. Wendelin's prurochial school and continued at the Jednota Home in Middletown, Pa. His high school and college education was completed under the Benedictine in St. Procopius Academy and St. Procopius College, Lisle, Ill. After teaching there �82 SLOVAKIA from 1924 to 1927, he continued his studies at New York University, where he was also an associate teacher during his postgraduate course of training. In 1929 he went to Cleveland where he was a teacher at Benedictine High School for 8 yearis. He taught Chemistry, Physics, Mathematics, Latin, Slovak and other subjects, amd was for a number of years football coach. Since 1937 after his election as Jednota editor, Hrobak was editor-in-chief of the Jednota weekly which has a circulation of 40,000. Moreover, from 1950 to 1962 he was president of the Slovak League of America, and from 1962 was a member of the executive cvommittee. In edition to his regular weekly duties of editing the Jednota newspaper Phi1ip Hrobak edited the Kalendar (annual); the Furdek amnual, (since 1961); the Slovak Newsletter (official publication of the Slovak League); Slovakia, a cultural, political, social and 'historical annual publication since 1950. The latter is a rich source of material on Slovak history, people, customs, etc. Besides, he was the author of a num ber of Slovak language textbooks, grammars and English-Slovak dictionary. As an authority on the Slovak people and their history here aind their homeland, Philip Hrobak published numerous articles in both English and Slovak. He was married to Rose Jasko on August 26, 1931, in Lakewood, Ohio. Mr. and Mrs. Philip A. Hrobak had nine children: Philip, Jr., Rosemary, Stephen, Joann, Robert, James, Mary Lou, Michael and Joseph. He is also survived by six grandcliildren, by a brother Michael amd a sister Maria. Philip Hrobak belonged to the following societies: First Catholic Slovak Union, First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union, Slovak League of America, Slovak Catholic Federation, Elks, Moose; he was also a member of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, Ohio, iand was the first American Slovak leader to receive the Hlinka silver award (1957). In Slovak circles Philip Hrobak was considered to be one of the outstanding leaders in education, journalism, fraternal and national affairs, as well as an exemplary Catholic layman whose contribution to the Church and the country are immeasurably great. � 78 SLOVAKIA Philip A. Hrobak �SLOVAKIA 79 PHILIP A. HROBAK (May 1, 1904 - January 10, 1964) We were witnesses to honors paid to Philip A. Hrobak ... in life ... and in death. The dynamic Jednota editor for a quarter of a century performed gigantic tasks with devotion and courage. Father of nine, he extended his work far beyond his immediate family circle to the Slovak family scattered around the world. To characterize "Phil" (as he was known affectionately to his closest friends ... who were many) as a dedicated man is, in his case, an understatement, for the range of hi,s activities inspired by the hollowed motto of the Jednota, "Za Boha a narod," reached to the far corners of the globe, wherever his fellow Slovak countrymen foU!Ild a new home. A crusader for truth and justice, and stout-hearted champion of the Slovak nation's right to a free, democratic, self-governing state in a country that his ancestors inhabited since the 5th or 6th century after Christ, "Phil" was an ideal editor whose vision never clouded, whose zeal did not dimiiilish, and whose hopes never dimmed despite insurmountable odds -arrayed against a cause that was sacred to him until his untimely death. We, who knew 'Phil' and loved him for his genial personality, ,long admired his magnanimity of spirit, and grasped his hand in warm friend.shiip over the years, renew our pledge to remain true to our common heritage, the sacred legacy of faith and freedom to which he dedicated a lifetime of service and devotion. An American Slovak, Philip A. Hrobak, who enjoyed the freedom we all enjoy in our beloved America, was not content to treat this great democratic gift (taken for granted by so many) with complacency. He understood both the letter and the spirit of American freedom and sought to have its meaning become a reality in the oppressed land of the Slovak forefathers. Hence, his relentless drive to have this message heard and acted upon in the councils of the �80 SLOVAKIA United Nations where the destinies of nations are determined . . . that he and his colleagues so far have not succeeded is no fault of theirs. But some day that Message must be heard, for God placed the aspiration to liberty in the heart of every man; and every nation that He created has the right to freedom. In life 'Phil' wore his honors lightly but gratefully. In death the outpouring of so many of his friends was proof of a living testimony of esteem, affection and high regard for a man who was dedicated to noble ideals of faith and freedom under God. The presence of an overflow congregation and thirty Slovak priests at the funeral Mass offered up by one of his closest friends, Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. . . . the moV'1ng eulogy by both Msgr. Milos Mlynarovich and the Rt. Rev. Abbot ... the heartfelt singing of Requiem Mass by the Benedictine priest and clerics . . . the attendance of his fellow Supreme Officers of the First Catholic Slovak Union, as well as Supreme Officers of the fraternal organizations, such as the Zenska Jednota, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union and others ... the Slovak League of America headed by Dr. Peter P. Hletko, M.D., president . . . all these external manifestations of respect betoken ia deep and abiding love for one of the greatest American Slovak leaders of all time. Slovakia's lllational freedom, for which Hrobak fought indefatigably, and with such flaming courage, will sureiy come ... and the establishment of a free, Slovak state in the heart of Europe will one day witness the Slovak nation's tribute to the memory of a truly great American Slovak. Rev. Andrew Pie.r, O. S. B. "The Slovaks are not only the oldest Slovanic inhabitants of the Danube Basin, but also the oldest cultured nation on the middle Danube." - Philip A. Hrobak �SLOVAKIA 81 WHO WAS HROBAK? The answers to this question were eloquently and beautifully phrased in a number of immortal quotes from two eulogies at the Requiem Mass for Philip A. Hrobaik at SS. Cyril and Mtheodius Church, Lakewood, Ohio, on January 15, 1964. Taken from Msgr. Milos Mlynarovich's sermon: "Today a new and eternal light shines on our Slovak heaTth and in the Church, for Philip, our departed brother, was a shining light of virtue throughout his life ... and 1110w in death his immortal memory remains an inspiratioin of faith and devotion for the ages." "He was a devoted husband, a kind father, a fearless champion of the oppressed Slovak nation, a crusader for truth amd justice, a faitJhful member of the Jednota and a fine leader of the Slovak League of America. More than that ... he ~as a man of God, an outstanding Catholic layman." Taken from Abbot Theodore Kojis eulogy: "A good and faithful servamt he now has his reward from Almighty God. As an excellent teacher, a brilliant writer and author, a good family man, but above all Philip Hrobak was an exemplary Christian leader. We thank God for having given us suoh a man whose star now shines ilil the heavens as a guiding light to all of us." "A g,r eat nation hooors its great men. How much more should we, tJhe proud descendants of a small nation, honor a man who in his lifetime battled with unbowed head against great odds. Never once did he admit defeat. Truly a great warrior has fallen. We strongly believe he has won everlasting glory as we, the living, pay 1h omage to his memory." Philip A. Hrobak died in the Harrisburg Hospital January 10, 1964 at 12 :55 P. M. Philip A. Hrobak, Editor-illl-Chief of the Jednota weekly, official pub1ication of the First Catholic Slovak Union in MiddletoWlll, Pa., was born in Cleveland, Ohio, on May 1, 1904. He received his early elementary education in St. Wendelin's prurochial school and continued at the Jednota Home in Middletown, Pa. His high school and college education was completed under the Benedictine in St. Procopius Academy and St. Procopius College, Lisle, Ill. After teaching there �82 SLOVAKIA from 1924 to 1927, he continued his studies at New York University, where he was also an associate teacher during his postgraduate course of training. In 1929 he went to Cleveland where he was a teacher at Benedictine High School for 8 yearis. He taught Chemistry, Physics, Mathematics, Latin, Slovak and other subjects, amd was for a number of years football coach. Since 1937 after his election as Jednota editor, Hrobak was editor-in-chief of the Jednota weekly which has a circulation of 40,000. Moreover, from 1950 to 1962 he was president of the Slovak League of America, and from 1962 was a member of the executive cvommittee. In edition to his regular weekly duties of editing the Jednota newspaper Phi1ip Hrobak edited the Kalendar (annual); the Furdek amnual, (since 1961); the Slovak Newsletter (official publication of the Slovak League); Slovakia, a cultural, political, social and 'historical annual publication since 1950. The latter is a rich source of material on Slovak history, people, customs, etc. Besides, he was the author of a num ber of Slovak language textbooks, grammars and English-Slovak dictionary. As an authority on the Slovak people and their history here aind their homeland, Philip Hrobak published numerous articles in both English and Slovak. He was married to Rose Jasko on August 26, 1931, in Lakewood, Ohio. Mr. and Mrs. Philip A. Hrobak had nine children: Philip, Jr., Rosemary, Stephen, Joann, Robert, James, Mary Lou, Michael and Joseph. He is also survived by six grandcliildren, by a brother Michael amd a sister Maria. Philip Hrobak belonged to the following societies: First Catholic Slovak Union, First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union, Slovak League of America, Slovak Catholic Federation, Elks, Moose; he was also a member of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, Ohio, iand was the first American Slovak leader to receive the Hlinka silver award (1957). In Slovak circles Philip Hrobak was considered to be one of the outstanding leaders in education, journalism, fraternal and national affairs, as well as an exemplary Catholic layman whose contribution to the Church and the country are immeasurably great. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1964, Vol. 14 Description An account of the resource Vol. 14 (No. 37), 1964. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1964 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 78 SLOVAKIA Philip A. Hrobak SLOVAKIA 79 PHILIP A. HROBAK (May 1, 1904 - January 10, 1964) We were witnesses to honors paid to Philip A. Hrobak ... in life ... and in death. The dynamic Jednota editor for a quarter of a century performed gigantic tasks with devotion and courage. Father of nine, he extended his work far beyond his immediate family circle to the Slovak family scattered around the world. To characterize "Phil" (as he was known affectionately to his closest friends ... who were many) as a dedicated man is, in his case, an understatement, for the range of hi,s activities inspired by the hollowed motto of the Jednota, "Za Boha a narod," reached to the far corners of the globe, wherever his fellow Slovak countrymen foU!Ild a new home. A crusader for truth and justice, and stout-hearted champion of the Slovak nation's right to a free, democratic, self-governing state in a country that his ancestors inhabited since the 5th or 6th century after Christ, "Phil" was an ideal editor whose vision never clouded, whose zeal did not dimiiilish, and whose hopes never dimmed despite insurmountable odds -arrayed against a cause that was sacred to him until his untimely death. We, who knew 'Phil' and loved him for his genial personality, ,long admired his magnanimity of spirit, and grasped his hand in warm friend.shiip over the years, renew our pledge to remain true to our common heritage, the sacred legacy of faith and freedom to which he dedicated a lifetime of service and devotion. An American Slovak, Philip A. Hrobak, who enjoyed the freedom we all enjoy in our beloved America, was not content to treat this great democratic gift (taken for granted by so many) with complacency. He understood both the letter and the spirit of American freedom and sought to have its meaning become a reality in the oppressed land of the Slovak forefathers. Hence, his relentless drive to have this message heard and acted upon in the councils of the 80 SLOVAKIA United Nations where the destinies of nations are determined . . . that he and his colleagues so far have not succeeded is no fault of theirs. But some day that Message must be heard, for God placed the aspiration to liberty in the heart of every man; and every nation that He created has the right to freedom. In life 'Phil' wore his honors lightly but gratefully. In death the outpouring of so many of his friends was proof of a living testimony of esteem, affection and high regard for a man who was dedicated to noble ideals of faith and freedom under God. The presence of an overflow congregation and thirty Slovak priests at the funeral Mass offered up by one of his closest friends, Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. . . . the moV'1ng eulogy by both Msgr. Milos Mlynarovich and the Rt. Rev. Abbot ... the heartfelt singing of Requiem Mass by the Benedictine priest and clerics . . . the attendance of his fellow Supreme Officers of the First Catholic Slovak Union, as well as Supreme Officers of the fraternal organizations, such as the Zenska Jednota, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union and others ... the Slovak League of America headed by Dr. Peter P. Hletko, M.D., president . . . all these external manifestations of respect betoken ia deep and abiding love for one of the greatest American Slovak leaders of all time. Slovakia's lllational freedom, for which Hrobak fought indefatigably, and with such flaming courage, will sureiy come ... and the establishment of a free, Slovak state in the heart of Europe will one day witness the Slovak nation's tribute to the memory of a truly great American Slovak. Rev. Andrew Pie.r, O. S. B. "The Slovaks are not only the oldest Slovanic inhabitants of the Danube Basin, but also the oldest cultured nation on the middle Danube." - Philip A. Hrobak SLOVAKIA 81 WHO WAS HROBAK? The answers to this question were eloquently and beautifully phrased in a number of immortal quotes from two eulogies at the Requiem Mass for Philip A. Hrobaik at SS. Cyril and Mtheodius Church, Lakewood, Ohio, on January 15, 1964. Taken from Msgr. Milos Mlynarovich's sermon: "Today a new and eternal light shines on our Slovak heaTth and in the Church, for Philip, our departed brother, was a shining light of virtue throughout his life ... and 1110w in death his immortal memory remains an inspiratioin of faith and devotion for the ages." "He was a devoted husband, a kind father, a fearless champion of the oppressed Slovak nation, a crusader for truth amd justice, a faitJhful member of the Jednota and a fine leader of the Slovak League of America. More than that ... he ~as a man of God, an outstanding Catholic layman." Taken from Abbot Theodore Kojis eulogy: "A good and faithful servamt he now has his reward from Almighty God. As an excellent teacher, a brilliant writer and author, a good family man, but above all Philip Hrobak was an exemplary Christian leader. We thank God for having given us suoh a man whose star now shines ilil the heavens as a guiding light to all of us." "A g,r eat nation hooors its great men. How much more should we, tJhe proud descendants of a small nation, honor a man who in his lifetime battled with unbowed head against great odds. Never once did he admit defeat. Truly a great warrior has fallen. We strongly believe he has won everlasting glory as we, the living, pay 1h omage to his memory." Philip A. Hrobak died in the Harrisburg Hospital January 10, 1964 at 12 :55 P. M. Philip A. Hrobak, Editor-illl-Chief of the Jednota weekly, official pub1ication of the First Catholic Slovak Union in MiddletoWlll, Pa., was born in Cleveland, Ohio, on May 1, 1904. He received his early elementary education in St. Wendelin's prurochial school and continued at the Jednota Home in Middletown, Pa. His high school and college education was completed under the Benedictine in St. Procopius Academy and St. Procopius College, Lisle, Ill. After teaching there 82 SLOVAKIA from 1924 to 1927, he continued his studies at New York University, where he was also an associate teacher during his postgraduate course of training. In 1929 he went to Cleveland where he was a teacher at Benedictine High School for 8 yearis. He taught Chemistry, Physics, Mathematics, Latin, Slovak and other subjects, amd was for a number of years football coach. Since 1937 after his election as Jednota editor, Hrobak was editor-in-chief of the Jednota weekly which has a circulation of 40,000. Moreover, from 1950 to 1962 he was president of the Slovak League of America, and from 1962 was a member of the executive cvommittee. In edition to his regular weekly duties of editing the Jednota newspaper Phi1ip Hrobak edited the Kalendar (annual); the Furdek amnual, (since 1961); the Slovak Newsletter (official publication of the Slovak League); Slovakia, a cultural, political, social and 'historical annual publication since 1950. The latter is a rich source of material on Slovak history, people, customs, etc. Besides, he was the author of a num ber of Slovak language textbooks, grammars and English-Slovak dictionary. As an authority on the Slovak people and their history here aind their homeland, Philip Hrobak published numerous articles in both English and Slovak. He was married to Rose Jasko on August 26, 1931, in Lakewood, Ohio. Mr. and Mrs. Philip A. Hrobak had nine children: Philip, Jr., Rosemary, Stephen, Joann, Robert, James, Mary Lou, Michael and Joseph. He is also survived by six grandcliildren, by a brother Michael amd a sister Maria. Philip Hrobak belonged to the following societies: First Catholic Slovak Union, First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union, Slovak League of America, Slovak Catholic Federation, Elks, Moose; he was also a member of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, Ohio, iand was the first American Slovak leader to receive the Hlinka silver award (1957). In Slovak circles Philip Hrobak was considered to be one of the outstanding leaders in education, journalism, fraternal and national affairs, as well as an exemplary Catholic layman whose contribution to the Church and the country are immeasurably great.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Philip A. Hrobak (May 1, 1904-January 10,1964) Description An account of the resource Rev. Andrew Pier, O.S.B. Slovakia, Vol. 14 (No. 37), 1964 pp. 78-82 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pier, Andrew W., 1910-2003 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1964 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/e4ca838385dca5f38908cbca6c6efe9a.pdf 6bb032c99c7de43ef71265fcbf4e9f7c PDF Text Text 96 SLOVAKIA The Oldest Slovak Newspaper in America By Andrew Pier, 0. S. B. One of the unique newspapers of the American ethnic press is the "Slovak v Amerike" which is now in its 80th year of publication. This historic Slovak journal, at one time a daily, is currently a weekly in Middletown, Pa. Although it has long since passed its zenith (when Slovak immigration reached its peak in the first decade of the 20th century), the "Slovak v Amerike," nevertheless, continues to fulfill an essential need for supplying news and views to its readers in the Slovak language in the American tradition of free expression, devotion to democratic ideals, respect for law and order, and in the spirit of the Slovak nation's struggle for political freedom, religious liberty and recognition of human rights for all nations aspiring for legitimate national identity among the peoples of the world and the family of nations under Cod. The "Slovak v Amerike," presently under the dynamic and capable editorship of Dr. Jozef Pauco, former editorin-chief of the "Slovak" daily in Bratislava (Slovakia), was first published as a 4-page edition on december 21, 1889, in Plymouth, Pa. It is an oddity that Gretshell, who purchased Father Kossalko's printery (where his "Zastava" was published for a short time), was a native of Silesia. He became the publisher of the first issues of the "Slovak v Amerike" but with the aid of Anton S. Ambrose, a Slovak newspaperma n. After an inaugural 4-page edition for Christmas in 1889, the second issue was increased to an 8-page production on January 11, 1890. Its 'Rip a Racik' feature in the ~aris dialect was destined to be a popular and widelyread column for many years. Jan Gosztonyi, a native Slovak from Presov, had a press in nearby Phoenixville, Pa. He bought the newspaper in 1890. Ambrose remained as editor for another year when he was succeded by Fr. Pucher Ciernovodsky . Meanwhile, too, a pair of experienced typesetters, Ferdinand Ursiny and Frano Razny, joined the staff. But it was Jan Spevak, a �SLOVAKIA 97 native of Turiec (Slovakia), who introduced literary Slovak to replace the original saris dialect in .the newspaper. By the next year Spevak became the sole owner and added a trio of able writers to his staff, namely, G. Marsall-Petrovsky, t>uro Grunik and Edo Schwartz. Joscak, though not on the editorial board, proved a valuable asset not only as a travelling salesman of the newspaper but as a frequent contributor of interesting articles. At the turn of the century, the Rev. C. L. Orbach, originally a Polish Jew and a convert to Lutheranism, became the editor. He became a valuable associate of Spevak because of his wide experience, native ingenuity and extraordinary personality, and was to prove more than a match for Rovnianek in the feud that sprang up between the publishers of the "Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny" and the "Slovak v Amerike." In the light of unbiased studies on the subject of their quarrels, the conclusion is that it was not a matter of principle but purely a clash of two strong and hardheaded personalities that caused a misunderstanding and was the fuel for a heated controversy that lasted several years. When Spevak died, Rev. Orbach became editor-in-chief. During World War I the "Slovak v Amerike" became a daily ( 1914-1919) but when the war ended it was published three times a week. Early in the summer of 1935, the newspaper ceased publication, but by the end of the summer it was back in business again as a semi-weekly. As late as 1947 it had as many as 10,000 subscribers under the editorship and management of John Sciranka. By 1952, however, largely due to an upfortunate recurrence of a policy of dissension, the circulation decreased to less than 3,000. Father John Lach of Whiting, Indiana, came to the rescue and assumed publication in Chicago, Ill. in that same year. In 1958 he turned it over to Philip A. Hrobak, editor of the Jednota (in Middletown, Pa.) and national president of the Slovak League of America. Upon the death of Hrobak in 1964, Dr. Pauco assumed the responsibility of publishing the oldest Slovak newspaper in America. Over eight decades 'the editorial life span' of the publishers and editors has been surprisingly brief. But �98 SLOVAKIA what is even more amazing is that the newspaper survived all this time considering the frequent changeover in personnell and leadership. As might be surmised, the policies changed, sometimes radically, but the basic principles and fundamental program of serving the Slovak readers in the true spirit of religious and national culture remain to this day as the guidelines of an editorial policy that has as its self-same goal today: "Cultural enlightenment and spiritual uplifting of Americans of Slovak origin through the American way of life by an American newspaper in the Slovak language." In view of the Slovak nation's continuing struggle for survival as a united people, the "Slovak v Amerike" has adopted as a supplementary program the following: "In harmony with the American tradition of Freedom and Independence, the "Slovak v Amerike" champions the right of the Slovak people to the re-establishment of their own National State." The following list of editors, who at one time or another directed the publication of the "Slovak v Amerike" from 1889 to 1969, comprise most of the talented Slovak newspapermen in America: Ambrose, Pucher, Grunik, Spevak, Rev. Orbach, Kadak, Joscak, N. Bielik, Rev. Novomesky, Marsall-Petrovsky , Anton Bielik, G. Pivko, Albert Tholt-Vel'kostiavn icky, Adolf Tvrdy, Jan Culen, Karol stiasny, J . Galbavy, J . Baran, Dr. Norbert Capek, L. 0. Kozar, J . Stermensky, J. Zajac, Ivan Krizan, Edo Kovac Jr., stefan Kroner, Jan Sciranka, Rev. John Lach, Jan Okal, F. Hrobak, Dr. Jozef Pauco, Draga Paucova. In paying tribute to all above pioneers and their successors in the long line of newspapermen who served their Slovak countrymen with devoted zeal and determination, it is with a deep sense of gratitude that we bow our heads in their memory, for their contributions, as the great Slovak journalist, Konsto Culen, declared, "helped to make America richer culturally, socially and spiritually." THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA promotes a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation, its history, culture, traditions, achievements and its long, hard struggle for freedom and independence. � 96 SLOVAKIA The Oldest Slovak Newspaper in America By Andrew Pier, 0. S. B. One of the unique newspapers of the American ethnic press is the "Slovak v Amerike" which is now in its 80th year of publication. This historic Slovak journal, at one time a daily, is currently a weekly in Middletown, Pa. Although it has long since passed its zenith (when Slovak immigration reached its peak in the first decade of the 20th century), the "Slovak v Amerike," nevertheless, continues to fulfill an essential need for supplying news and views to its readers in the Slovak language in the American tradition of free expression, devotion to democratic ideals, respect for law and order, and in the spirit of the Slovak nation's struggle for political freedom, religious liberty and recognition of human rights for all nations aspiring for legitimate national identity among the peoples of the world and the family of nations under Cod. The "Slovak v Amerike," presently under the dynamic and capable editorship of Dr. Jozef Pauco, former editorin-chief of the "Slovak" daily in Bratislava (Slovakia), was first published as a 4-page edition on december 21, 1889, in Plymouth, Pa. It is an oddity that Gretshell, who purchased Father Kossalko's printery (where his "Zastava" was published for a short time), was a native of Silesia. He became the publisher of the first issues of the "Slovak v Amerike" but with the aid of Anton S. Ambrose, a Slovak newspaperma n. After an inaugural 4-page edition for Christmas in 1889, the second issue was increased to an 8-page production on January 11, 1890. Its 'Rip a Racik' feature in the ~aris dialect was destined to be a popular and widelyread column for many years. Jan Gosztonyi, a native Slovak from Presov, had a press in nearby Phoenixville, Pa. He bought the newspaper in 1890. Ambrose remained as editor for another year when he was succeded by Fr. Pucher Ciernovodsky . Meanwhile, too, a pair of experienced typesetters, Ferdinand Ursiny and Frano Razny, joined the staff. But it was Jan Spevak, a �SLOVAKIA 97 native of Turiec (Slovakia), who introduced literary Slovak to replace the original saris dialect in .the newspaper. By the next year Spevak became the sole owner and added a trio of able writers to his staff, namely, G. Marsall-Petrovsky, t>uro Grunik and Edo Schwartz. Joscak, though not on the editorial board, proved a valuable asset not only as a travelling salesman of the newspaper but as a frequent contributor of interesting articles. At the turn of the century, the Rev. C. L. Orbach, originally a Polish Jew and a convert to Lutheranism, became the editor. He became a valuable associate of Spevak because of his wide experience, native ingenuity and extraordinary personality, and was to prove more than a match for Rovnianek in the feud that sprang up between the publishers of the "Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny" and the "Slovak v Amerike." In the light of unbiased studies on the subject of their quarrels, the conclusion is that it was not a matter of principle but purely a clash of two strong and hardheaded personalities that caused a misunderstanding and was the fuel for a heated controversy that lasted several years. When Spevak died, Rev. Orbach became editor-in-chief. During World War I the "Slovak v Amerike" became a daily ( 1914-1919) but when the war ended it was published three times a week. Early in the summer of 1935, the newspaper ceased publication, but by the end of the summer it was back in business again as a semi-weekly. As late as 1947 it had as many as 10,000 subscribers under the editorship and management of John Sciranka. By 1952, however, largely due to an upfortunate recurrence of a policy of dissension, the circulation decreased to less than 3,000. Father John Lach of Whiting, Indiana, came to the rescue and assumed publication in Chicago, Ill. in that same year. In 1958 he turned it over to Philip A. Hrobak, editor of the Jednota (in Middletown, Pa.) and national president of the Slovak League of America. Upon the death of Hrobak in 1964, Dr. Pauco assumed the responsibility of publishing the oldest Slovak newspaper in America. Over eight decades 'the editorial life span' of the publishers and editors has been surprisingly brief. But �98 SLOVAKIA what is even more amazing is that the newspaper survived all this time considering the frequent changeover in personnell and leadership. As might be surmised, the policies changed, sometimes radically, but the basic principles and fundamental program of serving the Slovak readers in the true spirit of religious and national culture remain to this day as the guidelines of an editorial policy that has as its self-same goal today: "Cultural enlightenment and spiritual uplifting of Americans of Slovak origin through the American way of life by an American newspaper in the Slovak language." In view of the Slovak nation's continuing struggle for survival as a united people, the "Slovak v Amerike" has adopted as a supplementary program the following: "In harmony with the American tradition of Freedom and Independence, the "Slovak v Amerike" champions the right of the Slovak people to the re-establishment of their own National State." The following list of editors, who at one time or another directed the publication of the "Slovak v Amerike" from 1889 to 1969, comprise most of the talented Slovak newspapermen in America: Ambrose, Pucher, Grunik, Spevak, Rev. Orbach, Kadak, Joscak, N. Bielik, Rev. Novomesky, Marsall-Petrovsky , Anton Bielik, G. Pivko, Albert Tholt-Vel'kostiavn icky, Adolf Tvrdy, Jan Culen, Karol stiasny, J . Galbavy, J . Baran, Dr. Norbert Capek, L. 0. Kozar, J . Stermensky, J. Zajac, Ivan Krizan, Edo Kovac Jr., stefan Kroner, Jan Sciranka, Rev. John Lach, Jan Okal, F. Hrobak, Dr. Jozef Pauco, Draga Paucova. In paying tribute to all above pioneers and their successors in the long line of newspapermen who served their Slovak countrymen with devoted zeal and determination, it is with a deep sense of gratitude that we bow our heads in their memory, for their contributions, as the great Slovak journalist, Konsto Culen, declared, "helped to make America richer culturally, socially and spiritually." THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA promotes a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation, its history, culture, traditions, achievements and its long, hard struggle for freedom and independence. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1969, Vol. 19 Description An account of the resource Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 96 SLOVAKIA The Oldest Slovak Newspaper in America By Andrew Pier, 0. S. B. One of the unique newspapers of the American ethnic press is the "Slovak v Amerike" which is now in its 80th year of publication. This historic Slovak journal, at one time a daily, is currently a weekly in Middletown, Pa. Although it has long since passed its zenith (when Slovak immigration reached its peak in the first decade of the 20th century), the "Slovak v Amerike," nevertheless, continues to fulfill an essential need for supplying news and views to its readers in the Slovak language in the American tradition of free expression, devotion to democratic ideals, respect for law and order, and in the spirit of the Slovak nation's struggle for political freedom, religious liberty and recognition of human rights for all nations aspiring for legitimate national identity among the peoples of the world and the family of nations under Cod. The "Slovak v Amerike," presently under the dynamic and capable editorship of Dr. Jozef Pauco, former editorin-chief of the "Slovak" daily in Bratislava (Slovakia), was first published as a 4-page edition on december 21, 1889, in Plymouth, Pa. It is an oddity that Gretshell, who purchased Father Kossalko's printery (where his "Zastava" was published for a short time), was a native of Silesia. He became the publisher of the first issues of the "Slovak v Amerike" but with the aid of Anton S. Ambrose, a Slovak newspaperma n. After an inaugural 4-page edition for Christmas in 1889, the second issue was increased to an 8-page production on January 11, 1890. Its 'Rip a Racik' feature in the ~aris dialect was destined to be a popular and widelyread column for many years. Jan Gosztonyi, a native Slovak from Presov, had a press in nearby Phoenixville, Pa. He bought the newspaper in 1890. Ambrose remained as editor for another year when he was succeded by Fr. Pucher Ciernovodsky . Meanwhile, too, a pair of experienced typesetters, Ferdinand Ursiny and Frano Razny, joined the staff. But it was Jan Spevak, a SLOVAKIA 97 native of Turiec (Slovakia), who introduced literary Slovak to replace the original saris dialect in .the newspaper. By the next year Spevak became the sole owner and added a trio of able writers to his staff, namely, G. Marsall-Petrovsky, t>uro Grunik and Edo Schwartz. Joscak, though not on the editorial board, proved a valuable asset not only as a travelling salesman of the newspaper but as a frequent contributor of interesting articles. At the turn of the century, the Rev. C. L. Orbach, originally a Polish Jew and a convert to Lutheranism, became the editor. He became a valuable associate of Spevak because of his wide experience, native ingenuity and extraordinary personality, and was to prove more than a match for Rovnianek in the feud that sprang up between the publishers of the "Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny" and the "Slovak v Amerike." In the light of unbiased studies on the subject of their quarrels, the conclusion is that it was not a matter of principle but purely a clash of two strong and hardheaded personalities that caused a misunderstanding and was the fuel for a heated controversy that lasted several years. When Spevak died, Rev. Orbach became editor-in-chief. During World War I the "Slovak v Amerike" became a daily ( 1914-1919) but when the war ended it was published three times a week. Early in the summer of 1935, the newspaper ceased publication, but by the end of the summer it was back in business again as a semi-weekly. As late as 1947 it had as many as 10,000 subscribers under the editorship and management of John Sciranka. By 1952, however, largely due to an upfortunate recurrence of a policy of dissension, the circulation decreased to less than 3,000. Father John Lach of Whiting, Indiana, came to the rescue and assumed publication in Chicago, Ill. in that same year. In 1958 he turned it over to Philip A. Hrobak, editor of the Jednota (in Middletown, Pa.) and national president of the Slovak League of America. Upon the death of Hrobak in 1964, Dr. Pauco assumed the responsibility of publishing the oldest Slovak newspaper in America. Over eight decades 'the editorial life span' of the publishers and editors has been surprisingly brief. But 98 SLOVAKIA what is even more amazing is that the newspaper survived all this time considering the frequent changeover in personnell and leadership. As might be surmised, the policies changed, sometimes radically, but the basic principles and fundamental program of serving the Slovak readers in the true spirit of religious and national culture remain to this day as the guidelines of an editorial policy that has as its self-same goal today: "Cultural enlightenment and spiritual uplifting of Americans of Slovak origin through the American way of life by an American newspaper in the Slovak language." In view of the Slovak nation's continuing struggle for survival as a united people, the "Slovak v Amerike" has adopted as a supplementary program the following: "In harmony with the American tradition of Freedom and Independence, the "Slovak v Amerike" champions the right of the Slovak people to the re-establishment of their own National State." The following list of editors, who at one time or another directed the publication of the "Slovak v Amerike" from 1889 to 1969, comprise most of the talented Slovak newspapermen in America: Ambrose, Pucher, Grunik, Spevak, Rev. Orbach, Kadak, Joscak, N. Bielik, Rev. Novomesky, Marsall-Petrovsky , Anton Bielik, G. Pivko, Albert Tholt-Vel'kostiavn icky, Adolf Tvrdy, Jan Culen, Karol stiasny, J . Galbavy, J . Baran, Dr. Norbert Capek, L. 0. Kozar, J . Stermensky, J. Zajac, Ivan Krizan, Edo Kovac Jr., stefan Kroner, Jan Sciranka, Rev. John Lach, Jan Okal, F. Hrobak, Dr. Jozef Pauco, Draga Paucova. In paying tribute to all above pioneers and their successors in the long line of newspapermen who served their Slovak countrymen with devoted zeal and determination, it is with a deep sense of gratitude that we bow our heads in their memory, for their contributions, as the great Slovak journalist, Konsto Culen, declared, "helped to make America richer culturally, socially and spiritually." THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA promotes a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation, its history, culture, traditions, achievements and its long, hard struggle for freedom and independence.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Oldest Slovak Newspaper in America Description An account of the resource Andrew Pier, O.S.B. Slovakia, Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969 pp. 96-98 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pier, Andrew W., 1910-2003 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/348c9e368340f6a63da731e0014e654c.pdf c537df93b1f349f71cf242f6784c9fe6 PDF Text Text 158 SLOVAKIA Slovak Scientist Stefan A. Jedhk, O.S.B. (JANUARY 11, 1800 - DECEMBER 12, 1895 ) Slovakia's noted physicist, Stefan A. Jedlik, Order of Saint Benedict, almost spanned the nineteenth century in his lifetime. A native of Zemne, Nove Zamky district in southern Slovakia, the Benedictine scientist patented a total of seventy-eight ( 78) inventions, the most notable being an electro-rotary machine, an electro-motor, a dynamo and a lightning-rod. The talented youth studied at Trnava, Bratislava and Budapest. He excelled not only in Philosophy and Theology but also in Mathematics and History. At the age of 22 he earned his doctorate in Physics and began his long and distinguished career in teaching and scientific experimentation as a member of the Benedictines. After teaching six years at the Benedictine Junior College in the town of Rab, he was assigned to the Royal Academy in Bratislava to teach mathematics, Physics and natural science until 1840 when he was sent to the University of Budapest to be a professor in the Physics department. Here he remained for more than a half century until his death close to the end of the century whose dawning he missed by some ten days, and whose closing he missed by 5 years. At the University of Budapest the renowned teacher of Physics met his life-long friend and associate, Dr. Jozef Pecval, a fellow Slovak professor of Physics who was destined to make notable contributions to photography. The two Slovak scientists collaborated in several projects and succeeded in developing a microscope for industrial tLSe and perfected a process and machine for the manufacture of high grade optical instruments. As a matter of historical record, Jedlik produced a dynamo and secured patent rights in 1861 , fully a half dozen years before Werner Siemens, for some mysterious reason was credited with the discovery of the dynamo in the year 1867. This strange event, incidentally, was the forerunner of what happened in the case of Father Murgas �SLOVAKIA 159 of Wilkes-Barre, Pa. The Slovak priest-pioneer in wireless telegraphy successfully transmitted a message from WilkesBarre to Scranton, Pa. (a distance of ten miles) in 1905 and secured patent rights to his invention in Washington, D. C. Nevertheless, he lost out to Marconi who perfected the device several years later and has been considered as the sole inventor of the Radio. Such is the irony of human history that somehow the scientific world is reluctant to acknowledge more than one individual in the final choice of a candidate for fame and immortality. Objective research, however, leaves no doubt of the real facts in either case. In our books both Jedlik and Murgas are indelibly registered forever as co-inventors of the dynamo and radio respectively in the 19th and 20th century. So far , we Slovaks claim the following immortals in science : 1 ) stefan A. Jedlik, 2) Jozef M. Pecval, 3) I van B. Zoch, another famous physicist, 4) Jozef Murgas, 5) General Milan R. Stefanik, renowned astronomer, 6) Aurelius Stodola, turbine expert in Switzerland, 7) Stefan Bani<\ inventor of the parachute in Greenville, Pa. in 1914. As a supplement we might add that Jedlik foresaw the splitting of the atom a hundred years ahead of his time, for in his writings he declares that by use of electrical power and pressure the atom could be smashed and become a source of tremendous energy. When the job was finally done during World War II, it opened the door for the production of the first atomic bomb. Jedlik's experiments were performed in his small · apartment because the university authorities would not permit him to conduct experiments in the school's laboratories along the lines he wished and according to his standards. Some saw in the ban a clear-cut case of Magyar chauvinism, others were prompted to discourage his widescale experimentation because of potential danger of an explosion of great magnitude, if his "wild" theories would succeed. If it was the fear of possible consequences, we cannot blame his superiors. Yet, in view of the ultimate outcome of atomic development along the same lines, who knows but that the genial Slovak Benedictine monastic genius might have been the first to split the atom, and harnessed unbelievable power for peaceful and not warlike uses. �160 SLOVAKIA Our claims for Slovak scientists are not arbitrary. They rest solidly on facts, and hence we feel that future historians must re-adjust these facts and harmonize them with the proper identities. Otherwise, history, too often dismissed as prejudicial will continue to repeat a chapter of fiction and pass it off as fact when the true record of two of our foremost Slovak scientists remains obscure, and if not altogether unknown, at least unpublicized and unknown by the general public. In the interest of truth the proper labels must at last be attached and inscribed posthumously to honor our fellow Slovak countrymen in a genuine hall of fame. A. V. Pier, 0. S. B . SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA - supports freedom and independence of Slovakia; promotes a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation, its history, culture, traditions, and desires ; makes America better known to Slovakia and Slovakia better known to America in the interest of world peace, freedom and security; has a scholarship program for college and university students ; promotes cooperation among all American-Slovak organizations and publications for the promulgations of Slovak ethnic heritage. is a charter member of the Slovak World Congress. Life membership: $100.00 For further information, write to: Slovak League of America 313 Ridge Avenue Middletown, Pa. 17057 � 158 SLOVAKIA Slovak Scientist Stefan A. Jedhk, O.S.B. (JANUARY 11, 1800 - DECEMBER 12, 1895 ) Slovakia's noted physicist, Stefan A. Jedlik, Order of Saint Benedict, almost spanned the nineteenth century in his lifetime. A native of Zemne, Nove Zamky district in southern Slovakia, the Benedictine scientist patented a total of seventy-eight ( 78) inventions, the most notable being an electro-rotary machine, an electro-motor, a dynamo and a lightning-rod. The talented youth studied at Trnava, Bratislava and Budapest. He excelled not only in Philosophy and Theology but also in Mathematics and History. At the age of 22 he earned his doctorate in Physics and began his long and distinguished career in teaching and scientific experimentation as a member of the Benedictines. After teaching six years at the Benedictine Junior College in the town of Rab, he was assigned to the Royal Academy in Bratislava to teach mathematics, Physics and natural science until 1840 when he was sent to the University of Budapest to be a professor in the Physics department. Here he remained for more than a half century until his death close to the end of the century whose dawning he missed by some ten days, and whose closing he missed by 5 years. At the University of Budapest the renowned teacher of Physics met his life-long friend and associate, Dr. Jozef Pecval, a fellow Slovak professor of Physics who was destined to make notable contributions to photography. The two Slovak scientists collaborated in several projects and succeeded in developing a microscope for industrial tLSe and perfected a process and machine for the manufacture of high grade optical instruments. As a matter of historical record, Jedlik produced a dynamo and secured patent rights in 1861 , fully a half dozen years before Werner Siemens, for some mysterious reason was credited with the discovery of the dynamo in the year 1867. This strange event, incidentally, was the forerunner of what happened in the case of Father Murgas �SLOVAKIA 159 of Wilkes-Barre, Pa. The Slovak priest-pioneer in wireless telegraphy successfully transmitted a message from WilkesBarre to Scranton, Pa. (a distance of ten miles) in 1905 and secured patent rights to his invention in Washington, D. C. Nevertheless, he lost out to Marconi who perfected the device several years later and has been considered as the sole inventor of the Radio. Such is the irony of human history that somehow the scientific world is reluctant to acknowledge more than one individual in the final choice of a candidate for fame and immortality. Objective research, however, leaves no doubt of the real facts in either case. In our books both Jedlik and Murgas are indelibly registered forever as co-inventors of the dynamo and radio respectively in the 19th and 20th century. So far , we Slovaks claim the following immortals in science : 1 ) stefan A. Jedlik, 2) Jozef M. Pecval, 3) I van B. Zoch, another famous physicist, 4) Jozef Murgas, 5) General Milan R. Stefanik, renowned astronomer, 6) Aurelius Stodola, turbine expert in Switzerland, 7) Stefan Bani<\ inventor of the parachute in Greenville, Pa. in 1914. As a supplement we might add that Jedlik foresaw the splitting of the atom a hundred years ahead of his time, for in his writings he declares that by use of electrical power and pressure the atom could be smashed and become a source of tremendous energy. When the job was finally done during World War II, it opened the door for the production of the first atomic bomb. Jedlik's experiments were performed in his small · apartment because the university authorities would not permit him to conduct experiments in the school's laboratories along the lines he wished and according to his standards. Some saw in the ban a clear-cut case of Magyar chauvinism, others were prompted to discourage his widescale experimentation because of potential danger of an explosion of great magnitude, if his "wild" theories would succeed. If it was the fear of possible consequences, we cannot blame his superiors. Yet, in view of the ultimate outcome of atomic development along the same lines, who knows but that the genial Slovak Benedictine monastic genius might have been the first to split the atom, and harnessed unbelievable power for peaceful and not warlike uses. �160 SLOVAKIA Our claims for Slovak scientists are not arbitrary. They rest solidly on facts, and hence we feel that future historians must re-adjust these facts and harmonize them with the proper identities. Otherwise, history, too often dismissed as prejudicial will continue to repeat a chapter of fiction and pass it off as fact when the true record of two of our foremost Slovak scientists remains obscure, and if not altogether unknown, at least unpublicized and unknown by the general public. In the interest of truth the proper labels must at last be attached and inscribed posthumously to honor our fellow Slovak countrymen in a genuine hall of fame. A. V. Pier, 0. S. B . SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA - supports freedom and independence of Slovakia; promotes a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation, its history, culture, traditions, and desires ; makes America better known to Slovakia and Slovakia better known to America in the interest of world peace, freedom and security; has a scholarship program for college and university students ; promotes cooperation among all American-Slovak organizations and publications for the promulgations of Slovak ethnic heritage. is a charter member of the Slovak World Congress. Life membership: $100.00 For further information, write to: Slovak League of America 313 Ridge Avenue Middletown, Pa. 17057 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1972, Vol. 22 Description An account of the resource Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1972 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 158 SLOVAKIA Slovak Scientist Stefan A. Jedhk, O.S.B. (JANUARY 11, 1800 - DECEMBER 12, 1895 ) Slovakia's noted physicist, Stefan A. Jedlik, Order of Saint Benedict, almost spanned the nineteenth century in his lifetime. A native of Zemne, Nove Zamky district in southern Slovakia, the Benedictine scientist patented a total of seventy-eight ( 78) inventions, the most notable being an electro-rotary machine, an electro-motor, a dynamo and a lightning-rod. The talented youth studied at Trnava, Bratislava and Budapest. He excelled not only in Philosophy and Theology but also in Mathematics and History. At the age of 22 he earned his doctorate in Physics and began his long and distinguished career in teaching and scientific experimentation as a member of the Benedictines. After teaching six years at the Benedictine Junior College in the town of Rab, he was assigned to the Royal Academy in Bratislava to teach mathematics, Physics and natural science until 1840 when he was sent to the University of Budapest to be a professor in the Physics department. Here he remained for more than a half century until his death close to the end of the century whose dawning he missed by some ten days, and whose closing he missed by 5 years. At the University of Budapest the renowned teacher of Physics met his life-long friend and associate, Dr. Jozef Pecval, a fellow Slovak professor of Physics who was destined to make notable contributions to photography. The two Slovak scientists collaborated in several projects and succeeded in developing a microscope for industrial tLSe and perfected a process and machine for the manufacture of high grade optical instruments. As a matter of historical record, Jedlik produced a dynamo and secured patent rights in 1861 , fully a half dozen years before Werner Siemens, for some mysterious reason was credited with the discovery of the dynamo in the year 1867. This strange event, incidentally, was the forerunner of what happened in the case of Father Murgas SLOVAKIA 159 of Wilkes-Barre, Pa. The Slovak priest-pioneer in wireless telegraphy successfully transmitted a message from WilkesBarre to Scranton, Pa. (a distance of ten miles) in 1905 and secured patent rights to his invention in Washington, D. C. Nevertheless, he lost out to Marconi who perfected the device several years later and has been considered as the sole inventor of the Radio. Such is the irony of human history that somehow the scientific world is reluctant to acknowledge more than one individual in the final choice of a candidate for fame and immortality. Objective research, however, leaves no doubt of the real facts in either case. In our books both Jedlik and Murgas are indelibly registered forever as co-inventors of the dynamo and radio respectively in the 19th and 20th century. So far , we Slovaks claim the following immortals in science : 1 ) stefan A. Jedlik, 2) Jozef M. Pecval, 3) I van B. Zoch, another famous physicist, 4) Jozef Murgas, 5) General Milan R. Stefanik, renowned astronomer, 6) Aurelius Stodola, turbine expert in Switzerland, 7) Stefan Bani<\ inventor of the parachute in Greenville, Pa. in 1914. As a supplement we might add that Jedlik foresaw the splitting of the atom a hundred years ahead of his time, for in his writings he declares that by use of electrical power and pressure the atom could be smashed and become a source of tremendous energy. When the job was finally done during World War II, it opened the door for the production of the first atomic bomb. Jedlik's experiments were performed in his small · apartment because the university authorities would not permit him to conduct experiments in the school's laboratories along the lines he wished and according to his standards. Some saw in the ban a clear-cut case of Magyar chauvinism, others were prompted to discourage his widescale experimentation because of potential danger of an explosion of great magnitude, if his "wild" theories would succeed. If it was the fear of possible consequences, we cannot blame his superiors. Yet, in view of the ultimate outcome of atomic development along the same lines, who knows but that the genial Slovak Benedictine monastic genius might have been the first to split the atom, and harnessed unbelievable power for peaceful and not warlike uses. 160 SLOVAKIA Our claims for Slovak scientists are not arbitrary. They rest solidly on facts, and hence we feel that future historians must re-adjust these facts and harmonize them with the proper identities. Otherwise, history, too often dismissed as prejudicial will continue to repeat a chapter of fiction and pass it off as fact when the true record of two of our foremost Slovak scientists remains obscure, and if not altogether unknown, at least unpublicized and unknown by the general public. In the interest of truth the proper labels must at last be attached and inscribed posthumously to honor our fellow Slovak countrymen in a genuine hall of fame. A. V. Pier, 0. S. B . SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA - supports freedom and independence of Slovakia; promotes a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation, its history, culture, traditions, and desires ; makes America better known to Slovakia and Slovakia better known to America in the interest of world peace, freedom and security; has a scholarship program for college and university students ; promotes cooperation among all American-Slovak organizations and publications for the promulgations of Slovak ethnic heritage. is a charter member of the Slovak World Congress. Life membership: $100.00 For further information, write to: Slovak League of America 313 Ridge Avenue Middletown, Pa. 17057  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Scientist Štefan A. Jedlík, O.S.B. Description An account of the resource A. V. Pier Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972 pp. 158-160 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pier, Andrew W., 1910-2003 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1972 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/70cf2b0ef30296551c584062bb55308b.pdf b828bfebe5d2865ab9e552aa226177a0 PDF Text Text 114 SLOVAKIA America's Discovery of Ethnic Values A . V . Pi e r, 0. S. B. Strangely enough after almost two hundred years since the founding of this Republic an important and vital discovery has been made by American scholars and educators, namely, that the people of America have been misled into thinking that complete amalgamation is the best and only formula for insuring a strong, united, enlightened and prosperous country. This trend until recently has been pushed officially and unofficially towards the elimination of individual nationality traits, all foreign languages, traditions, etc., according to the erstwhile popular but misguided melting-pot idea. Fortunately, at long last this trend has been radically reversed because the idea that was in vogue for so long a time without seriously questioned has been abandoned because its effects have been detrimental to our society. Its aim was to produce a monolithic entity without historic roots, without a past, without a trace of ethnic origins. The process was supposed to produce a new nation devoid of any links with the past. Such an unrealistic approach was doomed to failure from the start. It is a wonder it took so long to expose the falseness of the whole idea i na society that is known for it practicality and realistic approach to any problem. Exalted expectations of one hundred percent Americanism as the end result of total consolidation through total immersion and submersion in a common melting-pot, so to speak, went askew despite concerted efforts of government and educational agencies to produce by distillation a completely simon pure product or creation, that is, a standarized version of the new American. Cultural values are enduring. They do not, as a general rule, vanish completely from existence. Very often they become adopted to new surroundings and circumstances of time and place. For example, both the Greek and Roman �SLOVAKIA 115 cultures, though pagan, were in a different way adapted to the emerging new Chr:ilstian culture that followed the decline and fall of the Roman Empire. Many of the best phases of that Greco-Roman civilization still influence the western world. What are some of the genuinely worthwhile ethnic values that were downgraded almost to the point of extinction in our time? Since they deal largely with many diversified form that require a thorough study of the various languages, literatures a histories of some fifty ethnic groups in our country it would require at least several volumes to analyze and evaluate them properly and adequately. Already serious research is being done in this direction. When this essential work is completed we will have a veritable treasure trove of cultural values whose intrinsic worth will exceed by far anything the world has ever seen. Other nations may boast of their own distinct cultural riches but our collection will contain the finest gifts of fifty cultures from around the globe. Appraisal of our potential wealth will include, we feel certain, the unique cultural qualities of Slovak national culture which the American Slovaks have fostered and cherished since their coming to this country almost a century ago. So far we have not given much attention to the signs of Slovak culture which are actually all around us, particularly in localities where large numbers of immigrants from Slovakia settled. We have our own churches , schools, societies, clubs, newspapers, magazines, radio program, plays, music and literature both prose and poetry. It is only a matter of time until all these will be properly recorded, evaluated and publicized to show how truly great is our Slovak culture not only in Slovakia but here in our very midst in America. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation, whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the right of every nation to freely choose its own form of government and freely elect persons of its own choice by whom it shall be governed. � 114 SLOVAKIA America's Discovery of Ethnic Values A . V . Pi e r, 0. S. B. Strangely enough after almost two hundred years since the founding of this Republic an important and vital discovery has been made by American scholars and educators, namely, that the people of America have been misled into thinking that complete amalgamation is the best and only formula for insuring a strong, united, enlightened and prosperous country. This trend until recently has been pushed officially and unofficially towards the elimination of individual nationality traits, all foreign languages, traditions, etc., according to the erstwhile popular but misguided melting-pot idea. Fortunately, at long last this trend has been radically reversed because the idea that was in vogue for so long a time without seriously questioned has been abandoned because its effects have been detrimental to our society. Its aim was to produce a monolithic entity without historic roots, without a past, without a trace of ethnic origins. The process was supposed to produce a new nation devoid of any links with the past. Such an unrealistic approach was doomed to failure from the start. It is a wonder it took so long to expose the falseness of the whole idea i na society that is known for it practicality and realistic approach to any problem. Exalted expectations of one hundred percent Americanism as the end result of total consolidation through total immersion and submersion in a common melting-pot, so to speak, went askew despite concerted efforts of government and educational agencies to produce by distillation a completely simon pure product or creation, that is, a standarized version of the new American. Cultural values are enduring. They do not, as a general rule, vanish completely from existence. Very often they become adopted to new surroundings and circumstances of time and place. For example, both the Greek and Roman �SLOVAKIA 115 cultures, though pagan, were in a different way adapted to the emerging new Chr:ilstian culture that followed the decline and fall of the Roman Empire. Many of the best phases of that Greco-Roman civilization still influence the western world. What are some of the genuinely worthwhile ethnic values that were downgraded almost to the point of extinction in our time? Since they deal largely with many diversified form that require a thorough study of the various languages, literatures a histories of some fifty ethnic groups in our country it would require at least several volumes to analyze and evaluate them properly and adequately. Already serious research is being done in this direction. When this essential work is completed we will have a veritable treasure trove of cultural values whose intrinsic worth will exceed by far anything the world has ever seen. Other nations may boast of their own distinct cultural riches but our collection will contain the finest gifts of fifty cultures from around the globe. Appraisal of our potential wealth will include, we feel certain, the unique cultural qualities of Slovak national culture which the American Slovaks have fostered and cherished since their coming to this country almost a century ago. So far we have not given much attention to the signs of Slovak culture which are actually all around us, particularly in localities where large numbers of immigrants from Slovakia settled. We have our own churches , schools, societies, clubs, newspapers, magazines, radio program, plays, music and literature both prose and poetry. It is only a matter of time until all these will be properly recorded, evaluated and publicized to show how truly great is our Slovak culture not only in Slovakia but here in our very midst in America. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation, whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the right of every nation to freely choose its own form of government and freely elect persons of its own choice by whom it shall be governed. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1972, Vol. 22 Description An account of the resource Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1972 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 114 SLOVAKIA America's Discovery of Ethnic Values A . V . Pi e r, 0. S. B. Strangely enough after almost two hundred years since the founding of this Republic an important and vital discovery has been made by American scholars and educators, namely, that the people of America have been misled into thinking that complete amalgamation is the best and only formula for insuring a strong, united, enlightened and prosperous country. This trend until recently has been pushed officially and unofficially towards the elimination of individual nationality traits, all foreign languages, traditions, etc., according to the erstwhile popular but misguided melting-pot idea. Fortunately, at long last this trend has been radically reversed because the idea that was in vogue for so long a time without seriously questioned has been abandoned because its effects have been detrimental to our society. Its aim was to produce a monolithic entity without historic roots, without a past, without a trace of ethnic origins. The process was supposed to produce a new nation devoid of any links with the past. Such an unrealistic approach was doomed to failure from the start. It is a wonder it took so long to expose the falseness of the whole idea i na society that is known for it practicality and realistic approach to any problem. Exalted expectations of one hundred percent Americanism as the end result of total consolidation through total immersion and submersion in a common melting-pot, so to speak, went askew despite concerted efforts of government and educational agencies to produce by distillation a completely simon pure product or creation, that is, a standarized version of the new American. Cultural values are enduring. They do not, as a general rule, vanish completely from existence. Very often they become adopted to new surroundings and circumstances of time and place. For example, both the Greek and Roman SLOVAKIA 115 cultures, though pagan, were in a different way adapted to the emerging new Chr:ilstian culture that followed the decline and fall of the Roman Empire. Many of the best phases of that Greco-Roman civilization still influence the western world. What are some of the genuinely worthwhile ethnic values that were downgraded almost to the point of extinction in our time? Since they deal largely with many diversified form that require a thorough study of the various languages, literatures a histories of some fifty ethnic groups in our country it would require at least several volumes to analyze and evaluate them properly and adequately. Already serious research is being done in this direction. When this essential work is completed we will have a veritable treasure trove of cultural values whose intrinsic worth will exceed by far anything the world has ever seen. Other nations may boast of their own distinct cultural riches but our collection will contain the finest gifts of fifty cultures from around the globe. Appraisal of our potential wealth will include, we feel certain, the unique cultural qualities of Slovak national culture which the American Slovaks have fostered and cherished since their coming to this country almost a century ago. So far we have not given much attention to the signs of Slovak culture which are actually all around us, particularly in localities where large numbers of immigrants from Slovakia settled. We have our own churches , schools, societies, clubs, newspapers, magazines, radio program, plays, music and literature both prose and poetry. It is only a matter of time until all these will be properly recorded, evaluated and publicized to show how truly great is our Slovak culture not only in Slovakia but here in our very midst in America. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation, whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the right of every nation to freely choose its own form of government and freely elect persons of its own choice by whom it shall be governed.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource America's Discovery of Ethnic Values Description An account of the resource A. V. Pier, O.S.B. Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972 pp. 114-115 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pier, Andrew W., 1910-2003 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1972 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/143749d0b4a4e1092a7042332c0bed89.pdf 75ec6b697d890207561ba49f26581f1a PDF Text Text 80 SLOVAKIA Andrew Pi er, O.S.B.: Slovaks Ln Blandburg AN AMERICAN HOLIDAY About a month after school vacations began, we looked forward to the Fourth of July with impatient anticipation of a great and exciting holiday. We were never disappointed, for American Independence Day was traditionally celebrated with great fanfare, noise and fun from early morning to late at night. At first it all seemed strange to us, but it did not take us long to get into the spirit of the day long before we learned the historical significance of the great day in mid-summer. The fervor of patriotism ran high from dawn to mid-night. Explosives of black-powder, gun-fire and dynamite routed everyone out of bed at the first light of day, the sound of fire-crackers continued all day long and a bright display of sparklers and rockets after dark finally climaxed a day of unexcelled excitement. The day's festivities were highlighted by a parade iR which participants of all ages escorted or rode prancing horses and sedate mules that were drafted from the mines or farms to add color and life to the happy event. An added feature was a troop of ex-soldiers and dragoons from the Austro•Hungarian armed forces (mostly Slovaks who had served in the imperial army) who rode on mules borrowed from the mine-owners of the district for the occasion. Gaily attired in their colorful uniforms ( which they had brought with them to this country as souvenirs) they gave a kind of 'foreign legion' picture and atmosphere to the American Fourth of July parade, the like of which will never be seen again. Baseball attracted large crowds before and after lunch as our town's heroes played for glory and victory in a pair of traditional contests against a visiting team. At intermission an abbreviated game between rival teams picked from the mines' department and the brick-yard division of Harbi- �SLOVAKIA 81 -------------------------- son Walker Refractorie s provided no end of entertainm ent as these 'amateurs' never failed to provide hilarious plays in what turned out to be a comedy of errors. The winners were rewarded with great applause and free beer. The children were not neglected, nor were the youthful athletes in their early teens. There were many prizes for them in a series of contests that included running, jumping, throwing the ball, potato-sack races, the three-legged race, the spoon-egg race, etc. Twilight was greeted by an awesome array of rockets and sparklers that lighted up the sky. But this was merely the prelude to a final breath-taki ng outburst of rockets that exploded into beautiful pictorial designs that were greeted exciting 'oh's and ah's' from one end of town to the other. Finally, as if by common agreement when the last sparkler and rocket were reduced to ashes, a sudden silence filled the town. Not even a dog barked as the townspeop le returned to their homes to put their children to sleep before retiring at the end of a perfect day .. . at least for the children who went off to sleep and dream of the happy· days ahead before the school bell would again summon them to resume the perennial struggle in the endless pursuit of learning and knowledge . But for them, at least, that day was far distant as they dozed off into sweet dream after a truly happy and unforgetta ble holiday. A PARADE FOR THE SLOVAK NATION Approxima tely a half century has passed by since the Slovak nation awaited its liberation from political bondage and the American Slovaks gave a helping hand generously in the movement to free their native homeland from foreign rule. I was only a boy but I remember the spirit of the times. July 4, 1917, stands out in my memory as a memorabl e day because it is an American national holiday and because it is so near to the feastday of SS. Cyril and Methodius (it was celebrated on July 5 or July 7 in those days). At any rate a patriotic-m inded group of Slovaks planned to observe a double holiday on July 4 that year. They decided to hold �82 SLOVAKIA a parade throught the main street of our small town of about 2,000 in population. This was, in fact, the only real street we had, and it was a dirt road at that. When it rained it was a muddy thorofare ... and when it was dry it was rather dusty. But we preferred dust to mud and therefore we prayed fervently for a sunny day. Our prayers were answered. July the Fourth was ushered in by a beautiful sunrise and sunny skies prevailed throughout the historic day. Our priest was of Irish descent and he sympathized with the Slovaks, for he knew at firsthand that English oppression was no better than Magyar rule. He agreed to offer up a Mass commemorating the feast of SS. Cyril and Methodius, the ninth century missionary-Apostles who converted the Slovaks to Christianity, approved the singing of Slovak hyms, and promised to read both the Epistle and Gospel in the Slovak language personally ... after all it was like reading Latin. Long before the parade got underway the Slovaks gathered in front of our home on a side-street (if we must give the roadway a dignified name) and the small band of musicians (three amateur accordionists) and a trumpetplayer soon attracted an increasing number of admirers ... even without benefit of modern stereo the music was loud and clear . . . the band performed with great spirit because its members knew they were playing for a cause and the ever-growing appreciative audience encouraged their efforts. Finally, the parade started for the church which was about a mile at the each end of our town. The American Flag and the Slovak Flag (the same colors: White-Blue-Red) were proudly carried at the head of the parade and the marchers waved smaller flags as they followed the major Flag-bearers and the musicians. We all sang both the Star Spangled Banner and My Country Tis of Thee (the youngsters with gusto and their elders, recent arrivals from across the seas, with a muted foreign accent but with more reverence) and the 'Hej, Slovaci' when the elders came into their own ... they sang their heart out. Too bad this scene was not recorded on film and an a sound track. Perhaps �SLOVAKIA 83 it may be re-created as a colorful chapter in American Slovak folklorama that has great historic significance. Half-way to the Church the parade was swelled by groups of youngsters who joined in the march. There were the 'native' Americans, as well as representatives of the Polish, Moravian, Russian, Croatian, Irish, Scotch and English communities ... a veritable United Nations parade on the march for Slovak national freedom. Needless to observe that the Church ceremonies were impressive and the good pastor read the Slovak portions of the Liturgy with unique Latin-Irish pronunciation that was quite understandable and inspiring. And the special Slovak choir that led the Congregational Singing was at its best. Even the regular choir members who were veterans of the Sunday Latin Mass were impressed both by the beautiful Slovak melodies and the singers, too. It was truly a great day for the Slovaks. From that day on the townspeople looked upon the Slovaks with new interest and respect, for they recognized in them a hitherto quality that had been hidden beneath a shy exterior, namely, a vigorous spirit of proud identity as free men who marched and sang in public manifestation of their profound devotion to the ideals of faith and freedom under God in a free country ... and at the same time of fierce pride in their Slovak ancestry and love of their ancient Christian heritage. (A translation from the Slovak book, Nad nami hory - pod nami bane . . . (Woodlands above us-Mines below), by Andrew Pier, 0 .S.B. , 1972.) DR. MARIA KOSOV .A of the Slovak Academy of Science and Art in Bratislava, Slovakia, was the guest speaker last September at the Cleveland Public Library. More than three hundred attended the illustrated slide-lecture on the subject of Slovak folklore and art. � 80 SLOVAKIA Andrew Pi er, O.S.B.: Slovaks Ln Blandburg AN AMERICAN HOLIDAY About a month after school vacations began, we looked forward to the Fourth of July with impatient anticipation of a great and exciting holiday. We were never disappointed, for American Independence Day was traditionally celebrated with great fanfare, noise and fun from early morning to late at night. At first it all seemed strange to us, but it did not take us long to get into the spirit of the day long before we learned the historical significance of the great day in mid-summer. The fervor of patriotism ran high from dawn to mid-night. Explosives of black-powder, gun-fire and dynamite routed everyone out of bed at the first light of day, the sound of fire-crackers continued all day long and a bright display of sparklers and rockets after dark finally climaxed a day of unexcelled excitement. The day's festivities were highlighted by a parade iR which participants of all ages escorted or rode prancing horses and sedate mules that were drafted from the mines or farms to add color and life to the happy event. An added feature was a troop of ex-soldiers and dragoons from the Austro•Hungarian armed forces (mostly Slovaks who had served in the imperial army) who rode on mules borrowed from the mine-owners of the district for the occasion. Gaily attired in their colorful uniforms ( which they had brought with them to this country as souvenirs) they gave a kind of 'foreign legion' picture and atmosphere to the American Fourth of July parade, the like of which will never be seen again. Baseball attracted large crowds before and after lunch as our town's heroes played for glory and victory in a pair of traditional contests against a visiting team. At intermission an abbreviated game between rival teams picked from the mines' department and the brick-yard division of Harbi- �SLOVAKIA 81 -------------------------- son Walker Refractorie s provided no end of entertainm ent as these 'amateurs' never failed to provide hilarious plays in what turned out to be a comedy of errors. The winners were rewarded with great applause and free beer. The children were not neglected, nor were the youthful athletes in their early teens. There were many prizes for them in a series of contests that included running, jumping, throwing the ball, potato-sack races, the three-legged race, the spoon-egg race, etc. Twilight was greeted by an awesome array of rockets and sparklers that lighted up the sky. But this was merely the prelude to a final breath-taki ng outburst of rockets that exploded into beautiful pictorial designs that were greeted exciting 'oh's and ah's' from one end of town to the other. Finally, as if by common agreement when the last sparkler and rocket were reduced to ashes, a sudden silence filled the town. Not even a dog barked as the townspeop le returned to their homes to put their children to sleep before retiring at the end of a perfect day .. . at least for the children who went off to sleep and dream of the happy· days ahead before the school bell would again summon them to resume the perennial struggle in the endless pursuit of learning and knowledge . But for them, at least, that day was far distant as they dozed off into sweet dream after a truly happy and unforgetta ble holiday. A PARADE FOR THE SLOVAK NATION Approxima tely a half century has passed by since the Slovak nation awaited its liberation from political bondage and the American Slovaks gave a helping hand generously in the movement to free their native homeland from foreign rule. I was only a boy but I remember the spirit of the times. July 4, 1917, stands out in my memory as a memorabl e day because it is an American national holiday and because it is so near to the feastday of SS. Cyril and Methodius (it was celebrated on July 5 or July 7 in those days). At any rate a patriotic-m inded group of Slovaks planned to observe a double holiday on July 4 that year. They decided to hold �82 SLOVAKIA a parade throught the main street of our small town of about 2,000 in population. This was, in fact, the only real street we had, and it was a dirt road at that. When it rained it was a muddy thorofare ... and when it was dry it was rather dusty. But we preferred dust to mud and therefore we prayed fervently for a sunny day. Our prayers were answered. July the Fourth was ushered in by a beautiful sunrise and sunny skies prevailed throughout the historic day. Our priest was of Irish descent and he sympathized with the Slovaks, for he knew at firsthand that English oppression was no better than Magyar rule. He agreed to offer up a Mass commemorating the feast of SS. Cyril and Methodius, the ninth century missionary-Apostles who converted the Slovaks to Christianity, approved the singing of Slovak hyms, and promised to read both the Epistle and Gospel in the Slovak language personally ... after all it was like reading Latin. Long before the parade got underway the Slovaks gathered in front of our home on a side-street (if we must give the roadway a dignified name) and the small band of musicians (three amateur accordionists) and a trumpetplayer soon attracted an increasing number of admirers ... even without benefit of modern stereo the music was loud and clear . . . the band performed with great spirit because its members knew they were playing for a cause and the ever-growing appreciative audience encouraged their efforts. Finally, the parade started for the church which was about a mile at the each end of our town. The American Flag and the Slovak Flag (the same colors: White-Blue-Red) were proudly carried at the head of the parade and the marchers waved smaller flags as they followed the major Flag-bearers and the musicians. We all sang both the Star Spangled Banner and My Country Tis of Thee (the youngsters with gusto and their elders, recent arrivals from across the seas, with a muted foreign accent but with more reverence) and the 'Hej, Slovaci' when the elders came into their own ... they sang their heart out. Too bad this scene was not recorded on film and an a sound track. Perhaps �SLOVAKIA 83 it may be re-created as a colorful chapter in American Slovak folklorama that has great historic significance. Half-way to the Church the parade was swelled by groups of youngsters who joined in the march. There were the 'native' Americans, as well as representatives of the Polish, Moravian, Russian, Croatian, Irish, Scotch and English communities ... a veritable United Nations parade on the march for Slovak national freedom. Needless to observe that the Church ceremonies were impressive and the good pastor read the Slovak portions of the Liturgy with unique Latin-Irish pronunciation that was quite understandable and inspiring. And the special Slovak choir that led the Congregational Singing was at its best. Even the regular choir members who were veterans of the Sunday Latin Mass were impressed both by the beautiful Slovak melodies and the singers, too. It was truly a great day for the Slovaks. From that day on the townspeople looked upon the Slovaks with new interest and respect, for they recognized in them a hitherto quality that had been hidden beneath a shy exterior, namely, a vigorous spirit of proud identity as free men who marched and sang in public manifestation of their profound devotion to the ideals of faith and freedom under God in a free country ... and at the same time of fierce pride in their Slovak ancestry and love of their ancient Christian heritage. (A translation from the Slovak book, Nad nami hory - pod nami bane . . . (Woodlands above us-Mines below), by Andrew Pier, 0 .S.B. , 1972.) DR. MARIA KOSOV .A of the Slovak Academy of Science and Art in Bratislava, Slovakia, was the guest speaker last September at the Cleveland Public Library. More than three hundred attended the illustrated slide-lecture on the subject of Slovak folklore and art. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1974, Vol. 24 Description An account of the resource Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 80 SLOVAKIA Andrew Pi er, O.S.B.: Slovaks Ln Blandburg AN AMERICAN HOLIDAY About a month after school vacations began, we looked forward to the Fourth of July with impatient anticipation of a great and exciting holiday. We were never disappointed, for American Independence Day was traditionally celebrated with great fanfare, noise and fun from early morning to late at night. At first it all seemed strange to us, but it did not take us long to get into the spirit of the day long before we learned the historical significance of the great day in mid-summer. The fervor of patriotism ran high from dawn to mid-night. Explosives of black-powder, gun-fire and dynamite routed everyone out of bed at the first light of day, the sound of fire-crackers continued all day long and a bright display of sparklers and rockets after dark finally climaxed a day of unexcelled excitement. The day's festivities were highlighted by a parade iR which participants of all ages escorted or rode prancing horses and sedate mules that were drafted from the mines or farms to add color and life to the happy event. An added feature was a troop of ex-soldiers and dragoons from the Austro•Hungarian armed forces (mostly Slovaks who had served in the imperial army) who rode on mules borrowed from the mine-owners of the district for the occasion. Gaily attired in their colorful uniforms ( which they had brought with them to this country as souvenirs) they gave a kind of 'foreign legion' picture and atmosphere to the American Fourth of July parade, the like of which will never be seen again. Baseball attracted large crowds before and after lunch as our town's heroes played for glory and victory in a pair of traditional contests against a visiting team. At intermission an abbreviated game between rival teams picked from the mines' department and the brick-yard division of Harbi- SLOVAKIA 81 -------------------------- son Walker Refractorie s provided no end of entertainm ent as these 'amateurs' never failed to provide hilarious plays in what turned out to be a comedy of errors. The winners were rewarded with great applause and free beer. The children were not neglected, nor were the youthful athletes in their early teens. There were many prizes for them in a series of contests that included running, jumping, throwing the ball, potato-sack races, the three-legged race, the spoon-egg race, etc. Twilight was greeted by an awesome array of rockets and sparklers that lighted up the sky. But this was merely the prelude to a final breath-taki ng outburst of rockets that exploded into beautiful pictorial designs that were greeted exciting 'oh's and ah's' from one end of town to the other. Finally, as if by common agreement when the last sparkler and rocket were reduced to ashes, a sudden silence filled the town. Not even a dog barked as the townspeop le returned to their homes to put their children to sleep before retiring at the end of a perfect day .. . at least for the children who went off to sleep and dream of the happy· days ahead before the school bell would again summon them to resume the perennial struggle in the endless pursuit of learning and knowledge . But for them, at least, that day was far distant as they dozed off into sweet dream after a truly happy and unforgetta ble holiday. A PARADE FOR THE SLOVAK NATION Approxima tely a half century has passed by since the Slovak nation awaited its liberation from political bondage and the American Slovaks gave a helping hand generously in the movement to free their native homeland from foreign rule. I was only a boy but I remember the spirit of the times. July 4, 1917, stands out in my memory as a memorabl e day because it is an American national holiday and because it is so near to the feastday of SS. Cyril and Methodius (it was celebrated on July 5 or July 7 in those days). At any rate a patriotic-m inded group of Slovaks planned to observe a double holiday on July 4 that year. They decided to hold 82 SLOVAKIA a parade throught the main street of our small town of about 2,000 in population. This was, in fact, the only real street we had, and it was a dirt road at that. When it rained it was a muddy thorofare ... and when it was dry it was rather dusty. But we preferred dust to mud and therefore we prayed fervently for a sunny day. Our prayers were answered. July the Fourth was ushered in by a beautiful sunrise and sunny skies prevailed throughout the historic day. Our priest was of Irish descent and he sympathized with the Slovaks, for he knew at firsthand that English oppression was no better than Magyar rule. He agreed to offer up a Mass commemorating the feast of SS. Cyril and Methodius, the ninth century missionary-Apostles who converted the Slovaks to Christianity, approved the singing of Slovak hyms, and promised to read both the Epistle and Gospel in the Slovak language personally ... after all it was like reading Latin. Long before the parade got underway the Slovaks gathered in front of our home on a side-street (if we must give the roadway a dignified name) and the small band of musicians (three amateur accordionists) and a trumpetplayer soon attracted an increasing number of admirers ... even without benefit of modern stereo the music was loud and clear . . . the band performed with great spirit because its members knew they were playing for a cause and the ever-growing appreciative audience encouraged their efforts. Finally, the parade started for the church which was about a mile at the each end of our town. The American Flag and the Slovak Flag (the same colors: White-Blue-Red) were proudly carried at the head of the parade and the marchers waved smaller flags as they followed the major Flag-bearers and the musicians. We all sang both the Star Spangled Banner and My Country Tis of Thee (the youngsters with gusto and their elders, recent arrivals from across the seas, with a muted foreign accent but with more reverence) and the 'Hej, Slovaci' when the elders came into their own ... they sang their heart out. Too bad this scene was not recorded on film and an a sound track. Perhaps SLOVAKIA 83 it may be re-created as a colorful chapter in American Slovak folklorama that has great historic significance. Half-way to the Church the parade was swelled by groups of youngsters who joined in the march. There were the 'native' Americans, as well as representatives of the Polish, Moravian, Russian, Croatian, Irish, Scotch and English communities ... a veritable United Nations parade on the march for Slovak national freedom. Needless to observe that the Church ceremonies were impressive and the good pastor read the Slovak portions of the Liturgy with unique Latin-Irish pronunciation that was quite understandable and inspiring. And the special Slovak choir that led the Congregational Singing was at its best. Even the regular choir members who were veterans of the Sunday Latin Mass were impressed both by the beautiful Slovak melodies and the singers, too. It was truly a great day for the Slovaks. From that day on the townspeople looked upon the Slovaks with new interest and respect, for they recognized in them a hitherto quality that had been hidden beneath a shy exterior, namely, a vigorous spirit of proud identity as free men who marched and sang in public manifestation of their profound devotion to the ideals of faith and freedom under God in a free country ... and at the same time of fierce pride in their Slovak ancestry and love of their ancient Christian heritage. (A translation from the Slovak book, Nad nami hory - pod nami bane . . . (Woodlands above us-Mines below), by Andrew Pier, 0 .S.B. , 1972.) DR. MARIA KOSOV .A of the Slovak Academy of Science and Art in Bratislava, Slovakia, was the guest speaker last September at the Cleveland Public Library. More than three hundred attended the illustrated slide-lecture on the subject of Slovak folklore and art.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovaks in Blandburg: An American Holiday Description An account of the resource Andrew Pier, O.S.B. Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974 pp. 80-83 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pier, Andrew W., 1910-2003 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/1490e3af0ce4f4bf4e4f464ec8e3e75a.pdf 131c2b78141c60a2a6af799da0952b80 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 51 MARCH 14, 1974: The 35th Anniversary of Slovak Independence Day By Andrew Pie r, O.S.B. Personal liberty is a God-given natural right to all men because the Creator bestowed intelligence and a conscience upon every man to whom he gave the power to make his own decisions freely. Every infringement on human freedom, therefore, is contrary to the will of God and a violation of God's natural law. When individuals are deprived of their freedom the inevitable result is oppression, and when the rights of any nation to free development are denied the consequence is tyranny. In 1976 the second centennial of American independence will be commemorated in celebration of the overthrow of British imperial tyranny two hundred years ago. The War of Independence was waged by the thirteen American colonies to establish political freedom in the new world. Their successful revolt marked a historic milestone in the struggle of modern man for human freedom, and the founding of the American republic served as a precedent and pattern for countries around the world. Aspiration to national freedom, democracy, self-government and statehood in regions inhabited by people speaking the same language, having the same or a similar culture, sharing the same religion, having developed a literature of its own, and cherishing a common tradition, are a natural outgrowth of the inner most desires of a kindred people to be free . The path to national sovereignity is not always a rosy one, for it is often bathed with the blood, sweat and tears �52 SLOVAEIA of men forced to wage a constant struggle to win freedom, and having won it, they must be eternally vigilant to maintain it. Untold sacrifices are the price of freedom in every age. At the end of World War I the Slovaks, after a thousand years of virtual serfdom, emerged victoriously on the brink of national freedom that was denied them until they declared their independence on March 14, 1939. For a brief span of six years they enjoyed national freedom in their own free Slovak Republic only to fall victims of the Yalta agreement by which freedom was wrested from them by force and they were incorporated once again in the CzechoSlovak state that was destined to become a satellite in the Soviet sphere of influence in central Europe. Self-appointe d champions of Czecho-Slovakia in which the Slovaks have invariably been treated as colonials, or at best as second-rate citizens, by the Czech politicians in Prague at first hailed the "liberation" of the country in World War II by the Russians, but they were disillusioned quickly when a communist regime was imposed upon what was marked at Teheran and Yalta as a Soviet satellite state in the heart of Europe. More than that, under unrelenting pressure from Moscow postwar Czecho-Slovakia became a communist country in which the citizen as a subject of the state lost his freedom . Six years ago in mid-August the Soviet invasion by five armies (forces of the USSR, East Germany, Poland, Bulgaria and Hungary) of an allied state reduced CzechoSlovakia virtually to a conquered country in which enemy military forces of occupation continue to enforce the will of Moscow. Liberation, so called, in 1945 led to a communist take over in 1948; and twenty years later (1968) the enslavement of a freedom-lovin g peoples, the Slovaks and Czechs, was completed by the unprovoked invasion of their lands by the self-styled champions of "a people's democracy" from the steppes of Eurasia. Despite the loss of their national freedom to the victorious conquerors of World War II, the Slovaks in their homeland have not ceased to aspire to their God-given �SLOVAKIA 53 right to freedom. Although their passive resistance to the communist system appears futile at the moment, they continue to hope for true liberation from the godless forces of communist tyranny, while their fellow countrymen in the free world keep alive their hope of ultimate liberation from the yoke of tyranny. Probably the most abused and misunderstood word in the English language is the simple word, "independence." And perhaps the least understood by many. All of us are interdependent ... we depend upon each other in so many ways: from infancy, through youth, adulthood and old age ... from the cradle to the grave. That's reality! How can we, therefore, speak of independence at all? In the sense that we have freedom of action, provided it does not encroach upon the freedom of others. Independence rules out subservience to an alien power, and it is exercised by free people who live in a prescribed area within which they rule themselves according to the principles of justice, freedom, truth and self-preservation, as well as under the inspiration of a spirit of esprit-decorps and the ideals of a well-ordered society under the authority of the law. Although in this form of society it is majority rule that dominates, there are provisions for the minority to voice their will-which on occasion has been known to predominate, for better or worse. Nevertheless, independence works in this way, too ... as we know it. Control of their national destiny was long denied the Slovaks, but for a brief period in their history of more than a dozen centuries in central Europe in their own free, Slovak Republic (1939-1945) they proved to themselves and to the whole world they are capable of self-rule if given the opportunity ... which they seized before the outbreak of the second World War and managed rather well in their self-governing state despite the handicaps imposed upon them, namely, the pressure of a powerful neighbor at war, as well as the hardship of a wartime economy since Slovakia was surrounded by nations engaged in a titanic struggle. While there are those who continue to downgrade the aspirations of the freedom-loving Slovaks and their desire for a self-governing state of their own, no true champion of liberty will deny them the right to be free. � SLOVAKIA 51 MARCH 14, 1974: The 35th Anniversary of Slovak Independence Day By Andrew Pie r, O.S.B. Personal liberty is a God-given natural right to all men because the Creator bestowed intelligence and a conscience upon every man to whom he gave the power to make his own decisions freely. Every infringement on human freedom, therefore, is contrary to the will of God and a violation of God's natural law. When individuals are deprived of their freedom the inevitable result is oppression, and when the rights of any nation to free development are denied the consequence is tyranny. In 1976 the second centennial of American independence will be commemorated in celebration of the overthrow of British imperial tyranny two hundred years ago. The War of Independence was waged by the thirteen American colonies to establish political freedom in the new world. Their successful revolt marked a historic milestone in the struggle of modern man for human freedom, and the founding of the American republic served as a precedent and pattern for countries around the world. Aspiration to national freedom, democracy, self-government and statehood in regions inhabited by people speaking the same language, having the same or a similar culture, sharing the same religion, having developed a literature of its own, and cherishing a common tradition, are a natural outgrowth of the inner most desires of a kindred people to be free . The path to national sovereignity is not always a rosy one, for it is often bathed with the blood, sweat and tears �52 SLOVAEIA of men forced to wage a constant struggle to win freedom, and having won it, they must be eternally vigilant to maintain it. Untold sacrifices are the price of freedom in every age. At the end of World War I the Slovaks, after a thousand years of virtual serfdom, emerged victoriously on the brink of national freedom that was denied them until they declared their independence on March 14, 1939. For a brief span of six years they enjoyed national freedom in their own free Slovak Republic only to fall victims of the Yalta agreement by which freedom was wrested from them by force and they were incorporated once again in the CzechoSlovak state that was destined to become a satellite in the Soviet sphere of influence in central Europe. Self-appointe d champions of Czecho-Slovakia in which the Slovaks have invariably been treated as colonials, or at best as second-rate citizens, by the Czech politicians in Prague at first hailed the "liberation" of the country in World War II by the Russians, but they were disillusioned quickly when a communist regime was imposed upon what was marked at Teheran and Yalta as a Soviet satellite state in the heart of Europe. More than that, under unrelenting pressure from Moscow postwar Czecho-Slovakia became a communist country in which the citizen as a subject of the state lost his freedom . Six years ago in mid-August the Soviet invasion by five armies (forces of the USSR, East Germany, Poland, Bulgaria and Hungary) of an allied state reduced CzechoSlovakia virtually to a conquered country in which enemy military forces of occupation continue to enforce the will of Moscow. Liberation, so called, in 1945 led to a communist take over in 1948; and twenty years later (1968) the enslavement of a freedom-lovin g peoples, the Slovaks and Czechs, was completed by the unprovoked invasion of their lands by the self-styled champions of "a people's democracy" from the steppes of Eurasia. Despite the loss of their national freedom to the victorious conquerors of World War II, the Slovaks in their homeland have not ceased to aspire to their God-given �SLOVAKIA 53 right to freedom. Although their passive resistance to the communist system appears futile at the moment, they continue to hope for true liberation from the godless forces of communist tyranny, while their fellow countrymen in the free world keep alive their hope of ultimate liberation from the yoke of tyranny. Probably the most abused and misunderstood word in the English language is the simple word, "independence." And perhaps the least understood by many. All of us are interdependent ... we depend upon each other in so many ways: from infancy, through youth, adulthood and old age ... from the cradle to the grave. That's reality! How can we, therefore, speak of independence at all? In the sense that we have freedom of action, provided it does not encroach upon the freedom of others. Independence rules out subservience to an alien power, and it is exercised by free people who live in a prescribed area within which they rule themselves according to the principles of justice, freedom, truth and self-preservation, as well as under the inspiration of a spirit of esprit-decorps and the ideals of a well-ordered society under the authority of the law. Although in this form of society it is majority rule that dominates, there are provisions for the minority to voice their will-which on occasion has been known to predominate, for better or worse. Nevertheless, independence works in this way, too ... as we know it. Control of their national destiny was long denied the Slovaks, but for a brief period in their history of more than a dozen centuries in central Europe in their own free, Slovak Republic (1939-1945) they proved to themselves and to the whole world they are capable of self-rule if given the opportunity ... which they seized before the outbreak of the second World War and managed rather well in their self-governing state despite the handicaps imposed upon them, namely, the pressure of a powerful neighbor at war, as well as the hardship of a wartime economy since Slovakia was surrounded by nations engaged in a titanic struggle. While there are those who continue to downgrade the aspirations of the freedom-loving Slovaks and their desire for a self-governing state of their own, no true champion of liberty will deny them the right to be free. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1974, Vol. 24 Description An account of the resource Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 51 MARCH 14, 1974: The 35th Anniversary of Slovak Independence Day By Andrew Pie r, O.S.B. Personal liberty is a God-given natural right to all men because the Creator bestowed intelligence and a conscience upon every man to whom he gave the power to make his own decisions freely. Every infringement on human freedom, therefore, is contrary to the will of God and a violation of God's natural law. When individuals are deprived of their freedom the inevitable result is oppression, and when the rights of any nation to free development are denied the consequence is tyranny. In 1976 the second centennial of American independence will be commemorated in celebration of the overthrow of British imperial tyranny two hundred years ago. The War of Independence was waged by the thirteen American colonies to establish political freedom in the new world. Their successful revolt marked a historic milestone in the struggle of modern man for human freedom, and the founding of the American republic served as a precedent and pattern for countries around the world. Aspiration to national freedom, democracy, self-government and statehood in regions inhabited by people speaking the same language, having the same or a similar culture, sharing the same religion, having developed a literature of its own, and cherishing a common tradition, are a natural outgrowth of the inner most desires of a kindred people to be free . The path to national sovereignity is not always a rosy one, for it is often bathed with the blood, sweat and tears 52 SLOVAEIA of men forced to wage a constant struggle to win freedom, and having won it, they must be eternally vigilant to maintain it. Untold sacrifices are the price of freedom in every age. At the end of World War I the Slovaks, after a thousand years of virtual serfdom, emerged victoriously on the brink of national freedom that was denied them until they declared their independence on March 14, 1939. For a brief span of six years they enjoyed national freedom in their own free Slovak Republic only to fall victims of the Yalta agreement by which freedom was wrested from them by force and they were incorporated once again in the CzechoSlovak state that was destined to become a satellite in the Soviet sphere of influence in central Europe. Self-appointe d champions of Czecho-Slovakia in which the Slovaks have invariably been treated as colonials, or at best as second-rate citizens, by the Czech politicians in Prague at first hailed the "liberation" of the country in World War II by the Russians, but they were disillusioned quickly when a communist regime was imposed upon what was marked at Teheran and Yalta as a Soviet satellite state in the heart of Europe. More than that, under unrelenting pressure from Moscow postwar Czecho-Slovakia became a communist country in which the citizen as a subject of the state lost his freedom . Six years ago in mid-August the Soviet invasion by five armies (forces of the USSR, East Germany, Poland, Bulgaria and Hungary) of an allied state reduced CzechoSlovakia virtually to a conquered country in which enemy military forces of occupation continue to enforce the will of Moscow. Liberation, so called, in 1945 led to a communist take over in 1948; and twenty years later (1968) the enslavement of a freedom-lovin g peoples, the Slovaks and Czechs, was completed by the unprovoked invasion of their lands by the self-styled champions of "a people's democracy" from the steppes of Eurasia. Despite the loss of their national freedom to the victorious conquerors of World War II, the Slovaks in their homeland have not ceased to aspire to their God-given SLOVAKIA 53 right to freedom. Although their passive resistance to the communist system appears futile at the moment, they continue to hope for true liberation from the godless forces of communist tyranny, while their fellow countrymen in the free world keep alive their hope of ultimate liberation from the yoke of tyranny. Probably the most abused and misunderstood word in the English language is the simple word, "independence." And perhaps the least understood by many. All of us are interdependent ... we depend upon each other in so many ways: from infancy, through youth, adulthood and old age ... from the cradle to the grave. That's reality! How can we, therefore, speak of independence at all? In the sense that we have freedom of action, provided it does not encroach upon the freedom of others. Independence rules out subservience to an alien power, and it is exercised by free people who live in a prescribed area within which they rule themselves according to the principles of justice, freedom, truth and self-preservation, as well as under the inspiration of a spirit of esprit-decorps and the ideals of a well-ordered society under the authority of the law. Although in this form of society it is majority rule that dominates, there are provisions for the minority to voice their will-which on occasion has been known to predominate, for better or worse. Nevertheless, independence works in this way, too ... as we know it. Control of their national destiny was long denied the Slovaks, but for a brief period in their history of more than a dozen centuries in central Europe in their own free, Slovak Republic (1939-1945) they proved to themselves and to the whole world they are capable of self-rule if given the opportunity ... which they seized before the outbreak of the second World War and managed rather well in their self-governing state despite the handicaps imposed upon them, namely, the pressure of a powerful neighbor at war, as well as the hardship of a wartime economy since Slovakia was surrounded by nations engaged in a titanic struggle. While there are those who continue to downgrade the aspirations of the freedom-loving Slovaks and their desire for a self-governing state of their own, no true champion of liberty will deny them the right to be free.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The 35th Anniversary of Slovak Independence Day Description An account of the resource Andrew Pier, O.S.B. Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974 pp. 51-53 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pier, Andrew W., 1910-2003 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/ccbaf6e105a1562a3a2ca084f3216c4a.pdf ba4b071bf816f2d575bf1ec730393488 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 117 20 ) Ottokar Prohaszka , A Nacionalizmusr6l (About Nationalism) (Budapest, 1925), p. 61. 21) Orszaggyiiles-Nyomtatvanyai-Kepvise l5h6.z-Napl6, VII, 424, February 18, 1907. 22) Ibid., I, 284. July 7, 1906. 23) Milan Hodza, Federation in Central Europe (New York, 1942), p. 40. 24 ) One example: Speech by Gyorgy Szmrecsanyi. Orszaggyules-Nyomtatvanyai-Kepvisel5h6.z-Napl6, VII, 411-417. February 16, 1907. 25 ) Vladislav Stastny, ed., Slovanstvi v narodnim zivote techu a Slovaku (Praha , 1968), p. 328. 26 ) Ludwig vo n Gogolak, Beitriige zur Geschichte des slowakischen Volkes (Mtinchen, 1963 ), p. 98. 27 ) Seton-Watson, op. cit., p. 93. * * * Centennial of Slovak Health Spas in the Tatra Mountains Rev. Andrew V. Pier, O.S.B. This year (1975) marks the 100th anniversary of public establishment of the now famous health centers in two High Tatra regions, namely, Novy Smokovec and strbske Pleso, and at Lucivna, located at the northern end of the Low Tatra mountains in Slovakia. At Novy Smokovec located at the foot of the forested slope leading upward to the Slavkovsky peak was the first Slovak health resort set aside for tuberculosis patients a hundred years ago. The low humidity, year-round sunshine and intense ultra-violet radiation, crisp atmosphere at the high altitude of some 8,000 feet, low atmospheric pressure .. . these health factors lend themselves to a natural center for the relief and cure of not only pulmonary ailments and chronic respiratory troubles, but contribute greatly to the cure of diseases of the thyroid gland and various neuroses. For the healthy Novy Smokovec is a natural winter sports' resort and a tourist attraction the rest of the year. Accommodations are modest but adequate. �118 SLOVAKIA Converted from a hunting-lodge the strbske Pleso lake region soon become a popular summer resort and a winter attraction for ski enthusiasts soon after its opening to the public before the end of the 19th century. But it, too, has reserved certain arE:laS to treat patients suffering from asthma, bronchitis and allergies afflicting the lungs. The Institute of Asthmatology there has done wonders in relieving and curing asthma sufferers. Several years ago the strbske Pleso Tatra mountain resort became known throughout the world when the world ski championships were held there. Visitors from all parts of the world had words of praise not only for the natural beauty of the location but also for the hospitality of the Slovak people. The Hviezdoslav, Krivan and other hotels offer modern accommodations to thousands of guests who come to strbske Pleso annually for their health or for recreation summer or winter. Lucivna is exclusively a health resort at the foot of the Tatras. It is located in a magic woodland region in the northern foothills of the Low Tatra mountain range. Most of the patients are children suffering from respiratory diseases although after World War I and II Lucivna served for a time to cure veterans suffering from diseases of the lungs. While we are on the subject of health, perhaps it is well to note here that in other parts of Slovakia: Piest'any, Trencianske Teplice, Presov, Sliac and a dozen others as well, the natural thermal springs are the source of mineral waters that help to relieve and cure thousands of patients suffering from rheumatism, heart trouble, nervous disorders, high blood pressure and various other internal ailments. A closing remark is a personal observation. No wonder that not one but several neighbors of the lands inhabited by the Slovaks since the 5th or 6th century have longingly gazed with covetous eyes at the country which is so richly endowed by the Creator. At the moment a new pair of eyes, those of a most powerful neighbor at the east end of Slovakia, is fastened acquisitively on the Presov-Poprad area. It is our hope and prayer that the Slovaks will be able to turn this menacing gaze upward for conquest in space instead of foreign conquest at their expense. � SLOVAKIA 117 20 ) Ottokar Prohaszka , A Nacionalizmusr6l (About Nationalism) (Budapest, 1925), p. 61. 21) Orszaggyiiles-Nyomtatvanyai-Kepvise l5h6.z-Napl6, VII, 424, February 18, 1907. 22) Ibid., I, 284. July 7, 1906. 23) Milan Hodza, Federation in Central Europe (New York, 1942), p. 40. 24 ) One example: Speech by Gyorgy Szmrecsanyi. Orszaggyules-Nyomtatvanyai-Kepvisel5h6.z-Napl6, VII, 411-417. February 16, 1907. 25 ) Vladislav Stastny, ed., Slovanstvi v narodnim zivote techu a Slovaku (Praha , 1968), p. 328. 26 ) Ludwig vo n Gogolak, Beitriige zur Geschichte des slowakischen Volkes (Mtinchen, 1963 ), p. 98. 27 ) Seton-Watson, op. cit., p. 93. * * * Centennial of Slovak Health Spas in the Tatra Mountains Rev. Andrew V. Pier, O.S.B. This year (1975) marks the 100th anniversary of public establishment of the now famous health centers in two High Tatra regions, namely, Novy Smokovec and strbske Pleso, and at Lucivna, located at the northern end of the Low Tatra mountains in Slovakia. At Novy Smokovec located at the foot of the forested slope leading upward to the Slavkovsky peak was the first Slovak health resort set aside for tuberculosis patients a hundred years ago. The low humidity, year-round sunshine and intense ultra-violet radiation, crisp atmosphere at the high altitude of some 8,000 feet, low atmospheric pressure .. . these health factors lend themselves to a natural center for the relief and cure of not only pulmonary ailments and chronic respiratory troubles, but contribute greatly to the cure of diseases of the thyroid gland and various neuroses. For the healthy Novy Smokovec is a natural winter sports' resort and a tourist attraction the rest of the year. Accommodations are modest but adequate. �118 SLOVAKIA Converted from a hunting-lodge the strbske Pleso lake region soon become a popular summer resort and a winter attraction for ski enthusiasts soon after its opening to the public before the end of the 19th century. But it, too, has reserved certain arE:laS to treat patients suffering from asthma, bronchitis and allergies afflicting the lungs. The Institute of Asthmatology there has done wonders in relieving and curing asthma sufferers. Several years ago the strbske Pleso Tatra mountain resort became known throughout the world when the world ski championships were held there. Visitors from all parts of the world had words of praise not only for the natural beauty of the location but also for the hospitality of the Slovak people. The Hviezdoslav, Krivan and other hotels offer modern accommodations to thousands of guests who come to strbske Pleso annually for their health or for recreation summer or winter. Lucivna is exclusively a health resort at the foot of the Tatras. It is located in a magic woodland region in the northern foothills of the Low Tatra mountain range. Most of the patients are children suffering from respiratory diseases although after World War I and II Lucivna served for a time to cure veterans suffering from diseases of the lungs. While we are on the subject of health, perhaps it is well to note here that in other parts of Slovakia: Piest'any, Trencianske Teplice, Presov, Sliac and a dozen others as well, the natural thermal springs are the source of mineral waters that help to relieve and cure thousands of patients suffering from rheumatism, heart trouble, nervous disorders, high blood pressure and various other internal ailments. A closing remark is a personal observation. No wonder that not one but several neighbors of the lands inhabited by the Slovaks since the 5th or 6th century have longingly gazed with covetous eyes at the country which is so richly endowed by the Creator. At the moment a new pair of eyes, those of a most powerful neighbor at the east end of Slovakia, is fastened acquisitively on the Presov-Poprad area. It is our hope and prayer that the Slovaks will be able to turn this menacing gaze upward for conquest in space instead of foreign conquest at their expense. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1975, Vol. 25 Description An account of the resource Vol. 25 (No. 48), 1975. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 117 20 ) Ottokar Prohaszka , A Nacionalizmusr6l (About Nationalism) (Budapest, 1925), p. 61. 21) Orszaggyiiles-Nyomtatvanyai-Kepvise l5h6.z-Napl6, VII, 424, February 18, 1907. 22) Ibid., I, 284. July 7, 1906. 23) Milan Hodza, Federation in Central Europe (New York, 1942), p. 40. 24 ) One example: Speech by Gyorgy Szmrecsanyi. Orszaggyules-Nyomtatvanyai-Kepvisel5h6.z-Napl6, VII, 411-417. February 16, 1907. 25 ) Vladislav Stastny, ed., Slovanstvi v narodnim zivote techu a Slovaku (Praha , 1968), p. 328. 26 ) Ludwig vo n Gogolak, Beitriige zur Geschichte des slowakischen Volkes (Mtinchen, 1963 ), p. 98. 27 ) Seton-Watson, op. cit., p. 93. * * * Centennial of Slovak Health Spas in the Tatra Mountains Rev. Andrew V. Pier, O.S.B. This year (1975) marks the 100th anniversary of public establishment of the now famous health centers in two High Tatra regions, namely, Novy Smokovec and strbske Pleso, and at Lucivna, located at the northern end of the Low Tatra mountains in Slovakia. At Novy Smokovec located at the foot of the forested slope leading upward to the Slavkovsky peak was the first Slovak health resort set aside for tuberculosis patients a hundred years ago. The low humidity, year-round sunshine and intense ultra-violet radiation, crisp atmosphere at the high altitude of some 8,000 feet, low atmospheric pressure .. . these health factors lend themselves to a natural center for the relief and cure of not only pulmonary ailments and chronic respiratory troubles, but contribute greatly to the cure of diseases of the thyroid gland and various neuroses. For the healthy Novy Smokovec is a natural winter sports' resort and a tourist attraction the rest of the year. Accommodations are modest but adequate. 118 SLOVAKIA Converted from a hunting-lodge the strbske Pleso lake region soon become a popular summer resort and a winter attraction for ski enthusiasts soon after its opening to the public before the end of the 19th century. But it, too, has reserved certain arE:laS to treat patients suffering from asthma, bronchitis and allergies afflicting the lungs. The Institute of Asthmatology there has done wonders in relieving and curing asthma sufferers. Several years ago the strbske Pleso Tatra mountain resort became known throughout the world when the world ski championships were held there. Visitors from all parts of the world had words of praise not only for the natural beauty of the location but also for the hospitality of the Slovak people. The Hviezdoslav, Krivan and other hotels offer modern accommodations to thousands of guests who come to strbske Pleso annually for their health or for recreation summer or winter. Lucivna is exclusively a health resort at the foot of the Tatras. It is located in a magic woodland region in the northern foothills of the Low Tatra mountain range. Most of the patients are children suffering from respiratory diseases although after World War I and II Lucivna served for a time to cure veterans suffering from diseases of the lungs. While we are on the subject of health, perhaps it is well to note here that in other parts of Slovakia: Piest'any, Trencianske Teplice, Presov, Sliac and a dozen others as well, the natural thermal springs are the source of mineral waters that help to relieve and cure thousands of patients suffering from rheumatism, heart trouble, nervous disorders, high blood pressure and various other internal ailments. A closing remark is a personal observation. No wonder that not one but several neighbors of the lands inhabited by the Slovaks since the 5th or 6th century have longingly gazed with covetous eyes at the country which is so richly endowed by the Creator. At the moment a new pair of eyes, those of a most powerful neighbor at the east end of Slovakia, is fastened acquisitively on the Presov-Poprad area. It is our hope and prayer that the Slovaks will be able to turn this menacing gaze upward for conquest in space instead of foreign conquest at their expense.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Centennial of Slovak Health Spas in the Tatra Mountains Description An account of the resource Rev. Andrew V. Pier, O.S.B. Slovakia, Vol. 25 (No. 48), 1975 pp. 117-118 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pier, Andrew W., 1910-2003 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/b0b9fcc0ef3ffcdedb66668b444ba4d1.pdf e3dbe12388d02ef68c79c21f5f380d31 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 73 Visible Signs of Slovak Culture in Cleveland, Ohio By Andrew P i e r , O.S.B. During World War II a popular calling card that was left mysteriously in many parts of the embattled areas was the scribbled message, "Kilroy was here," as if to say, 'Hello there, welcome.' Throughout the Cleveland area from the inner city to the outlying suburbs there are many indications that the Slovaks were not only there but continue to live, work and pray as integral social units in our variegated municipal society that has drawn human recruits from as many as fifty countries from all over the world. Slovakia, for centuries a royal province in the conglomerate kingdom of Hungary, then incorporated in CzechoSlovakia after World War I, Slovak Republic before and during World War II, and re-incorporated arbitrarily after the second World War inside Czecho-Slovakia again, has given the United States close to a million of her people who migrated to the new world in the past hundred years. Today in greater Cleveland it is conservatively estimated that there are at least 80,000 American citizens who trace their national origin to the Slovak nation that numbers approximately five million in its historic homeland, and an equal or even greater number of countrymen and their descendants around the globe. Signs that Slovaks settled in the Cleveland metropolis are many. Foremost among these are the church edifices and schools which they themselves built, maintained and staffed without benefit of church or state aid. Undoubtedly, early Slovaks deserve fully to be recognized and registered among most enterprising Americans of all time. The first and foremost indications of the presence of the Slovaks are their churches where they not only wor- �74 SLOVAKIA shipped but gathered socially in adjoining halls, and where they built parochial schools for their children's education. St. Martin and St. Ladislaus, no longer existing, were the first religious and social and cultural centers. There remain St. Wendelin's and Our Lady of Mercy on the west side, SS. Cyril and Methodius in Lakewood, St. Andrew's, Nativity and St. Benedict's on the east side, as well as several Lutheran parishes both in Cleveland and Lakewood. Around these parochial institutions various societies were organized, clubs were formed and newspapers began to be published. An assorted group of societies in the early 1890's was the nucleus for Father Stephen Furdek to establish the First Catholic Slovak Union (Jednota) which was destined to become a 100,000-member fraternal organization to be followed soon by a sister fraternal society, the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union of which Father Furdek was co-founder with Mrs. Anna Hurban. Central headquarters of both fraternals ( each with a membership of a hundred thousand) are still here in Cleveland. In 1907 Father Furdek and his associates founded the Slovak League of America. A number of smaller organizations, such as the Cleveland Jednota and the Slovak Catholic Cadet Union, sprang up, but in recent years these were absorbed by larger organizations. Both the Slovak Catholic Sokol and the Slovak Sokol, though not originating here, and the National Slovak Society have substantial membership in the Cleveland area, also Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the 2:ivena and the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union. Nationwide influence of the Slovaks in Cleveland was highlighted by the issuance of the Cleveland Agreement in 1915 (which has been publicized by the famous Theodore Andrica of the Cleveland Press). The document outlined the democratic framework for a self-governing Slovak national state in central Europe. This was later revised and became the basis of the ill-starred Pittsburgh Pact in 1918 shamelessly repudiated by its most famous signer, Thomas G. Masaryk. A number of Slovak newspapers and periodicals were �SLOVAKIA 75 published here at one time or another, namely, the Cleveland Hlas (Voice) edited by Jan Pankuch, Sr., Father Liscinsky's Kritika (purchased by Michal Bosak in 1920 and re-named Slovenskd Obrana in Scranton, Penna.), and the Slovenske Noviny, edited by a staff o f ~ at St. Andrew's Abbey: by Dr. Frantisek Hrusovsky, Ph.D., Karol Strmen and Rev. Andrew Pier, O.S.B. from 1949 to 1959, the Ave Maria monthly published since 1929 by the Slovak Benedictines is still being published and has a world-wide circulation. John C. Cieker, editor of the zivena monthly ,:nagazine lives in Parma. On the air waves for the past forty years Slovak broadcasts have been heard weekly or daily on the fallowing programs: The Cleveland Slovak radio club's Slovak Hour on Stations WADC and WERE-AM and WZAK-FM, Joseph Pales' Slovak Hour on Stations WDOK and WXEN-FM, Alex Mikula on Station WZAK-FM, Michael Beno on WXEN-FM with Viktor Nesnadny. John J. Biro and J. J . Kascak are currently the announcers on Station WERE's Slovak Hour. In the past Jan Majzler and Kolman Lajcak were pioneer announcers, then Judge Stephen A. Zona and Vladimir Mlynek. Politically, the Slovaks have had the following in various offices in public life: Judge George Tenesy and Judge Stephen A. Zona, State Representatives John Smolka, Stephen A. Zona, George E . Fedor, Andrew C. Putka, Jerome Stano, Mayors Stephen A. Zona and John Petruska in Parma, Assistant County Prosecutors: Attorneys Julius Badzik, John Kulka, John Urbancik and John Leonard, Stephen Suhajcik, Mary Sotak, Richard Harmondy in City Council, City Law Director George E . Fedor in Lakewood, Attorneys Andrew Sarisky, Andrew C. Putka and William Petro in the Mayor's cabinet at City Hall, Stephen Suhajcik, Commissioner of fiscal control in the Cleveland Water Department, Andrew G. Putka, sports' commissioner in the city. George Szell, famed conductor of the Cleveland Orchestra, was of Slovak origin on his mother's side, as is Paul Newman, cinema star, whose mother was Slovak, too. Sammy Kaye comes from a well known Slovak family in �76 SLOVAKIA Lakewood, Ohio. Opera Singer Rudolf Petrak appeared in a special concert in the Public Auditorium here in May, 1952. Two Slovak composers, Orsagh and Francisci, lived here during the World War I era. Various Slovak clubs that were active at one time were: Bratislavsky knizok, Trenciansky klub, Oravsky klub (now the Cleveland Slovak Social Club and still active), also such active clubs as the American Slovak Zemplin Club, the General Milan R. stefanik Dramatic Circle, the Slovak Dramatic Society, the Vansova Literary Guild, the Lakewood Slovak Civic Club and the Cleveland Slovak Civic Club. John Rozboril was director of a popular marching band at St. Ladislaus parish in the World War I era and Ray Zamiska organized the well known Post 381 St. Benedict's military band after World War II. Popular orchestras that circulated in the Slovak community were: Sedlak's, Golden's, Beno's and Pales' orchestras, and now still active are Kopcho's Cavalier s and the Pastirik Combo Five, both of which specialize in Slovak folk music. George Lukac, Sr. was a typical representative of Church organists who not only played liturgical music but trained singing groups through the years, and often produced plays and musicals. His son, Matthew, has been the organist and choir director at St. John's Cathedral for the past 30 years. Visits from abroad by dignitaries were the following: Msgr. Andrej Hlinka in 1926, the Matica Slovenska (Slovak Institute) from Turciansky Sv. Martin in Slovakia in 1935 and the Spolok sv. Vojtecha delegation in 1937 (with Dr. Joseph Tiso as a member). Police Chief George Matowic of Nativity parish was a highly respected member of the Cleveland Police Department for more than 40 years. Johnny Risko, Cleveland's "Baker Boy" was a perennial contender for the heavyweight boxing crown in the 1920's and early 1930's. �SLOVAKIA 77 In art the best known was Steve Sarisky of the Cleveland Institute of Art and George Krispinsky, a former art instructor at Benedictine High School. Photography has an expert in the person of Tibor Gasparik who is the chief photographer in the municipal photo laboratory at City Hall. Outstanding in the field of Slovak literature are two eminent Slovak poets and authors: Rev. Mikulas sprinc, professor of Modern Languages at Borromeo College in Wickliffe, Ohio and Dr. Karol Strmen, Ph.D., professor of French, Italian and Latin at Cleveland State University. Successful Slovak industrialists are the following machine-shop owners: Wendell sarmir and Sons, Michael Olle and Sons, Wendell Lorence and Son and the Bobinchuk Father and Sons Company. Travel agencies under Slovak management are: John Olds' Atlas, Andrew Hudak's Adventure International, Groger's Travel Service (Groger and Friedman), and LihaniNemecek Travel Bureau. Financial Institutions founded and managed by Slovaks are: State Savings (Joseph Sotak, Sr. and Sons, also Mrs. Anna Sotak), formerly Tatra Savings, and Home Federal Savings in Lakewood Ohio (formerly Orol Savings founded by Martin Slimak and associates). On the cultural side, there is the Slovak Institute and its library at St. Andrew's Abbey. The Slovak Institute was founded by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. who appointed as its first director Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, author of the first history of Slovakia, in 1952. Benedictine High School, founded in 1927, staffed and administered by the Slovak Benedictine Fathers of St. Andrew's Abbey, is perhaps the best known of Slovak sponsored educational institutions in the country. Its counterpart, the Lumen Cordium High School for girls, is administered and staffed by the Slovak Vincentian Sisters in Bedford, Ohio. They also have charge of the well known Slovak shrine there, Our Lady of Levoca. Under the sponsorship of the Cleveland Press and �78 SLOVAKIA directed by Theodore Andrica ( the well known nationality news editor for the daily over a period of forty years) a series of festival-pageants were produced annually. In the first years the Slovaks appeared with a la_rge group under the direction of Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D. The Stefanik Dramatic Circle also participated. Among the most noteworthy books emanating from Cleveland directly were : 1) Poems by M. sprinc, 2) Poems by K. Strmen, 3) The History of Slovak Religious Orders in the U.S. by Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D., 4) Slovak Christmas by Jozef Duris, 5) Two works on ancient Slovak art and architecture by Dr. Jozef Cincik, Ph.D., 6) A small volume on childhood in a Slovak family in Pennsylvania by A. V. Pier, O.S.B. Undoubtedly the most impor tant of these publications are Dr. Hrusovsky's history of the Slovak religious orders in the U.S., Dr. Strmen's anthology of world literature in the Slovak language and Mr. Duris' Slovak Christmas (in English). Most popular of the Slovak productions in Cleveland has been the Slovak Cook Book published by the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association. The book is in its 17th edition. Nat far behind in nationwide popularity among the Slovaks of America is the map of Slovakia which was originally drawn up with meticulous and scientific care by Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D. and Engineer Kalocsay at the Slovak Institute more than twenty years ago. The map which shows approximately 3,500 Slovak towns, villages, etc. has been in increasing demand as more and more people visit Slovakia each year. The map is in its third edition. The Slovak Institute sponsored a special cultural exhibit under the auspices of the Slovak League of America at the Benedictine High School in 1957 under the co- chairmanship of Konstantin culen and Dr. Jozef Cincik, Ph.D. A three-day Slovak Book Exhibit at the Benedictine High School gym in the early 1960's was sponsored by the Slovak Institute. It was the first Nationality Book Fair in the history of Cleveland. Chief landmarks in Cleveland as unmistakable monu- �SLOVAKIA 79 ments of Slovak endeavor are : 1) The bronze statue of General Milan R. Stefanik, erected in Wade Park in 1924 under the sponsorship of the Slovak League of America and associated Slovak societies in Cleveland. The cost was $25,000, and the sculptor was Frico Motoska from Slovakia. 2) The Slovak Cultural Garden, one of a score of nationality garden centers in Rockefeller Park. Peter Mokris and his wife, as well as Msgr. Francis Dubosh, were instrumental in establishing this Slovak link in the chain of gardens by the Cleveland Cultural Garden Federation. Mrs. Tillie Bacik is currently the president of the Slovak Cultural Garden Association. Villa Sancta Anna is a home for the aged in Beachwood under the management of the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association. Slovak historic shrines that trace their origin to Slovakia where they have a history that goes back for centuries have their counterparts in Cleveland. The best known is the unique Our Lady of Levoca pilgrimage site in Bedford, Ohio. Little known here but equally famous are the Mother of Sorrows shrine from sastin and the Mother and Child Mariatal statue enshrined in St. Benedict's Church. Proposing a list of leading personalities in Slovak life in Cleveland during the past hundred years is risky business, but one must begin somewhere, and so I submit the following to be enrolled in the Slovak Hall of Fame: Stefan Furdek, Matthew Benko, Matthew Gruss, John Liscinsky, John Pankuch, Sr., Johnny Risko, George Szell, Mrs. Anna Hurban, John Sabol, Mrs. Anna Sotak, Gregory Vaniscak, Mother M. Berchmans, V.S.C., Martin Slimak, Joseph Dubnicka, Paschal Kavulic, Susan Matuschak, John Rozboril, Philip A. Hrobak, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D., and Msgr. Francis Dubosh. There are undoubtedly more who can be added to the group of our eminent Slovak leaders in various fields . Those who are still active have not been submitted as candidates for this honor. � SLOVAKIA 73 Visible Signs of Slovak Culture in Cleveland, Ohio By Andrew P i e r , O.S.B. During World War II a popular calling card that was left mysteriously in many parts of the embattled areas was the scribbled message, "Kilroy was here," as if to say, 'Hello there, welcome.' Throughout the Cleveland area from the inner city to the outlying suburbs there are many indications that the Slovaks were not only there but continue to live, work and pray as integral social units in our variegated municipal society that has drawn human recruits from as many as fifty countries from all over the world. Slovakia, for centuries a royal province in the conglomerate kingdom of Hungary, then incorporated in CzechoSlovakia after World War I, Slovak Republic before and during World War II, and re-incorporated arbitrarily after the second World War inside Czecho-Slovakia again, has given the United States close to a million of her people who migrated to the new world in the past hundred years. Today in greater Cleveland it is conservatively estimated that there are at least 80,000 American citizens who trace their national origin to the Slovak nation that numbers approximately five million in its historic homeland, and an equal or even greater number of countrymen and their descendants around the globe. Signs that Slovaks settled in the Cleveland metropolis are many. Foremost among these are the church edifices and schools which they themselves built, maintained and staffed without benefit of church or state aid. Undoubtedly, early Slovaks deserve fully to be recognized and registered among most enterprising Americans of all time. The first and foremost indications of the presence of the Slovaks are their churches where they not only wor- �74 SLOVAKIA shipped but gathered socially in adjoining halls, and where they built parochial schools for their children's education. St. Martin and St. Ladislaus, no longer existing, were the first religious and social and cultural centers. There remain St. Wendelin's and Our Lady of Mercy on the west side, SS. Cyril and Methodius in Lakewood, St. Andrew's, Nativity and St. Benedict's on the east side, as well as several Lutheran parishes both in Cleveland and Lakewood. Around these parochial institutions various societies were organized, clubs were formed and newspapers began to be published. An assorted group of societies in the early 1890's was the nucleus for Father Stephen Furdek to establish the First Catholic Slovak Union (Jednota) which was destined to become a 100,000-member fraternal organization to be followed soon by a sister fraternal society, the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union of which Father Furdek was co-founder with Mrs. Anna Hurban. Central headquarters of both fraternals ( each with a membership of a hundred thousand) are still here in Cleveland. In 1907 Father Furdek and his associates founded the Slovak League of America. A number of smaller organizations, such as the Cleveland Jednota and the Slovak Catholic Cadet Union, sprang up, but in recent years these were absorbed by larger organizations. Both the Slovak Catholic Sokol and the Slovak Sokol, though not originating here, and the National Slovak Society have substantial membership in the Cleveland area, also Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the 2:ivena and the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union. Nationwide influence of the Slovaks in Cleveland was highlighted by the issuance of the Cleveland Agreement in 1915 (which has been publicized by the famous Theodore Andrica of the Cleveland Press). The document outlined the democratic framework for a self-governing Slovak national state in central Europe. This was later revised and became the basis of the ill-starred Pittsburgh Pact in 1918 shamelessly repudiated by its most famous signer, Thomas G. Masaryk. A number of Slovak newspapers and periodicals were �SLOVAKIA 75 published here at one time or another, namely, the Cleveland Hlas (Voice) edited by Jan Pankuch, Sr., Father Liscinsky's Kritika (purchased by Michal Bosak in 1920 and re-named Slovenskd Obrana in Scranton, Penna.), and the Slovenske Noviny, edited by a staff o f ~ at St. Andrew's Abbey: by Dr. Frantisek Hrusovsky, Ph.D., Karol Strmen and Rev. Andrew Pier, O.S.B. from 1949 to 1959, the Ave Maria monthly published since 1929 by the Slovak Benedictines is still being published and has a world-wide circulation. John C. Cieker, editor of the zivena monthly ,:nagazine lives in Parma. On the air waves for the past forty years Slovak broadcasts have been heard weekly or daily on the fallowing programs: The Cleveland Slovak radio club's Slovak Hour on Stations WADC and WERE-AM and WZAK-FM, Joseph Pales' Slovak Hour on Stations WDOK and WXEN-FM, Alex Mikula on Station WZAK-FM, Michael Beno on WXEN-FM with Viktor Nesnadny. John J. Biro and J. J . Kascak are currently the announcers on Station WERE's Slovak Hour. In the past Jan Majzler and Kolman Lajcak were pioneer announcers, then Judge Stephen A. Zona and Vladimir Mlynek. Politically, the Slovaks have had the following in various offices in public life: Judge George Tenesy and Judge Stephen A. Zona, State Representatives John Smolka, Stephen A. Zona, George E . Fedor, Andrew C. Putka, Jerome Stano, Mayors Stephen A. Zona and John Petruska in Parma, Assistant County Prosecutors: Attorneys Julius Badzik, John Kulka, John Urbancik and John Leonard, Stephen Suhajcik, Mary Sotak, Richard Harmondy in City Council, City Law Director George E . Fedor in Lakewood, Attorneys Andrew Sarisky, Andrew C. Putka and William Petro in the Mayor's cabinet at City Hall, Stephen Suhajcik, Commissioner of fiscal control in the Cleveland Water Department, Andrew G. Putka, sports' commissioner in the city. George Szell, famed conductor of the Cleveland Orchestra, was of Slovak origin on his mother's side, as is Paul Newman, cinema star, whose mother was Slovak, too. Sammy Kaye comes from a well known Slovak family in �76 SLOVAKIA Lakewood, Ohio. Opera Singer Rudolf Petrak appeared in a special concert in the Public Auditorium here in May, 1952. Two Slovak composers, Orsagh and Francisci, lived here during the World War I era. Various Slovak clubs that were active at one time were: Bratislavsky knizok, Trenciansky klub, Oravsky klub (now the Cleveland Slovak Social Club and still active), also such active clubs as the American Slovak Zemplin Club, the General Milan R. stefanik Dramatic Circle, the Slovak Dramatic Society, the Vansova Literary Guild, the Lakewood Slovak Civic Club and the Cleveland Slovak Civic Club. John Rozboril was director of a popular marching band at St. Ladislaus parish in the World War I era and Ray Zamiska organized the well known Post 381 St. Benedict's military band after World War II. Popular orchestras that circulated in the Slovak community were: Sedlak's, Golden's, Beno's and Pales' orchestras, and now still active are Kopcho's Cavalier s and the Pastirik Combo Five, both of which specialize in Slovak folk music. George Lukac, Sr. was a typical representative of Church organists who not only played liturgical music but trained singing groups through the years, and often produced plays and musicals. His son, Matthew, has been the organist and choir director at St. John's Cathedral for the past 30 years. Visits from abroad by dignitaries were the following: Msgr. Andrej Hlinka in 1926, the Matica Slovenska (Slovak Institute) from Turciansky Sv. Martin in Slovakia in 1935 and the Spolok sv. Vojtecha delegation in 1937 (with Dr. Joseph Tiso as a member). Police Chief George Matowic of Nativity parish was a highly respected member of the Cleveland Police Department for more than 40 years. Johnny Risko, Cleveland's "Baker Boy" was a perennial contender for the heavyweight boxing crown in the 1920's and early 1930's. �SLOVAKIA 77 In art the best known was Steve Sarisky of the Cleveland Institute of Art and George Krispinsky, a former art instructor at Benedictine High School. Photography has an expert in the person of Tibor Gasparik who is the chief photographer in the municipal photo laboratory at City Hall. Outstanding in the field of Slovak literature are two eminent Slovak poets and authors: Rev. Mikulas sprinc, professor of Modern Languages at Borromeo College in Wickliffe, Ohio and Dr. Karol Strmen, Ph.D., professor of French, Italian and Latin at Cleveland State University. Successful Slovak industrialists are the following machine-shop owners: Wendell sarmir and Sons, Michael Olle and Sons, Wendell Lorence and Son and the Bobinchuk Father and Sons Company. Travel agencies under Slovak management are: John Olds' Atlas, Andrew Hudak's Adventure International, Groger's Travel Service (Groger and Friedman), and LihaniNemecek Travel Bureau. Financial Institutions founded and managed by Slovaks are: State Savings (Joseph Sotak, Sr. and Sons, also Mrs. Anna Sotak), formerly Tatra Savings, and Home Federal Savings in Lakewood Ohio (formerly Orol Savings founded by Martin Slimak and associates). On the cultural side, there is the Slovak Institute and its library at St. Andrew's Abbey. The Slovak Institute was founded by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. who appointed as its first director Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, author of the first history of Slovakia, in 1952. Benedictine High School, founded in 1927, staffed and administered by the Slovak Benedictine Fathers of St. Andrew's Abbey, is perhaps the best known of Slovak sponsored educational institutions in the country. Its counterpart, the Lumen Cordium High School for girls, is administered and staffed by the Slovak Vincentian Sisters in Bedford, Ohio. They also have charge of the well known Slovak shrine there, Our Lady of Levoca. Under the sponsorship of the Cleveland Press and �78 SLOVAKIA directed by Theodore Andrica ( the well known nationality news editor for the daily over a period of forty years) a series of festival-pageants were produced annually. In the first years the Slovaks appeared with a la_rge group under the direction of Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D. The Stefanik Dramatic Circle also participated. Among the most noteworthy books emanating from Cleveland directly were : 1) Poems by M. sprinc, 2) Poems by K. Strmen, 3) The History of Slovak Religious Orders in the U.S. by Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D., 4) Slovak Christmas by Jozef Duris, 5) Two works on ancient Slovak art and architecture by Dr. Jozef Cincik, Ph.D., 6) A small volume on childhood in a Slovak family in Pennsylvania by A. V. Pier, O.S.B. Undoubtedly the most impor tant of these publications are Dr. Hrusovsky's history of the Slovak religious orders in the U.S., Dr. Strmen's anthology of world literature in the Slovak language and Mr. Duris' Slovak Christmas (in English). Most popular of the Slovak productions in Cleveland has been the Slovak Cook Book published by the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association. The book is in its 17th edition. Nat far behind in nationwide popularity among the Slovaks of America is the map of Slovakia which was originally drawn up with meticulous and scientific care by Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D. and Engineer Kalocsay at the Slovak Institute more than twenty years ago. The map which shows approximately 3,500 Slovak towns, villages, etc. has been in increasing demand as more and more people visit Slovakia each year. The map is in its third edition. The Slovak Institute sponsored a special cultural exhibit under the auspices of the Slovak League of America at the Benedictine High School in 1957 under the co- chairmanship of Konstantin culen and Dr. Jozef Cincik, Ph.D. A three-day Slovak Book Exhibit at the Benedictine High School gym in the early 1960's was sponsored by the Slovak Institute. It was the first Nationality Book Fair in the history of Cleveland. Chief landmarks in Cleveland as unmistakable monu- �SLOVAKIA 79 ments of Slovak endeavor are : 1) The bronze statue of General Milan R. Stefanik, erected in Wade Park in 1924 under the sponsorship of the Slovak League of America and associated Slovak societies in Cleveland. The cost was $25,000, and the sculptor was Frico Motoska from Slovakia. 2) The Slovak Cultural Garden, one of a score of nationality garden centers in Rockefeller Park. Peter Mokris and his wife, as well as Msgr. Francis Dubosh, were instrumental in establishing this Slovak link in the chain of gardens by the Cleveland Cultural Garden Federation. Mrs. Tillie Bacik is currently the president of the Slovak Cultural Garden Association. Villa Sancta Anna is a home for the aged in Beachwood under the management of the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association. Slovak historic shrines that trace their origin to Slovakia where they have a history that goes back for centuries have their counterparts in Cleveland. The best known is the unique Our Lady of Levoca pilgrimage site in Bedford, Ohio. Little known here but equally famous are the Mother of Sorrows shrine from sastin and the Mother and Child Mariatal statue enshrined in St. Benedict's Church. Proposing a list of leading personalities in Slovak life in Cleveland during the past hundred years is risky business, but one must begin somewhere, and so I submit the following to be enrolled in the Slovak Hall of Fame: Stefan Furdek, Matthew Benko, Matthew Gruss, John Liscinsky, John Pankuch, Sr., Johnny Risko, George Szell, Mrs. Anna Hurban, John Sabol, Mrs. Anna Sotak, Gregory Vaniscak, Mother M. Berchmans, V.S.C., Martin Slimak, Joseph Dubnicka, Paschal Kavulic, Susan Matuschak, John Rozboril, Philip A. Hrobak, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D., and Msgr. Francis Dubosh. There are undoubtedly more who can be added to the group of our eminent Slovak leaders in various fields . Those who are still active have not been submitted as candidates for this honor. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1975, Vol. 25 Description An account of the resource Vol. 25 (No. 48), 1975. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 73 Visible Signs of Slovak Culture in Cleveland, Ohio By Andrew P i e r , O.S.B. During World War II a popular calling card that was left mysteriously in many parts of the embattled areas was the scribbled message, "Kilroy was here," as if to say, 'Hello there, welcome.' Throughout the Cleveland area from the inner city to the outlying suburbs there are many indications that the Slovaks were not only there but continue to live, work and pray as integral social units in our variegated municipal society that has drawn human recruits from as many as fifty countries from all over the world. Slovakia, for centuries a royal province in the conglomerate kingdom of Hungary, then incorporated in CzechoSlovakia after World War I, Slovak Republic before and during World War II, and re-incorporated arbitrarily after the second World War inside Czecho-Slovakia again, has given the United States close to a million of her people who migrated to the new world in the past hundred years. Today in greater Cleveland it is conservatively estimated that there are at least 80,000 American citizens who trace their national origin to the Slovak nation that numbers approximately five million in its historic homeland, and an equal or even greater number of countrymen and their descendants around the globe. Signs that Slovaks settled in the Cleveland metropolis are many. Foremost among these are the church edifices and schools which they themselves built, maintained and staffed without benefit of church or state aid. Undoubtedly, early Slovaks deserve fully to be recognized and registered among most enterprising Americans of all time. The first and foremost indications of the presence of the Slovaks are their churches where they not only wor- 74 SLOVAKIA shipped but gathered socially in adjoining halls, and where they built parochial schools for their children's education. St. Martin and St. Ladislaus, no longer existing, were the first religious and social and cultural centers. There remain St. Wendelin's and Our Lady of Mercy on the west side, SS. Cyril and Methodius in Lakewood, St. Andrew's, Nativity and St. Benedict's on the east side, as well as several Lutheran parishes both in Cleveland and Lakewood. Around these parochial institutions various societies were organized, clubs were formed and newspapers began to be published. An assorted group of societies in the early 1890's was the nucleus for Father Stephen Furdek to establish the First Catholic Slovak Union (Jednota) which was destined to become a 100,000-member fraternal organization to be followed soon by a sister fraternal society, the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union of which Father Furdek was co-founder with Mrs. Anna Hurban. Central headquarters of both fraternals ( each with a membership of a hundred thousand) are still here in Cleveland. In 1907 Father Furdek and his associates founded the Slovak League of America. A number of smaller organizations, such as the Cleveland Jednota and the Slovak Catholic Cadet Union, sprang up, but in recent years these were absorbed by larger organizations. Both the Slovak Catholic Sokol and the Slovak Sokol, though not originating here, and the National Slovak Society have substantial membership in the Cleveland area, also Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the 2:ivena and the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union. Nationwide influence of the Slovaks in Cleveland was highlighted by the issuance of the Cleveland Agreement in 1915 (which has been publicized by the famous Theodore Andrica of the Cleveland Press). The document outlined the democratic framework for a self-governing Slovak national state in central Europe. This was later revised and became the basis of the ill-starred Pittsburgh Pact in 1918 shamelessly repudiated by its most famous signer, Thomas G. Masaryk. A number of Slovak newspapers and periodicals were SLOVAKIA 75 published here at one time or another, namely, the Cleveland Hlas (Voice) edited by Jan Pankuch, Sr., Father Liscinsky's Kritika (purchased by Michal Bosak in 1920 and re-named Slovenskd Obrana in Scranton, Penna.), and the Slovenske Noviny, edited by a staff o f ~ at St. Andrew's Abbey: by Dr. Frantisek Hrusovsky, Ph.D., Karol Strmen and Rev. Andrew Pier, O.S.B. from 1949 to 1959, the Ave Maria monthly published since 1929 by the Slovak Benedictines is still being published and has a world-wide circulation. John C. Cieker, editor of the zivena monthly ,:nagazine lives in Parma. On the air waves for the past forty years Slovak broadcasts have been heard weekly or daily on the fallowing programs: The Cleveland Slovak radio club's Slovak Hour on Stations WADC and WERE-AM and WZAK-FM, Joseph Pales' Slovak Hour on Stations WDOK and WXEN-FM, Alex Mikula on Station WZAK-FM, Michael Beno on WXEN-FM with Viktor Nesnadny. John J. Biro and J. J . Kascak are currently the announcers on Station WERE's Slovak Hour. In the past Jan Majzler and Kolman Lajcak were pioneer announcers, then Judge Stephen A. Zona and Vladimir Mlynek. Politically, the Slovaks have had the following in various offices in public life: Judge George Tenesy and Judge Stephen A. Zona, State Representatives John Smolka, Stephen A. Zona, George E . Fedor, Andrew C. Putka, Jerome Stano, Mayors Stephen A. Zona and John Petruska in Parma, Assistant County Prosecutors: Attorneys Julius Badzik, John Kulka, John Urbancik and John Leonard, Stephen Suhajcik, Mary Sotak, Richard Harmondy in City Council, City Law Director George E . Fedor in Lakewood, Attorneys Andrew Sarisky, Andrew C. Putka and William Petro in the Mayor's cabinet at City Hall, Stephen Suhajcik, Commissioner of fiscal control in the Cleveland Water Department, Andrew G. Putka, sports' commissioner in the city. George Szell, famed conductor of the Cleveland Orchestra, was of Slovak origin on his mother's side, as is Paul Newman, cinema star, whose mother was Slovak, too. Sammy Kaye comes from a well known Slovak family in 76 SLOVAKIA Lakewood, Ohio. Opera Singer Rudolf Petrak appeared in a special concert in the Public Auditorium here in May, 1952. Two Slovak composers, Orsagh and Francisci, lived here during the World War I era. Various Slovak clubs that were active at one time were: Bratislavsky knizok, Trenciansky klub, Oravsky klub (now the Cleveland Slovak Social Club and still active), also such active clubs as the American Slovak Zemplin Club, the General Milan R. stefanik Dramatic Circle, the Slovak Dramatic Society, the Vansova Literary Guild, the Lakewood Slovak Civic Club and the Cleveland Slovak Civic Club. John Rozboril was director of a popular marching band at St. Ladislaus parish in the World War I era and Ray Zamiska organized the well known Post 381 St. Benedict's military band after World War II. Popular orchestras that circulated in the Slovak community were: Sedlak's, Golden's, Beno's and Pales' orchestras, and now still active are Kopcho's Cavalier s and the Pastirik Combo Five, both of which specialize in Slovak folk music. George Lukac, Sr. was a typical representative of Church organists who not only played liturgical music but trained singing groups through the years, and often produced plays and musicals. His son, Matthew, has been the organist and choir director at St. John's Cathedral for the past 30 years. Visits from abroad by dignitaries were the following: Msgr. Andrej Hlinka in 1926, the Matica Slovenska (Slovak Institute) from Turciansky Sv. Martin in Slovakia in 1935 and the Spolok sv. Vojtecha delegation in 1937 (with Dr. Joseph Tiso as a member). Police Chief George Matowic of Nativity parish was a highly respected member of the Cleveland Police Department for more than 40 years. Johnny Risko, Cleveland's "Baker Boy" was a perennial contender for the heavyweight boxing crown in the 1920's and early 1930's. SLOVAKIA 77 In art the best known was Steve Sarisky of the Cleveland Institute of Art and George Krispinsky, a former art instructor at Benedictine High School. Photography has an expert in the person of Tibor Gasparik who is the chief photographer in the municipal photo laboratory at City Hall. Outstanding in the field of Slovak literature are two eminent Slovak poets and authors: Rev. Mikulas sprinc, professor of Modern Languages at Borromeo College in Wickliffe, Ohio and Dr. Karol Strmen, Ph.D., professor of French, Italian and Latin at Cleveland State University. Successful Slovak industrialists are the following machine-shop owners: Wendell sarmir and Sons, Michael Olle and Sons, Wendell Lorence and Son and the Bobinchuk Father and Sons Company. Travel agencies under Slovak management are: John Olds' Atlas, Andrew Hudak's Adventure International, Groger's Travel Service (Groger and Friedman), and LihaniNemecek Travel Bureau. Financial Institutions founded and managed by Slovaks are: State Savings (Joseph Sotak, Sr. and Sons, also Mrs. Anna Sotak), formerly Tatra Savings, and Home Federal Savings in Lakewood Ohio (formerly Orol Savings founded by Martin Slimak and associates). On the cultural side, there is the Slovak Institute and its library at St. Andrew's Abbey. The Slovak Institute was founded by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. who appointed as its first director Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, author of the first history of Slovakia, in 1952. Benedictine High School, founded in 1927, staffed and administered by the Slovak Benedictine Fathers of St. Andrew's Abbey, is perhaps the best known of Slovak sponsored educational institutions in the country. Its counterpart, the Lumen Cordium High School for girls, is administered and staffed by the Slovak Vincentian Sisters in Bedford, Ohio. They also have charge of the well known Slovak shrine there, Our Lady of Levoca. Under the sponsorship of the Cleveland Press and 78 SLOVAKIA directed by Theodore Andrica ( the well known nationality news editor for the daily over a period of forty years) a series of festival-pageants were produced annually. In the first years the Slovaks appeared with a la_rge group under the direction of Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D. The Stefanik Dramatic Circle also participated. Among the most noteworthy books emanating from Cleveland directly were : 1) Poems by M. sprinc, 2) Poems by K. Strmen, 3) The History of Slovak Religious Orders in the U.S. by Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D., 4) Slovak Christmas by Jozef Duris, 5) Two works on ancient Slovak art and architecture by Dr. Jozef Cincik, Ph.D., 6) A small volume on childhood in a Slovak family in Pennsylvania by A. V. Pier, O.S.B. Undoubtedly the most impor tant of these publications are Dr. Hrusovsky's history of the Slovak religious orders in the U.S., Dr. Strmen's anthology of world literature in the Slovak language and Mr. Duris' Slovak Christmas (in English). Most popular of the Slovak productions in Cleveland has been the Slovak Cook Book published by the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association. The book is in its 17th edition. Nat far behind in nationwide popularity among the Slovaks of America is the map of Slovakia which was originally drawn up with meticulous and scientific care by Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D. and Engineer Kalocsay at the Slovak Institute more than twenty years ago. The map which shows approximately 3,500 Slovak towns, villages, etc. has been in increasing demand as more and more people visit Slovakia each year. The map is in its third edition. The Slovak Institute sponsored a special cultural exhibit under the auspices of the Slovak League of America at the Benedictine High School in 1957 under the co- chairmanship of Konstantin culen and Dr. Jozef Cincik, Ph.D. A three-day Slovak Book Exhibit at the Benedictine High School gym in the early 1960's was sponsored by the Slovak Institute. It was the first Nationality Book Fair in the history of Cleveland. Chief landmarks in Cleveland as unmistakable monu- SLOVAKIA 79 ments of Slovak endeavor are : 1) The bronze statue of General Milan R. Stefanik, erected in Wade Park in 1924 under the sponsorship of the Slovak League of America and associated Slovak societies in Cleveland. The cost was $25,000, and the sculptor was Frico Motoska from Slovakia. 2) The Slovak Cultural Garden, one of a score of nationality garden centers in Rockefeller Park. Peter Mokris and his wife, as well as Msgr. Francis Dubosh, were instrumental in establishing this Slovak link in the chain of gardens by the Cleveland Cultural Garden Federation. Mrs. Tillie Bacik is currently the president of the Slovak Cultural Garden Association. Villa Sancta Anna is a home for the aged in Beachwood under the management of the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association. Slovak historic shrines that trace their origin to Slovakia where they have a history that goes back for centuries have their counterparts in Cleveland. The best known is the unique Our Lady of Levoca pilgrimage site in Bedford, Ohio. Little known here but equally famous are the Mother of Sorrows shrine from sastin and the Mother and Child Mariatal statue enshrined in St. Benedict's Church. Proposing a list of leading personalities in Slovak life in Cleveland during the past hundred years is risky business, but one must begin somewhere, and so I submit the following to be enrolled in the Slovak Hall of Fame: Stefan Furdek, Matthew Benko, Matthew Gruss, John Liscinsky, John Pankuch, Sr., Johnny Risko, George Szell, Mrs. Anna Hurban, John Sabol, Mrs. Anna Sotak, Gregory Vaniscak, Mother M. Berchmans, V.S.C., Martin Slimak, Joseph Dubnicka, Paschal Kavulic, Susan Matuschak, John Rozboril, Philip A. Hrobak, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D., and Msgr. Francis Dubosh. There are undoubtedly more who can be added to the group of our eminent Slovak leaders in various fields . Those who are still active have not been submitted as candidates for this honor.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Visible Signs of Slovak Culture in Cleveland, Ohio Description An account of the resource Andrew V. Pier, O.S.B. Slovakia, Vol. 25 (No. 48), 1975 pp. 73-79 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pier, Andrew W., 1910-2003 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/a43d95a5e8d013cc251ec24748bd0e08.pdf ad69dac0484c5bce202217bc5e0cdb7c PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 25 AMERICAN SLOVAK.SAND SS. CYRIL AND METIIODIDS MARY PIROCH A comparison of the list of Slovak Catholic parishes in America with a list of those in Slovakia reveals an interesting fact which would prove puzzling and hard to understand if one were unfamiliar with conditions under which ohurches were founded in the respective countries. In Slovakia, churi;hes were founded by patrons. These were usually noblemen, lords, dukes or counts who retained great wealth and power by inheritance and, in the selection of the saint to whom a church was to be dedicated, the patron made the choice. In America, on the other hand, the churches were founded by the people and for the patron of their church they usually chose a saint to whom they felt bound by the strongest ties of love and devotion. This phenomenon occurs also among the Irish, German and other Europeans who have settled in greater numbers in America. It is noteworthy that the Slovaks petitioned the emperor, in 1861, to officially proclaim SS. Cyril and Methodius "Apostles of the Slova:ks." That the emperor declined to grant the request does not detract from its significance. The petition to have SS. Cyril and Methodius proclaimed as "National Slovak Patrons" was signed by over fifty eminent Slovak patriots, led ·b y Bishop Stephen Moyses. Among the signers were both Catholics and Evangelicals (Lutherans), clergymen and laymen - and this adds meaning to the petition. ':Nie petition to recognize SS. Cyril and Methodius as "National Patrons" has, above all else, a religious significance. The entire national life of the Slovaks was built on a Christian foundation. Thereby the Slovaks clearly expressed the fact that their national life was not only a combination of economic forces, not only a struggle of class and political groups, not only a cultivation of cultural nobility, but also an organic system in which social, cultural, and religious manifestations of life have their proper place. When Slovaks came to this country and began founding their Catholic parishes and churches, they chose for their ;patron the saint to whom they were most attached and upon whose intercession they relied the most. In their new home, here in America, our pioneers, more than ever before be- �26 SLOVAKIA came aware of their alien environment and, to counteract this, wanted to bring into it as much of "their own" as possible. '.Dhat is why, for their patrons, so frequently they chose SS. Cyril and Methodius. This also explains why, here in America, we have SS. Cyril and Methodius churches in almost every diocese, while in the "old country" they are almost nonexistent. T·h is empathy manifested itself yet in another way. Slovak newspapers and periodicals in America frequently brought studies and articles about our Slova:k Apostles, and there were times when every Slovak Catholic family in America had in its dwelling, in a place of prominence, a picture of SS. Cyril and Mefuodius. Today we also find pictures of these saints in Slovak Catholic households. These are the pictures which the Slovak Catholic Federation prepared and is selling as souvenirs commemorating the 1100th Anniversary of the coming of Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia. We have in America, under the patronage of SS. Cyril and Methodius, a congregation of sisters which was founded 50 years ago. '.Dhis is the only religious congregation founded by Slovaks, either here or in Slovakia. Today, it numbers over 400 members, is in charge of 36 schools in nine dioceses and, ,besides the St. Cyril Academy for Girls, the Sisters conduct the girls' section of Adrian High School in Gary, Ind., and Junior High Schools in Hazleton, Pa., Bridgeport, Conn., and Binghamton, N. Y., also the clinics in WilkesBarre and Phoenixville, Pa., the Jednota Home for orphans in Middletown, Pa., and two homes for the aged. It is true that sisters of other congregations, which have their own Slova:k mother houses teach in many of Olll" Slovak parochial schools. Nevertihele~s, the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius seems to have become the most numerous which again indicates that Slovak girls with a calling to the religious life seem to find the Congregation of the Slovak Apostles the most attractive. Since so many of our churches here are dedicated to SS. Cyril and Methodius, and since so many sisters are devoting their lives to work in a religious order under their name, it is only natural that artists should want to depict their image and likeness and scenes from their lives. So, we �SLOVAKIA 27 have statues of SS. Cyril and Metlhodius in churches dedicated to them and in others, notably in the National Shrine of the llnmaculate Conception in Washington, D. C. The following gives an idea where, in the U.S. and Canada, churches dedicated to SS. Cyril and Methodius are located: Alabama: Brookside (organized 1895); Arkansas: Stuttgart-Slovaktown (1900); Connecticut: Bridgeport (1907); IDinois: Chicago (1914), East St. Louis (1911), Joliet (1900); Kansas: Kansas City (1906); Maine: Lisbon Falls (1923); Michigan: Detroit (1918); Minnesota: Minneapolis (1891); Missouri: Sugar Creek (1913); Montana: Stockett (1900); New Jersey: Boonton (1906), Clifton (1913); New York: Binghamton (1903), Schenectady (1913); Ohio: Barberton (1906), Lakewood (1903-the only Slovak R.C. Church which is consecrated), Rossford (1923), Warren (1928), Youngstown (1898); Pennsylvania: Bethlehem (1891), Charleroi (1901), Coaldale (1920), Edwardsville (1901), Fairchance (1911), Lebanon (1905), New Brighton (1916), Reading 1.895), Winburne (1904), Windber (1905); Wisconsin: Superior (1911); CANADA: Hamilton, Ont. (1945); Montreal, Que. (1928); New Westminster, B. C. (1960); Toronto, Ont. (1934) ; Windsor (1940). In addition to this, songs and hymns in their honor be-came an integral part of every religious event among the Slova1ks in America. Thus we find here in America that more pictures of SS. Cyril and Methodius have been painted, more statues -carved, cut, chiseled, cast or molded, and more songs, hymns in their honor sung, than in Slovakia. You and I and all Catholics of Slovak descent in America, are witnessing a beautiful event, the completion of a cycle of religious history of Slovakia. Under the leadership of Bishop Andrew G. Grutka and the SlovRk Catholic Federation of America the Slovaks have decided to build and furnish an institute in Rome, Italy, where future priests and missionaries for Slovakia are to be trained. By this deed, American Slovak Catholics will be repaying theiT mother country for sending us priests when we needed them most to preserve the faith of our fathers. The SS. Cyril and Methodius Institute is named most appropriately in honor of our Slovak Apostles, the saintly brothers who brought the �28 SLOVAKIA faith to our forefathers at the dawn of our national history. It was then, in the ninth century, t:hat the Slovak nation became an integral part of Christian civilization. Our duty is to support the Institute according to OUT means. This is one way we show our appreciation for the benefit of the faith which today is flourishing among our Slovak people in America. Let us not forget that it was not always so. The first immigrants to this country were lost without their own churches and priests. There was no one to defend them in time of need; no one to protect their interests. So the priests, who at that time came among our people brought a real, a heroic sacrifice. They really started from "scratch." So often want, real want, was an everyday guest of these selfsacrificing priests who not only had to preach the word of God and administer the sacraments to our people, but also were their advisors, teachers, protectors, and representatives in their new homeland. They often acted as counselors in courts, but more often they had to counsel the faithful against their OWIIl bad habits, passions and ignorance. These selfless pioneer priests founded our flourishing parishes. Then native born Americans of Slovak descent continued to organize and build many other parishes. Slovak women, mothers especially, should appreciate the fact that if anything is important in the life of our people in America, it is this great conversion of a colony to a parish, the change of a boarder (' ~burdingos") into a head of a happy family. This would not have been possible without the immigrant Slovak priests_of that day. Times and circumstances have since changed. Today, not we in America, but those in Slovakia need priests to fill the ancient Slovak churches in order to return to their beautiful Cyrilo-Methodian tradition. What is expected of us? A mere trifle! We are asked to give a share of our material abundance so that the project may become a reality and the Institute of SS. Cyril and MethodiU'S in Rome could begin its most worthwhile function now in 1963-1100 years after the advent of the Slovak Apostles to the land of the Slovaks. I pray God that the Slovaks of America and Canada, and the rest of the free world, respond generously. � SLOVAKIA 25 AMERICAN SLOVAK.SAND SS. CYRIL AND METIIODIDS MARY PIROCH A comparison of the list of Slovak Catholic parishes in America with a list of those in Slovakia reveals an interesting fact which would prove puzzling and hard to understand if one were unfamiliar with conditions under which ohurches were founded in the respective countries. In Slovakia, churi;hes were founded by patrons. These were usually noblemen, lords, dukes or counts who retained great wealth and power by inheritance and, in the selection of the saint to whom a church was to be dedicated, the patron made the choice. In America, on the other hand, the churches were founded by the people and for the patron of their church they usually chose a saint to whom they felt bound by the strongest ties of love and devotion. This phenomenon occurs also among the Irish, German and other Europeans who have settled in greater numbers in America. It is noteworthy that the Slovaks petitioned the emperor, in 1861, to officially proclaim SS. Cyril and Methodius "Apostles of the Slova:ks." That the emperor declined to grant the request does not detract from its significance. The petition to have SS. Cyril and Methodius proclaimed as "National Slovak Patrons" was signed by over fifty eminent Slovak patriots, led ·b y Bishop Stephen Moyses. Among the signers were both Catholics and Evangelicals (Lutherans), clergymen and laymen - and this adds meaning to the petition. ':Nie petition to recognize SS. Cyril and Methodius as "National Patrons" has, above all else, a religious significance. The entire national life of the Slovaks was built on a Christian foundation. Thereby the Slovaks clearly expressed the fact that their national life was not only a combination of economic forces, not only a struggle of class and political groups, not only a cultivation of cultural nobility, but also an organic system in which social, cultural, and religious manifestations of life have their proper place. When Slovaks came to this country and began founding their Catholic parishes and churches, they chose for their ;patron the saint to whom they were most attached and upon whose intercession they relied the most. In their new home, here in America, our pioneers, more than ever before be- �26 SLOVAKIA came aware of their alien environment and, to counteract this, wanted to bring into it as much of "their own" as possible. '.Dhat is why, for their patrons, so frequently they chose SS. Cyril and Methodius. This also explains why, here in America, we have SS. Cyril and Methodius churches in almost every diocese, while in the "old country" they are almost nonexistent. T·h is empathy manifested itself yet in another way. Slovak newspapers and periodicals in America frequently brought studies and articles about our Slova:k Apostles, and there were times when every Slovak Catholic family in America had in its dwelling, in a place of prominence, a picture of SS. Cyril and Mefuodius. Today we also find pictures of these saints in Slovak Catholic households. These are the pictures which the Slovak Catholic Federation prepared and is selling as souvenirs commemorating the 1100th Anniversary of the coming of Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia. We have in America, under the patronage of SS. Cyril and Methodius, a congregation of sisters which was founded 50 years ago. '.Dhis is the only religious congregation founded by Slovaks, either here or in Slovakia. Today, it numbers over 400 members, is in charge of 36 schools in nine dioceses and, ,besides the St. Cyril Academy for Girls, the Sisters conduct the girls' section of Adrian High School in Gary, Ind., and Junior High Schools in Hazleton, Pa., Bridgeport, Conn., and Binghamton, N. Y., also the clinics in WilkesBarre and Phoenixville, Pa., the Jednota Home for orphans in Middletown, Pa., and two homes for the aged. It is true that sisters of other congregations, which have their own Slova:k mother houses teach in many of Olll" Slovak parochial schools. Nevertihele~s, the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius seems to have become the most numerous which again indicates that Slovak girls with a calling to the religious life seem to find the Congregation of the Slovak Apostles the most attractive. Since so many of our churches here are dedicated to SS. Cyril and Methodius, and since so many sisters are devoting their lives to work in a religious order under their name, it is only natural that artists should want to depict their image and likeness and scenes from their lives. So, we �SLOVAKIA 27 have statues of SS. Cyril and Metlhodius in churches dedicated to them and in others, notably in the National Shrine of the llnmaculate Conception in Washington, D. C. The following gives an idea where, in the U.S. and Canada, churches dedicated to SS. Cyril and Methodius are located: Alabama: Brookside (organized 1895); Arkansas: Stuttgart-Slovaktown (1900); Connecticut: Bridgeport (1907); IDinois: Chicago (1914), East St. Louis (1911), Joliet (1900); Kansas: Kansas City (1906); Maine: Lisbon Falls (1923); Michigan: Detroit (1918); Minnesota: Minneapolis (1891); Missouri: Sugar Creek (1913); Montana: Stockett (1900); New Jersey: Boonton (1906), Clifton (1913); New York: Binghamton (1903), Schenectady (1913); Ohio: Barberton (1906), Lakewood (1903-the only Slovak R.C. Church which is consecrated), Rossford (1923), Warren (1928), Youngstown (1898); Pennsylvania: Bethlehem (1891), Charleroi (1901), Coaldale (1920), Edwardsville (1901), Fairchance (1911), Lebanon (1905), New Brighton (1916), Reading 1.895), Winburne (1904), Windber (1905); Wisconsin: Superior (1911); CANADA: Hamilton, Ont. (1945); Montreal, Que. (1928); New Westminster, B. C. (1960); Toronto, Ont. (1934) ; Windsor (1940). In addition to this, songs and hymns in their honor be-came an integral part of every religious event among the Slova1ks in America. Thus we find here in America that more pictures of SS. Cyril and Methodius have been painted, more statues -carved, cut, chiseled, cast or molded, and more songs, hymns in their honor sung, than in Slovakia. You and I and all Catholics of Slovak descent in America, are witnessing a beautiful event, the completion of a cycle of religious history of Slovakia. Under the leadership of Bishop Andrew G. Grutka and the SlovRk Catholic Federation of America the Slovaks have decided to build and furnish an institute in Rome, Italy, where future priests and missionaries for Slovakia are to be trained. By this deed, American Slovak Catholics will be repaying theiT mother country for sending us priests when we needed them most to preserve the faith of our fathers. The SS. Cyril and Methodius Institute is named most appropriately in honor of our Slovak Apostles, the saintly brothers who brought the �28 SLOVAKIA faith to our forefathers at the dawn of our national history. It was then, in the ninth century, t:hat the Slovak nation became an integral part of Christian civilization. Our duty is to support the Institute according to OUT means. This is one way we show our appreciation for the benefit of the faith which today is flourishing among our Slovak people in America. Let us not forget that it was not always so. The first immigrants to this country were lost without their own churches and priests. There was no one to defend them in time of need; no one to protect their interests. So the priests, who at that time came among our people brought a real, a heroic sacrifice. They really started from "scratch." So often want, real want, was an everyday guest of these selfsacrificing priests who not only had to preach the word of God and administer the sacraments to our people, but also were their advisors, teachers, protectors, and representatives in their new homeland. They often acted as counselors in courts, but more often they had to counsel the faithful against their OWIIl bad habits, passions and ignorance. These selfless pioneer priests founded our flourishing parishes. Then native born Americans of Slovak descent continued to organize and build many other parishes. Slovak women, mothers especially, should appreciate the fact that if anything is important in the life of our people in America, it is this great conversion of a colony to a parish, the change of a boarder (' ~burdingos") into a head of a happy family. This would not have been possible without the immigrant Slovak priests_of that day. Times and circumstances have since changed. Today, not we in America, but those in Slovakia need priests to fill the ancient Slovak churches in order to return to their beautiful Cyrilo-Methodian tradition. What is expected of us? A mere trifle! We are asked to give a share of our material abundance so that the project may become a reality and the Institute of SS. Cyril and MethodiU'S in Rome could begin its most worthwhile function now in 1963-1100 years after the advent of the Slovak Apostles to the land of the Slovaks. I pray God that the Slovaks of America and Canada, and the rest of the free world, respond generously. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1963, Vol. 13 Description An account of the resource Issue 1 (No. 36), March 1963. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1963 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 25 AMERICAN SLOVAK.SAND SS. CYRIL AND METIIODIDS MARY PIROCH A comparison of the list of Slovak Catholic parishes in America with a list of those in Slovakia reveals an interesting fact which would prove puzzling and hard to understand if one were unfamiliar with conditions under which ohurches were founded in the respective countries. In Slovakia, churi;hes were founded by patrons. These were usually noblemen, lords, dukes or counts who retained great wealth and power by inheritance and, in the selection of the saint to whom a church was to be dedicated, the patron made the choice. In America, on the other hand, the churches were founded by the people and for the patron of their church they usually chose a saint to whom they felt bound by the strongest ties of love and devotion. This phenomenon occurs also among the Irish, German and other Europeans who have settled in greater numbers in America. It is noteworthy that the Slovaks petitioned the emperor, in 1861, to officially proclaim SS. Cyril and Methodius "Apostles of the Slova:ks." That the emperor declined to grant the request does not detract from its significance. The petition to have SS. Cyril and Methodius proclaimed as "National Slovak Patrons" was signed by over fifty eminent Slovak patriots, led ·b y Bishop Stephen Moyses. Among the signers were both Catholics and Evangelicals (Lutherans), clergymen and laymen - and this adds meaning to the petition. ':Nie petition to recognize SS. Cyril and Methodius as "National Patrons" has, above all else, a religious significance. The entire national life of the Slovaks was built on a Christian foundation. Thereby the Slovaks clearly expressed the fact that their national life was not only a combination of economic forces, not only a struggle of class and political groups, not only a cultivation of cultural nobility, but also an organic system in which social, cultural, and religious manifestations of life have their proper place. When Slovaks came to this country and began founding their Catholic parishes and churches, they chose for their ;patron the saint to whom they were most attached and upon whose intercession they relied the most. In their new home, here in America, our pioneers, more than ever before be- 26 SLOVAKIA came aware of their alien environment and, to counteract this, wanted to bring into it as much of "their own" as possible. '.Dhat is why, for their patrons, so frequently they chose SS. Cyril and Methodius. This also explains why, here in America, we have SS. Cyril and Methodius churches in almost every diocese, while in the "old country" they are almost nonexistent. T·h is empathy manifested itself yet in another way. Slovak newspapers and periodicals in America frequently brought studies and articles about our Slova:k Apostles, and there were times when every Slovak Catholic family in America had in its dwelling, in a place of prominence, a picture of SS. Cyril and Mefuodius. Today we also find pictures of these saints in Slovak Catholic households. These are the pictures which the Slovak Catholic Federation prepared and is selling as souvenirs commemorating the 1100th Anniversary of the coming of Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia. We have in America, under the patronage of SS. Cyril and Methodius, a congregation of sisters which was founded 50 years ago. '.Dhis is the only religious congregation founded by Slovaks, either here or in Slovakia. Today, it numbers over 400 members, is in charge of 36 schools in nine dioceses and, ,besides the St. Cyril Academy for Girls, the Sisters conduct the girls' section of Adrian High School in Gary, Ind., and Junior High Schools in Hazleton, Pa., Bridgeport, Conn., and Binghamton, N. Y., also the clinics in WilkesBarre and Phoenixville, Pa., the Jednota Home for orphans in Middletown, Pa., and two homes for the aged. It is true that sisters of other congregations, which have their own Slova:k mother houses teach in many of Olll" Slovak parochial schools. Nevertihele~s, the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius seems to have become the most numerous which again indicates that Slovak girls with a calling to the religious life seem to find the Congregation of the Slovak Apostles the most attractive. Since so many of our churches here are dedicated to SS. Cyril and Methodius, and since so many sisters are devoting their lives to work in a religious order under their name, it is only natural that artists should want to depict their image and likeness and scenes from their lives. So, we SLOVAKIA 27 have statues of SS. Cyril and Metlhodius in churches dedicated to them and in others, notably in the National Shrine of the llnmaculate Conception in Washington, D. C. The following gives an idea where, in the U.S. and Canada, churches dedicated to SS. Cyril and Methodius are located: Alabama: Brookside (organized 1895); Arkansas: Stuttgart-Slovaktown (1900); Connecticut: Bridgeport (1907); IDinois: Chicago (1914), East St. Louis (1911), Joliet (1900); Kansas: Kansas City (1906); Maine: Lisbon Falls (1923); Michigan: Detroit (1918); Minnesota: Minneapolis (1891); Missouri: Sugar Creek (1913); Montana: Stockett (1900); New Jersey: Boonton (1906), Clifton (1913); New York: Binghamton (1903), Schenectady (1913); Ohio: Barberton (1906), Lakewood (1903-the only Slovak R.C. Church which is consecrated), Rossford (1923), Warren (1928), Youngstown (1898); Pennsylvania: Bethlehem (1891), Charleroi (1901), Coaldale (1920), Edwardsville (1901), Fairchance (1911), Lebanon (1905), New Brighton (1916), Reading 1.895), Winburne (1904), Windber (1905); Wisconsin: Superior (1911); CANADA: Hamilton, Ont. (1945); Montreal, Que. (1928); New Westminster, B. C. (1960); Toronto, Ont. (1934) ; Windsor (1940). In addition to this, songs and hymns in their honor be-came an integral part of every religious event among the Slova1ks in America. Thus we find here in America that more pictures of SS. Cyril and Methodius have been painted, more statues -carved, cut, chiseled, cast or molded, and more songs, hymns in their honor sung, than in Slovakia. You and I and all Catholics of Slovak descent in America, are witnessing a beautiful event, the completion of a cycle of religious history of Slovakia. Under the leadership of Bishop Andrew G. Grutka and the SlovRk Catholic Federation of America the Slovaks have decided to build and furnish an institute in Rome, Italy, where future priests and missionaries for Slovakia are to be trained. By this deed, American Slovak Catholics will be repaying theiT mother country for sending us priests when we needed them most to preserve the faith of our fathers. The SS. Cyril and Methodius Institute is named most appropriately in honor of our Slovak Apostles, the saintly brothers who brought the 28 SLOVAKIA faith to our forefathers at the dawn of our national history. It was then, in the ninth century, t:hat the Slovak nation became an integral part of Christian civilization. Our duty is to support the Institute according to OUT means. This is one way we show our appreciation for the benefit of the faith which today is flourishing among our Slovak people in America. Let us not forget that it was not always so. The first immigrants to this country were lost without their own churches and priests. There was no one to defend them in time of need; no one to protect their interests. So the priests, who at that time came among our people brought a real, a heroic sacrifice. They really started from "scratch." So often want, real want, was an everyday guest of these selfsacrificing priests who not only had to preach the word of God and administer the sacraments to our people, but also were their advisors, teachers, protectors, and representatives in their new homeland. They often acted as counselors in courts, but more often they had to counsel the faithful against their OWIIl bad habits, passions and ignorance. These selfless pioneer priests founded our flourishing parishes. Then native born Americans of Slovak descent continued to organize and build many other parishes. Slovak women, mothers especially, should appreciate the fact that if anything is important in the life of our people in America, it is this great conversion of a colony to a parish, the change of a boarder (' ~burdingos") into a head of a happy family. This would not have been possible without the immigrant Slovak priests_of that day. Times and circumstances have since changed. Today, not we in America, but those in Slovakia need priests to fill the ancient Slovak churches in order to return to their beautiful Cyrilo-Methodian tradition. What is expected of us? A mere trifle! We are asked to give a share of our material abundance so that the project may become a reality and the Institute of SS. Cyril and MethodiU'S in Rome could begin its most worthwhile function now in 1963-1100 years after the advent of the Slovak Apostles to the land of the Slovaks. I pray God that the Slovaks of America and Canada, and the rest of the free world, respond generously.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource American Slovaks and SS. Cyril and Methodius Description An account of the resource Mary Piroch Slovakia, Vol. 13, No. 1 (36), March 1963 pp. 25-28 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Piroch, Mary Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1963 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/5b07e17d4fa04511d00a112ba3599b8b.pdf 6ca9b798de2435a9585f1b1ea60c2e69 PDF Text Text 140 SLOVAKIA religion, and their national identification. Perhaps it is only in this ability to maintain their distinctive characteristics that the Slovaks will ever realize their independence. Even more than geographical position, and greedy neighbors, these distinctive Slovak characteristics-described as easy-going, honest, idealistic, deeply religious, imaginative, open-hearted, soft-hearted, emotional, and music-loving-will equip them for the task of building a strong and independent nation in the midst of hard and cruel world. Tourist Trade of Slovakia George A. P o d h d j s k y Countries like Switzerland and Austria, which are endowed with exquisite beauty in their natural setting, devote considerable attention in terms of economic activity to the development of a high level of tourist trade. A significant proportion of their Gross National Product comes from the tourist trade, internal and especially foreign. For that purpose these two countries have steered their economic activity in such a way as to support an unprecedented development of their respective tourist trade industries. Of the Communist countries, Yugoslavia was particularly successful in developing a very attractive program for tourist trade, especially from foreign countries. A similar·potential for developing tourist trade also exists in the Slovak economy. The natural beauty of Slovak Tatra Mountains and the adjacent valleys which spread over most of the country, doubled with the proverbial hospitality of the Slovak people, are a good basis for the development of tourist trade in this country. Apart from this, there is an old tradition of internal and foreign tourism developed through the centuries. It is the purpose of this paper to assess the present situation of the Slovak tourist trade and its potential for future development. I. The following figures may sum up the state of tourist trade of Czecho-Slovakia for the years 1960-1964. 1 �SLOVAKIA 141 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 From Abroad (in Mill.) 1.3 1.6 1.7 1.8 3.7 To Foreign Countries .5 .6 .7 .7 2.0 From the above table one can see that the foreign tourists by far exceeded the number of people from CzechoSlovakia visiting foreign countries. From the breakdown of the above figures, one can also see that most of the foreign tourist trade was stemming mostly from the Sociallist block countries. However, there was some tourist trade stemming from Western countries like the United States, France, Austria, and West Germany. The figures show that there were more tourists from these countries going to Czecho-Slovakia rather than the other way around. Of course, there was an unprecedented upsurge in the inflow of Western tourists in 1968, when the gates opened for the foreigners. The facilities available for the tourists in CzechoSlovakia were not always adequate, especially during the period of 1955-1963, when the number of guests far outweighed the number of available beds. 1963 is the first year showing an excess of beds over the number of guests. The following diagram shows this picture quite clearly. 2 THE NUMBER OF GUESTS AND BEDS AVAILABLE Guests in Millions Beds in Thousands 4f - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - --,/3f _ _ _ _ guests - - - - - - - beds "7 I I I I I I ___ ,, ,,. ," ,, ,, , ,,,,.1 'fo 7S' �142 SLOVAKIA This diagram shows the varying degree of the ratio between the number of guests and available beds. Although, from the diagram, it cannot be ascertained what ratio would be considered as optimal, other sources3 show that there was a shortage of not only beds but also other facilities to adequately care for the ever-increasing tourist t rade. II. From the above information, it is evident that the tourist trade to Czecho-Slovakia underwent some fluctuation but also an overall growth in the number of guests and available facilities . The figures are for Czecho-Slovakia, but we can safely assume that at least half of this trade belonged to Slovakia which seemed to concentrate in tourist trade in the past having been endowed with more potential than Bohemia and Moravia. At this point it would be good to see if there is enough potential and incentive in Slovakia to develop tourist trade to its optimal size. The 1970 winter Olympics in the Tatra mountains prepared on short notice by the leaders of Slovakia has proven beyond any doubt that Slovaks can produce adequate facilities for such an important event as winter Olympics. Most of the facilities created are of lasting value as they may be used and reused by further similar sport activities though not necessarily on an international level. The organizers have shown not only the ability and the know-how but also good taste in creating efficient facilities. The good taste has also been demonstrated in the building of several tourist hotels at various geographical points in Slovakia. Almost without exception, hotel buildings have at last one masterpiece of art by a known artist in the foyer or elsewhere for the inspection of an appreciative customer. Such hotels usually are built with the most modern approach, and the service in such hotels is supposed to match the style. However, there is ample evidence4 that the service of high consumer satisfaction is not always present. In this respect, the potential of the Slovak trade is hampered by other services that go hand in hand with the tourist trade and which were more or less adequately solved by the Swiss or the Austrians. Bus service, cool drink and snack service at various points of movements �SLOVAKIA 143 of tourists are just a few among to be mentioned. However, this may be solved comperatively easily if the tourist planners are given enough scope and competence to develop them. There is, of course, a more important problem which the Slovak tourist planners will have to face. This is the problem of seasonal fluctuations in the tourist trade. A breakdown of the 1963 figures, for example, shows that the winter and fall quarters were very low in tourist activity in comparison to the other two quarters. This poses a problem of optimum capacity of facilities for tourist trade. This capacity will have to be determined by the spring and summer demand for them. From the point of view of the rate of return on investment, those facilities should get the priority of development which can be operated all year. Thus, the spas, sanatoriums and other hospitals are examples in question. Since tourist trade in Slovakia has shown in the past centuries an excellent tradition in this field, this development could prove very profitable indeed. Piest'any, where Beethoven composed his 7th Symphony, is an example of such tradition. This portion of the tourist trade activity taking shape of its past reputation can become the backbone of the total activity in this field. Having stressed this kind of activity, the rest of tourist trade may be taken in stride inspite of the seasonal fluctuations. However, even in this direction, a lot can be done by a good planner or economist by envisaging such tourist activity which can take place all year around. This kind of seasonal fluctuation may be at least partially curtailed by using the same facilities during the summer and winter. Since the structure of the Slovak tourist scenery in such that it can be enjoyed for skiing in winter and other activities in summer, it may be possible to create year-around tourist activity in such areas. However, in the respect a lot of planning and research should be done, as many areas have not been explored for safety reasons. All in all, a careful analysis may show that the seasonal fluctuations may turn out to appear more smoothed out than at first sight. In that case one may expect a full and optimal development of the Slovak tourist trade which would possibly make it one of the most important components of the Slovak Gross National Product. �144 SLOVAKIA The demand for Slovak facilities could prove quite high. In fact, for many years to come the Slovak tourist trade could prove an important and favorable competitor to the Swiss tourist trade, and only Austria could challenge this position of Slovakia. It is the prices of various services that are expected to be much lower than the Swiss and somewhat lower than the Austrian. In such situations, Slovakia could prove a seeked for tourist attraction filling the capacity available, provided that the services match the Swiss standards. Since this is very hard to achieve because of high Swiss standards, one may allow for some discrepancy in this respect. At the same time, one may point out that given the scope of development and authority into the hands of the tourist trade planners, they may show that they can achieve the Swiss standards. In that case, with lower prices, Slovaks are in an excellent competitive position with the Swiss. In the past, the Swiss journalists themselves have uttered such thoughts. Other non-monetary aspects of this trade are also very important. For example, the rustic setting untouched by the most modern civilization may have a point in question. The availability of concerts and other activities which are not scheduled withing the tourist trade may be another. Good and reasonable shopping activities for handicraft products may prove an excellent attraction. This of course may give an impetus to further development of other industries. The above mentioned goals in terms of foreign tourist trade may be achieved effectively in a given period of time only if other noneconomic factors are developed to give the economic development a necessary background and environment. Thus, in the respect, political measures must allow the development of tourist trade activity. The managers of smaller summer resorts must have enough opportunity to be able to decide quickly on their policy changes concerning tourist trade activities if such changes are brought about without further notice. In order to avoid unnecessary waste, such decentralized decision-making process must be inherent in the system of planning and production of the tourist trade. Since the cultural background is closely related to this one, a combination of the two may prove a stimulating factor in the development of the Slovak tourist trade. Given these conditions, there �SLOVAKIA 145 are enough qualified people in Slovakia to do it, and others can easily be trained. In order to achieve some significant result in terms of Slovak foreign trade, one will have to reorganize all present facilities, improve them and then build new ones . In this respect the Slovak economy is quite negligent as the informed sources maintain.5 Most deficiencies are in the organization itself; 6 in terms of service, 7 in public relations especially advertising,8 etc. On the other hand, there has been quite a bit done to attract the hunters into Slovakia for various kinds of activities9 and other services. These kinds of details may have to be ironed out before tourist trade can achieve the desired results. The best possible approach in this respect would be to develop the various kinds of services to such an extent that the internal tourist trade demand may be satisfied. Having achieved these standards, one may proceed to expand for foreign consumption. This is quite possible as the Slovaks proved in the past as informed tourists, demanding a high standard of service. This kind of supply-demand interaction may create the necessary base for development for foreign oriented tourist trade. Since the potential for developing the Slovak tourist trade does exist, it will depend mostly on the wisdom of those people who are in decision-making positions. They seemed sympathetic to such development in the past. NOTES 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) Statisticka rocenka Ibid, p. 405. Pravda, Bratislava, Pravda, Bratislava, Ibid. Pravda, Bratislava, Pravda, Bratislava, Pravda, Bratislava, Pravda, Bratislava, c SSR 1965, Prague 1965, p. 4-04. March 14, 1969, p. 5. March 26, 1969, p. 5. February April 25, February February 19, 1969, p. 2. 1969, p. 1. 6, 1970, p. 2. 14, 1969, p. 2. * THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks, here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns and other American charitable projects. � 140 SLOVAKIA religion, and their national identification. Perhaps it is only in this ability to maintain their distinctive characteristics that the Slovaks will ever realize their independence. Even more than geographical position, and greedy neighbors, these distinctive Slovak characteristics-described as easy-going, honest, idealistic, deeply religious, imaginative, open-hearted, soft-hearted, emotional, and music-loving-will equip them for the task of building a strong and independent nation in the midst of hard and cruel world. Tourist Trade of Slovakia George A. P o d h d j s k y Countries like Switzerland and Austria, which are endowed with exquisite beauty in their natural setting, devote considerable attention in terms of economic activity to the development of a high level of tourist trade. A significant proportion of their Gross National Product comes from the tourist trade, internal and especially foreign. For that purpose these two countries have steered their economic activity in such a way as to support an unprecedented development of their respective tourist trade industries. Of the Communist countries, Yugoslavia was particularly successful in developing a very attractive program for tourist trade, especially from foreign countries. A similar·potential for developing tourist trade also exists in the Slovak economy. The natural beauty of Slovak Tatra Mountains and the adjacent valleys which spread over most of the country, doubled with the proverbial hospitality of the Slovak people, are a good basis for the development of tourist trade in this country. Apart from this, there is an old tradition of internal and foreign tourism developed through the centuries. It is the purpose of this paper to assess the present situation of the Slovak tourist trade and its potential for future development. I. The following figures may sum up the state of tourist trade of Czecho-Slovakia for the years 1960-1964. 1 �SLOVAKIA 141 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 From Abroad (in Mill.) 1.3 1.6 1.7 1.8 3.7 To Foreign Countries .5 .6 .7 .7 2.0 From the above table one can see that the foreign tourists by far exceeded the number of people from CzechoSlovakia visiting foreign countries. From the breakdown of the above figures, one can also see that most of the foreign tourist trade was stemming mostly from the Sociallist block countries. However, there was some tourist trade stemming from Western countries like the United States, France, Austria, and West Germany. The figures show that there were more tourists from these countries going to Czecho-Slovakia rather than the other way around. Of course, there was an unprecedented upsurge in the inflow of Western tourists in 1968, when the gates opened for the foreigners. The facilities available for the tourists in CzechoSlovakia were not always adequate, especially during the period of 1955-1963, when the number of guests far outweighed the number of available beds. 1963 is the first year showing an excess of beds over the number of guests. The following diagram shows this picture quite clearly. 2 THE NUMBER OF GUESTS AND BEDS AVAILABLE Guests in Millions Beds in Thousands 4f - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - --,/3f _ _ _ _ guests - - - - - - - beds "7 I I I I I I ___ ,, ,,. ," ,, ,, , ,,,,.1 'fo 7S' �142 SLOVAKIA This diagram shows the varying degree of the ratio between the number of guests and available beds. Although, from the diagram, it cannot be ascertained what ratio would be considered as optimal, other sources3 show that there was a shortage of not only beds but also other facilities to adequately care for the ever-increasing tourist t rade. II. From the above information, it is evident that the tourist trade to Czecho-Slovakia underwent some fluctuation but also an overall growth in the number of guests and available facilities . The figures are for Czecho-Slovakia, but we can safely assume that at least half of this trade belonged to Slovakia which seemed to concentrate in tourist trade in the past having been endowed with more potential than Bohemia and Moravia. At this point it would be good to see if there is enough potential and incentive in Slovakia to develop tourist trade to its optimal size. The 1970 winter Olympics in the Tatra mountains prepared on short notice by the leaders of Slovakia has proven beyond any doubt that Slovaks can produce adequate facilities for such an important event as winter Olympics. Most of the facilities created are of lasting value as they may be used and reused by further similar sport activities though not necessarily on an international level. The organizers have shown not only the ability and the know-how but also good taste in creating efficient facilities. The good taste has also been demonstrated in the building of several tourist hotels at various geographical points in Slovakia. Almost without exception, hotel buildings have at last one masterpiece of art by a known artist in the foyer or elsewhere for the inspection of an appreciative customer. Such hotels usually are built with the most modern approach, and the service in such hotels is supposed to match the style. However, there is ample evidence4 that the service of high consumer satisfaction is not always present. In this respect, the potential of the Slovak trade is hampered by other services that go hand in hand with the tourist trade and which were more or less adequately solved by the Swiss or the Austrians. Bus service, cool drink and snack service at various points of movements �SLOVAKIA 143 of tourists are just a few among to be mentioned. However, this may be solved comperatively easily if the tourist planners are given enough scope and competence to develop them. There is, of course, a more important problem which the Slovak tourist planners will have to face. This is the problem of seasonal fluctuations in the tourist trade. A breakdown of the 1963 figures, for example, shows that the winter and fall quarters were very low in tourist activity in comparison to the other two quarters. This poses a problem of optimum capacity of facilities for tourist trade. This capacity will have to be determined by the spring and summer demand for them. From the point of view of the rate of return on investment, those facilities should get the priority of development which can be operated all year. Thus, the spas, sanatoriums and other hospitals are examples in question. Since tourist trade in Slovakia has shown in the past centuries an excellent tradition in this field, this development could prove very profitable indeed. Piest'any, where Beethoven composed his 7th Symphony, is an example of such tradition. This portion of the tourist trade activity taking shape of its past reputation can become the backbone of the total activity in this field. Having stressed this kind of activity, the rest of tourist trade may be taken in stride inspite of the seasonal fluctuations. However, even in this direction, a lot can be done by a good planner or economist by envisaging such tourist activity which can take place all year around. This kind of seasonal fluctuation may be at least partially curtailed by using the same facilities during the summer and winter. Since the structure of the Slovak tourist scenery in such that it can be enjoyed for skiing in winter and other activities in summer, it may be possible to create year-around tourist activity in such areas. However, in the respect a lot of planning and research should be done, as many areas have not been explored for safety reasons. All in all, a careful analysis may show that the seasonal fluctuations may turn out to appear more smoothed out than at first sight. In that case one may expect a full and optimal development of the Slovak tourist trade which would possibly make it one of the most important components of the Slovak Gross National Product. �144 SLOVAKIA The demand for Slovak facilities could prove quite high. In fact, for many years to come the Slovak tourist trade could prove an important and favorable competitor to the Swiss tourist trade, and only Austria could challenge this position of Slovakia. It is the prices of various services that are expected to be much lower than the Swiss and somewhat lower than the Austrian. In such situations, Slovakia could prove a seeked for tourist attraction filling the capacity available, provided that the services match the Swiss standards. Since this is very hard to achieve because of high Swiss standards, one may allow for some discrepancy in this respect. At the same time, one may point out that given the scope of development and authority into the hands of the tourist trade planners, they may show that they can achieve the Swiss standards. In that case, with lower prices, Slovaks are in an excellent competitive position with the Swiss. In the past, the Swiss journalists themselves have uttered such thoughts. Other non-monetary aspects of this trade are also very important. For example, the rustic setting untouched by the most modern civilization may have a point in question. The availability of concerts and other activities which are not scheduled withing the tourist trade may be another. Good and reasonable shopping activities for handicraft products may prove an excellent attraction. This of course may give an impetus to further development of other industries. The above mentioned goals in terms of foreign tourist trade may be achieved effectively in a given period of time only if other noneconomic factors are developed to give the economic development a necessary background and environment. Thus, in the respect, political measures must allow the development of tourist trade activity. The managers of smaller summer resorts must have enough opportunity to be able to decide quickly on their policy changes concerning tourist trade activities if such changes are brought about without further notice. In order to avoid unnecessary waste, such decentralized decision-making process must be inherent in the system of planning and production of the tourist trade. Since the cultural background is closely related to this one, a combination of the two may prove a stimulating factor in the development of the Slovak tourist trade. Given these conditions, there �SLOVAKIA 145 are enough qualified people in Slovakia to do it, and others can easily be trained. In order to achieve some significant result in terms of Slovak foreign trade, one will have to reorganize all present facilities, improve them and then build new ones . In this respect the Slovak economy is quite negligent as the informed sources maintain.5 Most deficiencies are in the organization itself; 6 in terms of service, 7 in public relations especially advertising,8 etc. On the other hand, there has been quite a bit done to attract the hunters into Slovakia for various kinds of activities9 and other services. These kinds of details may have to be ironed out before tourist trade can achieve the desired results. The best possible approach in this respect would be to develop the various kinds of services to such an extent that the internal tourist trade demand may be satisfied. Having achieved these standards, one may proceed to expand for foreign consumption. This is quite possible as the Slovaks proved in the past as informed tourists, demanding a high standard of service. This kind of supply-demand interaction may create the necessary base for development for foreign oriented tourist trade. Since the potential for developing the Slovak tourist trade does exist, it will depend mostly on the wisdom of those people who are in decision-making positions. They seemed sympathetic to such development in the past. NOTES 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) Statisticka rocenka Ibid, p. 405. Pravda, Bratislava, Pravda, Bratislava, Ibid. Pravda, Bratislava, Pravda, Bratislava, Pravda, Bratislava, Pravda, Bratislava, c SSR 1965, Prague 1965, p. 4-04. March 14, 1969, p. 5. March 26, 1969, p. 5. February April 25, February February 19, 1969, p. 2. 1969, p. 1. 6, 1970, p. 2. 14, 1969, p. 2. * THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks, here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns and other American charitable projects. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1972, Vol. 22 Description An account of the resource Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1972 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 140 SLOVAKIA religion, and their national identification. Perhaps it is only in this ability to maintain their distinctive characteristics that the Slovaks will ever realize their independence. Even more than geographical position, and greedy neighbors, these distinctive Slovak characteristics-described as easy-going, honest, idealistic, deeply religious, imaginative, open-hearted, soft-hearted, emotional, and music-loving-will equip them for the task of building a strong and independent nation in the midst of hard and cruel world. Tourist Trade of Slovakia George A. P o d h d j s k y Countries like Switzerland and Austria, which are endowed with exquisite beauty in their natural setting, devote considerable attention in terms of economic activity to the development of a high level of tourist trade. A significant proportion of their Gross National Product comes from the tourist trade, internal and especially foreign. For that purpose these two countries have steered their economic activity in such a way as to support an unprecedented development of their respective tourist trade industries. Of the Communist countries, Yugoslavia was particularly successful in developing a very attractive program for tourist trade, especially from foreign countries. A similar·potential for developing tourist trade also exists in the Slovak economy. The natural beauty of Slovak Tatra Mountains and the adjacent valleys which spread over most of the country, doubled with the proverbial hospitality of the Slovak people, are a good basis for the development of tourist trade in this country. Apart from this, there is an old tradition of internal and foreign tourism developed through the centuries. It is the purpose of this paper to assess the present situation of the Slovak tourist trade and its potential for future development. I. The following figures may sum up the state of tourist trade of Czecho-Slovakia for the years 1960-1964. 1 SLOVAKIA 141 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 From Abroad (in Mill.) 1.3 1.6 1.7 1.8 3.7 To Foreign Countries .5 .6 .7 .7 2.0 From the above table one can see that the foreign tourists by far exceeded the number of people from CzechoSlovakia visiting foreign countries. From the breakdown of the above figures, one can also see that most of the foreign tourist trade was stemming mostly from the Sociallist block countries. However, there was some tourist trade stemming from Western countries like the United States, France, Austria, and West Germany. The figures show that there were more tourists from these countries going to Czecho-Slovakia rather than the other way around. Of course, there was an unprecedented upsurge in the inflow of Western tourists in 1968, when the gates opened for the foreigners. The facilities available for the tourists in CzechoSlovakia were not always adequate, especially during the period of 1955-1963, when the number of guests far outweighed the number of available beds. 1963 is the first year showing an excess of beds over the number of guests. The following diagram shows this picture quite clearly. 2 THE NUMBER OF GUESTS AND BEDS AVAILABLE Guests in Millions Beds in Thousands 4f - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - --,/3f _ _ _ _ guests - - - - - - - beds "7 I I I I I I ___ ,, ,,. ," ,, ,, , ,,,,.1 'fo 7S' 142 SLOVAKIA This diagram shows the varying degree of the ratio between the number of guests and available beds. Although, from the diagram, it cannot be ascertained what ratio would be considered as optimal, other sources3 show that there was a shortage of not only beds but also other facilities to adequately care for the ever-increasing tourist t rade. II. From the above information, it is evident that the tourist trade to Czecho-Slovakia underwent some fluctuation but also an overall growth in the number of guests and available facilities . The figures are for Czecho-Slovakia, but we can safely assume that at least half of this trade belonged to Slovakia which seemed to concentrate in tourist trade in the past having been endowed with more potential than Bohemia and Moravia. At this point it would be good to see if there is enough potential and incentive in Slovakia to develop tourist trade to its optimal size. The 1970 winter Olympics in the Tatra mountains prepared on short notice by the leaders of Slovakia has proven beyond any doubt that Slovaks can produce adequate facilities for such an important event as winter Olympics. Most of the facilities created are of lasting value as they may be used and reused by further similar sport activities though not necessarily on an international level. The organizers have shown not only the ability and the know-how but also good taste in creating efficient facilities. The good taste has also been demonstrated in the building of several tourist hotels at various geographical points in Slovakia. Almost without exception, hotel buildings have at last one masterpiece of art by a known artist in the foyer or elsewhere for the inspection of an appreciative customer. Such hotels usually are built with the most modern approach, and the service in such hotels is supposed to match the style. However, there is ample evidence4 that the service of high consumer satisfaction is not always present. In this respect, the potential of the Slovak trade is hampered by other services that go hand in hand with the tourist trade and which were more or less adequately solved by the Swiss or the Austrians. Bus service, cool drink and snack service at various points of movements SLOVAKIA 143 of tourists are just a few among to be mentioned. However, this may be solved comperatively easily if the tourist planners are given enough scope and competence to develop them. There is, of course, a more important problem which the Slovak tourist planners will have to face. This is the problem of seasonal fluctuations in the tourist trade. A breakdown of the 1963 figures, for example, shows that the winter and fall quarters were very low in tourist activity in comparison to the other two quarters. This poses a problem of optimum capacity of facilities for tourist trade. This capacity will have to be determined by the spring and summer demand for them. From the point of view of the rate of return on investment, those facilities should get the priority of development which can be operated all year. Thus, the spas, sanatoriums and other hospitals are examples in question. Since tourist trade in Slovakia has shown in the past centuries an excellent tradition in this field, this development could prove very profitable indeed. Piest'any, where Beethoven composed his 7th Symphony, is an example of such tradition. This portion of the tourist trade activity taking shape of its past reputation can become the backbone of the total activity in this field. Having stressed this kind of activity, the rest of tourist trade may be taken in stride inspite of the seasonal fluctuations. However, even in this direction, a lot can be done by a good planner or economist by envisaging such tourist activity which can take place all year around. This kind of seasonal fluctuation may be at least partially curtailed by using the same facilities during the summer and winter. Since the structure of the Slovak tourist scenery in such that it can be enjoyed for skiing in winter and other activities in summer, it may be possible to create year-around tourist activity in such areas. However, in the respect a lot of planning and research should be done, as many areas have not been explored for safety reasons. All in all, a careful analysis may show that the seasonal fluctuations may turn out to appear more smoothed out than at first sight. In that case one may expect a full and optimal development of the Slovak tourist trade which would possibly make it one of the most important components of the Slovak Gross National Product. 144 SLOVAKIA The demand for Slovak facilities could prove quite high. In fact, for many years to come the Slovak tourist trade could prove an important and favorable competitor to the Swiss tourist trade, and only Austria could challenge this position of Slovakia. It is the prices of various services that are expected to be much lower than the Swiss and somewhat lower than the Austrian. In such situations, Slovakia could prove a seeked for tourist attraction filling the capacity available, provided that the services match the Swiss standards. Since this is very hard to achieve because of high Swiss standards, one may allow for some discrepancy in this respect. At the same time, one may point out that given the scope of development and authority into the hands of the tourist trade planners, they may show that they can achieve the Swiss standards. In that case, with lower prices, Slovaks are in an excellent competitive position with the Swiss. In the past, the Swiss journalists themselves have uttered such thoughts. Other non-monetary aspects of this trade are also very important. For example, the rustic setting untouched by the most modern civilization may have a point in question. The availability of concerts and other activities which are not scheduled withing the tourist trade may be another. Good and reasonable shopping activities for handicraft products may prove an excellent attraction. This of course may give an impetus to further development of other industries. The above mentioned goals in terms of foreign tourist trade may be achieved effectively in a given period of time only if other noneconomic factors are developed to give the economic development a necessary background and environment. Thus, in the respect, political measures must allow the development of tourist trade activity. The managers of smaller summer resorts must have enough opportunity to be able to decide quickly on their policy changes concerning tourist trade activities if such changes are brought about without further notice. In order to avoid unnecessary waste, such decentralized decision-making process must be inherent in the system of planning and production of the tourist trade. Since the cultural background is closely related to this one, a combination of the two may prove a stimulating factor in the development of the Slovak tourist trade. Given these conditions, there SLOVAKIA 145 are enough qualified people in Slovakia to do it, and others can easily be trained. In order to achieve some significant result in terms of Slovak foreign trade, one will have to reorganize all present facilities, improve them and then build new ones . In this respect the Slovak economy is quite negligent as the informed sources maintain.5 Most deficiencies are in the organization itself; 6 in terms of service, 7 in public relations especially advertising,8 etc. On the other hand, there has been quite a bit done to attract the hunters into Slovakia for various kinds of activities9 and other services. These kinds of details may have to be ironed out before tourist trade can achieve the desired results. The best possible approach in this respect would be to develop the various kinds of services to such an extent that the internal tourist trade demand may be satisfied. Having achieved these standards, one may proceed to expand for foreign consumption. This is quite possible as the Slovaks proved in the past as informed tourists, demanding a high standard of service. This kind of supply-demand interaction may create the necessary base for development for foreign oriented tourist trade. Since the potential for developing the Slovak tourist trade does exist, it will depend mostly on the wisdom of those people who are in decision-making positions. They seemed sympathetic to such development in the past. NOTES 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) Statisticka rocenka Ibid, p. 405. Pravda, Bratislava, Pravda, Bratislava, Ibid. Pravda, Bratislava, Pravda, Bratislava, Pravda, Bratislava, Pravda, Bratislava, c SSR 1965, Prague 1965, p. 4-04. March 14, 1969, p. 5. March 26, 1969, p. 5. February April 25, February February 19, 1969, p. 2. 1969, p. 1. 6, 1970, p. 2. 14, 1969, p. 2. * THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks, here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns and other American charitable projects.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Tourist Trade of Slovakia Description An account of the resource George A. Podhájsky Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972 pp. 140-145 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Podhájsky, George A. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1972 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/b5cbfdd20f357ed8329aae999cb2576f.pdf a243bef75596fc23bed53bced6ba65b0 PDF Text Text 18 SLOVAKIA THE EVOLUTION OF SLOVAK LITERATURE ANTON BERNOLAK'S INFLUENCE By Eleonor Podkrivacky There still are some people who believe erroneously that the Slo1vaJk languruge was not written prior to the ninetee.n th century. The fact that Hiving languages undergo change should be kept in mind by those who ipoint to differences in the literary language of the Slovalk ,people of today and in the languaige used a century or more a:go. Also the history of a people should not be overlooked in the study of their language. Among the Slav nations, most of which had varied external inf,l uences causing linguistic mutationis, we find that the literary langua,ge of eruch, closely resettnibling that in co.nterruporary use, had its fomnal beginnings in the late se.venteenth, in the eighteenth or nineteenth centuries. For example, in the seventeenth century the Lusatians though a very small nation numerically they have two main had literary langua:ges: Lower and Upper Lusatian grammars and selection of dialects for literary use in both their languages; during the eighteenth century after the reforuns of Peter the Great, Lomonosov was responsilble for the standardi.ization of Russian; and f.rom the sbcteenth century throUJgh the nineteenth the ":p opular" Bulgarian ,w as used in writings until 1869, when Drinov estaJblished the eastern dialect as the literary language. Before examining the ,p eriod when the Slovak language underwent literary formalization, it is necessary to explore its baJClk,ground briefly. After the death of St. Methodius, who with St. Cyril prapagated and strengthened Christianity among the Slovaks, German prelates who came to Slovalkia in the tenth century substituted the Latin languruge for the Slo.vanic in the liturgy. IDventually Latin was used in pulblitc life, iboth literary and diplomatic. Latin was· the official language used in documents in central Europe for several centuries. R. G. A. de Bray in Guide to the Slavonic Languages states �SLOVAKIA 19 that in the period from the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries the Slovruk language was used with the Latin in some documents. ·P erhaps the oldest written Slov3ik work is that of V a.claw of Bzenec, Glossovane spevy cirkevne, a collection of religious songs which he wrote in 1385 in the dialect of Halie. Another of the most ancient written records is also a religious song, "Jezu Kriste scedry Kneze," which J. Ka.c:ka in Dejiny literatiiry slovenskej dates ba,cik to the fourteenth or p.ossd.lbJy the thirteenth century. And Fr. Hr1lSOVsky in Slovenske Dejiny tells of the use of the Slovak language made in the records of the guilds during the sixteenth century. This sanne histo.r ian relates that many Slorvak ex:pTessions and phrases are to be found in doouments written in Slovakia in the ~ech language whi'ch in the fifteenth century (Hussite Movement) was used in official documents in addition to La-tin and Germ an. German was in use because of the large Genman population in certain Slo1Vaik cities. Ge11mans were g1rven special prirvileges by the king who ill!Vited them to settle in sections of the CO'lliiltry which afforded sources of wealth either because of natural resources (mines and mm.ts, etc.) or because cxf their locations as trade centers. It must be kept in mind that for several centuries, by that time, the SlovaJks had been ruled by foreign kings. S. Krcmery in St.opafdesiat rokov slovenskej literatury Sipea(ks cxf the three cultures in SloJVa;kia ,w hich intermingled: the Latin in political, academic and religious life; the German in business and commercia'1 life; and the 1Slovaik in the home. Early in the fi!fteenth century two events were resiponsible for the official use of Cze:ch in some sections of Slovakia. In the first place there were the extensi,ve raids and occwpation by the Czech Hussites in western Slo,vaikia. Secondly, Jan Jisikra, the renowned Ozech CathoLk warrio:r, quartered his army, which was made up of many Czech Hussites and some Germans, in central and eastern SlovaJkia, when he was entreated by Elizrubeth, the queen~mother of Ladislav Posthumous, then a child, DU'ke of Austria, King oif Bohe(mia, and Htmgary, to ,prevent Vladislav of Poland �20 SLOVAlGA from usuripi.ng her son's throne. Jisikra maintained his hold on that section of Sllovakia for many years, even after the death of King Ladislav in 14'57. The Turkish Wars in the sixteenth century left their mark also. There are legends, folk songs and poems in the Slovak language dating frOIIll that unhappy period which give accounts of the i.nlvasions of the Turks and the a;bduction of many .SlovaJks. In addition to the hU1man li,ves lost orthe ,g reat nUlmlber of the population carried away into caiptivity, the devastation which the Turks brought upon the country is an irrepara,ble loss because much historical and literary material perished in the ipilla:ging. Although there were so many unfavoraJble outside elements, as far as the ,l anguage is concerned, the Slovak language did not fade aiwa,y. On the contrary, by the seventeenth century a national consciousness of their heritage and culture .b egan to manifest itse1f among the Slov8Jks. Catholic priests were the initial spark of the flame which was spread eventually throughout the country. An import.ant center for this a;cti.Jvity was in western Sloivrukia where the Uniiversity of Trnruva - whose press printed in 1655, among its, first .boOlks, a Latin-Slovaik hymnal - played a leading roJ.e in turning out men who reali~ed that their native tongue was as important as other languages. The needs of the ordinary man had to be c onstdered both in spiritual and temporal matters. Students who knew •:Gatin particiipated in plays in that language. However, the perfovmances ,w ere often presented for audiences of non...academilc people from neighboring towns, and there are evidences that plays were penfomned fo Slovak early in the seventeenth century. At the lb eginnmg oif the eighteenth century with the Counter-Refonmat ion came a definite concentration on writing in the vernacular instead of in Czech in, which language the Slova,k Protestants continued writing their books. With the religious writings 1partioularly of the Jesuits, although there are manuscripts and 1ptfulished wor1krs in Slovak by other religious orders, the prot!ess orf grrummatical consciousness of the Slovak langua:ge began. The number �SLOVAKIA 21 and quality of writings by the Jesuits prompted J. Ka&a, in his book mentioned earlier, to state that the Slovak language ()If that period could be called Jesuit Slovak. By the second half of the eighteenth century the Slovak nationalistic revival was accentuated by greater political oppression. Among the controversial issues of the reform.s of Marie Therese and Joseph I was the measuTe by whi~h Latin was to be replaced by another officia:l language in the empire. Laws were passed which established Genman as the official language in non~Genman lands of the empire. Tihe Hungarians, who at first wished to keep Latin, reacted to this law by Later insisting that Hungarian, and no other language, be taught in all the schools oif Hungarian and non-Htmgarian suibjects in their domain. The Slovaks also rea.cted. In literature, b.oth Latin and Sloivruk, writers refered back to the glorious past of the Slovaks, before the Hungarians settled in that part olf Eurorpe, when Christianity was introduced and when they had a powerfw king and oojoyed ,p olitical inderpendence in the ninth century. It was left for Anton Bernonak, through his philological and linguistic studies, to become the outstanding initiator of a literary SloivaJk language. Bernolruk's ancestI1Y was distinguished. His family coat of a.nrns dated ba'Cik to 1681 when Leopold I added to their family name the title Slanicky, derived from the town Slanica, in Orruva County, where Anton was born OctOlber 4, 1762. His elementary education was completed in his natiive northeastern part of Sloiva;kia, at Namestovo, from where he went south to central Slovrukia to situdy in the classical high school (gyimn1aJZi,um) in RU!Zombero'k. His talents were recognired by the ar,c.bibishop of OstrihOIIIl (Estergom in Hlungary), ,w hose protege he became at the a.ge of 16, and he was sent to study ,i n the seminary in Bratislava in western SlovaJkia in 1778. After two years there he transferred to the seminary· in Trnava from where, after two more years of .study which .he realized with high honors, he went to Vienna to study theology. Among the reforuns of Joseph II were those which affected the Church. Aocording to his reforms the theological course was also offered in the gen- �22 SLOVAKIA eral seminary which the ®mpernr established in the castle at BratislaJVa. The course was of a five:-year duration. Hence, when Bernoilak returned to Bratislawa in the autumn of 1784, he had three more years of theology to complete. While studymg for the .p riesthood he became very interested in Slruvic la.ngua,ges, especially in the ,s tudy of his own tongue. By his twen:ty...fifth year he had written in Latin and pulblished two wonks which are conSidered the basis of literary Slovak. In the introduction to his Dissertatio philologico-critica de literis Slavonun which was carnipleted May 21, 1787, Bernolak states that he was advised by circumspect men to write these works in order to establish rules for .w riting the Slo.vruk Jamguaige. In this dissertation he e)C!)ressed the basic ,p rinciples o:f Slovak literary langua,ge. To mruke prarctical -t he prin:ciples o:f literary Slovak which he en'llll!ciated in the Dissert.atio, he stated orthogI_"aphic rules by which literary men would be guided in Linguae Slavonicae per regnmn Hungariae usit.at.ae compendiosa sumul et facilis orthographia. This second important wonk which he ipulblished also in 1787 was annexed to his famous Dissert.atio. J. Vlcek in Dejiny literatury slovenskej states that BernolaJk was well acquainted with the wol"k done in the field o:f linguis-tics by predecessors such as iMatej Bel and Pavel Dolelfal, both from the, first half of the 18th century, and with the tendencies oif the popular Slovruk 1'anguage to be found in the pUlblications from Trnaiva. Bernolalk's work was not revolutionary, rb ut rather evolutionary, in that contrary to his agreement with Bel that the best literar,y Slovak is that equidistant from the Czechs, Poles, and Hungarians, namely central Slovruk - he practiically followed the Catholic writers before him who wrote in the western dialect. The significance of these works at that period in history cannot be underestimated. The newly--estaiblislhed seminary in BratiSilava castle lasted only six years, until the death of Joseph I, but it housed annually a,pproxirmately five hundred seminarians from all parts of Slwakia. The interest aroused in the seminarians by these linguistitc ·s tu- �SLOVAKIA dies was soon oibserved even in neighboring ,countries. And their efforts were encouraiged surprisingly enough by men of their nationality ,w ho, did not agree with their endeavors. While he was a oUTate in Ceklis he had published in 1790, in Bratislaiva, a gra,rrumar written in Latin of the Slova:k language entitled Grammatica slavica. (Sources vary in their spelling of the complete title of this work: J. Ka.cka Hsts it is Grammatica slavica ad systema scholarum rationalium in dicionibus caesareo-regiis introductum acoomo-data; Rev. J. Porulbsky varies from this only in "diictionibus" ; and J. Vlcek writes . . . scholarum nationalium in di· tionibus" . . . "). Bernola:k based his ,g rammar on phonetics. He selected the western dialect - there are three main dialects in Slcwalkia: western, central, and eastern - as the most surited for literary writing. He eliminated diphthongs and soft "r's" (f). He SUJbstituted "6" for "u", and "i" for "j" and "y". 'Dhe softening of the consonants "d, 1, n, t" was aocomplished according to his rules by ,s oftening the consonant "d', l'. n, f" and writing "d'e," etc., instead oif following the consonant with a soft vowel. In 1791 he was ruppointed secretary to the Archlbishop in Trnaiva. Undouibtedly he had begun earlier and continued in this city and elsewhere .until his death in Nove Zrumky, where he was ,pastor imd swpervisor of schools, January 15, 1813, compiling a dictionary Slowar slowenski in five languages: Slovaik, Ozedh, Latin, German, Magyar. This sixvolume masterwonk consisting of some 5,300 pages was not pulblished, however, until 1825-27, in Budin, with the financial baoking of the Canon of Ostrihom, Jruraj Pallkovic (not to he confused with his contemporary, the Lutheran Jifi PalJkovic), who colmlpleted Bernolak's dictionary with the sixth volume. During his appointment in Trnava, Bernola;k founded in 1792, the literary and cultural society "Slowenske ucene Towarisstwo" (:Slovalk Learned Sodety) whose aim it was to further the advancement of education and culture of the SlO!Vak · pepple by means of Sl01Vak literature. The majority of the memberE of this group, numbering close to five hun- �SLOVAKIA dred, were Catholic priests who promised to write Slovak bOOlks and support the prOI_Pagation -of Slovak literature. Branches of this society were esta:blished throughout Slovakia. Sources do not all list the, same towns where literary centexs, were fornned. S. Kromery names only three towns where branches were formed: Nitra, Rovne, and Banska Bystrica. To .tJhes,e centers are a:dded Sotl'na Bairn near Presov by J. Vlcek, J. Kaicka and J. Poru'bslky,. and the two last named authorities mention Trencin as well. The historian Fr. HrusovSky enumerate·s Nitra, Rovne, Banska Bystrica, ,Solirvar, Roziiav,a and Kosice in SlovaJlda. He goes on to state that the society was represented also in other lands. In Austria them wa:s a branch in Vienna, and in Hungary there was a gro,UJp in Ja;ger. Thus the writers of the Bernolak s:chool decided to meet the- literary needs of those not lirving in their homeland . .A!Illong tlhe society's most outstanding l,i tera:ry men, in addition to its founder, were Juraj Pal1kovic, who translated the Bi!ble into the SlOiVaJk language; the Archlbishop of Ostriho:m, Alexande,r Cardinal RUJdnay, who, besides writing many semnons a:nd translating Cicero assisted the society financially ; Juraj Fandli, also a priest, who even in his botanica..l and agricultural wonks urged the Slovak people to a greater aippreciation of theiir mother tongue; another priest, the first famous SlovaJk ,p oet, Jan Holly ; the first Slovak literary historian, Rev. Michael Resetka; and Martin Haimuija:k who, in 1834, co--founded another organization in Budapest, the "Spolek miloviiikov reci a literatury slovenskej" (Organi'.zation of the Lovers of the Slovak Language and Literature) to ex:pand the work commenced by Bernola;k'"S society. Varied were the types of ,books published ,b y the Bernolalk school of writecrs. Their pulblications consisted orf theses on practical agriculture; religious, poetilc and pedagogic works; and histori'cal, literary and linguistic studies. · ·Truly, Anton Bernolak and his group are men worthy of admiration for the great love for their language and the efforts they put forth for its sake. �SLOVAKIA BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS : \J Botto·, Julius, Slovaci, Vyvin ich narodneho povedomia, Turciansky sv. Martin; Vydanie knihkuipooko-Nwkladatel'skeho Spolku, 1906. \J DeBray, R. G. A. Guide to the Slavonic Lan~ges. London: J. -M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1951. (New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc.) Hruso:vsky, Fr. Slovenske Dejiny. Turcianslky sv. Mar\J tin, Matica SlovellSlka., 1940 (Fifth Edition). Kaolrn, Jozef. Dejiny literatury slovenskej. Ruzomlberok: Leva, 1921. Krcmery, Stefan. Stopafdesiat rokov slovenskej literatury. Sva.zok Prvy. Turcia.nsky sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska., 1943. Pietro, Amlbro. Napor-Odpor, Ako postupovala mad'a.risacia v Uhorsku. Turcia.nsiky sv. Martin: Nakladom vilastnym, 1905. Ponibsky, Rev. Jan. K Stemu Vyrociu Literarnej Slovenciny 1844-1944. Scranton, Pa.: Obrana Press, Inc., 1944. Vlcek, Jaroslav. Dejiny literatiiry slovenskej. Turciansky sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, ( obnovienie vydanie z roku 1890) 1923. PERIODICALS : Banik, Ant. Aug. "Rok zo zivota Juraja Fa.ndliho" Slovenske Pohfady, Vol. LXVI, 9 (1950), pp. 507-51. Jarouseik, Rudolf. "Anton Bernola.k Ako Ucenec a Narodny BuditeY." Slov. Uc. Reprinted in Slovenska Obrana, August 3, 1937. Kovac ml., Edo. "Anton Bernola.k," Slovak v Amerike, May 9, 1933. Skuiltety, Jozef. "Pa:miat.ka Antona BernolaJka" Slovak, date unknown. � 18 SLOVAKIA THE EVOLUTION OF SLOVAK LITERATURE ANTON BERNOLAK'S INFLUENCE By Eleonor Podkrivacky There still are some people who believe erroneously that the Slo1vaJk languruge was not written prior to the ninetee.n th century. The fact that Hiving languages undergo change should be kept in mind by those who ipoint to differences in the literary language of the Slovalk ,people of today and in the languaige used a century or more a:go. Also the history of a people should not be overlooked in the study of their language. Among the Slav nations, most of which had varied external inf,l uences causing linguistic mutationis, we find that the literary langua,ge of eruch, closely resettnibling that in co.nterruporary use, had its fomnal beginnings in the late se.venteenth, in the eighteenth or nineteenth centuries. For example, in the seventeenth century the Lusatians though a very small nation numerically they have two main had literary langua:ges: Lower and Upper Lusatian grammars and selection of dialects for literary use in both their languages; during the eighteenth century after the reforuns of Peter the Great, Lomonosov was responsilble for the standardi.ization of Russian; and f.rom the sbcteenth century throUJgh the nineteenth the ":p opular" Bulgarian ,w as used in writings until 1869, when Drinov estaJblished the eastern dialect as the literary language. Before examining the ,p eriod when the Slovak language underwent literary formalization, it is necessary to explore its baJClk,ground briefly. After the death of St. Methodius, who with St. Cyril prapagated and strengthened Christianity among the Slovaks, German prelates who came to Slovalkia in the tenth century substituted the Latin languruge for the Slo.vanic in the liturgy. IDventually Latin was used in pulblitc life, iboth literary and diplomatic. Latin was· the official language used in documents in central Europe for several centuries. R. G. A. de Bray in Guide to the Slavonic Languages states �SLOVAKIA 19 that in the period from the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries the Slovruk language was used with the Latin in some documents. ·P erhaps the oldest written Slov3ik work is that of V a.claw of Bzenec, Glossovane spevy cirkevne, a collection of religious songs which he wrote in 1385 in the dialect of Halie. Another of the most ancient written records is also a religious song, "Jezu Kriste scedry Kneze," which J. Ka.c:ka in Dejiny literatiiry slovenskej dates ba,cik to the fourteenth or p.ossd.lbJy the thirteenth century. And Fr. Hr1lSOVsky in Slovenske Dejiny tells of the use of the Slovak language made in the records of the guilds during the sixteenth century. This sanne histo.r ian relates that many Slorvak ex:pTessions and phrases are to be found in doouments written in Slovakia in the ~ech language whi'ch in the fifteenth century (Hussite Movement) was used in official documents in addition to La-tin and Germ an. German was in use because of the large Genman population in certain Slo1Vaik cities. Ge11mans were g1rven special prirvileges by the king who ill!Vited them to settle in sections of the CO'lliiltry which afforded sources of wealth either because of natural resources (mines and mm.ts, etc.) or because cxf their locations as trade centers. It must be kept in mind that for several centuries, by that time, the SlovaJks had been ruled by foreign kings. S. Krcmery in St.opafdesiat rokov slovenskej literatury Sipea(ks cxf the three cultures in SloJVa;kia ,w hich intermingled: the Latin in political, academic and religious life; the German in business and commercia'1 life; and the 1Slovaik in the home. Early in the fi!fteenth century two events were resiponsible for the official use of Cze:ch in some sections of Slovakia. In the first place there were the extensi,ve raids and occwpation by the Czech Hussites in western Slo,vaikia. Secondly, Jan Jisikra, the renowned Ozech CathoLk warrio:r, quartered his army, which was made up of many Czech Hussites and some Germans, in central and eastern SlovaJkia, when he was entreated by Elizrubeth, the queen~mother of Ladislav Posthumous, then a child, DU'ke of Austria, King oif Bohe(mia, and Htmgary, to ,prevent Vladislav of Poland �20 SLOVAlGA from usuripi.ng her son's throne. Jisikra maintained his hold on that section of Sllovakia for many years, even after the death of King Ladislav in 14'57. The Turkish Wars in the sixteenth century left their mark also. There are legends, folk songs and poems in the Slovak language dating frOIIll that unhappy period which give accounts of the i.nlvasions of the Turks and the a;bduction of many .SlovaJks. In addition to the hU1man li,ves lost orthe ,g reat nUlmlber of the population carried away into caiptivity, the devastation which the Turks brought upon the country is an irrepara,ble loss because much historical and literary material perished in the ipilla:ging. Although there were so many unfavoraJble outside elements, as far as the ,l anguage is concerned, the Slovak language did not fade aiwa,y. On the contrary, by the seventeenth century a national consciousness of their heritage and culture .b egan to manifest itse1f among the Slov8Jks. Catholic priests were the initial spark of the flame which was spread eventually throughout the country. An import.ant center for this a;cti.Jvity was in western Sloivrukia where the Uniiversity of Trnruva - whose press printed in 1655, among its, first .boOlks, a Latin-Slovaik hymnal - played a leading roJ.e in turning out men who reali~ed that their native tongue was as important as other languages. The needs of the ordinary man had to be c onstdered both in spiritual and temporal matters. Students who knew •:Gatin particiipated in plays in that language. However, the perfovmances ,w ere often presented for audiences of non...academilc people from neighboring towns, and there are evidences that plays were penfomned fo Slovak early in the seventeenth century. At the lb eginnmg oif the eighteenth century with the Counter-Refonmat ion came a definite concentration on writing in the vernacular instead of in Czech in, which language the Slova,k Protestants continued writing their books. With the religious writings 1partioularly of the Jesuits, although there are manuscripts and 1ptfulished wor1krs in Slovak by other religious orders, the prot!ess orf grrummatical consciousness of the Slovak langua:ge began. The number �SLOVAKIA 21 and quality of writings by the Jesuits prompted J. Ka&a, in his book mentioned earlier, to state that the Slovak language ()If that period could be called Jesuit Slovak. By the second half of the eighteenth century the Slovak nationalistic revival was accentuated by greater political oppression. Among the controversial issues of the reform.s of Marie Therese and Joseph I was the measuTe by whi~h Latin was to be replaced by another officia:l language in the empire. Laws were passed which established Genman as the official language in non~Genman lands of the empire. Tihe Hungarians, who at first wished to keep Latin, reacted to this law by Later insisting that Hungarian, and no other language, be taught in all the schools oif Hungarian and non-Htmgarian suibjects in their domain. The Slovaks also rea.cted. In literature, b.oth Latin and Sloivruk, writers refered back to the glorious past of the Slovaks, before the Hungarians settled in that part olf Eurorpe, when Christianity was introduced and when they had a powerfw king and oojoyed ,p olitical inderpendence in the ninth century. It was left for Anton Bernonak, through his philological and linguistic studies, to become the outstanding initiator of a literary SloivaJk language. Bernolruk's ancestI1Y was distinguished. His family coat of a.nrns dated ba'Cik to 1681 when Leopold I added to their family name the title Slanicky, derived from the town Slanica, in Orruva County, where Anton was born OctOlber 4, 1762. His elementary education was completed in his natiive northeastern part of Sloiva;kia, at Namestovo, from where he went south to central Slovrukia to situdy in the classical high school (gyimn1aJZi,um) in RU!Zombero'k. His talents were recognired by the ar,c.bibishop of OstrihOIIIl (Estergom in Hlungary), ,w hose protege he became at the a.ge of 16, and he was sent to study ,i n the seminary in Bratislava in western SlovaJkia in 1778. After two years there he transferred to the seminary· in Trnava from where, after two more years of .study which .he realized with high honors, he went to Vienna to study theology. Among the reforuns of Joseph II were those which affected the Church. Aocording to his reforms the theological course was also offered in the gen- �22 SLOVAKIA eral seminary which the ®mpernr established in the castle at BratislaJVa. The course was of a five:-year duration. Hence, when Bernoilak returned to Bratislawa in the autumn of 1784, he had three more years of theology to complete. While studymg for the .p riesthood he became very interested in Slruvic la.ngua,ges, especially in the ,s tudy of his own tongue. By his twen:ty...fifth year he had written in Latin and pulblished two wonks which are conSidered the basis of literary Slovak. In the introduction to his Dissertatio philologico-critica de literis Slavonun which was carnipleted May 21, 1787, Bernolak states that he was advised by circumspect men to write these works in order to establish rules for .w riting the Slo.vruk Jamguaige. In this dissertation he e)C!)ressed the basic ,p rinciples o:f Slovak literary langua,ge. To mruke prarctical -t he prin:ciples o:f literary Slovak which he en'llll!ciated in the Dissert.atio, he stated orthogI_"aphic rules by which literary men would be guided in Linguae Slavonicae per regnmn Hungariae usit.at.ae compendiosa sumul et facilis orthographia. This second important wonk which he ipulblished also in 1787 was annexed to his famous Dissert.atio. J. Vlcek in Dejiny literatury slovenskej states that BernolaJk was well acquainted with the wol"k done in the field o:f linguis-tics by predecessors such as iMatej Bel and Pavel Dolelfal, both from the, first half of the 18th century, and with the tendencies oif the popular Slovruk 1'anguage to be found in the pUlblications from Trnaiva. Bernolalk's work was not revolutionary, rb ut rather evolutionary, in that contrary to his agreement with Bel that the best literar,y Slovak is that equidistant from the Czechs, Poles, and Hungarians, namely central Slovruk - he practiically followed the Catholic writers before him who wrote in the western dialect. The significance of these works at that period in history cannot be underestimated. The newly--estaiblislhed seminary in BratiSilava castle lasted only six years, until the death of Joseph I, but it housed annually a,pproxirmately five hundred seminarians from all parts of Slwakia. The interest aroused in the seminarians by these linguistitc ·s tu- �SLOVAKIA dies was soon oibserved even in neighboring ,countries. And their efforts were encouraiged surprisingly enough by men of their nationality ,w ho, did not agree with their endeavors. While he was a oUTate in Ceklis he had published in 1790, in Bratislaiva, a gra,rrumar written in Latin of the Slova:k language entitled Grammatica slavica. (Sources vary in their spelling of the complete title of this work: J. Ka.cka Hsts it is Grammatica slavica ad systema scholarum rationalium in dicionibus caesareo-regiis introductum acoomo-data; Rev. J. Porulbsky varies from this only in "diictionibus" ; and J. Vlcek writes . . . scholarum nationalium in di· tionibus" . . . "). Bernola:k based his ,g rammar on phonetics. He selected the western dialect - there are three main dialects in Slcwalkia: western, central, and eastern - as the most surited for literary writing. He eliminated diphthongs and soft "r's" (f). He SUJbstituted "6" for "u", and "i" for "j" and "y". 'Dhe softening of the consonants "d, 1, n, t" was aocomplished according to his rules by ,s oftening the consonant "d', l'. n, f" and writing "d'e," etc., instead oif following the consonant with a soft vowel. In 1791 he was ruppointed secretary to the Archlbishop in Trnaiva. Undouibtedly he had begun earlier and continued in this city and elsewhere .until his death in Nove Zrumky, where he was ,pastor imd swpervisor of schools, January 15, 1813, compiling a dictionary Slowar slowenski in five languages: Slovaik, Ozedh, Latin, German, Magyar. This sixvolume masterwonk consisting of some 5,300 pages was not pulblished, however, until 1825-27, in Budin, with the financial baoking of the Canon of Ostrihom, Jruraj Pallkovic (not to he confused with his contemporary, the Lutheran Jifi PalJkovic), who colmlpleted Bernolak's dictionary with the sixth volume. During his appointment in Trnava, Bernola;k founded in 1792, the literary and cultural society "Slowenske ucene Towarisstwo" (:Slovalk Learned Sodety) whose aim it was to further the advancement of education and culture of the SlO!Vak · pepple by means of Sl01Vak literature. The majority of the memberE of this group, numbering close to five hun- �SLOVAKIA dred, were Catholic priests who promised to write Slovak bOOlks and support the prOI_Pagation -of Slovak literature. Branches of this society were esta:blished throughout Slovakia. Sources do not all list the, same towns where literary centexs, were fornned. S. Kromery names only three towns where branches were formed: Nitra, Rovne, and Banska Bystrica. To .tJhes,e centers are a:dded Sotl'na Bairn near Presov by J. Vlcek, J. Kaicka and J. Poru'bslky,. and the two last named authorities mention Trencin as well. The historian Fr. HrusovSky enumerate·s Nitra, Rovne, Banska Bystrica, ,Solirvar, Roziiav,a and Kosice in SlovaJlda. He goes on to state that the society was represented also in other lands. In Austria them wa:s a branch in Vienna, and in Hungary there was a gro,UJp in Ja;ger. Thus the writers of the Bernolak s:chool decided to meet the- literary needs of those not lirving in their homeland . .A!Illong tlhe society's most outstanding l,i tera:ry men, in addition to its founder, were Juraj Pal1kovic, who translated the Bi!ble into the SlOiVaJk language; the Archlbishop of Ostriho:m, Alexande,r Cardinal RUJdnay, who, besides writing many semnons a:nd translating Cicero assisted the society financially ; Juraj Fandli, also a priest, who even in his botanica..l and agricultural wonks urged the Slovak people to a greater aippreciation of theiir mother tongue; another priest, the first famous SlovaJk ,p oet, Jan Holly ; the first Slovak literary historian, Rev. Michael Resetka; and Martin Haimuija:k who, in 1834, co--founded another organization in Budapest, the "Spolek miloviiikov reci a literatury slovenskej" (Organi'.zation of the Lovers of the Slovak Language and Literature) to ex:pand the work commenced by Bernola;k'"S society. Varied were the types of ,books published ,b y the Bernolalk school of writecrs. Their pulblications consisted orf theses on practical agriculture; religious, poetilc and pedagogic works; and histori'cal, literary and linguistic studies. · ·Truly, Anton Bernolak and his group are men worthy of admiration for the great love for their language and the efforts they put forth for its sake. �SLOVAKIA BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS : \J Botto·, Julius, Slovaci, Vyvin ich narodneho povedomia, Turciansky sv. Martin; Vydanie knihkuipooko-Nwkladatel'skeho Spolku, 1906. \J DeBray, R. G. A. Guide to the Slavonic Lan~ges. London: J. -M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1951. (New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc.) Hruso:vsky, Fr. Slovenske Dejiny. Turcianslky sv. Mar\J tin, Matica SlovellSlka., 1940 (Fifth Edition). Kaolrn, Jozef. Dejiny literatury slovenskej. Ruzomlberok: Leva, 1921. Krcmery, Stefan. Stopafdesiat rokov slovenskej literatury. Sva.zok Prvy. Turcia.nsky sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska., 1943. Pietro, Amlbro. Napor-Odpor, Ako postupovala mad'a.risacia v Uhorsku. Turcia.nsiky sv. Martin: Nakladom vilastnym, 1905. Ponibsky, Rev. Jan. K Stemu Vyrociu Literarnej Slovenciny 1844-1944. Scranton, Pa.: Obrana Press, Inc., 1944. Vlcek, Jaroslav. Dejiny literatiiry slovenskej. Turciansky sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, ( obnovienie vydanie z roku 1890) 1923. PERIODICALS : Banik, Ant. Aug. "Rok zo zivota Juraja Fa.ndliho" Slovenske Pohfady, Vol. LXVI, 9 (1950), pp. 507-51. Jarouseik, Rudolf. "Anton Bernola.k Ako Ucenec a Narodny BuditeY." Slov. Uc. Reprinted in Slovenska Obrana, August 3, 1937. Kovac ml., Edo. "Anton Bernola.k," Slovak v Amerike, May 9, 1933. Skuiltety, Jozef. "Pa:miat.ka Antona BernolaJka" Slovak, date unknown. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 18 SLOVAKIA THE EVOLUTION OF SLOVAK LITERATURE ANTON BERNOLAK'S INFLUENCE By Eleonor Podkrivacky There still are some people who believe erroneously that the Slo1vaJk languruge was not written prior to the ninetee.n th century. The fact that Hiving languages undergo change should be kept in mind by those who ipoint to differences in the literary language of the Slovalk ,people of today and in the languaige used a century or more a:go. Also the history of a people should not be overlooked in the study of their language. Among the Slav nations, most of which had varied external inf,l uences causing linguistic mutationis, we find that the literary langua,ge of eruch, closely resettnibling that in co.nterruporary use, had its fomnal beginnings in the late se.venteenth, in the eighteenth or nineteenth centuries. For example, in the seventeenth century the Lusatians though a very small nation numerically they have two main had literary langua:ges: Lower and Upper Lusatian grammars and selection of dialects for literary use in both their languages; during the eighteenth century after the reforuns of Peter the Great, Lomonosov was responsilble for the standardi.ization of Russian; and f.rom the sbcteenth century throUJgh the nineteenth the ":p opular" Bulgarian ,w as used in writings until 1869, when Drinov estaJblished the eastern dialect as the literary language. Before examining the ,p eriod when the Slovak language underwent literary formalization, it is necessary to explore its baJClk,ground briefly. After the death of St. Methodius, who with St. Cyril prapagated and strengthened Christianity among the Slovaks, German prelates who came to Slovalkia in the tenth century substituted the Latin languruge for the Slo.vanic in the liturgy. IDventually Latin was used in pulblitc life, iboth literary and diplomatic. Latin was· the official language used in documents in central Europe for several centuries. R. G. A. de Bray in Guide to the Slavonic Languages states SLOVAKIA 19 that in the period from the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries the Slovruk language was used with the Latin in some documents. ·P erhaps the oldest written Slov3ik work is that of V a.claw of Bzenec, Glossovane spevy cirkevne, a collection of religious songs which he wrote in 1385 in the dialect of Halie. Another of the most ancient written records is also a religious song, "Jezu Kriste scedry Kneze," which J. Ka.c:ka in Dejiny literatiiry slovenskej dates ba,cik to the fourteenth or p.ossd.lbJy the thirteenth century. And Fr. Hr1lSOVsky in Slovenske Dejiny tells of the use of the Slovak language made in the records of the guilds during the sixteenth century. This sanne histo.r ian relates that many Slorvak ex:pTessions and phrases are to be found in doouments written in Slovakia in the ~ech language whi'ch in the fifteenth century (Hussite Movement) was used in official documents in addition to La-tin and Germ an. German was in use because of the large Genman population in certain Slo1Vaik cities. Ge11mans were g1rven special prirvileges by the king who ill!Vited them to settle in sections of the CO'lliiltry which afforded sources of wealth either because of natural resources (mines and mm.ts, etc.) or because cxf their locations as trade centers. It must be kept in mind that for several centuries, by that time, the SlovaJks had been ruled by foreign kings. S. Krcmery in St.opafdesiat rokov slovenskej literatury Sipea(ks cxf the three cultures in SloJVa;kia ,w hich intermingled: the Latin in political, academic and religious life; the German in business and commercia'1 life; and the 1Slovaik in the home. Early in the fi!fteenth century two events were resiponsible for the official use of Cze:ch in some sections of Slovakia. In the first place there were the extensi,ve raids and occwpation by the Czech Hussites in western Slo,vaikia. Secondly, Jan Jisikra, the renowned Ozech CathoLk warrio:r, quartered his army, which was made up of many Czech Hussites and some Germans, in central and eastern SlovaJkia, when he was entreated by Elizrubeth, the queen~mother of Ladislav Posthumous, then a child, DU'ke of Austria, King oif Bohe(mia, and Htmgary, to ,prevent Vladislav of Poland 20 SLOVAlGA from usuripi.ng her son's throne. Jisikra maintained his hold on that section of Sllovakia for many years, even after the death of King Ladislav in 14'57. The Turkish Wars in the sixteenth century left their mark also. There are legends, folk songs and poems in the Slovak language dating frOIIll that unhappy period which give accounts of the i.nlvasions of the Turks and the a;bduction of many .SlovaJks. In addition to the hU1man li,ves lost orthe ,g reat nUlmlber of the population carried away into caiptivity, the devastation which the Turks brought upon the country is an irrepara,ble loss because much historical and literary material perished in the ipilla:ging. Although there were so many unfavoraJble outside elements, as far as the ,l anguage is concerned, the Slovak language did not fade aiwa,y. On the contrary, by the seventeenth century a national consciousness of their heritage and culture .b egan to manifest itse1f among the Slov8Jks. Catholic priests were the initial spark of the flame which was spread eventually throughout the country. An import.ant center for this a;cti.Jvity was in western Sloivrukia where the Uniiversity of Trnruva - whose press printed in 1655, among its, first .boOlks, a Latin-Slovaik hymnal - played a leading roJ.e in turning out men who reali~ed that their native tongue was as important as other languages. The needs of the ordinary man had to be c onstdered both in spiritual and temporal matters. Students who knew •:Gatin particiipated in plays in that language. However, the perfovmances ,w ere often presented for audiences of non...academilc people from neighboring towns, and there are evidences that plays were penfomned fo Slovak early in the seventeenth century. At the lb eginnmg oif the eighteenth century with the Counter-Refonmat ion came a definite concentration on writing in the vernacular instead of in Czech in, which language the Slova,k Protestants continued writing their books. With the religious writings 1partioularly of the Jesuits, although there are manuscripts and 1ptfulished wor1krs in Slovak by other religious orders, the prot!ess orf grrummatical consciousness of the Slovak langua:ge began. The number SLOVAKIA 21 and quality of writings by the Jesuits prompted J. Ka&a, in his book mentioned earlier, to state that the Slovak language ()If that period could be called Jesuit Slovak. By the second half of the eighteenth century the Slovak nationalistic revival was accentuated by greater political oppression. Among the controversial issues of the reform.s of Marie Therese and Joseph I was the measuTe by whi~h Latin was to be replaced by another officia:l language in the empire. Laws were passed which established Genman as the official language in non~Genman lands of the empire. Tihe Hungarians, who at first wished to keep Latin, reacted to this law by Later insisting that Hungarian, and no other language, be taught in all the schools oif Hungarian and non-Htmgarian suibjects in their domain. The Slovaks also rea.cted. In literature, b.oth Latin and Sloivruk, writers refered back to the glorious past of the Slovaks, before the Hungarians settled in that part olf Eurorpe, when Christianity was introduced and when they had a powerfw king and oojoyed ,p olitical inderpendence in the ninth century. It was left for Anton Bernonak, through his philological and linguistic studies, to become the outstanding initiator of a literary SloivaJk language. Bernolruk's ancestI1Y was distinguished. His family coat of a.nrns dated ba'Cik to 1681 when Leopold I added to their family name the title Slanicky, derived from the town Slanica, in Orruva County, where Anton was born OctOlber 4, 1762. His elementary education was completed in his natiive northeastern part of Sloiva;kia, at Namestovo, from where he went south to central Slovrukia to situdy in the classical high school (gyimn1aJZi,um) in RU!Zombero'k. His talents were recognired by the ar,c.bibishop of OstrihOIIIl (Estergom in Hlungary), ,w hose protege he became at the a.ge of 16, and he was sent to study ,i n the seminary in Bratislava in western SlovaJkia in 1778. After two years there he transferred to the seminary· in Trnava from where, after two more years of .study which .he realized with high honors, he went to Vienna to study theology. Among the reforuns of Joseph II were those which affected the Church. Aocording to his reforms the theological course was also offered in the gen- 22 SLOVAKIA eral seminary which the ®mpernr established in the castle at BratislaJVa. The course was of a five:-year duration. Hence, when Bernoilak returned to Bratislawa in the autumn of 1784, he had three more years of theology to complete. While studymg for the .p riesthood he became very interested in Slruvic la.ngua,ges, especially in the ,s tudy of his own tongue. By his twen:ty...fifth year he had written in Latin and pulblished two wonks which are conSidered the basis of literary Slovak. In the introduction to his Dissertatio philologico-critica de literis Slavonun which was carnipleted May 21, 1787, Bernolak states that he was advised by circumspect men to write these works in order to establish rules for .w riting the Slo.vruk Jamguaige. In this dissertation he e)C!)ressed the basic ,p rinciples o:f Slovak literary langua,ge. To mruke prarctical -t he prin:ciples o:f literary Slovak which he en'llll!ciated in the Dissert.atio, he stated orthogI_"aphic rules by which literary men would be guided in Linguae Slavonicae per regnmn Hungariae usit.at.ae compendiosa sumul et facilis orthographia. This second important wonk which he ipulblished also in 1787 was annexed to his famous Dissert.atio. J. Vlcek in Dejiny literatury slovenskej states that BernolaJk was well acquainted with the wol"k done in the field o:f linguis-tics by predecessors such as iMatej Bel and Pavel Dolelfal, both from the, first half of the 18th century, and with the tendencies oif the popular Slovruk 1'anguage to be found in the pUlblications from Trnaiva. Bernolalk's work was not revolutionary, rb ut rather evolutionary, in that contrary to his agreement with Bel that the best literar,y Slovak is that equidistant from the Czechs, Poles, and Hungarians, namely central Slovruk - he practiically followed the Catholic writers before him who wrote in the western dialect. The significance of these works at that period in history cannot be underestimated. The newly--estaiblislhed seminary in BratiSilava castle lasted only six years, until the death of Joseph I, but it housed annually a,pproxirmately five hundred seminarians from all parts of Slwakia. The interest aroused in the seminarians by these linguistitc ·s tu- SLOVAKIA dies was soon oibserved even in neighboring ,countries. And their efforts were encouraiged surprisingly enough by men of their nationality ,w ho, did not agree with their endeavors. While he was a oUTate in Ceklis he had published in 1790, in Bratislaiva, a gra,rrumar written in Latin of the Slova:k language entitled Grammatica slavica. (Sources vary in their spelling of the complete title of this work: J. Ka.cka Hsts it is Grammatica slavica ad systema scholarum rationalium in dicionibus caesareo-regiis introductum acoomo-data; Rev. J. Porulbsky varies from this only in "diictionibus" ; and J. Vlcek writes . . . scholarum nationalium in di· tionibus" . . . "). Bernola:k based his ,g rammar on phonetics. He selected the western dialect - there are three main dialects in Slcwalkia: western, central, and eastern - as the most surited for literary writing. He eliminated diphthongs and soft "r's" (f). He SUJbstituted "6" for "u", and "i" for "j" and "y". 'Dhe softening of the consonants "d, 1, n, t" was aocomplished according to his rules by ,s oftening the consonant "d', l'. n, f" and writing "d'e," etc., instead oif following the consonant with a soft vowel. In 1791 he was ruppointed secretary to the Archlbishop in Trnaiva. Undouibtedly he had begun earlier and continued in this city and elsewhere .until his death in Nove Zrumky, where he was ,pastor imd swpervisor of schools, January 15, 1813, compiling a dictionary Slowar slowenski in five languages: Slovaik, Ozedh, Latin, German, Magyar. This sixvolume masterwonk consisting of some 5,300 pages was not pulblished, however, until 1825-27, in Budin, with the financial baoking of the Canon of Ostrihom, Jruraj Pallkovic (not to he confused with his contemporary, the Lutheran Jifi PalJkovic), who colmlpleted Bernolak's dictionary with the sixth volume. During his appointment in Trnava, Bernola;k founded in 1792, the literary and cultural society "Slowenske ucene Towarisstwo" (:Slovalk Learned Sodety) whose aim it was to further the advancement of education and culture of the SlO!Vak · pepple by means of Sl01Vak literature. The majority of the memberE of this group, numbering close to five hun- SLOVAKIA dred, were Catholic priests who promised to write Slovak bOOlks and support the prOI_Pagation -of Slovak literature. Branches of this society were esta:blished throughout Slovakia. Sources do not all list the, same towns where literary centexs, were fornned. S. Kromery names only three towns where branches were formed: Nitra, Rovne, and Banska Bystrica. To .tJhes,e centers are a:dded Sotl'na Bairn near Presov by J. Vlcek, J. Kaicka and J. Poru'bslky,. and the two last named authorities mention Trencin as well. The historian Fr. HrusovSky enumerate·s Nitra, Rovne, Banska Bystrica, ,Solirvar, Roziiav,a and Kosice in SlovaJlda. He goes on to state that the society was represented also in other lands. In Austria them wa:s a branch in Vienna, and in Hungary there was a gro,UJp in Ja;ger. Thus the writers of the Bernolak s:chool decided to meet the- literary needs of those not lirving in their homeland . .A!Illong tlhe society's most outstanding l,i tera:ry men, in addition to its founder, were Juraj Pal1kovic, who translated the Bi!ble into the SlOiVaJk language; the Archlbishop of Ostriho:m, Alexande,r Cardinal RUJdnay, who, besides writing many semnons a:nd translating Cicero assisted the society financially ; Juraj Fandli, also a priest, who even in his botanica..l and agricultural wonks urged the Slovak people to a greater aippreciation of theiir mother tongue; another priest, the first famous SlovaJk ,p oet, Jan Holly ; the first Slovak literary historian, Rev. Michael Resetka; and Martin Haimuija:k who, in 1834, co--founded another organization in Budapest, the "Spolek miloviiikov reci a literatury slovenskej" (Organi'.zation of the Lovers of the Slovak Language and Literature) to ex:pand the work commenced by Bernola;k'"S society. Varied were the types of ,books published ,b y the Bernolalk school of writecrs. Their pulblications consisted orf theses on practical agriculture; religious, poetilc and pedagogic works; and histori'cal, literary and linguistic studies. · ·Truly, Anton Bernolak and his group are men worthy of admiration for the great love for their language and the efforts they put forth for its sake. SLOVAKIA BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS : \J Botto·, Julius, Slovaci, Vyvin ich narodneho povedomia, Turciansky sv. Martin; Vydanie knihkuipooko-Nwkladatel'skeho Spolku, 1906. \J DeBray, R. G. A. Guide to the Slavonic Lan~ges. London: J. -M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1951. (New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc.) Hruso:vsky, Fr. Slovenske Dejiny. Turcianslky sv. Mar\J tin, Matica SlovellSlka., 1940 (Fifth Edition). Kaolrn, Jozef. Dejiny literatury slovenskej. Ruzomlberok: Leva, 1921. Krcmery, Stefan. Stopafdesiat rokov slovenskej literatury. Sva.zok Prvy. Turcia.nsky sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska., 1943. Pietro, Amlbro. Napor-Odpor, Ako postupovala mad'a.risacia v Uhorsku. Turcia.nsiky sv. Martin: Nakladom vilastnym, 1905. Ponibsky, Rev. Jan. K Stemu Vyrociu Literarnej Slovenciny 1844-1944. Scranton, Pa.: Obrana Press, Inc., 1944. Vlcek, Jaroslav. Dejiny literatiiry slovenskej. Turciansky sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, ( obnovienie vydanie z roku 1890) 1923. PERIODICALS : Banik, Ant. Aug. "Rok zo zivota Juraja Fa.ndliho" Slovenske Pohfady, Vol. LXVI, 9 (1950), pp. 507-51. Jarouseik, Rudolf. "Anton Bernola.k Ako Ucenec a Narodny BuditeY." Slov. Uc. Reprinted in Slovenska Obrana, August 3, 1937. Kovac ml., Edo. "Anton Bernola.k," Slovak v Amerike, May 9, 1933. Skuiltety, Jozef. "Pa:miat.ka Antona BernolaJka" Slovak, date unknown.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Anton Bernolak's Influence on Slovak Literature Description An account of the resource Eleonor Podkrivacký Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 3 (8), September 1953 pp. 18-25 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Podkrivacký, Eleonor Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September 1953 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/d214f3f80aa0b5c207d8842334f93e61.pdf 8460ac2e169a4f2a38037c997f11957e PDF Text Text 168 SLOVAKIA definitely so, originates in the end of the 15th century. Then follows the church at Zabrez. The Protestant churches generally come from the 17th and 18th centuries. Churches of the eastern rite are the youngest. They originated in the 18th and 19th centuries. Then, it has to be remembered that the tooth of tim2 and the woodworm enjoy with hearty appetite the wooden building memorials . It is the peak of time for us to preserve our eminent memorials in "scansens" beside museums or in other suitable sites in nature to save what still can be saved. (First place - College) REFERENCES Eugen Lazist'an and Jan Michalov, Drevene stavby na Slovensku, Frantisek Kalina, Bratislava, 1971. Emanuel Hruska, Stavba miest, Slovenska akademia vied, Bratislav.1, 1970. E. Lorad, Umelecko-historicke pamdtne kostoly na Slm; ens.1m, Spolo!( sv. Vojtecha, Trnava, 1957. Vladimir Wagner, Vyvin vytvarneho umenia na Slovensku, Slovenska akademia vied, Bratislava, 1948. Kalendar Jednota 1969, 1970, 1971, 1972, 1973, 1974, Prva K-atoLcka Slovenska Jednota v USA, Middletown Pa. Mag:i.zine and periodicals: Jednota, Slovak v Amerike, Katolicky Sokol. Consultations with experts of Slovak art and architecture. II. MILAN RASTISLA V STEFANIK AND THE TRAGEDY OF THE SLOVAK PEOPLE Robert P o j e r During the late part of the nineteenth century, the seeds of nationalism had already been sown throughout the great empires of Europe. It would take the trauma of a world war before these nationalistic aspirations could be realized. In 1867 the Austro-Hungarian Dual Monarchy made its appearance. Within this vast empire, there existed many peoples-the Austrians and the Magyars, of course; the Serbs, Croats, Ruthenes, Rumanians, Czechs, and Slovaks, to name just a few. Although on the surface, this Austro-Hungarian Empire �SLOVAKIA 169 appeared to be united, in actuality is became evident that both Austria and Hungary were really two separate states. Even though they shared a common ruler, a common foreign policy, a common army, and common finances 1 both parts of the Monarchy were totally independent. Slovakia and Slovak destiny was in the hands of the Hungarian or Magyar state. The new arrangement gave the Magyars absolute control over the 30 million Slavs and the other non-Magyar elements which constituted a majority of the Hungarian population. The Slovaks were one of those nationalities with unique cultural distinctions which would separate them from the Magyars. For a time the Magyars permitted the establishment of Slovak schools and cultural societies for the preservation of the Slovak heritage and history. On the surface at least, this seemed fairly liberal for the times. The crucial question of laws made to secure these schools and societies and their enforcement arose constantly and on this score the Slovaks couldn't be too hopeful. Indeed, Slovaks seemed to sense that the Austro-Hungarian settlement would bring nothing but new setbacks and humiliations. The long history of resisting domination from many different empires and peoples conditioned them for what was to come. The Magyars feared that if the Slovak people studied their history, language, and culture, they might eventually desire to become a free nation, separate from the Hungarian state. A half-hearted program of the Magyarization of the Slovak people had existed for some time but it was during the 1860's that this policy began to be strongly enforced. The Slovaks were denied the right of free speech and assembly. 2 Their literature and schools were suppressed and forbidden. They were forced to learn in a tongue-Magyar-which was completely alien to them. This "Magyarization" of the Slovaks was done primarily to quell any Slovak feelings of nationalism. Nonetheless, the Slovaks' inherent love of liberty, freedom, and justice was undaunted. Along with the many restrictions mentioned above, there was a constant struggle between the Slovaks (and other nationalities within the Empire) and the Hungarian government for representation in the Hungarian Diet. From time to time, a few Slovaks were elected but their national- �170 SLOVAKIA istic feelings brought them into constant conflict with the Magyars who at this time were striving to protect their state from rebellions from within. Any rumblings could eventually lead to the collapse of the Empire and this they would prevent at any cost. Therefore, Slovak political expression was weak and constantly suppressed. In the election of 1910, only three Slovak deputies 3 were chosen and these Slovaks combined spent twenty years of their lives between the Hungarian Diet and Magyar jails in defense of the Slovak people. The Slovaks continued to be divided into two differing groups; one favored Slovak autonomy, and the other advocated a federated republic of the Slovak and Czech peoples within the existing Hungarian Empire. The Magyars, of course, exploited these Slovak and Czech differences to serve their own ends. Out of this conflict (between the Slovak people and the Hungarian government just described) there arose a leader who would try to secure freedom for his people. This would eventually cost him his life. Such a man was General Milan Rastislav Stefanik, astronomer, mathematician, military leader, and political leader of the Slovak people and the focal point of this paper. Milan R. Stefanik was born in the Slovak village of Kosariska of Protestant parents in 1880. In Kosariska Stefanik acquired an interest in astronomy and mathematics, which he later pursued at the University of Prague. When war broke out in 1914 he was in his early thirties and in Morocco making astronomical observations.4 His patriotism for his country brought him away from his work as an astronomer and took him almost immediately to France where he joined the French army as a private. Stefanik was soon transferred to the young French air corps where he served as an observer in air tactics. He became convinced that the Slovak people would never be content fighting for the Monarchy. It was here that Stefanik began to make plans for the formation: of a Slovak foreign legion. Throughout the middle war years (1915-1916) Stefanik made it a point to travel wherever he could in Europe to recruit troops for the legion. He managed to recruit a total of 10,000 men made up of Slovaks, Serbs, Russians, and �SLOVAKIA 171 Rumanians for the allied cause. Many of these men that Stefanik recruited were prisoners of war taken with much resistance, and were fighting for a cause which was not their own. This was a very important contribution to the allied war effort and to his own people who looked to him as a true leader for now these POW's from the Austro-Hungarian armies would be fighting for a cause they believed in and for the eventual formation of free and independent countries for their own peoples. Because of his dynamic personality and military accomplishments, Stefanik quickly reached the rank of General and it became evident that being the only leader of the future Czecho-Slovakia with military experience, the task of providing the Czecho-Slovak divisions to fight with the allied armies fell to Stefanik. In 1917 Stefanik made a visit to the United States, a visit which can be understood as perhaps stefanik's most important contribution to the future of the Slovak people. There was also a strong nationalistic feeling in America among Slovak-Americans and Czech-Americans to actively promote the cause of a Czecho-Slovakia. stefanik's efforts in his 1917 United States visit may be best explained in his own words: I have come to America to set afoot among the Slovak people a movement toward a move perfect understanding of the fundamental conditions of independence, and to obtain permission from the government at Washington to form an independent Czech and Slovak army -in which every Czech and Slovak might take part-the final struggle for our freedom, and perform a cherished duty long deferred.5 At the time of stefanik's visit, General Vignal, who was also stationed in the United States, said of stefanik's work: I cannot praise sufficiently this great patriot, cool-headed and inspired by the highest ideals, full of tact and wisdom. He has won the sympathy of the officials of the American State Department, and organized with the greatest success, the recruiting of Czechs and Slovaks.6 The French government sent a special commission headed by Franklin-Bouillon to Washington to obtain approval from President Wilson for Stefanik to recruit Czechs and Slovaks with the idea of forming a Czecho-Slovak regiment within the allied forces. Stefanik greatly aided the success of this mission. He eventually recruited some 4,000 �172 SLOVAKIA able-bodied Czechs and Slovaks who were not subject to the Selective Service Laws in America due to the fact that many of these immigrants were not yet naturalized citizens. Recruitment of these troops was not easy. Stefanik had the difficult task of raising money for transportation and housing facilities for his "Legionnaires," as well as providing for funds to support the families of the recruited wage earners. But perhaps the most important single aspect of stefanik's visit to the United States was his relations with American Slovak and Czech leaders. He attempted to dispel Slovak doubts as to Slovakia's status in a proposed new state to be created from the Dual Monarchy after an allied victory. Stefanik had yet another important meeting on July 1, 1917, at the Congress Hall in Washington, D. C. Stefanik reported on the military situation on the Eastern front and also the condition of Slovak and Czech troops in Russia. The real purpose of this meeting, however, was two-fold. One was to arrange the organization of American Slovaks and Czechs into the legion and the most important point was to lay down the groundwork for Czecho-Slovak cooperation in the United States. Stefanik knew that without the continued financial support of the Americans and Slovak and Czech immigrants, the birth of their state would not be realized. For this reason Stefanik remained non-committed about the future state to the American Slovaks and Czechs. He stressed that the new state would not be "an ethnographically inseparable one." 7 By this he meant that the Czecho-Slovak state was to be a politically unified one, but as to whether he envisioned a separate Slovak assembly in Bratislava to handle Slovak domestic affairs is not all clear. Stefanik specifically stated to the American Slovaks that the Slovaks in the homeland must be set free to make their own decision on important issues and that no guarantee could be given to emigrant Slovaks in the United States. Even with this in mind the unselfish Slovak-Americans gave all of their cooperation to Stefanik and to the cause he fought for in the homeland of Czecho-Slovakia. One must remember that the recently emigrated Slovak-American �SLOVAKIA 173 was financially very poor for the most part, and, therefore, any financial support was a great sacrifice for him. stefanik's dedication to Slovak autonomy did not stop with the militaristic idea but he gave clear evidence of his dedication in regard to religious matters also. Slovak Catholics ( Catholicism being the majority religion in Slovakia), both in the homeland and in the United States, were suspicious that the leading Czechs associated with Masaryk, were clearly hostile to the Catholic Church. They feared that the Czechs' skepticism toward the existence of God would always be the dominant element in Czech political life. To rid the people of these fears, Masaryk had assured them that in the new Czecho-Slovakia, there would be complete religious freedom for all. Despite this assurance, the doubts still persisted. Therefore, it was up to Stefanik to assure the American Slovaks of religious freedom in the new state. It was at a meeting on September 20, 1917, that Stefanik sat down with a group of American Slovak Catholic clergymen to thrash out this problem. 8 There is no written record available of this very important meeting but, it is known that many fears were raised that Slovak Catholicism would suffer greatly at the hands of a completely Czechized nonCatholic or perhaps even an anti-Catholic government in Prague.9 Stefanik came to the conclusion that in order for the American Slovaks to support the revolution in Europe, the new state would have to guarantee religious freedom for Slovakia. "The meeting with the American Slovak clergymen," said Edward Benes, Masaryk's right-hand man, "was very important because here Stefanik dispelled all the suspicions and unwillingness of the priests as regards the movement for independence ... " 10 This statement made by Benes, dispelled any doubts that Stefanik would win the reassurance of the Catholic Slovak clergymen to continue the fight for a completely religious and culturally free state of Czecho-Slovakia. On September 16, 1917, Stefanik met with FranklinBouillon and John P. Mitchell, then mayor of New York City, at an important demonstration-meeting held at Carnegie Hall. This meeting, at which the representatives of the Allied armies were present, had a considerable propaganda �174 SLOVAKIA significance since it broke the ice of indifference of American journalists. At this meeting Stefanik told several thousand fellow patriots that "our fight against AustroHungary can end only when both our fraternal nations, the Czechs and the Slovaks, are united in an independent state free of Magyar-German domination." 11 Also speaking at the meeting was Franklin-Bouillon, who addressed the men of the "Czecho-Slovak" nation and appealed to them to join the Legion. He was the first influential statesman who publicly voiced a desire for the dismemberment of the Dual Mqnarchy. This statement of Franklin-Bouillon's caused a sensation in American political circles. For at no previous meeting was the dismemberment of Austria- Hungary publicly announced. For this reason one cannot but feel that the true stefanik came forth at the Carnegie Hall mass meeting. The success of stefanik's two-fold task of recruitment and securing Czech-Slovak solidarity in the United States seemed complete, and Stefanik sought permission to return to Paris. Vignal granted this permission for Stefanik to return to France on the first transport of Slovak and Czech troops. The General also added a few words of praise for the success of stefanik's mission. This mission contributed to the Slovak-Czech cause in another very tangible way. Urged by stefanik's great talent as an orator, his obvious patriotism, and tremendous personal magnitude, in the fall of 191 7, the American Slovaks organized their Million Dollar Drive to aid the cause for Slovak-Czech freedom abroad. The drive, headed by Father Joseph Murgas, sent well over $800,000 to Masaryk, Benes, theCzecho-Slovak National Council's office in Paris, Russia, and the United States. Stefanik won their respect and cooperation in his fight for Slovak autonomy. During stefanik's leave from the United States and his return to Paris, much was done behind his back toward the formation of the new Czecho-Slovak Republic. In May of 1918 Masaryk was in Pittsburgh meeting with American and Slovak and Czech leaders, explaining just how CzechoSlovakia would be administered and precisely what the status of Slovakia would be within the new state. He assured the Slovaks that Czecho-Slovakia would be an �SLOVAKIA 175 autonomous state. He also assured them that Slovakia would have its own schools, its own language, its own local administration, courts, and its own legislative assembly. And, to further appease Slovak sensibilities toward the new state, Masaryk drafted a document which has since been vehemently debated. The document came to be known as the Pittsburgh Pact. It contained all of the above legislation and it added that the Czecho-Slovak state shall be a republic, and its constitution shall be democratic. The irony surrounding the drafting of the Pittsburgh Pact was that Masaryk signed the Pact and did not abide by its stipulations. In his own book, The Making of a State, Masaryk skipped over the Pact as a mere scrap of paper noting that "it was concluded in order to appease a 'small Slovak faction' which was dreaming of God knows what sort of independent Slovakia ... the agreement was a local one ... among the Czechs and Slovaks of America." 12 Therefore, according to Masaryk, this Pact was not between the Slovak and Czech nations, but just an agreement "to satisfy a small Slovak faction:" Obviously, it was never meant to be considered in the planning of the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak state either by Masaryk or the Czechs themselves. Masaryk brushed aside the Slovaks rudely by this action, broke his word of honor and proclaimed his signature genuine but worthless, and in the same work (World Revolution, 1925, p. 105) he discounted the financial aid of the Slovaks as insignificant. 13 As can be seen, Masaryk treated the entire matter shabbily and deceitfully. More effective communications with Stefanik in Paris should certainly have been established, especially after stefanik's impressive visit to the United States. It should have been mandatory that Stefanik sign the Pact, thus binding the Czecho-Slovak National Council itself. Masaryk made very little effort at all to contact Stefanik and the other Slovak leaders. Masaryk then continued to make plans for the new state without stefanik's cognizance of the matter. I feel a moment must be taken here to mention the fact that there was an undertone of personality clashes, jealousy, and suspicion on the parts of Masaryk and especially the socialist Benes toward Stefanik. Mrs. Louise Weiss, editor of l' Europe Nouvelle in Paris and an intimate friend of �SLOVAKIA 176 stefanik's, wrote in her book Memoires d'une Europeenne (Memoirs of a European Woman): His (Stefanik's) differences with Benes were an obsession to him. Although he was overbusy, he found time to enlighten me within three minutes, about 'this first grade socialist, this paper revolutionary, this distorted diplomat.' As soon as he left, Benes settled down in my office, and for three hours expanded on this astronomer who thinks he is a soldier, this peasant who thinks he is an aristocrat, this politician who considers himself a genius, but who, in fact, is nothing but muddled up.14 Further she writes: When Stefanik returned from his expedition, he found Benes more and more firmly established with some Government Offices with whom he was negotiating (in the absence of Stefanik) and, in view of the circumstances, without informing Stefanik about it. Benes could not witness without envy the aura surrounding Milan (Stefanik) as a legendary hero.15 Benes and Masaryk, as well, I feel, were jealous and afraid of stefanik's overwhelming popularity. As opposed to them, Stefanik was a more "colorful" character with his ear attuned to the pulse of the Slovak people both in Slovakia and in the United States. The aim of Masaryk and Benes was to establish a predominantly Czech bureaucracy throughout the newly formed nation to fill the vacuum left by the Magyars with no real concern for the welfare and wishes of the Slovak people. As long as Stefanik, however, could serve their purpose in uniting the Slovaks with the Czechs (for pragmatic reasons only) to show the Allies a unified peoples so that they would grant independence, then Masaryk and Benes "tolerated" but ignored Stefanik whenever possible. When he finally realized their true intentions, he was no longer useful and, therefore, would have to be eliminated. On October 28, 1918, T. G. Masaryk proclaimed the Czecho-Slovak Republic while he was in Washington. Masaryk wrote the Declaration of Independence and presented it to Secretary of State Lansing to get his approval. Masaryk wrote in the declaration "that the rights of Bohemia might be united to those of the Slovak brethren in Slovakia, once a part of our (Czech) state ... " 16 This proclamation made Stefanik furious. He was perturbed that the proclamation was issued in Washington instead of Paris. He also added that the proclamation was �SLOVAKIA 177 issued without his previous knowledge and that Masaryk forged his signature to it without prior consultation. Stefanik then sent a telegram to Masaryk in Washington and Benes in Paris to voice his objections to the declaration. He sent the telegram on October 28, the same day that the declaration was released to the public. In stefanik's view, the Republic surely had gotten off on the wrong foot. 17 His misgivings were realized soon after his death when c-:echoSlovak policy, domestic and foreign, became strictly Czech policy. "The lure of might showed itself more powerful for the Czech majority than the ideals of nationalism, equality, and rights." 18 In the early part of 1919 Stefanik began his journey home where he was to be crowned with the appointment to the office of the Minister of National Defense in the new Republic. stefanik's love for his native Slovakia and the people dominated every interest he had in life, even that of attaining high personal fame. Stefanik once wrote to a friend: "I am a Slovak, body and soul; I know no divided affection." 19 After stefanik's inspection of his army in Italy he planned to make the trip home by plane. On May 4, 1919, General Milan Rastislav Stefanik, the war hero of all Slovakia, was killed under circumstances which have been suspect ever since. He was returning to Bratislava where a huge crowd had gathered to welcome him, where he was to take up duties as first Minister of Defense in the CzechoSlovak Republic he had helped create in Paris. A little after 11 a.m. on that fateful day, the Italian plane-Caproni No. 11,495-carrying Stefanik and an Italian pilot and co-pilot, circled the Vajnory Airport near Bratislava for a landing. All of a sudden the plane burst into flames and crashed to the ground below. s tefanik had been a victim of an anti-aircraft barrage of the Czecho-Slovak garrison whose orders were given to them by a Czech commanding officer. Prague tried to hush up the tragedy but it couldn't be suppressed. "It was all a mistake," said the commanding officer_, "I thought it was an enemy plane; the garrison didn't know Stefanik was· arriving in an Italian-made plane!" 20 Despite Czech propaganda, eye witnesses still alive today, as well as certain members of the military �178 SLOV A KIA garrison, insist that the shooting was willful, that Stefanik was deliberately murdered. There are even letters and sworn statements that exist to coincide with the charges. It was found that before an investigation board, a soldier named Joseph Mesko, confessed to shooting at stefanik's plane and stated that he had not known of such orders and had opened fire with the belief that the plane was a Magyar one. 21 One eyewitness, Rudolph Ruzicka stated: I was at my canon when I saw the arrival of the plane about which we had been pre,viously advised. I don't swear that we knew for sure it was Stefanik's plane; never theless, I do maintain, and still today, even if it could have been an enemy plane, that they shouldn't have fired so fearfully and heavily upon it.22 The death of Stefanik is still very unclear in the minds of all Slovaks. Stefanik knew that throughout history Czechs and Slovaks had formed distinct national and cultural differences and that, therefore, Pan-Czech references to "one Czechoslovak nation" were pure myth. Stefanik was a fierce Slovak patriot who would not stand still for the completion of a "Czechized" new state.23 Stefanik was an inconvenience to the Czechs and their plans to colonize Slovakia within the "great Czechoslovakia" that the National Council in Paris had dreamed of. Many Slovaks even today will tell you that Stefanik had to die, because he would never consent to Slovakia being a colony of the imperialistic Czechs led by T. G. Masaryk and Edward Benes. The shooting down of Caproni No. 11,495 served Prague well. In today's Slovakia, controlled by the Communists, Milan Rastislav Stefanik is remembered and looked to as an inspiration to all Slovak people.24 From the time of his death to the present day, Slovakia has suffered again and again from forces beyond her control. Stefanik had always been wary of Czech promises and his misgivings came to pass. The Czechs only used the Slovaks and their nationalistic aspirations as pawns at Paris to be appeased so that the allies would create a state for them out of the carved-up Austro-Hungarian Empire if they saw some semblance of unity between the two groups. The Czechs knew that once this was achieved, and they were independent from Allied control, they would then be the dominant force in the new state and not equal partners with the Slovak people. �SLOVAKIA 179 Even though Slovakia still is not free, Milan Rastislav titefanik and his dreams live on and serve as hope for a future Slovakia, free and self-governing someday. ( Second place - College) FOOTNOTES 1) Special committees elected from both the Austrian and Hungarian Diets were entrusted with the administration of these common departments-in all other matters, and what were left were called purely "domestic affairs." 2) Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovakia and Its People (New York : Robert Speller and Sons, Publishers, 1960) , p. 135. 3) These were Francis Skycak, Dr. Paul Blaho, and Ferdinand Juriga. 4) Milan S. !>urica, "Milan R. Stefanik and His Tragic Death in the Light of Italian Documents," Slovak Studies, Volume X, 1970, p. 148. 5) Peter P. Yurchak, The Slovaks (Indiana: Obrana Press, Inc., 1946), p . 196. 6) Yurchak, p. 196 plus. 7) Oddo, p. 167. 8) Oddo, p. 168. 9) Oddo, p. 169. 10 ) Oddo, p. 167. 11) Oddo, p. 167. 12) Joseph Pauco, Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America (Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, 1967), p. 53. 13) Pauco, p. 53. 14) Joseph M. Kirschbaum (ed.), Slovakia in the 19th and 20th Centuries (Toronto: Slovak World Congress, 1973), p. 84 plus. 15) Kirschbaum, p. 84 plus. 16) Oddo, p. 183. 17) Oddo, p. 183. 18) Reverend B. S. Bue, Slovak Nationalism (Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, 1960) , p. 38. 19) Yurchak, p. 202. 20) !>urica, p. 164. 21) !>urica, p. 165. 22) !>urica, p. 165. 23) Yurchak, p. 203. 24) A national monument has been erected' to the memory of Stefanik in Slovakia at Bradlo, near his native village, to which Slovaks make a yearly pilgrimage. A life-size statue has also been erected in the U.S. in Wade Park, Cleveland, Ohio. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bue, Reverend B. S., Slovak Nationalism, Middletown, Penna.: Slovak League of America, 1960. !>urica, Milan S., "Milan R. Stefanik and His Tragic Death in the Light of Italian Military Documents." Slovak Studies (Volume 10), 1970, pp. 147-182. �180 SLOVAKIA Rusek, Stephanie 0., ''Milan Rastislav Stefanik." Slovakia, March, 1954, pp. 33-47. Kirschbaum, Joseph M., Slovakia in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Toronto: Slovak World Congress 1973. Mikus, Joseph A. , Slovakia: A Political History, 1918-1950. Milwaukee: The Marquette University Press, 1963. Oddo, G. L. , Slovakia and Its People . New York: Robert Speller and Sons, Publishers, 1960. Paufo, Joseph , Six ty Years of the Slovak League of America. Middletown, Pa.: Slovak League of Ame-r ica, 1967. Woytko, Sister Mary Gabrielle, Sl-o vakia's Road to Statehood. Michigan : John J . Lach, Publisher, 1957. Yurchak, P., The Slovaks. Scranton, Pa.: Obrana Press, Inc., 1946. III. SLOVAKIA BEFORE THE CZECHS John Bert a The Slovaks are a Slavic people who settled in the land between the Danube River and the Carpathian Mountains some 1500 years ago. The area had formerly been held by the Marcommani, a Celtic people, who fled the land after several disastrous wars with the armies of the Roman Empire. The Slovaks were hunters turned farmers. Their main enterprises were blacksmithing and potterymaking, while business transactions were done by bartering. They lived in simple mud and wooden huts, and lived in family groupings called clans, of which the oldest was its head. The Slovak gods were as numerous and varied as those of the Greeks and Romans. When a Slovak died, if cremated, the ashes were placed in urns and buried in a mound. If the body was to be buried, food, wine, weapons and jewelry were placed in the grave. The size of the burial site determined the importance of the dead person. The first attempt of the Slavonic peoples, living along the Danube, to unite into a viable force, came after the Avars, a nomadic Asian people, conquered part of their land. In 624, Samo, a Frankish merchant, united the people and led them to victory against the Avars. This victory encouraged them to face the Germanic Franks, who were � 168 SLOVAKIA definitely so, originates in the end of the 15th century. Then follows the church at Zabrez. The Protestant churches generally come from the 17th and 18th centuries. Churches of the eastern rite are the youngest. They originated in the 18th and 19th centuries. Then, it has to be remembered that the tooth of tim2 and the woodworm enjoy with hearty appetite the wooden building memorials . It is the peak of time for us to preserve our eminent memorials in "scansens" beside museums or in other suitable sites in nature to save what still can be saved. (First place - College) REFERENCES Eugen Lazist'an and Jan Michalov, Drevene stavby na Slovensku, Frantisek Kalina, Bratislava, 1971. Emanuel Hruska, Stavba miest, Slovenska akademia vied, Bratislav.1, 1970. E. Lorad, Umelecko-historicke pamdtne kostoly na Slm; ens.1m, Spolo!( sv. Vojtecha, Trnava, 1957. Vladimir Wagner, Vyvin vytvarneho umenia na Slovensku, Slovenska akademia vied, Bratislava, 1948. Kalendar Jednota 1969, 1970, 1971, 1972, 1973, 1974, Prva K-atoLcka Slovenska Jednota v USA, Middletown Pa. Mag:i.zine and periodicals: Jednota, Slovak v Amerike, Katolicky Sokol. Consultations with experts of Slovak art and architecture. II. MILAN RASTISLA V STEFANIK AND THE TRAGEDY OF THE SLOVAK PEOPLE Robert P o j e r During the late part of the nineteenth century, the seeds of nationalism had already been sown throughout the great empires of Europe. It would take the trauma of a world war before these nationalistic aspirations could be realized. In 1867 the Austro-Hungarian Dual Monarchy made its appearance. Within this vast empire, there existed many peoples-the Austrians and the Magyars, of course; the Serbs, Croats, Ruthenes, Rumanians, Czechs, and Slovaks, to name just a few. Although on the surface, this Austro-Hungarian Empire �SLOVAKIA 169 appeared to be united, in actuality is became evident that both Austria and Hungary were really two separate states. Even though they shared a common ruler, a common foreign policy, a common army, and common finances 1 both parts of the Monarchy were totally independent. Slovakia and Slovak destiny was in the hands of the Hungarian or Magyar state. The new arrangement gave the Magyars absolute control over the 30 million Slavs and the other non-Magyar elements which constituted a majority of the Hungarian population. The Slovaks were one of those nationalities with unique cultural distinctions which would separate them from the Magyars. For a time the Magyars permitted the establishment of Slovak schools and cultural societies for the preservation of the Slovak heritage and history. On the surface at least, this seemed fairly liberal for the times. The crucial question of laws made to secure these schools and societies and their enforcement arose constantly and on this score the Slovaks couldn't be too hopeful. Indeed, Slovaks seemed to sense that the Austro-Hungarian settlement would bring nothing but new setbacks and humiliations. The long history of resisting domination from many different empires and peoples conditioned them for what was to come. The Magyars feared that if the Slovak people studied their history, language, and culture, they might eventually desire to become a free nation, separate from the Hungarian state. A half-hearted program of the Magyarization of the Slovak people had existed for some time but it was during the 1860's that this policy began to be strongly enforced. The Slovaks were denied the right of free speech and assembly. 2 Their literature and schools were suppressed and forbidden. They were forced to learn in a tongue-Magyar-which was completely alien to them. This "Magyarization" of the Slovaks was done primarily to quell any Slovak feelings of nationalism. Nonetheless, the Slovaks' inherent love of liberty, freedom, and justice was undaunted. Along with the many restrictions mentioned above, there was a constant struggle between the Slovaks (and other nationalities within the Empire) and the Hungarian government for representation in the Hungarian Diet. From time to time, a few Slovaks were elected but their national- �170 SLOVAKIA istic feelings brought them into constant conflict with the Magyars who at this time were striving to protect their state from rebellions from within. Any rumblings could eventually lead to the collapse of the Empire and this they would prevent at any cost. Therefore, Slovak political expression was weak and constantly suppressed. In the election of 1910, only three Slovak deputies 3 were chosen and these Slovaks combined spent twenty years of their lives between the Hungarian Diet and Magyar jails in defense of the Slovak people. The Slovaks continued to be divided into two differing groups; one favored Slovak autonomy, and the other advocated a federated republic of the Slovak and Czech peoples within the existing Hungarian Empire. The Magyars, of course, exploited these Slovak and Czech differences to serve their own ends. Out of this conflict (between the Slovak people and the Hungarian government just described) there arose a leader who would try to secure freedom for his people. This would eventually cost him his life. Such a man was General Milan Rastislav Stefanik, astronomer, mathematician, military leader, and political leader of the Slovak people and the focal point of this paper. Milan R. Stefanik was born in the Slovak village of Kosariska of Protestant parents in 1880. In Kosariska Stefanik acquired an interest in astronomy and mathematics, which he later pursued at the University of Prague. When war broke out in 1914 he was in his early thirties and in Morocco making astronomical observations.4 His patriotism for his country brought him away from his work as an astronomer and took him almost immediately to France where he joined the French army as a private. Stefanik was soon transferred to the young French air corps where he served as an observer in air tactics. He became convinced that the Slovak people would never be content fighting for the Monarchy. It was here that Stefanik began to make plans for the formation: of a Slovak foreign legion. Throughout the middle war years (1915-1916) Stefanik made it a point to travel wherever he could in Europe to recruit troops for the legion. He managed to recruit a total of 10,000 men made up of Slovaks, Serbs, Russians, and �SLOVAKIA 171 Rumanians for the allied cause. Many of these men that Stefanik recruited were prisoners of war taken with much resistance, and were fighting for a cause which was not their own. This was a very important contribution to the allied war effort and to his own people who looked to him as a true leader for now these POW's from the Austro-Hungarian armies would be fighting for a cause they believed in and for the eventual formation of free and independent countries for their own peoples. Because of his dynamic personality and military accomplishments, Stefanik quickly reached the rank of General and it became evident that being the only leader of the future Czecho-Slovakia with military experience, the task of providing the Czecho-Slovak divisions to fight with the allied armies fell to Stefanik. In 1917 Stefanik made a visit to the United States, a visit which can be understood as perhaps stefanik's most important contribution to the future of the Slovak people. There was also a strong nationalistic feeling in America among Slovak-Americans and Czech-Americans to actively promote the cause of a Czecho-Slovakia. stefanik's efforts in his 1917 United States visit may be best explained in his own words: I have come to America to set afoot among the Slovak people a movement toward a move perfect understanding of the fundamental conditions of independence, and to obtain permission from the government at Washington to form an independent Czech and Slovak army -in which every Czech and Slovak might take part-the final struggle for our freedom, and perform a cherished duty long deferred.5 At the time of stefanik's visit, General Vignal, who was also stationed in the United States, said of stefanik's work: I cannot praise sufficiently this great patriot, cool-headed and inspired by the highest ideals, full of tact and wisdom. He has won the sympathy of the officials of the American State Department, and organized with the greatest success, the recruiting of Czechs and Slovaks.6 The French government sent a special commission headed by Franklin-Bouillon to Washington to obtain approval from President Wilson for Stefanik to recruit Czechs and Slovaks with the idea of forming a Czecho-Slovak regiment within the allied forces. Stefanik greatly aided the success of this mission. He eventually recruited some 4,000 �172 SLOVAKIA able-bodied Czechs and Slovaks who were not subject to the Selective Service Laws in America due to the fact that many of these immigrants were not yet naturalized citizens. Recruitment of these troops was not easy. Stefanik had the difficult task of raising money for transportation and housing facilities for his "Legionnaires," as well as providing for funds to support the families of the recruited wage earners. But perhaps the most important single aspect of stefanik's visit to the United States was his relations with American Slovak and Czech leaders. He attempted to dispel Slovak doubts as to Slovakia's status in a proposed new state to be created from the Dual Monarchy after an allied victory. Stefanik had yet another important meeting on July 1, 1917, at the Congress Hall in Washington, D. C. Stefanik reported on the military situation on the Eastern front and also the condition of Slovak and Czech troops in Russia. The real purpose of this meeting, however, was two-fold. One was to arrange the organization of American Slovaks and Czechs into the legion and the most important point was to lay down the groundwork for Czecho-Slovak cooperation in the United States. Stefanik knew that without the continued financial support of the Americans and Slovak and Czech immigrants, the birth of their state would not be realized. For this reason Stefanik remained non-committed about the future state to the American Slovaks and Czechs. He stressed that the new state would not be "an ethnographically inseparable one." 7 By this he meant that the Czecho-Slovak state was to be a politically unified one, but as to whether he envisioned a separate Slovak assembly in Bratislava to handle Slovak domestic affairs is not all clear. Stefanik specifically stated to the American Slovaks that the Slovaks in the homeland must be set free to make their own decision on important issues and that no guarantee could be given to emigrant Slovaks in the United States. Even with this in mind the unselfish Slovak-Americans gave all of their cooperation to Stefanik and to the cause he fought for in the homeland of Czecho-Slovakia. One must remember that the recently emigrated Slovak-American �SLOVAKIA 173 was financially very poor for the most part, and, therefore, any financial support was a great sacrifice for him. stefanik's dedication to Slovak autonomy did not stop with the militaristic idea but he gave clear evidence of his dedication in regard to religious matters also. Slovak Catholics ( Catholicism being the majority religion in Slovakia), both in the homeland and in the United States, were suspicious that the leading Czechs associated with Masaryk, were clearly hostile to the Catholic Church. They feared that the Czechs' skepticism toward the existence of God would always be the dominant element in Czech political life. To rid the people of these fears, Masaryk had assured them that in the new Czecho-Slovakia, there would be complete religious freedom for all. Despite this assurance, the doubts still persisted. Therefore, it was up to Stefanik to assure the American Slovaks of religious freedom in the new state. It was at a meeting on September 20, 1917, that Stefanik sat down with a group of American Slovak Catholic clergymen to thrash out this problem. 8 There is no written record available of this very important meeting but, it is known that many fears were raised that Slovak Catholicism would suffer greatly at the hands of a completely Czechized nonCatholic or perhaps even an anti-Catholic government in Prague.9 Stefanik came to the conclusion that in order for the American Slovaks to support the revolution in Europe, the new state would have to guarantee religious freedom for Slovakia. "The meeting with the American Slovak clergymen," said Edward Benes, Masaryk's right-hand man, "was very important because here Stefanik dispelled all the suspicions and unwillingness of the priests as regards the movement for independence ... " 10 This statement made by Benes, dispelled any doubts that Stefanik would win the reassurance of the Catholic Slovak clergymen to continue the fight for a completely religious and culturally free state of Czecho-Slovakia. On September 16, 1917, Stefanik met with FranklinBouillon and John P. Mitchell, then mayor of New York City, at an important demonstration-meeting held at Carnegie Hall. This meeting, at which the representatives of the Allied armies were present, had a considerable propaganda �174 SLOVAKIA significance since it broke the ice of indifference of American journalists. At this meeting Stefanik told several thousand fellow patriots that "our fight against AustroHungary can end only when both our fraternal nations, the Czechs and the Slovaks, are united in an independent state free of Magyar-German domination." 11 Also speaking at the meeting was Franklin-Bouillon, who addressed the men of the "Czecho-Slovak" nation and appealed to them to join the Legion. He was the first influential statesman who publicly voiced a desire for the dismemberment of the Dual Mqnarchy. This statement of Franklin-Bouillon's caused a sensation in American political circles. For at no previous meeting was the dismemberment of Austria- Hungary publicly announced. For this reason one cannot but feel that the true stefanik came forth at the Carnegie Hall mass meeting. The success of stefanik's two-fold task of recruitment and securing Czech-Slovak solidarity in the United States seemed complete, and Stefanik sought permission to return to Paris. Vignal granted this permission for Stefanik to return to France on the first transport of Slovak and Czech troops. The General also added a few words of praise for the success of stefanik's mission. This mission contributed to the Slovak-Czech cause in another very tangible way. Urged by stefanik's great talent as an orator, his obvious patriotism, and tremendous personal magnitude, in the fall of 191 7, the American Slovaks organized their Million Dollar Drive to aid the cause for Slovak-Czech freedom abroad. The drive, headed by Father Joseph Murgas, sent well over $800,000 to Masaryk, Benes, theCzecho-Slovak National Council's office in Paris, Russia, and the United States. Stefanik won their respect and cooperation in his fight for Slovak autonomy. During stefanik's leave from the United States and his return to Paris, much was done behind his back toward the formation of the new Czecho-Slovak Republic. In May of 1918 Masaryk was in Pittsburgh meeting with American and Slovak and Czech leaders, explaining just how CzechoSlovakia would be administered and precisely what the status of Slovakia would be within the new state. He assured the Slovaks that Czecho-Slovakia would be an �SLOVAKIA 175 autonomous state. He also assured them that Slovakia would have its own schools, its own language, its own local administration, courts, and its own legislative assembly. And, to further appease Slovak sensibilities toward the new state, Masaryk drafted a document which has since been vehemently debated. The document came to be known as the Pittsburgh Pact. It contained all of the above legislation and it added that the Czecho-Slovak state shall be a republic, and its constitution shall be democratic. The irony surrounding the drafting of the Pittsburgh Pact was that Masaryk signed the Pact and did not abide by its stipulations. In his own book, The Making of a State, Masaryk skipped over the Pact as a mere scrap of paper noting that "it was concluded in order to appease a 'small Slovak faction' which was dreaming of God knows what sort of independent Slovakia ... the agreement was a local one ... among the Czechs and Slovaks of America." 12 Therefore, according to Masaryk, this Pact was not between the Slovak and Czech nations, but just an agreement "to satisfy a small Slovak faction:" Obviously, it was never meant to be considered in the planning of the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak state either by Masaryk or the Czechs themselves. Masaryk brushed aside the Slovaks rudely by this action, broke his word of honor and proclaimed his signature genuine but worthless, and in the same work (World Revolution, 1925, p. 105) he discounted the financial aid of the Slovaks as insignificant. 13 As can be seen, Masaryk treated the entire matter shabbily and deceitfully. More effective communications with Stefanik in Paris should certainly have been established, especially after stefanik's impressive visit to the United States. It should have been mandatory that Stefanik sign the Pact, thus binding the Czecho-Slovak National Council itself. Masaryk made very little effort at all to contact Stefanik and the other Slovak leaders. Masaryk then continued to make plans for the new state without stefanik's cognizance of the matter. I feel a moment must be taken here to mention the fact that there was an undertone of personality clashes, jealousy, and suspicion on the parts of Masaryk and especially the socialist Benes toward Stefanik. Mrs. Louise Weiss, editor of l' Europe Nouvelle in Paris and an intimate friend of �SLOVAKIA 176 stefanik's, wrote in her book Memoires d'une Europeenne (Memoirs of a European Woman): His (Stefanik's) differences with Benes were an obsession to him. Although he was overbusy, he found time to enlighten me within three minutes, about 'this first grade socialist, this paper revolutionary, this distorted diplomat.' As soon as he left, Benes settled down in my office, and for three hours expanded on this astronomer who thinks he is a soldier, this peasant who thinks he is an aristocrat, this politician who considers himself a genius, but who, in fact, is nothing but muddled up.14 Further she writes: When Stefanik returned from his expedition, he found Benes more and more firmly established with some Government Offices with whom he was negotiating (in the absence of Stefanik) and, in view of the circumstances, without informing Stefanik about it. Benes could not witness without envy the aura surrounding Milan (Stefanik) as a legendary hero.15 Benes and Masaryk, as well, I feel, were jealous and afraid of stefanik's overwhelming popularity. As opposed to them, Stefanik was a more "colorful" character with his ear attuned to the pulse of the Slovak people both in Slovakia and in the United States. The aim of Masaryk and Benes was to establish a predominantly Czech bureaucracy throughout the newly formed nation to fill the vacuum left by the Magyars with no real concern for the welfare and wishes of the Slovak people. As long as Stefanik, however, could serve their purpose in uniting the Slovaks with the Czechs (for pragmatic reasons only) to show the Allies a unified peoples so that they would grant independence, then Masaryk and Benes "tolerated" but ignored Stefanik whenever possible. When he finally realized their true intentions, he was no longer useful and, therefore, would have to be eliminated. On October 28, 1918, T. G. Masaryk proclaimed the Czecho-Slovak Republic while he was in Washington. Masaryk wrote the Declaration of Independence and presented it to Secretary of State Lansing to get his approval. Masaryk wrote in the declaration "that the rights of Bohemia might be united to those of the Slovak brethren in Slovakia, once a part of our (Czech) state ... " 16 This proclamation made Stefanik furious. He was perturbed that the proclamation was issued in Washington instead of Paris. He also added that the proclamation was �SLOVAKIA 177 issued without his previous knowledge and that Masaryk forged his signature to it without prior consultation. Stefanik then sent a telegram to Masaryk in Washington and Benes in Paris to voice his objections to the declaration. He sent the telegram on October 28, the same day that the declaration was released to the public. In stefanik's view, the Republic surely had gotten off on the wrong foot. 17 His misgivings were realized soon after his death when c-:echoSlovak policy, domestic and foreign, became strictly Czech policy. "The lure of might showed itself more powerful for the Czech majority than the ideals of nationalism, equality, and rights." 18 In the early part of 1919 Stefanik began his journey home where he was to be crowned with the appointment to the office of the Minister of National Defense in the new Republic. stefanik's love for his native Slovakia and the people dominated every interest he had in life, even that of attaining high personal fame. Stefanik once wrote to a friend: "I am a Slovak, body and soul; I know no divided affection." 19 After stefanik's inspection of his army in Italy he planned to make the trip home by plane. On May 4, 1919, General Milan Rastislav Stefanik, the war hero of all Slovakia, was killed under circumstances which have been suspect ever since. He was returning to Bratislava where a huge crowd had gathered to welcome him, where he was to take up duties as first Minister of Defense in the CzechoSlovak Republic he had helped create in Paris. A little after 11 a.m. on that fateful day, the Italian plane-Caproni No. 11,495-carrying Stefanik and an Italian pilot and co-pilot, circled the Vajnory Airport near Bratislava for a landing. All of a sudden the plane burst into flames and crashed to the ground below. s tefanik had been a victim of an anti-aircraft barrage of the Czecho-Slovak garrison whose orders were given to them by a Czech commanding officer. Prague tried to hush up the tragedy but it couldn't be suppressed. "It was all a mistake," said the commanding officer_, "I thought it was an enemy plane; the garrison didn't know Stefanik was· arriving in an Italian-made plane!" 20 Despite Czech propaganda, eye witnesses still alive today, as well as certain members of the military �178 SLOV A KIA garrison, insist that the shooting was willful, that Stefanik was deliberately murdered. There are even letters and sworn statements that exist to coincide with the charges. It was found that before an investigation board, a soldier named Joseph Mesko, confessed to shooting at stefanik's plane and stated that he had not known of such orders and had opened fire with the belief that the plane was a Magyar one. 21 One eyewitness, Rudolph Ruzicka stated: I was at my canon when I saw the arrival of the plane about which we had been pre,viously advised. I don't swear that we knew for sure it was Stefanik's plane; never theless, I do maintain, and still today, even if it could have been an enemy plane, that they shouldn't have fired so fearfully and heavily upon it.22 The death of Stefanik is still very unclear in the minds of all Slovaks. Stefanik knew that throughout history Czechs and Slovaks had formed distinct national and cultural differences and that, therefore, Pan-Czech references to "one Czechoslovak nation" were pure myth. Stefanik was a fierce Slovak patriot who would not stand still for the completion of a "Czechized" new state.23 Stefanik was an inconvenience to the Czechs and their plans to colonize Slovakia within the "great Czechoslovakia" that the National Council in Paris had dreamed of. Many Slovaks even today will tell you that Stefanik had to die, because he would never consent to Slovakia being a colony of the imperialistic Czechs led by T. G. Masaryk and Edward Benes. The shooting down of Caproni No. 11,495 served Prague well. In today's Slovakia, controlled by the Communists, Milan Rastislav Stefanik is remembered and looked to as an inspiration to all Slovak people.24 From the time of his death to the present day, Slovakia has suffered again and again from forces beyond her control. Stefanik had always been wary of Czech promises and his misgivings came to pass. The Czechs only used the Slovaks and their nationalistic aspirations as pawns at Paris to be appeased so that the allies would create a state for them out of the carved-up Austro-Hungarian Empire if they saw some semblance of unity between the two groups. The Czechs knew that once this was achieved, and they were independent from Allied control, they would then be the dominant force in the new state and not equal partners with the Slovak people. �SLOVAKIA 179 Even though Slovakia still is not free, Milan Rastislav titefanik and his dreams live on and serve as hope for a future Slovakia, free and self-governing someday. ( Second place - College) FOOTNOTES 1) Special committees elected from both the Austrian and Hungarian Diets were entrusted with the administration of these common departments-in all other matters, and what were left were called purely "domestic affairs." 2) Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovakia and Its People (New York : Robert Speller and Sons, Publishers, 1960) , p. 135. 3) These were Francis Skycak, Dr. Paul Blaho, and Ferdinand Juriga. 4) Milan S. !>urica, "Milan R. Stefanik and His Tragic Death in the Light of Italian Documents," Slovak Studies, Volume X, 1970, p. 148. 5) Peter P. Yurchak, The Slovaks (Indiana: Obrana Press, Inc., 1946), p . 196. 6) Yurchak, p. 196 plus. 7) Oddo, p. 167. 8) Oddo, p. 168. 9) Oddo, p. 169. 10 ) Oddo, p. 167. 11) Oddo, p. 167. 12) Joseph Pauco, Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America (Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, 1967), p. 53. 13) Pauco, p. 53. 14) Joseph M. Kirschbaum (ed.), Slovakia in the 19th and 20th Centuries (Toronto: Slovak World Congress, 1973), p. 84 plus. 15) Kirschbaum, p. 84 plus. 16) Oddo, p. 183. 17) Oddo, p. 183. 18) Reverend B. S. Bue, Slovak Nationalism (Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, 1960) , p. 38. 19) Yurchak, p. 202. 20) !>urica, p. 164. 21) !>urica, p. 165. 22) !>urica, p. 165. 23) Yurchak, p. 203. 24) A national monument has been erected' to the memory of Stefanik in Slovakia at Bradlo, near his native village, to which Slovaks make a yearly pilgrimage. A life-size statue has also been erected in the U.S. in Wade Park, Cleveland, Ohio. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bue, Reverend B. S., Slovak Nationalism, Middletown, Penna.: Slovak League of America, 1960. !>urica, Milan S., "Milan R. Stefanik and His Tragic Death in the Light of Italian Military Documents." Slovak Studies (Volume 10), 1970, pp. 147-182. �180 SLOVAKIA Rusek, Stephanie 0., ''Milan Rastislav Stefanik." Slovakia, March, 1954, pp. 33-47. Kirschbaum, Joseph M., Slovakia in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Toronto: Slovak World Congress 1973. Mikus, Joseph A. , Slovakia: A Political History, 1918-1950. Milwaukee: The Marquette University Press, 1963. Oddo, G. L. , Slovakia and Its People . New York: Robert Speller and Sons, Publishers, 1960. Paufo, Joseph , Six ty Years of the Slovak League of America. Middletown, Pa.: Slovak League of Ame-r ica, 1967. Woytko, Sister Mary Gabrielle, Sl-o vakia's Road to Statehood. Michigan : John J . Lach, Publisher, 1957. Yurchak, P., The Slovaks. Scranton, Pa.: Obrana Press, Inc., 1946. III. SLOVAKIA BEFORE THE CZECHS John Bert a The Slovaks are a Slavic people who settled in the land between the Danube River and the Carpathian Mountains some 1500 years ago. The area had formerly been held by the Marcommani, a Celtic people, who fled the land after several disastrous wars with the armies of the Roman Empire. The Slovaks were hunters turned farmers. Their main enterprises were blacksmithing and potterymaking, while business transactions were done by bartering. They lived in simple mud and wooden huts, and lived in family groupings called clans, of which the oldest was its head. The Slovak gods were as numerous and varied as those of the Greeks and Romans. When a Slovak died, if cremated, the ashes were placed in urns and buried in a mound. If the body was to be buried, food, wine, weapons and jewelry were placed in the grave. The size of the burial site determined the importance of the dead person. The first attempt of the Slavonic peoples, living along the Danube, to unite into a viable force, came after the Avars, a nomadic Asian people, conquered part of their land. In 624, Samo, a Frankish merchant, united the people and led them to victory against the Avars. This victory encouraged them to face the Germanic Franks, who were � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1975, Vol. 25 Description An account of the resource Vol. 25 (No. 48), 1975. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 168 SLOVAKIA definitely so, originates in the end of the 15th century. Then follows the church at Zabrez. The Protestant churches generally come from the 17th and 18th centuries. Churches of the eastern rite are the youngest. They originated in the 18th and 19th centuries. Then, it has to be remembered that the tooth of tim2 and the woodworm enjoy with hearty appetite the wooden building memorials . It is the peak of time for us to preserve our eminent memorials in "scansens" beside museums or in other suitable sites in nature to save what still can be saved. (First place - College) REFERENCES Eugen Lazist'an and Jan Michalov, Drevene stavby na Slovensku, Frantisek Kalina, Bratislava, 1971. Emanuel Hruska, Stavba miest, Slovenska akademia vied, Bratislav.1, 1970. E. Lorad, Umelecko-historicke pamdtne kostoly na Slm; ens.1m, Spolo!( sv. Vojtecha, Trnava, 1957. Vladimir Wagner, Vyvin vytvarneho umenia na Slovensku, Slovenska akademia vied, Bratislava, 1948. Kalendar Jednota 1969, 1970, 1971, 1972, 1973, 1974, Prva K-atoLcka Slovenska Jednota v USA, Middletown Pa. Mag:i.zine and periodicals: Jednota, Slovak v Amerike, Katolicky Sokol. Consultations with experts of Slovak art and architecture. II. MILAN RASTISLA V STEFANIK AND THE TRAGEDY OF THE SLOVAK PEOPLE Robert P o j e r During the late part of the nineteenth century, the seeds of nationalism had already been sown throughout the great empires of Europe. It would take the trauma of a world war before these nationalistic aspirations could be realized. In 1867 the Austro-Hungarian Dual Monarchy made its appearance. Within this vast empire, there existed many peoples-the Austrians and the Magyars, of course; the Serbs, Croats, Ruthenes, Rumanians, Czechs, and Slovaks, to name just a few. Although on the surface, this Austro-Hungarian Empire SLOVAKIA 169 appeared to be united, in actuality is became evident that both Austria and Hungary were really two separate states. Even though they shared a common ruler, a common foreign policy, a common army, and common finances 1 both parts of the Monarchy were totally independent. Slovakia and Slovak destiny was in the hands of the Hungarian or Magyar state. The new arrangement gave the Magyars absolute control over the 30 million Slavs and the other non-Magyar elements which constituted a majority of the Hungarian population. The Slovaks were one of those nationalities with unique cultural distinctions which would separate them from the Magyars. For a time the Magyars permitted the establishment of Slovak schools and cultural societies for the preservation of the Slovak heritage and history. On the surface at least, this seemed fairly liberal for the times. The crucial question of laws made to secure these schools and societies and their enforcement arose constantly and on this score the Slovaks couldn't be too hopeful. Indeed, Slovaks seemed to sense that the Austro-Hungarian settlement would bring nothing but new setbacks and humiliations. The long history of resisting domination from many different empires and peoples conditioned them for what was to come. The Magyars feared that if the Slovak people studied their history, language, and culture, they might eventually desire to become a free nation, separate from the Hungarian state. A half-hearted program of the Magyarization of the Slovak people had existed for some time but it was during the 1860's that this policy began to be strongly enforced. The Slovaks were denied the right of free speech and assembly. 2 Their literature and schools were suppressed and forbidden. They were forced to learn in a tongue-Magyar-which was completely alien to them. This "Magyarization" of the Slovaks was done primarily to quell any Slovak feelings of nationalism. Nonetheless, the Slovaks' inherent love of liberty, freedom, and justice was undaunted. Along with the many restrictions mentioned above, there was a constant struggle between the Slovaks (and other nationalities within the Empire) and the Hungarian government for representation in the Hungarian Diet. From time to time, a few Slovaks were elected but their national- 170 SLOVAKIA istic feelings brought them into constant conflict with the Magyars who at this time were striving to protect their state from rebellions from within. Any rumblings could eventually lead to the collapse of the Empire and this they would prevent at any cost. Therefore, Slovak political expression was weak and constantly suppressed. In the election of 1910, only three Slovak deputies 3 were chosen and these Slovaks combined spent twenty years of their lives between the Hungarian Diet and Magyar jails in defense of the Slovak people. The Slovaks continued to be divided into two differing groups; one favored Slovak autonomy, and the other advocated a federated republic of the Slovak and Czech peoples within the existing Hungarian Empire. The Magyars, of course, exploited these Slovak and Czech differences to serve their own ends. Out of this conflict (between the Slovak people and the Hungarian government just described) there arose a leader who would try to secure freedom for his people. This would eventually cost him his life. Such a man was General Milan Rastislav Stefanik, astronomer, mathematician, military leader, and political leader of the Slovak people and the focal point of this paper. Milan R. Stefanik was born in the Slovak village of Kosariska of Protestant parents in 1880. In Kosariska Stefanik acquired an interest in astronomy and mathematics, which he later pursued at the University of Prague. When war broke out in 1914 he was in his early thirties and in Morocco making astronomical observations.4 His patriotism for his country brought him away from his work as an astronomer and took him almost immediately to France where he joined the French army as a private. Stefanik was soon transferred to the young French air corps where he served as an observer in air tactics. He became convinced that the Slovak people would never be content fighting for the Monarchy. It was here that Stefanik began to make plans for the formation: of a Slovak foreign legion. Throughout the middle war years (1915-1916) Stefanik made it a point to travel wherever he could in Europe to recruit troops for the legion. He managed to recruit a total of 10,000 men made up of Slovaks, Serbs, Russians, and SLOVAKIA 171 Rumanians for the allied cause. Many of these men that Stefanik recruited were prisoners of war taken with much resistance, and were fighting for a cause which was not their own. This was a very important contribution to the allied war effort and to his own people who looked to him as a true leader for now these POW's from the Austro-Hungarian armies would be fighting for a cause they believed in and for the eventual formation of free and independent countries for their own peoples. Because of his dynamic personality and military accomplishments, Stefanik quickly reached the rank of General and it became evident that being the only leader of the future Czecho-Slovakia with military experience, the task of providing the Czecho-Slovak divisions to fight with the allied armies fell to Stefanik. In 1917 Stefanik made a visit to the United States, a visit which can be understood as perhaps stefanik's most important contribution to the future of the Slovak people. There was also a strong nationalistic feeling in America among Slovak-Americans and Czech-Americans to actively promote the cause of a Czecho-Slovakia. stefanik's efforts in his 1917 United States visit may be best explained in his own words: I have come to America to set afoot among the Slovak people a movement toward a move perfect understanding of the fundamental conditions of independence, and to obtain permission from the government at Washington to form an independent Czech and Slovak army -in which every Czech and Slovak might take part-the final struggle for our freedom, and perform a cherished duty long deferred.5 At the time of stefanik's visit, General Vignal, who was also stationed in the United States, said of stefanik's work: I cannot praise sufficiently this great patriot, cool-headed and inspired by the highest ideals, full of tact and wisdom. He has won the sympathy of the officials of the American State Department, and organized with the greatest success, the recruiting of Czechs and Slovaks.6 The French government sent a special commission headed by Franklin-Bouillon to Washington to obtain approval from President Wilson for Stefanik to recruit Czechs and Slovaks with the idea of forming a Czecho-Slovak regiment within the allied forces. Stefanik greatly aided the success of this mission. He eventually recruited some 4,000 172 SLOVAKIA able-bodied Czechs and Slovaks who were not subject to the Selective Service Laws in America due to the fact that many of these immigrants were not yet naturalized citizens. Recruitment of these troops was not easy. Stefanik had the difficult task of raising money for transportation and housing facilities for his "Legionnaires," as well as providing for funds to support the families of the recruited wage earners. But perhaps the most important single aspect of stefanik's visit to the United States was his relations with American Slovak and Czech leaders. He attempted to dispel Slovak doubts as to Slovakia's status in a proposed new state to be created from the Dual Monarchy after an allied victory. Stefanik had yet another important meeting on July 1, 1917, at the Congress Hall in Washington, D. C. Stefanik reported on the military situation on the Eastern front and also the condition of Slovak and Czech troops in Russia. The real purpose of this meeting, however, was two-fold. One was to arrange the organization of American Slovaks and Czechs into the legion and the most important point was to lay down the groundwork for Czecho-Slovak cooperation in the United States. Stefanik knew that without the continued financial support of the Americans and Slovak and Czech immigrants, the birth of their state would not be realized. For this reason Stefanik remained non-committed about the future state to the American Slovaks and Czechs. He stressed that the new state would not be "an ethnographically inseparable one." 7 By this he meant that the Czecho-Slovak state was to be a politically unified one, but as to whether he envisioned a separate Slovak assembly in Bratislava to handle Slovak domestic affairs is not all clear. Stefanik specifically stated to the American Slovaks that the Slovaks in the homeland must be set free to make their own decision on important issues and that no guarantee could be given to emigrant Slovaks in the United States. Even with this in mind the unselfish Slovak-Americans gave all of their cooperation to Stefanik and to the cause he fought for in the homeland of Czecho-Slovakia. One must remember that the recently emigrated Slovak-American SLOVAKIA 173 was financially very poor for the most part, and, therefore, any financial support was a great sacrifice for him. stefanik's dedication to Slovak autonomy did not stop with the militaristic idea but he gave clear evidence of his dedication in regard to religious matters also. Slovak Catholics ( Catholicism being the majority religion in Slovakia), both in the homeland and in the United States, were suspicious that the leading Czechs associated with Masaryk, were clearly hostile to the Catholic Church. They feared that the Czechs' skepticism toward the existence of God would always be the dominant element in Czech political life. To rid the people of these fears, Masaryk had assured them that in the new Czecho-Slovakia, there would be complete religious freedom for all. Despite this assurance, the doubts still persisted. Therefore, it was up to Stefanik to assure the American Slovaks of religious freedom in the new state. It was at a meeting on September 20, 1917, that Stefanik sat down with a group of American Slovak Catholic clergymen to thrash out this problem. 8 There is no written record available of this very important meeting but, it is known that many fears were raised that Slovak Catholicism would suffer greatly at the hands of a completely Czechized nonCatholic or perhaps even an anti-Catholic government in Prague.9 Stefanik came to the conclusion that in order for the American Slovaks to support the revolution in Europe, the new state would have to guarantee religious freedom for Slovakia. "The meeting with the American Slovak clergymen," said Edward Benes, Masaryk's right-hand man, "was very important because here Stefanik dispelled all the suspicions and unwillingness of the priests as regards the movement for independence ... " 10 This statement made by Benes, dispelled any doubts that Stefanik would win the reassurance of the Catholic Slovak clergymen to continue the fight for a completely religious and culturally free state of Czecho-Slovakia. On September 16, 1917, Stefanik met with FranklinBouillon and John P. Mitchell, then mayor of New York City, at an important demonstration-meeting held at Carnegie Hall. This meeting, at which the representatives of the Allied armies were present, had a considerable propaganda 174 SLOVAKIA significance since it broke the ice of indifference of American journalists. At this meeting Stefanik told several thousand fellow patriots that "our fight against AustroHungary can end only when both our fraternal nations, the Czechs and the Slovaks, are united in an independent state free of Magyar-German domination." 11 Also speaking at the meeting was Franklin-Bouillon, who addressed the men of the "Czecho-Slovak" nation and appealed to them to join the Legion. He was the first influential statesman who publicly voiced a desire for the dismemberment of the Dual Mqnarchy. This statement of Franklin-Bouillon's caused a sensation in American political circles. For at no previous meeting was the dismemberment of Austria- Hungary publicly announced. For this reason one cannot but feel that the true stefanik came forth at the Carnegie Hall mass meeting. The success of stefanik's two-fold task of recruitment and securing Czech-Slovak solidarity in the United States seemed complete, and Stefanik sought permission to return to Paris. Vignal granted this permission for Stefanik to return to France on the first transport of Slovak and Czech troops. The General also added a few words of praise for the success of stefanik's mission. This mission contributed to the Slovak-Czech cause in another very tangible way. Urged by stefanik's great talent as an orator, his obvious patriotism, and tremendous personal magnitude, in the fall of 191 7, the American Slovaks organized their Million Dollar Drive to aid the cause for Slovak-Czech freedom abroad. The drive, headed by Father Joseph Murgas, sent well over $800,000 to Masaryk, Benes, theCzecho-Slovak National Council's office in Paris, Russia, and the United States. Stefanik won their respect and cooperation in his fight for Slovak autonomy. During stefanik's leave from the United States and his return to Paris, much was done behind his back toward the formation of the new Czecho-Slovak Republic. In May of 1918 Masaryk was in Pittsburgh meeting with American and Slovak and Czech leaders, explaining just how CzechoSlovakia would be administered and precisely what the status of Slovakia would be within the new state. He assured the Slovaks that Czecho-Slovakia would be an SLOVAKIA 175 autonomous state. He also assured them that Slovakia would have its own schools, its own language, its own local administration, courts, and its own legislative assembly. And, to further appease Slovak sensibilities toward the new state, Masaryk drafted a document which has since been vehemently debated. The document came to be known as the Pittsburgh Pact. It contained all of the above legislation and it added that the Czecho-Slovak state shall be a republic, and its constitution shall be democratic. The irony surrounding the drafting of the Pittsburgh Pact was that Masaryk signed the Pact and did not abide by its stipulations. In his own book, The Making of a State, Masaryk skipped over the Pact as a mere scrap of paper noting that "it was concluded in order to appease a 'small Slovak faction' which was dreaming of God knows what sort of independent Slovakia ... the agreement was a local one ... among the Czechs and Slovaks of America." 12 Therefore, according to Masaryk, this Pact was not between the Slovak and Czech nations, but just an agreement "to satisfy a small Slovak faction:" Obviously, it was never meant to be considered in the planning of the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak state either by Masaryk or the Czechs themselves. Masaryk brushed aside the Slovaks rudely by this action, broke his word of honor and proclaimed his signature genuine but worthless, and in the same work (World Revolution, 1925, p. 105) he discounted the financial aid of the Slovaks as insignificant. 13 As can be seen, Masaryk treated the entire matter shabbily and deceitfully. More effective communications with Stefanik in Paris should certainly have been established, especially after stefanik's impressive visit to the United States. It should have been mandatory that Stefanik sign the Pact, thus binding the Czecho-Slovak National Council itself. Masaryk made very little effort at all to contact Stefanik and the other Slovak leaders. Masaryk then continued to make plans for the new state without stefanik's cognizance of the matter. I feel a moment must be taken here to mention the fact that there was an undertone of personality clashes, jealousy, and suspicion on the parts of Masaryk and especially the socialist Benes toward Stefanik. Mrs. Louise Weiss, editor of l' Europe Nouvelle in Paris and an intimate friend of SLOVAKIA 176 stefanik's, wrote in her book Memoires d'une Europeenne (Memoirs of a European Woman): His (Stefanik's) differences with Benes were an obsession to him. Although he was overbusy, he found time to enlighten me within three minutes, about 'this first grade socialist, this paper revolutionary, this distorted diplomat.' As soon as he left, Benes settled down in my office, and for three hours expanded on this astronomer who thinks he is a soldier, this peasant who thinks he is an aristocrat, this politician who considers himself a genius, but who, in fact, is nothing but muddled up.14 Further she writes: When Stefanik returned from his expedition, he found Benes more and more firmly established with some Government Offices with whom he was negotiating (in the absence of Stefanik) and, in view of the circumstances, without informing Stefanik about it. Benes could not witness without envy the aura surrounding Milan (Stefanik) as a legendary hero.15 Benes and Masaryk, as well, I feel, were jealous and afraid of stefanik's overwhelming popularity. As opposed to them, Stefanik was a more "colorful" character with his ear attuned to the pulse of the Slovak people both in Slovakia and in the United States. The aim of Masaryk and Benes was to establish a predominantly Czech bureaucracy throughout the newly formed nation to fill the vacuum left by the Magyars with no real concern for the welfare and wishes of the Slovak people. As long as Stefanik, however, could serve their purpose in uniting the Slovaks with the Czechs (for pragmatic reasons only) to show the Allies a unified peoples so that they would grant independence, then Masaryk and Benes "tolerated" but ignored Stefanik whenever possible. When he finally realized their true intentions, he was no longer useful and, therefore, would have to be eliminated. On October 28, 1918, T. G. Masaryk proclaimed the Czecho-Slovak Republic while he was in Washington. Masaryk wrote the Declaration of Independence and presented it to Secretary of State Lansing to get his approval. Masaryk wrote in the declaration "that the rights of Bohemia might be united to those of the Slovak brethren in Slovakia, once a part of our (Czech) state ... " 16 This proclamation made Stefanik furious. He was perturbed that the proclamation was issued in Washington instead of Paris. He also added that the proclamation was SLOVAKIA 177 issued without his previous knowledge and that Masaryk forged his signature to it without prior consultation. Stefanik then sent a telegram to Masaryk in Washington and Benes in Paris to voice his objections to the declaration. He sent the telegram on October 28, the same day that the declaration was released to the public. In stefanik's view, the Republic surely had gotten off on the wrong foot. 17 His misgivings were realized soon after his death when c-:echoSlovak policy, domestic and foreign, became strictly Czech policy. "The lure of might showed itself more powerful for the Czech majority than the ideals of nationalism, equality, and rights." 18 In the early part of 1919 Stefanik began his journey home where he was to be crowned with the appointment to the office of the Minister of National Defense in the new Republic. stefanik's love for his native Slovakia and the people dominated every interest he had in life, even that of attaining high personal fame. Stefanik once wrote to a friend: "I am a Slovak, body and soul; I know no divided affection." 19 After stefanik's inspection of his army in Italy he planned to make the trip home by plane. On May 4, 1919, General Milan Rastislav Stefanik, the war hero of all Slovakia, was killed under circumstances which have been suspect ever since. He was returning to Bratislava where a huge crowd had gathered to welcome him, where he was to take up duties as first Minister of Defense in the CzechoSlovak Republic he had helped create in Paris. A little after 11 a.m. on that fateful day, the Italian plane-Caproni No. 11,495-carrying Stefanik and an Italian pilot and co-pilot, circled the Vajnory Airport near Bratislava for a landing. All of a sudden the plane burst into flames and crashed to the ground below. s tefanik had been a victim of an anti-aircraft barrage of the Czecho-Slovak garrison whose orders were given to them by a Czech commanding officer. Prague tried to hush up the tragedy but it couldn't be suppressed. "It was all a mistake," said the commanding officer_, "I thought it was an enemy plane; the garrison didn't know Stefanik was· arriving in an Italian-made plane!" 20 Despite Czech propaganda, eye witnesses still alive today, as well as certain members of the military 178 SLOV A KIA garrison, insist that the shooting was willful, that Stefanik was deliberately murdered. There are even letters and sworn statements that exist to coincide with the charges. It was found that before an investigation board, a soldier named Joseph Mesko, confessed to shooting at stefanik's plane and stated that he had not known of such orders and had opened fire with the belief that the plane was a Magyar one. 21 One eyewitness, Rudolph Ruzicka stated: I was at my canon when I saw the arrival of the plane about which we had been pre,viously advised. I don't swear that we knew for sure it was Stefanik's plane; never theless, I do maintain, and still today, even if it could have been an enemy plane, that they shouldn't have fired so fearfully and heavily upon it.22 The death of Stefanik is still very unclear in the minds of all Slovaks. Stefanik knew that throughout history Czechs and Slovaks had formed distinct national and cultural differences and that, therefore, Pan-Czech references to "one Czechoslovak nation" were pure myth. Stefanik was a fierce Slovak patriot who would not stand still for the completion of a "Czechized" new state.23 Stefanik was an inconvenience to the Czechs and their plans to colonize Slovakia within the "great Czechoslovakia" that the National Council in Paris had dreamed of. Many Slovaks even today will tell you that Stefanik had to die, because he would never consent to Slovakia being a colony of the imperialistic Czechs led by T. G. Masaryk and Edward Benes. The shooting down of Caproni No. 11,495 served Prague well. In today's Slovakia, controlled by the Communists, Milan Rastislav Stefanik is remembered and looked to as an inspiration to all Slovak people.24 From the time of his death to the present day, Slovakia has suffered again and again from forces beyond her control. Stefanik had always been wary of Czech promises and his misgivings came to pass. The Czechs only used the Slovaks and their nationalistic aspirations as pawns at Paris to be appeased so that the allies would create a state for them out of the carved-up Austro-Hungarian Empire if they saw some semblance of unity between the two groups. The Czechs knew that once this was achieved, and they were independent from Allied control, they would then be the dominant force in the new state and not equal partners with the Slovak people. SLOVAKIA 179 Even though Slovakia still is not free, Milan Rastislav titefanik and his dreams live on and serve as hope for a future Slovakia, free and self-governing someday. ( Second place - College) FOOTNOTES 1) Special committees elected from both the Austrian and Hungarian Diets were entrusted with the administration of these common departments-in all other matters, and what were left were called purely "domestic affairs." 2) Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovakia and Its People (New York : Robert Speller and Sons, Publishers, 1960) , p. 135. 3) These were Francis Skycak, Dr. Paul Blaho, and Ferdinand Juriga. 4) Milan S. !>urica, "Milan R. Stefanik and His Tragic Death in the Light of Italian Documents," Slovak Studies, Volume X, 1970, p. 148. 5) Peter P. Yurchak, The Slovaks (Indiana: Obrana Press, Inc., 1946), p . 196. 6) Yurchak, p. 196 plus. 7) Oddo, p. 167. 8) Oddo, p. 168. 9) Oddo, p. 169. 10 ) Oddo, p. 167. 11) Oddo, p. 167. 12) Joseph Pauco, Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America (Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, 1967), p. 53. 13) Pauco, p. 53. 14) Joseph M. Kirschbaum (ed.), Slovakia in the 19th and 20th Centuries (Toronto: Slovak World Congress, 1973), p. 84 plus. 15) Kirschbaum, p. 84 plus. 16) Oddo, p. 183. 17) Oddo, p. 183. 18) Reverend B. S. Bue, Slovak Nationalism (Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, 1960) , p. 38. 19) Yurchak, p. 202. 20) !>urica, p. 164. 21) !>urica, p. 165. 22) !>urica, p. 165. 23) Yurchak, p. 203. 24) A national monument has been erected' to the memory of Stefanik in Slovakia at Bradlo, near his native village, to which Slovaks make a yearly pilgrimage. A life-size statue has also been erected in the U.S. in Wade Park, Cleveland, Ohio. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bue, Reverend B. S., Slovak Nationalism, Middletown, Penna.: Slovak League of America, 1960. !>urica, Milan S., "Milan R. Stefanik and His Tragic Death in the Light of Italian Military Documents." Slovak Studies (Volume 10), 1970, pp. 147-182. 180 SLOVAKIA Rusek, Stephanie 0., ''Milan Rastislav Stefanik." Slovakia, March, 1954, pp. 33-47. Kirschbaum, Joseph M., Slovakia in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Toronto: Slovak World Congress 1973. Mikus, Joseph A. , Slovakia: A Political History, 1918-1950. Milwaukee: The Marquette University Press, 1963. Oddo, G. L. , Slovakia and Its People . New York: Robert Speller and Sons, Publishers, 1960. Paufo, Joseph , Six ty Years of the Slovak League of America. Middletown, Pa.: Slovak League of Ame-r ica, 1967. Woytko, Sister Mary Gabrielle, Sl-o vakia's Road to Statehood. Michigan : John J . Lach, Publisher, 1957. Yurchak, P., The Slovaks. Scranton, Pa.: Obrana Press, Inc., 1946. III. SLOVAKIA BEFORE THE CZECHS John Bert a The Slovaks are a Slavic people who settled in the land between the Danube River and the Carpathian Mountains some 1500 years ago. The area had formerly been held by the Marcommani, a Celtic people, who fled the land after several disastrous wars with the armies of the Roman Empire. The Slovaks were hunters turned farmers. Their main enterprises were blacksmithing and potterymaking, while business transactions were done by bartering. They lived in simple mud and wooden huts, and lived in family groupings called clans, of which the oldest was its head. The Slovak gods were as numerous and varied as those of the Greeks and Romans. When a Slovak died, if cremated, the ashes were placed in urns and buried in a mound. If the body was to be buried, food, wine, weapons and jewelry were placed in the grave. The size of the burial site determined the importance of the dead person. The first attempt of the Slavonic peoples, living along the Danube, to unite into a viable force, came after the Avars, a nomadic Asian people, conquered part of their land. In 624, Samo, a Frankish merchant, united the people and led them to victory against the Avars. This victory encouraged them to face the Germanic Franks, who were  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Milan Rastislav Štefánik and the Tragedy of the Slovak People Description An account of the resource Robert Pojer Slovakia, Vol. 25 (No. 48), 1975 pp. 168-180 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pojer, Robert Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/94e009273995fadc75925b7f68a42081.pdf fdb6871601db10592fbe17f31f33f364 PDF Text Text 92 SLOVAKIA Some Personal Observations on the 1973 Slovak League of America Conference By Susan Po j er, B .A. In March of 1973 I was asked to participate in the Slovak League of America Conference held on May 19, 1973, as a youth panel member, but was hesitant at first to accept because I felt that I had nothing of any value to contribute to such a gathering. Although I am a young Slovak-American and have a B.A. degree in European history, I must confess that I knew very little about the history and political development of Slovakia. My knowledge of the language and my ability to speak and understand Slovak had dwindled to a few words and phrases over the years. Fortunately for me, I still belong to a predominantly Slovak parish and my parents have maintained many of the Slovak customs and traditions so that I was not totally out of touch with my Slovak heritage. As I researched my own topic for discussion ( Slovak Folk Art) I began to get a glimpse into the nature of the Slovak people - their longing for beauty in the midst of poverty and hardship, their toughness and practicality in their everyday dealings with life and their piety and reverence for God and his creations. I started to experience a new-found pride in my ethnic background and in my ancestors which was strengthened at the Conference where I saw young and old come together to share their own feelings as to what means to be a Slovak-American. During the morning session, we were all separated into two panel groups (the youth and the older members) . During the youth session many areas were discussed covering a wide range of topics - the new Ethnic Heritage Studies Programs Act (Sen. Schweiker's Ethnic Studies Act), fraternal societies, a trip to Slovakia, Slovakia in �SLOVAKIA 93 history, and my own on Slovak folk art. After these talks were over, a general discussion ensued in which three major points were emphasized. The role of Slovak youth in educating the public and even re-educating their own parents as well as themselves was a topic heatedly discussed. Groups from many states elaborated on what they, as Slovak-Americans, were doing in their areas to help perpetuate the Slovak heritage and inform the public. Some had formed social clubs, others held language classes, while still others tried to get articles in their local papers on what the Slovaks in the community were doing. Another point discussed was the question of why there exists today so many different fraternal organizations. The concensus was that the unification of all fraternals into one large body with a substantial financial power could be a great new force in Slovak circles. We felt that the days of the dues-paying fraternals were numbered and that only one giant organization could keep the youth involved and interested in the ideals on which those many fraternals were originally founded. The third and most important point stressed throughout those morning discussions was the new Ethnic Heritage Studies Programs Act which had been passed by Congress in 1972. To date, however, no governmental funds have as yet been appropriated. Everyone agreed that the establishment of a Slovak ethnic studies center and the further government funding of existing academic, library, and Slovak language facilities was the most constructive way of educating the public and more important of providing our own youth with the educational opportunities (language courses, majors in Slovak studies for college students, a possible central publishing house and extensive monthly magazine or Slovak newspaper on events happening in Slovakia, etc.) to thoroughly investigate all aspects of the Slovak heritage and identity. The youth members present also requested the entire conference and heads of fraternals to support this Act by publishing in their journals, newspapers, and magazines a letter to encourage all readers to write to their legislators �94 SLOVAKIA to put pressure on the executive branch to fund these centers. During lunch, we heard a distinguished guest speaker, State Senator Michael A. O'Pake, of Pennsylvania. He encouraged us all to be proud of our Slovak heritage. Himself half Slovak, he pointed out the qualities in the Slovak people which we should be most proud of and pleaded to the assembly and to all Slovaks to become involved in the governmental system. He stated that, unlike other ethnic groups, the Slovaks never really took an interest in politics and it is high time that they did, as a group and as individuals. He also requested that we support local Slovak candidates for office. After lunch was over, we all assembled for a general meeting in which the youth and the older members informed one another of what had been discussed during their morning session. At the close of business, the Conference adjourned until next year. As I left the Statler Hilton Hotel, where the Conference had taken place, I had a feeling of rejuvenation, as if something inside of me had been reborn. I was also quite ashamed of my lack of knowledge of many aspects of Slovak culture as well as my almost total uncomprehension of the talks given in Slovak in which I could only catch a glimpse of a word here and there. I resolved to rectify both situations immediately. While riding home on the train, many ideas and thoughts for next year's Conference began to form in my mind and I would like to share them here. The major problem among the youth that I found when discussing a topic was the large age difference of the participants. Young people from 15 to 35 years of age were there and many discussions were beyond some. I feel that a Conference should be held for those ranging in age from 14 to 18 (high school level) and supervised by the young adult group. Or, at least next year, there should be separation into three age groups rather than two. As a college student and an M.A. candidate, I would hope to see in the near future a more scholarly symposium lasting perhaps a weekend with guest lecturers and speakers �SLOVAKIA 95 (university professors, Slovak political leaders, from here and from abroad, if possible, authors of books on Slovakia, etc.) in which students, teachers, and other interested parties could meet to discuss problems and topics on Slovak history, politics, language, literature and art. I would also like to see a weekend cultural fair as part of the Conference. It could include displays on all aspects of Slovak art, crafts, costumes, dancing, music as well as many others so that the non-Slovak public could also come and learn. Finally, I would like to see a quarterly or, if possible, monthly newsleter published for the young adult age group of 19 to 35. In it could be articles on what groups throughout the country were doing. This newsletter might also serve as a directory, constantly being up-dated, of, for example, where Slovak could be learned, what universities and colleges give courses in aspects of Slovak culture and ethnic studies, the availability of guest lecturers for groups, any news of trips to Slovakia, news of Slovak arts and crafts exhibits at local museums, etc., as well as language lessons, news items on what is happening in Slovakia from the press, and a listing of the latest books and articles published on Slovakia. I have tried to relate my own experiences at the 1973 Slovak League of America Conference. I have also made suggestions for future Conferences, proposed some new ideas. I would welcome any criticisms or further suggestions regarding the proposals I have presented. In summation I can say that this Conference has only wet my appetite to learn more about my Slovak heritage and my role as a Slovak-American. I look forward to the 1974 Conference with great anticipation and would encourage more youth to attend and voice their opinions. THE NOV .A SCENA dramatic company premiered Ivan Stodola's original ''Diogenes" version on the stage in Bratislava last May to celebrate the Slovak playwright's 85th birthday. � 92 SLOVAKIA Some Personal Observations on the 1973 Slovak League of America Conference By Susan Po j er, B .A. In March of 1973 I was asked to participate in the Slovak League of America Conference held on May 19, 1973, as a youth panel member, but was hesitant at first to accept because I felt that I had nothing of any value to contribute to such a gathering. Although I am a young Slovak-American and have a B.A. degree in European history, I must confess that I knew very little about the history and political development of Slovakia. My knowledge of the language and my ability to speak and understand Slovak had dwindled to a few words and phrases over the years. Fortunately for me, I still belong to a predominantly Slovak parish and my parents have maintained many of the Slovak customs and traditions so that I was not totally out of touch with my Slovak heritage. As I researched my own topic for discussion ( Slovak Folk Art) I began to get a glimpse into the nature of the Slovak people - their longing for beauty in the midst of poverty and hardship, their toughness and practicality in their everyday dealings with life and their piety and reverence for God and his creations. I started to experience a new-found pride in my ethnic background and in my ancestors which was strengthened at the Conference where I saw young and old come together to share their own feelings as to what means to be a Slovak-American. During the morning session, we were all separated into two panel groups (the youth and the older members) . During the youth session many areas were discussed covering a wide range of topics - the new Ethnic Heritage Studies Programs Act (Sen. Schweiker's Ethnic Studies Act), fraternal societies, a trip to Slovakia, Slovakia in �SLOVAKIA 93 history, and my own on Slovak folk art. After these talks were over, a general discussion ensued in which three major points were emphasized. The role of Slovak youth in educating the public and even re-educating their own parents as well as themselves was a topic heatedly discussed. Groups from many states elaborated on what they, as Slovak-Americans, were doing in their areas to help perpetuate the Slovak heritage and inform the public. Some had formed social clubs, others held language classes, while still others tried to get articles in their local papers on what the Slovaks in the community were doing. Another point discussed was the question of why there exists today so many different fraternal organizations. The concensus was that the unification of all fraternals into one large body with a substantial financial power could be a great new force in Slovak circles. We felt that the days of the dues-paying fraternals were numbered and that only one giant organization could keep the youth involved and interested in the ideals on which those many fraternals were originally founded. The third and most important point stressed throughout those morning discussions was the new Ethnic Heritage Studies Programs Act which had been passed by Congress in 1972. To date, however, no governmental funds have as yet been appropriated. Everyone agreed that the establishment of a Slovak ethnic studies center and the further government funding of existing academic, library, and Slovak language facilities was the most constructive way of educating the public and more important of providing our own youth with the educational opportunities (language courses, majors in Slovak studies for college students, a possible central publishing house and extensive monthly magazine or Slovak newspaper on events happening in Slovakia, etc.) to thoroughly investigate all aspects of the Slovak heritage and identity. The youth members present also requested the entire conference and heads of fraternals to support this Act by publishing in their journals, newspapers, and magazines a letter to encourage all readers to write to their legislators �94 SLOVAKIA to put pressure on the executive branch to fund these centers. During lunch, we heard a distinguished guest speaker, State Senator Michael A. O'Pake, of Pennsylvania. He encouraged us all to be proud of our Slovak heritage. Himself half Slovak, he pointed out the qualities in the Slovak people which we should be most proud of and pleaded to the assembly and to all Slovaks to become involved in the governmental system. He stated that, unlike other ethnic groups, the Slovaks never really took an interest in politics and it is high time that they did, as a group and as individuals. He also requested that we support local Slovak candidates for office. After lunch was over, we all assembled for a general meeting in which the youth and the older members informed one another of what had been discussed during their morning session. At the close of business, the Conference adjourned until next year. As I left the Statler Hilton Hotel, where the Conference had taken place, I had a feeling of rejuvenation, as if something inside of me had been reborn. I was also quite ashamed of my lack of knowledge of many aspects of Slovak culture as well as my almost total uncomprehension of the talks given in Slovak in which I could only catch a glimpse of a word here and there. I resolved to rectify both situations immediately. While riding home on the train, many ideas and thoughts for next year's Conference began to form in my mind and I would like to share them here. The major problem among the youth that I found when discussing a topic was the large age difference of the participants. Young people from 15 to 35 years of age were there and many discussions were beyond some. I feel that a Conference should be held for those ranging in age from 14 to 18 (high school level) and supervised by the young adult group. Or, at least next year, there should be separation into three age groups rather than two. As a college student and an M.A. candidate, I would hope to see in the near future a more scholarly symposium lasting perhaps a weekend with guest lecturers and speakers �SLOVAKIA 95 (university professors, Slovak political leaders, from here and from abroad, if possible, authors of books on Slovakia, etc.) in which students, teachers, and other interested parties could meet to discuss problems and topics on Slovak history, politics, language, literature and art. I would also like to see a weekend cultural fair as part of the Conference. It could include displays on all aspects of Slovak art, crafts, costumes, dancing, music as well as many others so that the non-Slovak public could also come and learn. Finally, I would like to see a quarterly or, if possible, monthly newsleter published for the young adult age group of 19 to 35. In it could be articles on what groups throughout the country were doing. This newsletter might also serve as a directory, constantly being up-dated, of, for example, where Slovak could be learned, what universities and colleges give courses in aspects of Slovak culture and ethnic studies, the availability of guest lecturers for groups, any news of trips to Slovakia, news of Slovak arts and crafts exhibits at local museums, etc., as well as language lessons, news items on what is happening in Slovakia from the press, and a listing of the latest books and articles published on Slovakia. I have tried to relate my own experiences at the 1973 Slovak League of America Conference. I have also made suggestions for future Conferences, proposed some new ideas. I would welcome any criticisms or further suggestions regarding the proposals I have presented. In summation I can say that this Conference has only wet my appetite to learn more about my Slovak heritage and my role as a Slovak-American. I look forward to the 1974 Conference with great anticipation and would encourage more youth to attend and voice their opinions. THE NOV .A SCENA dramatic company premiered Ivan Stodola's original ''Diogenes" version on the stage in Bratislava last May to celebrate the Slovak playwright's 85th birthday. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1974, Vol. 24 Description An account of the resource Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 92 SLOVAKIA Some Personal Observations on the 1973 Slovak League of America Conference By Susan Po j er, B .A. In March of 1973 I was asked to participate in the Slovak League of America Conference held on May 19, 1973, as a youth panel member, but was hesitant at first to accept because I felt that I had nothing of any value to contribute to such a gathering. Although I am a young Slovak-American and have a B.A. degree in European history, I must confess that I knew very little about the history and political development of Slovakia. My knowledge of the language and my ability to speak and understand Slovak had dwindled to a few words and phrases over the years. Fortunately for me, I still belong to a predominantly Slovak parish and my parents have maintained many of the Slovak customs and traditions so that I was not totally out of touch with my Slovak heritage. As I researched my own topic for discussion ( Slovak Folk Art) I began to get a glimpse into the nature of the Slovak people - their longing for beauty in the midst of poverty and hardship, their toughness and practicality in their everyday dealings with life and their piety and reverence for God and his creations. I started to experience a new-found pride in my ethnic background and in my ancestors which was strengthened at the Conference where I saw young and old come together to share their own feelings as to what means to be a Slovak-American. During the morning session, we were all separated into two panel groups (the youth and the older members) . During the youth session many areas were discussed covering a wide range of topics - the new Ethnic Heritage Studies Programs Act (Sen. Schweiker's Ethnic Studies Act), fraternal societies, a trip to Slovakia, Slovakia in SLOVAKIA 93 history, and my own on Slovak folk art. After these talks were over, a general discussion ensued in which three major points were emphasized. The role of Slovak youth in educating the public and even re-educating their own parents as well as themselves was a topic heatedly discussed. Groups from many states elaborated on what they, as Slovak-Americans, were doing in their areas to help perpetuate the Slovak heritage and inform the public. Some had formed social clubs, others held language classes, while still others tried to get articles in their local papers on what the Slovaks in the community were doing. Another point discussed was the question of why there exists today so many different fraternal organizations. The concensus was that the unification of all fraternals into one large body with a substantial financial power could be a great new force in Slovak circles. We felt that the days of the dues-paying fraternals were numbered and that only one giant organization could keep the youth involved and interested in the ideals on which those many fraternals were originally founded. The third and most important point stressed throughout those morning discussions was the new Ethnic Heritage Studies Programs Act which had been passed by Congress in 1972. To date, however, no governmental funds have as yet been appropriated. Everyone agreed that the establishment of a Slovak ethnic studies center and the further government funding of existing academic, library, and Slovak language facilities was the most constructive way of educating the public and more important of providing our own youth with the educational opportunities (language courses, majors in Slovak studies for college students, a possible central publishing house and extensive monthly magazine or Slovak newspaper on events happening in Slovakia, etc.) to thoroughly investigate all aspects of the Slovak heritage and identity. The youth members present also requested the entire conference and heads of fraternals to support this Act by publishing in their journals, newspapers, and magazines a letter to encourage all readers to write to their legislators 94 SLOVAKIA to put pressure on the executive branch to fund these centers. During lunch, we heard a distinguished guest speaker, State Senator Michael A. O'Pake, of Pennsylvania. He encouraged us all to be proud of our Slovak heritage. Himself half Slovak, he pointed out the qualities in the Slovak people which we should be most proud of and pleaded to the assembly and to all Slovaks to become involved in the governmental system. He stated that, unlike other ethnic groups, the Slovaks never really took an interest in politics and it is high time that they did, as a group and as individuals. He also requested that we support local Slovak candidates for office. After lunch was over, we all assembled for a general meeting in which the youth and the older members informed one another of what had been discussed during their morning session. At the close of business, the Conference adjourned until next year. As I left the Statler Hilton Hotel, where the Conference had taken place, I had a feeling of rejuvenation, as if something inside of me had been reborn. I was also quite ashamed of my lack of knowledge of many aspects of Slovak culture as well as my almost total uncomprehension of the talks given in Slovak in which I could only catch a glimpse of a word here and there. I resolved to rectify both situations immediately. While riding home on the train, many ideas and thoughts for next year's Conference began to form in my mind and I would like to share them here. The major problem among the youth that I found when discussing a topic was the large age difference of the participants. Young people from 15 to 35 years of age were there and many discussions were beyond some. I feel that a Conference should be held for those ranging in age from 14 to 18 (high school level) and supervised by the young adult group. Or, at least next year, there should be separation into three age groups rather than two. As a college student and an M.A. candidate, I would hope to see in the near future a more scholarly symposium lasting perhaps a weekend with guest lecturers and speakers SLOVAKIA 95 (university professors, Slovak political leaders, from here and from abroad, if possible, authors of books on Slovakia, etc.) in which students, teachers, and other interested parties could meet to discuss problems and topics on Slovak history, politics, language, literature and art. I would also like to see a weekend cultural fair as part of the Conference. It could include displays on all aspects of Slovak art, crafts, costumes, dancing, music as well as many others so that the non-Slovak public could also come and learn. Finally, I would like to see a quarterly or, if possible, monthly newsleter published for the young adult age group of 19 to 35. In it could be articles on what groups throughout the country were doing. This newsletter might also serve as a directory, constantly being up-dated, of, for example, where Slovak could be learned, what universities and colleges give courses in aspects of Slovak culture and ethnic studies, the availability of guest lecturers for groups, any news of trips to Slovakia, news of Slovak arts and crafts exhibits at local museums, etc., as well as language lessons, news items on what is happening in Slovakia from the press, and a listing of the latest books and articles published on Slovakia. I have tried to relate my own experiences at the 1973 Slovak League of America Conference. I have also made suggestions for future Conferences, proposed some new ideas. I would welcome any criticisms or further suggestions regarding the proposals I have presented. In summation I can say that this Conference has only wet my appetite to learn more about my Slovak heritage and my role as a Slovak-American. I look forward to the 1974 Conference with great anticipation and would encourage more youth to attend and voice their opinions. THE NOV .A SCENA dramatic company premiered Ivan Stodola's original ''Diogenes" version on the stage in Bratislava last May to celebrate the Slovak playwright's 85th birthday.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Some Personal Observations on the 1973 Slovak League of America Conference Description An account of the resource Susan Pojer, B.A. Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974 pp. 92-95 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pojer, Susan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/d710ffe05e14f68953f35f514b888de5.pdf c1266c123713fc11d8142f8caa13afd8 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA Stefan P O la k O 29 Vi C : The Ethnical Philosophy of L'udovtt Stur* A. INTRODUCTION 1. Philosophy and Life The present day people generally are ignoring the Philosophy and consider it as an antiquarian and discarded discipline without any relation to the concrete life. And they forget that even the most unphilosophical concrete, individual life is expression of philosophy. It would be sufficient to observe an individual and his actions in order to write down "his" philosophy, i.e. the principles which are guiding him in his personal life. There is a mutual dependence between philosophy and life to such an extent that the fulness of the accidental aspects of the life is permeated by the general principles of philosophical character, while these principles in their abstract form can become a ferment for concrete life and contribute, by their turn, to the changes and even upheavals of the life. This fundamental relation between life and philosophy has been observed by Plato and Aristoteles teaching that the beginning of philosophy is "admiring" ( thaumazein). And in reality, there are many concrete "materials" in the concrete world for the analysis of an observing mind. As a philosopher who received a Hegelian formation in its authentic source during his studies in Germany, Cudovit stlir did not remain insensible in front of the concrete situation of the Slovak nation in Hungary at the beginning of the 19th century. It was a splendid "material" to be analyzed and studied under the light of the then modern philosophical doctrine. And these studies had been done by stur with the result of general principles, valid even today, on the life of nations in general. From the other side, the very same conditions of the Slovaks in �30 SLOVAKIA Hungary were for the patriot ~tur an object of very serious preoccupations. In this way, if from one side he was abstracting general principles out of this situation, from the other side he was putting down general principles for the recuperation of the Slovaks and their awakening from the centennial sleepiness. 1 2. The Ethnical Situation in Hungary in 1800 and After After the destruction of the Slovak kingdom in 910 A.D. by the Magyars with the help of the Franks (Germans) and its occupation by the victors, the higher culture of the Slovaks did not permit their assimilation by the Magyars 2 and so, in order to maintain the stability of the problematic common monarchy for two different nations (the Slovaks are Slavs and the Magyars are Mongolians), the new kings had recourse to a solution unique in the history of Europe: the adoption of the Latin as official language of the kingdom. 3 This anachronical situation lasted until 1793, when the Magyar language was for the first time codified and first attempts had been made to impose the Magyar language as the official one in the entire territory of Hungary. The consequences of the use of the Latin in Hungary during nine centuries were disastrous both for the Slovaks and Magyars: neither the Slovaks nor the Magyars had been able to develop their own literary works and so their language remained limited to the vernacular function (folk songs, folk legends etc.). After the Reform only appear here and there the first Slovak and Magyar works printed in dialects. Another, not less disastrous consequence of the reign of the Latin in our country was "darkness, brutality; lack of undertaking and higher civic liberty" 4 ; such was the common destiny of the Slovaks and the Magyars because of the lack of instruction. The schools and the real life of the two nations were separated by an abysmal gap: "All the knowledge and culture in the middle age were sticking in the schools and were limited to them ... It was a natural consequence of the separation of the schools from the life due to the foreign language" (i.e. the Latin).5 This led to the "contemptous looking of the schools on the life, the condemnation of the common life as of �SLOVAKIA 31 something vulgar; the contempt of national life and erradication of the even undangerous national customs; the rise of the cultivated casts and general neglect of the people who ... were needing instruction nor were allowed to enter into the temple of the instruction." 6 As soon as the Magyars codified their language, the Slovaks did the same: The Slovak Grammar of Bernolak appeared before the year 1800. What the Slovaks as a nation could not do was to hamper the magyarisation of the high and low Slovak nobility which at that time due to the raisons d'Etat stood behind the governmental power. This renegation of the Slovak nobility was a death blow to the Slovak national interests and since then the word "renegate" got a smell of moral insanity among the Slovaks. In this way to the Slovaks "were left the middle classes only: townsmen, low clergy, teachers." 7 The Slovaks were left only "what could not be taken away from them . . . due to the impossibility of the matters." 8 3. Civic Priesthood of Stur stur was 25 years old, when he came back to Slovakia from Germany: the mind full of ideas and the heart full of love for his Slovak nation. His decision as far as his personal life was concerned, was all made already: he had to sacrifice his life to his people and decided not to get married in order to be completely free from familiar ties. In very short nine years (from 1840 to 1849) he developed a febrile activity as teacher and scholar, as publisher and journalist, as politician and representative to Parliament, as revolucionary and soldier. He succeeded in forming an entire generation of Slovak activists whose merit was the preservation of the Slovak national life in a hostile and brutal country. The students were drawn by his ideas and confirmed by the chastity of his exemplar personal life. stur was doing what he was preaching: to prefer the common and public interests to his own personal advantages. He was not appointed by anybody to this national job: he had choosen it freely as a selfappointed high priest subject to his conscience and God only according to one of his devices: "We entered into the service of the Spirit; therefore we have to pass on a life full of thorns." �32 SLOVAKIA We got registered his farewell speech to his students before they left for holidays in 1842: like Moses on the mount Nebo with his hands elevated towards the heaven imploring God's blessings for the fighting soldiers Stur was dismissing his friends in the function of national missionaries like a high priest: "Who is living out of the spirit, is living in the humanity, is living suitably to humanity . . . and who is not living out to the spirit, is living for himself only, there is no humanity in him not is he in the humanity, because he is natural being only and not spiritual being like is the humanity ... Why the field of our Slovakia lies fallow as a desert; why our nation fell so down? Because it is not conscious of itself ... it is unconscious in the sphere of language, customs and ways of life as a distinct personality, it does not know itself as one wholeness, is not aware of itself and does not understand itself in the spirit of its own personality as belonging exclusively to itself." 9 In 13udovit Stur's works, articles, speeches there is a graduation during the mentioned nine years: the climax of all this febrile activity is the armed uprising of 1848-49 against the Magyars with the declaration of the independence of Slovakia (September 19, 1848). After this unsuccessful uprising the police curtain fell over a life consecrated to his nation: house prison, sorrow and death. In brevi explevit tempora multa ... B. ST-OR'S IDEAS CONCERNING THE LIFE OF NATION 1. The Nation Even if Stur, during his studies in Germany, imbibed with avidity the congenital doctrines of Hegel, he assimilated them in his personal way and was forging practical applications according to the situation of the Slovak nation in Hungary. Whereas "the spirit is the essence of all" 10 and his main task is selfknowledge and whereas, if we freely are interpreting Stur's idea of multiplicity of nations, the manifoldness of the nations is the manifestation of the richness of the Spirit, the main task of every nation it to reach the selfconsciousness. �SLOVAKIA 33 Without this selfconsciousness and selfknowledge the existence of a nation is a very precarious one, if not impossible according to sttir. Like a man (human being) who did not reach the personality is a child as slave who does know nothing about it, as "the nations which did not reach the personality, which did not feel themselves, are like children under the command of a patriarch and slaves under landlord." 11 Every nation "is a one whole, one individuality, one personality" and the highest obligation of very personality is to "become conscious, feel and know itself." 12 This national individuality consists in the spiritual union of all the members13 which can be felt "only on the basis of our nearest natural consanguinity." 14 What does this personality consist in? In the first place, the specificness of every nation is manifested by its language. "The language is the utterance of the spirit and in its turn is destined to influence the spirit." 15 "The language got its own life and the same course as the nations themselves." 16 "When the language lost its original expressivity, force, determination and acuteness, so the force and acuteness of the nation itself had volatilized; got old the language, so got old the nation itself." 17 One with the other are in the strongest union, one with the other are living and dying. 18 Besides the language, there are many other ties assuring the unity of the nation. Some of them are completely natural (as the territory) and or are natural-spiritual (among these on the first place is the language, afterwards customs, ways of life) and or completely spiritual (religion, political and civic order etc.) . The yearning after personality in an ethnical group is the most noble desire, because it is a desire of selffeeling and selfknowledge19 and in the last consequences it is a desire of being useful to the humanity. A nation which did not come to personality is unable t o register anything of its own in the world among the �34 SLOVAKIA other nations, nor is able to represent anything in the history. Notwithstanding that Stur is emphasizing the importance of the feeling of personality for a nation, he asseverates that "the personality is not the highest degree and that when a man or nations want to live and actuate indeed humanly, they must rise to a higher degree, wherefore the personality must be ennobled and morally hightened." 20 The spiritual personality of the nation, if it has to be a real and not imaginary one, must dispose of itself. This selfdisposition cannot be carried out, when a nation is united to another like an accident: the result of such an union can only be a weakness for both the partners. It is no life, but only a vegetation. 21 "When a nation wants to live and has to live, it cannot and must not rely on another nation and from it wait for the awakening and maintenance of its life ... Such a nation does not deserve to live." 22 Such a nation is like a log, "wherein there is no life."23 The life of the nation consists in spiritual movement and activity. Every true nation desires to rise to a higher life and wants its life to be registered in the life of mankind. It only is possible, when the nation is creating values of universal human validity which are contributing to the progress of humanity. In order that this be possible, these works of everlasting human validity have to bear the seal of the national authorship. 24 All this is possible only, when the nation had reached the degree of selfconsciousness as a nation, "because the selfconscious nation is united by the spirit in the strongest way . . . and is respecting its existence and its honest staying among others." 25 The true union of the members of the nation is in the spirit only i.e. when present in the conscience of all. Such a nation is strong, even if a small one. This "community-minded spirit" 26 is the essential force of every nation. Stur had to fight the family-minded spirit of the common Slovak people of that time with the purpose to �SLOVAKIA 35 awaken them for a higher life of the national community. He and his disciples had done an admirable work on this field. 27 And as usual, stur was analyzing the relation between the family and community life within the framework of the nation. He did not want to condemn the family life; he only wanted to exclude the exaggerate cult of family life: "The community life must not absorb the family life as well as the family life cannot exclude the community life." 28 Of course, the first society to which the man belongs is family: to it he is united with body and sentiments. Thus, while the fundament of family is a natural one and its union is of natural origin, in the national community the union is of spiritual character. And as body is of lower nature than the spirit, so the family is lower than the national community. In consequence thereof the community is higher than the family. Even if this ratiocination is of undoubtedly Hegelian precedence, there is series of fundamental theoremas concerning the life of nations which are issuing from this admitted superiority of spirit. First of all, no nation can lastingly remain on the niveau of the family life, because nation as nation got completely different the essential ties than the family; and also because the spirit can develop through the national community only which takes care of education and spiritual formation. 29 That the public life of community is higher than that of family it is growing evident also from the fact that those who were sacrificing themselves for the community met with gratitude of the nation and everlasting glory: they merited this general esteem, because they were concerned about the higher goods of the nation. "Beautiful is the love of Joseph for his brothers, captivating is the sacrifice of Antigona taking care of her father and accompanying him in his blindness on Kyteron; beautiful is the fidelity of Lucretia; beautiful is the love of Solon for his son, the care of Cornelia for her heroic sons, beautiful the care of Aeneas, beautiful the love of Andromeda, but incommensurably higher and more glorious are the deeds of Leonidas, Themistocles, Miltiades, �36 SLOVAKIA Mucius, Scipio, Zrinyi, Franklin, Menin, Pozarsky, Kosciuszko and many others." 30 If anybody would live for his family only, the nation would cease to exist. Of course, there are many degrees of access of a community to the fulness of national life. At the beginning, all the nation being born are rude and brutal, because "they did not reach a spiritual culture.'' 31 These "being born" nations are united by family ties only and they are living patriarchal order. There is a community life, but reduced to corporal necessities. Later on, the community is creating spiritual values and thus is rising to the degree of nation. A community which did not create its spiritual culture disappears from the theatre of History: "The nations which did not rise to the community life, if met by a higher nation were succumbing to it.'' 32 The spiritual life of the nations "consists in all that the spirit is creating; that in it got its roots and origin" 33 i. e. religion, arts, sciences, doctrines, institutes, juridical order etc. Through the creation of such values a nation is able to register its existence in the community o! nations and obtain its identity card: "A nation which did not create anything noble for others, which did not register its li!e in the human community life, got no consideration before others." 34 The more flourishing is the community life and spiritual creativity of a national community, the stronger will be its position among the nations, because it is of one spirit and of one will. According to ~tur, such nations only appertain to History which consists in "continuous evolution." 35 This last expression has to be understood in the terminology of Hegelian philosophy of History.36 "The improvement and heightening of the human life has been progressing through the nations which appertain to History," 37 but never through the vegetation of tribes and barbarian nations. �SLOVAKIA 37 If we are searching for a definition of nation in stur, we will be perhaps disappointed: "By nation has always been understood the community of men using from birth one language." 38 This apparently poor definition has to be understood, however, from the viewpoint of the high function of language in the life of nations. 2. The Nation And The Language The very essence of the ethnical philosophy of stur has to be searched for in his doctrine of language as far as it is in relation with the life of nations in general. We have already mentioned the role of language, when speaking of the personality of nation: the language is one of the fundamental reasons of its specificness, i.e. it identifies the nation. This doctrine does not contradict the fact, that the English is a language common to England and the US, the Portuguese common to Portugal and Brazil, the Spanish common to Spain and many Latin American states. On the first place, all these new "nations" are nations in formation. In this process of formation they feel the necessity of a special language and this trend towards a specific language is being observed as in the United States (the trend to spell and pronounce differently the English ) as in Brazil ( the Brazilians speak of Brazilian as their mother tongue) as in the Latin American states (some o! them are looking for native Indian languages in order to emphasize their "national" identity). Secondly, there exist a subconscious uncertainty and insecurity as far as the national identity is concerned, in all these zones, when comparing their identities with those of other nations recognized as such. "When the nation comes to selfconsciousness, then it will comprehend that it got one life, one aim and so by natural and necessary course of the things this selfconsciousness must express itself in what it is uniting the nation together: one literary language, one literature belong essentially to the unity of nation." 39 �38 SLOVAKIA Thus the language is the instrument of the national unity: no nation (in the acception of a spiritual community and not the state; the state could have more languages) can have two literary languages. From the other side, the language alone is unable to maintain the national unity: 40 "The nations got higher goods which they are yearning after ... These higher goods belong to spiritual aspects. When the nation reaches this higher niveau of spiritual activity, then begins to consider its linguistic unity as secondary, even if always dear and beloved, because inherited from the forefathers, but undecisive in all fundamental questions." 41 In other words, when a nation reaches the stadium of high spiritual activity creating everlasting cultural values, the question of language ceases to be a primary one and is being collocated on the secondary niveau, because in this way the conscious spirit is assuring the unity of nation. But before the language be able to become vehicle of high, spiritual activity, it is necessary to cultivate it i.e. provide it with terms able to express not only things, objects of daily use (the stadium of native vernacular languages), but also high ideas. "The language got the same course, the same evolution like man and nations. The child and the common man are speaking a very common language related to the objects of daily use known to all and in the same way common people who are either not at all or little civilized, but a cultivated man is speaking of higher subjects and his language is more abundant, more complicated and more polished; all the same is to be said of the language of a cultivated nation." 42 This general principle is being confirmed every day in our times too: India is being overhauling the Hindostani in order to give it an efficiency as a modern cultivated language; the missionaries are struggling with the imperfections of the hundred and hundred native languages in order to convert them in vehicles capable to express high ideas putting down in this way the very foundations for a road to civilization of the different tribes. But from all the functions a literary language may �SLOVAKIA 3g get, the most important is its role in the instruction of the peoples. ~tur was assigning a primordialy importance to the language on this field. "Every nation can be cultivated through its own language only and is being cultivated, when its language is being cultivated" 43 : there is an interdependent action and mutual benefit as a result. In fact, the civilization of a nation is practically impossible, if its language is being postponed. The Guaranis of Paraguay, Brazil and Argentina, the Aymeras of Bolivia and Quechuas of Peru and Bolivia as nations were left on the same cultural niveau as they were living in the times of colonial occupation. According to ~tur "the mother tongue is the mean of civilization of that nation that is speaking it." 44 "If the instruction has to be a true, useful and adequate instruction it must be carried out in the national language i. e. in the mother tongue of the nation. Otherwise, the instruction got no value, is a mechanical work, without any benefit." 45 "The instruction must exercise an influence not only on the mind but also on the heart; it must not be understood only, but also felt" 46 and we feel best the power of words and expressions in our mother tongue. "In this language all is clear and bright; in it the objects denoted by words are immediately present before our eyes, while in the foreign language all appears to us like behind a curtain of fog .. . For these reasons everybody will understand, why the nations being instructed in their schools in the mother tongue are progressing in instruction, knowledge and are occupying a honorable place among other nations, while the nations being instructed in their schools in foreign language are staying behind." 47 There is another important reason, why the instruction has to be carried out in the mother tongue: "Through the mother tongue introduced into the schools the eyes of the nation are being opened; only then it is aware that it exists in the world too and through the mother tongue introduced into the public life, the nation is getting voice in the world." 48 �40 SLOVAKIA All these benefits had been denied to the nations in the middle age, when the Latin was used commonly in all the 15chools. The consequences thereof have been the obscuratism and barbarity, no undertaking and no public liberty. "In the middle age the world and schools were opposed to such a degree that whatever was appertaining to the schools did not concern the life and vice versa and this was a natural consequence of the separation of the schools from the life through a foreign language." 49 At that time the universities were like castles, where secret treasures were being hidden and whoever wanted to get to these treasures, he had to break through the dead Latin world. By a similar bad luck are being stricken many small nations even in the modern times. In this occasion Stur described the situation of the Irish nation, where the original Irish language is being ousted from the schools and the English is being imposed on its place; a similar destiny got the Flemish nation in Belgiwn and the Slovaks in Hungary. "We have to call it a disaster, when a nation is being instructed in foreign language, it is not possible to talk about the progress in knowledge and culture of such a nation. And without culture a nation is like mud being trampled under feet." 50 By the repression of its language, the nation is being menaced in its very being. "A nation to whom had been imposed a foreign language even in its elementary schools got a sensible blow on its very life and spirit . . . and is condemned to blindness and obscurity ... In such a nation there will flourish no culture, instead of it there will dwell obscurity; there will flourish no freedom, instead of it there will spread the spirit of servilism, there will flourish no wealth, instead of it unfold poverty and misery." 51 "When a nation had fallen so deeply, it is the declaration of the last historical sentence over it and the accomplishment of its servility." 52 In this connection, Stur is mentioning again the situation of the Irish nation, where the imposition of the English in the public life were conducing to the paralization of the authentic national life. The introduction of the English into the public life in Wales and Scotland got �SLOVAKIA 41 practically the same effect: the original national identity got a deadly blow and there is practically no probability that these two Celtic nationalities could revive their original national life. Not dissimilar grew the situation of the Basks in Spain and France: deprived of the possibility to make use of their many thousands years old language in their public life, they are decaying as a distinct nationality and are merging with the Spanish and French. 3. The Rights of The Nations According to Stur 53 While individual rights have been object of different declarations and international instruments (Bill of Rights etc.), the rights of the nations neither have been enumerated nor sanctioned by international domuments. All this is perfectly understandable, because the world policy has always been carried out by the big powers interested only in their power positions and very little or nothing at all in the rights of the small nations. This situation prevails even today. What can be said of the situation prevailing hundred or more years ago? The big powers are able to assure their real and or pretended rights as today as they were doing in the past. They were and are enjoying them in full measure what cannot be said of the small nations, whose rights are being trampled under feet and denied. Only who is suffering injustice on his own flesh is able to understand the benefits of the right and justice and to yearn after them. Only nations which have been subjugated and denied their fundamental rights were able to forge the ideas about these rights amidst their sufferings. If you examine the modern history of the Basks, Irish, Jews, Slovaks and other perfectly constituted nations whose the only defect was to be small ones, you will gather abundant evidences of their desire to see protected and realized their rights they are feeling to be entitled to. More than hundred years ago, stur was expressing some of these fundamental rights of the nations. All these ideas are very important contribution to the creation of new international law which undoubtedly will take place in the next decades and conduce to the reorganization of mankind on the base of respect for all the nations, not �42 SLOVAKIA only the big ones, but also the small ones which are the majority and feel the thirst of justice. After all we have said about the function of the mother tongue in the life of nation, it is not difficult to understand that titur was preaching the right to language as the most proper mark of every nationality: "Who is touching (the language) is touching the most proper possession." 54 If a nation is denied the right to its own language by its expulsion out of the public life and schools, it is getting a death blow to its very existence. The Bask language has been suppressed in France and Spain and nowadays the number of Basks is diminishing in such an allarming way that if they are not allowed to use their own language in their country, this respectable nation will disappear from the map of Europe. The actual society got associations for the protection of animals ( dogs, cats and endangered species) and plants, but the United Nations Organization did not provide for the protection of the dying national communities and nations endangered in their life. Very soon the Bask language, the oldest European spoken language, will be a dead one, if the Basks do not get an international support for their legitimate struggle for independence. The Irish got a blow, when the English was introduced in Ireland instead of the Gaelic and many decades will pass over until the Gaelic will be again a spoken language in Ireland in spite of the Irish Republic and the desire of the authorities to reinstall it. Of course, of all the rights the most fundamental is the right to life. Meanwhile in the old times, the conquerors were depriving the conquered nations of their material goods, in these times the conquest is aiming at the subjugation of the spirit i.e. the conquerors are threating to take away the nationality itself; the last finality nowadays is the incorporation of the physical substance of conquered into the body of the conquering nation. Therefore titti.r requested that "nobody should interfere with our own district from national point of view." 55 From the fact of existence rises the right to personality which is the extension of the right to life. When speaking of nation, we had quoted the ideas of $tti.r relating to personality and its importance for the normal development �SLOVAKIA 43 of the national community. stur was asking for "the recognition of the personality" 56 of the Slovaks with all the consequences issuing therefrom. In his meditations stur arrived to the expression of the "right to personality." When speaking of the tendency to suppress the life of a nation, he qualifies it as an injustice, because such a nation "is denied the right to be per se amid mankind i.e. to be a different personality." 57 It only is natural that every nation is striving for the recognition of its own personality among the other nations, because even if the personality may be not the highest value according to stur, it is a fundament for all its activity. stur was proclaiming also the right to territory: "As a family needs its settlement as needs the nation its territory, where to live; its frontiers as far as its sovereignty extends itself, where to develop freely and to carry out its will." 58 "The nation with its territory which is the field of its activity, is one owner of earth among other owners." 59 "Whoever is taking hold of this ownership i. e. who is limiting the frontiers of its activity is offending the entire nation and provokes it to war." 60 Only weak and vile nations are permitting their frontiers to be narrowed. This idea of the right to its own earth was a guide to the Jewish nation in diaspora since the time of their deportation to Babylon and after. The realization of this right in the form of "Eretz Ischrael" is completely understandable to anybody who thinks of the nations in philosophical terms. This same idea was proclaimed by the Irish insurgents of 1916: "We declare the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland . . . The long usurpation of that right by a foreign people and government has not extinguished the right ... " For this same right are fighting the rebellious Basks in Spain and France in these very days: the right to Euzkotarr. For this right have been slaughtered one million of Ibos in Nigeria because they wanted to live in their own country, Biafra. �44 SLOVAK.IA In connection with. the language and its function in the life of the nation, stur uttered the right to education and culture. The main object of all the activity of stur was the Slovak common people: after the desertion of the high and low (practically too) nobility, to the Slovaks were left the middle classes and common people only. Therefore he was directing all his endeavors to these masses with the purpose to provoke their national consciousness: "Our common people is the substantial part of our nation." 61 This people were "abandoned and neglected" and therefore "we stepped down and started to have intercourse with them in their own language ... so that they may feel their dignity ... and work on their own rising." 62 We should not forget that in Hungary until 1848 was prevailing the system of serfdom and there was practically no possibility of instruction for the common people. stur was aware that only through education of the masses the Slovak nation can be preserved from disparition. The consequences of the lack of instruction were disastrous indeed: penury, lack of the spirit of enterprise, total absence of welfare, lack of the sense for community. "An educated and instructed nation is in better spiritual and material situation than a nation without instruction . . . The more one is instructed, the higher dignity, respect, higher rights and better condition is he getting." 63 Without the education, there is no community life within the nation64 and its spiritual life which the very essence of a nation is very deficient. 65 An instructed nation is a free nation and a nation composed of ignorant people is a slavish nation. The freedom of a nation is intimately linked to its education and high degree of culture: "an instructed and cultured nation cannot be held in the chains of slavery." 66 So it is understandable that stur considered the right to education and instruction as high as the same right to life. Not unlike was at that time the situation of the Irish nation. stur got into his hands at that time (AD 1847) a number of a Tipperary newspaper wherein the unknown author is requested that "the source of the Irish misfortune must be destroyed, removed and only then there will be �SLOVAKIA 45 a hope that the people rise. The cause thereof is the humiliation and oppression of our Irish people which are being born in order to serve only. The oppression of our nationality since the times of the English expansion is the main cause of all the evil." 67 Being similar the conditions in Ireland and Slovakia, similar were also the reactions of the leaders of the peoples. In Ireland Thomas Davis, "the educator of nationality", was preaching: "Educate that you may be free." "Selfhelp and reliance were his cardinal principles for national regeneration." 68 stur was also insinuating the right of the nation to selfdetermination at a time, when this principle was not a common and general idea. He said: "No nation got the right . . . to not allow another nation to follow its own way, the way which is to it the most convenient." 69 And in accordance with this principle he led his nation to an open rebellion against the Magyars and proclaimed the independence of Slovakia in 1848. 3. EPILOGUE The short period of the intellectual activity of stur is full of ideas which have to say many things to this generation and to the future ones. His doctrine of the personality of the nations contains nucleus for the revision of the entire actual international law. If the nations exist as communities independently of the states and are subjects of the rights, thus the actual international law is an interstatal law only, the United Nations Organization is an Organization of the States etc. We are living in a world of confusion originated in the equivocal use of the term "nation" by the Latin and Anglosaxon nations. While, from one side, it is necessary only that an ex-colony, insignificant as may be (Barbados, Trinidad-Tobago etc.), get granted its independence and be recognized as such and immediately is getting the right to be "a nation," member o! UNO, on the other side, the authentic nations i. e. spiritual communities with well formed personality and efficient cultural life like Basks in Spain, a pleiade of authentic nations in India, Slovaks in Central Europe are denied even the designation of nations and all the rights inherent to their condition of authentic nations. There is a danger �46 SLOVAKIA that the diplomacy is moving on a terrain either of ignorantia elenchi or moral perversity. The Stu.r's visions of international brotherhood and a humanity living for the fruits of the Spirit on the basis of a material welfare are distant from the reality yet. FOOTNOTES •) By "ethnical" we understand "related to the life of nations," because the word "nation" got two different acceptions. I.:udovit Stur (1815-1856), the Slovak scholar, Philosopher and revolutionary who declared the independence of Slovakia in 1848. 1) The practical aspects of this activity see by J. Pauco, "The instruction of the People by the followers of Stur" (I.:udovychova u sturovcov, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1943). 2) To the contrary, the Magyar language has been enriched by the Slovak words related to state administration, agriculture, construction etc. 3) Analogically in the modern times, India had to adopt the English as official language due to the existence of many ethnics in that country. There are many other cases in the contemporary world. 4) I:. Stur, Dielo I, 314. In Bratislava appeared five volumes of his works in 1954. All the quotations of Stur are taken from this edition. 5) lb., l , 314. 6) lb. 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13) 14) 15) 16) 17) 18) 19) 20) 21) 22) 23) lb., l, 168. lb., l, 170. lb., II, 15, 17. lb., V, 41. lb., V, 12. lb. lb. lb. lb., 15. lb. lb., 15, 16. lb., 16. lb., 13. lb., 13. lb. lb., 100. lb., 101. lb., 105, 106. lb., 40. lb., I, 230. 24) 25) 26) 27) J. Pauco, o. c. 28) lb., l, 127. 29) lb., I, 115. �SLOVAKIA 30) 31) 32) 33) 34) 35) 36) 37) 38) 39) 40) 41) 42) 43) 44) 45) 46) 47) 48) 49) 50) 51) 52) 53) 54) 55) 56) 57) 58) 59) 60) 61) 62) 63) 64) 65) 66) 67) 68) 69) 47 Ib., l, 116. lb., l, 114. Ib., I, 125. lb., II, 177. lb., l, 123. lb., II, 182. According to this doctrine, in the History always one nation is the leader of mankind. lb., II, 188. lb., I, 216. Ib., V, 134. lb., l, 212. lb. l, 212, 213. Cfr. lb. l, 215: "Even if the language is not the highest value of a nation, still it is the most important and decisive property as far as its personality and distinction is concerned, and from the fathers holy heritage which if somebody is touching, is touching the most proper possession, even if not the highest one." lb., V, 17. lb., l, 153. lb. Ib., l, 312. lb., I, 313. lb., l, 313, 314. lb., l, 314. lb. lb., l, 317. lb., l, 318, 319. lb., l, 319. S. Polakovic, L'evolution des idees fondamentales de la politique slovaque, Bratislava 1944; S. Polakovic, The Evolution of the Slovak National Philosophy, delivered at the conference in Toronto 1971. Stur, o.c., l, 215. lb., I, 221. lb., l, 216. Manuscript in the Archives of Matica Slovenska, Martin, Slovakia, No. 356a. Stur, o.c., l, 210. lb. lb., l, 211. lb., l, 49. lb., l, 125. lb., I, 154. lb., l, 158. lb., l, 124. lb., l, 334. lb., l, 315-6. We could not identify this Tipperary newspaper. The English quotation is not verbal, because we had to translate it from the Slovak. Dr. Moody in his address to Trinity College, Dublin, on April 20, 1966. Slovo na case, II, 81. � SLOVAKIA Stefan P O la k O 29 Vi C : The Ethnical Philosophy of L'udovtt Stur* A. INTRODUCTION 1. Philosophy and Life The present day people generally are ignoring the Philosophy and consider it as an antiquarian and discarded discipline without any relation to the concrete life. And they forget that even the most unphilosophical concrete, individual life is expression of philosophy. It would be sufficient to observe an individual and his actions in order to write down "his" philosophy, i.e. the principles which are guiding him in his personal life. There is a mutual dependence between philosophy and life to such an extent that the fulness of the accidental aspects of the life is permeated by the general principles of philosophical character, while these principles in their abstract form can become a ferment for concrete life and contribute, by their turn, to the changes and even upheavals of the life. This fundamental relation between life and philosophy has been observed by Plato and Aristoteles teaching that the beginning of philosophy is "admiring" ( thaumazein). And in reality, there are many concrete "materials" in the concrete world for the analysis of an observing mind. As a philosopher who received a Hegelian formation in its authentic source during his studies in Germany, Cudovit stlir did not remain insensible in front of the concrete situation of the Slovak nation in Hungary at the beginning of the 19th century. It was a splendid "material" to be analyzed and studied under the light of the then modern philosophical doctrine. And these studies had been done by stur with the result of general principles, valid even today, on the life of nations in general. From the other side, the very same conditions of the Slovaks in �30 SLOVAKIA Hungary were for the patriot ~tur an object of very serious preoccupations. In this way, if from one side he was abstracting general principles out of this situation, from the other side he was putting down general principles for the recuperation of the Slovaks and their awakening from the centennial sleepiness. 1 2. The Ethnical Situation in Hungary in 1800 and After After the destruction of the Slovak kingdom in 910 A.D. by the Magyars with the help of the Franks (Germans) and its occupation by the victors, the higher culture of the Slovaks did not permit their assimilation by the Magyars 2 and so, in order to maintain the stability of the problematic common monarchy for two different nations (the Slovaks are Slavs and the Magyars are Mongolians), the new kings had recourse to a solution unique in the history of Europe: the adoption of the Latin as official language of the kingdom. 3 This anachronical situation lasted until 1793, when the Magyar language was for the first time codified and first attempts had been made to impose the Magyar language as the official one in the entire territory of Hungary. The consequences of the use of the Latin in Hungary during nine centuries were disastrous both for the Slovaks and Magyars: neither the Slovaks nor the Magyars had been able to develop their own literary works and so their language remained limited to the vernacular function (folk songs, folk legends etc.). After the Reform only appear here and there the first Slovak and Magyar works printed in dialects. Another, not less disastrous consequence of the reign of the Latin in our country was "darkness, brutality; lack of undertaking and higher civic liberty" 4 ; such was the common destiny of the Slovaks and the Magyars because of the lack of instruction. The schools and the real life of the two nations were separated by an abysmal gap: "All the knowledge and culture in the middle age were sticking in the schools and were limited to them ... It was a natural consequence of the separation of the schools from the life due to the foreign language" (i.e. the Latin).5 This led to the "contemptous looking of the schools on the life, the condemnation of the common life as of �SLOVAKIA 31 something vulgar; the contempt of national life and erradication of the even undangerous national customs; the rise of the cultivated casts and general neglect of the people who ... were needing instruction nor were allowed to enter into the temple of the instruction." 6 As soon as the Magyars codified their language, the Slovaks did the same: The Slovak Grammar of Bernolak appeared before the year 1800. What the Slovaks as a nation could not do was to hamper the magyarisation of the high and low Slovak nobility which at that time due to the raisons d'Etat stood behind the governmental power. This renegation of the Slovak nobility was a death blow to the Slovak national interests and since then the word "renegate" got a smell of moral insanity among the Slovaks. In this way to the Slovaks "were left the middle classes only: townsmen, low clergy, teachers." 7 The Slovaks were left only "what could not be taken away from them . . . due to the impossibility of the matters." 8 3. Civic Priesthood of Stur stur was 25 years old, when he came back to Slovakia from Germany: the mind full of ideas and the heart full of love for his Slovak nation. His decision as far as his personal life was concerned, was all made already: he had to sacrifice his life to his people and decided not to get married in order to be completely free from familiar ties. In very short nine years (from 1840 to 1849) he developed a febrile activity as teacher and scholar, as publisher and journalist, as politician and representative to Parliament, as revolucionary and soldier. He succeeded in forming an entire generation of Slovak activists whose merit was the preservation of the Slovak national life in a hostile and brutal country. The students were drawn by his ideas and confirmed by the chastity of his exemplar personal life. stur was doing what he was preaching: to prefer the common and public interests to his own personal advantages. He was not appointed by anybody to this national job: he had choosen it freely as a selfappointed high priest subject to his conscience and God only according to one of his devices: "We entered into the service of the Spirit; therefore we have to pass on a life full of thorns." �32 SLOVAKIA We got registered his farewell speech to his students before they left for holidays in 1842: like Moses on the mount Nebo with his hands elevated towards the heaven imploring God's blessings for the fighting soldiers Stur was dismissing his friends in the function of national missionaries like a high priest: "Who is living out of the spirit, is living in the humanity, is living suitably to humanity . . . and who is not living out to the spirit, is living for himself only, there is no humanity in him not is he in the humanity, because he is natural being only and not spiritual being like is the humanity ... Why the field of our Slovakia lies fallow as a desert; why our nation fell so down? Because it is not conscious of itself ... it is unconscious in the sphere of language, customs and ways of life as a distinct personality, it does not know itself as one wholeness, is not aware of itself and does not understand itself in the spirit of its own personality as belonging exclusively to itself." 9 In 13udovit Stur's works, articles, speeches there is a graduation during the mentioned nine years: the climax of all this febrile activity is the armed uprising of 1848-49 against the Magyars with the declaration of the independence of Slovakia (September 19, 1848). After this unsuccessful uprising the police curtain fell over a life consecrated to his nation: house prison, sorrow and death. In brevi explevit tempora multa ... B. ST-OR'S IDEAS CONCERNING THE LIFE OF NATION 1. The Nation Even if Stur, during his studies in Germany, imbibed with avidity the congenital doctrines of Hegel, he assimilated them in his personal way and was forging practical applications according to the situation of the Slovak nation in Hungary. Whereas "the spirit is the essence of all" 10 and his main task is selfknowledge and whereas, if we freely are interpreting Stur's idea of multiplicity of nations, the manifoldness of the nations is the manifestation of the richness of the Spirit, the main task of every nation it to reach the selfconsciousness. �SLOVAKIA 33 Without this selfconsciousness and selfknowledge the existence of a nation is a very precarious one, if not impossible according to sttir. Like a man (human being) who did not reach the personality is a child as slave who does know nothing about it, as "the nations which did not reach the personality, which did not feel themselves, are like children under the command of a patriarch and slaves under landlord." 11 Every nation "is a one whole, one individuality, one personality" and the highest obligation of very personality is to "become conscious, feel and know itself." 12 This national individuality consists in the spiritual union of all the members13 which can be felt "only on the basis of our nearest natural consanguinity." 14 What does this personality consist in? In the first place, the specificness of every nation is manifested by its language. "The language is the utterance of the spirit and in its turn is destined to influence the spirit." 15 "The language got its own life and the same course as the nations themselves." 16 "When the language lost its original expressivity, force, determination and acuteness, so the force and acuteness of the nation itself had volatilized; got old the language, so got old the nation itself." 17 One with the other are in the strongest union, one with the other are living and dying. 18 Besides the language, there are many other ties assuring the unity of the nation. Some of them are completely natural (as the territory) and or are natural-spiritual (among these on the first place is the language, afterwards customs, ways of life) and or completely spiritual (religion, political and civic order etc.) . The yearning after personality in an ethnical group is the most noble desire, because it is a desire of selffeeling and selfknowledge19 and in the last consequences it is a desire of being useful to the humanity. A nation which did not come to personality is unable t o register anything of its own in the world among the �34 SLOVAKIA other nations, nor is able to represent anything in the history. Notwithstanding that Stur is emphasizing the importance of the feeling of personality for a nation, he asseverates that "the personality is not the highest degree and that when a man or nations want to live and actuate indeed humanly, they must rise to a higher degree, wherefore the personality must be ennobled and morally hightened." 20 The spiritual personality of the nation, if it has to be a real and not imaginary one, must dispose of itself. This selfdisposition cannot be carried out, when a nation is united to another like an accident: the result of such an union can only be a weakness for both the partners. It is no life, but only a vegetation. 21 "When a nation wants to live and has to live, it cannot and must not rely on another nation and from it wait for the awakening and maintenance of its life ... Such a nation does not deserve to live." 22 Such a nation is like a log, "wherein there is no life."23 The life of the nation consists in spiritual movement and activity. Every true nation desires to rise to a higher life and wants its life to be registered in the life of mankind. It only is possible, when the nation is creating values of universal human validity which are contributing to the progress of humanity. In order that this be possible, these works of everlasting human validity have to bear the seal of the national authorship. 24 All this is possible only, when the nation had reached the degree of selfconsciousness as a nation, "because the selfconscious nation is united by the spirit in the strongest way . . . and is respecting its existence and its honest staying among others." 25 The true union of the members of the nation is in the spirit only i.e. when present in the conscience of all. Such a nation is strong, even if a small one. This "community-minded spirit" 26 is the essential force of every nation. Stur had to fight the family-minded spirit of the common Slovak people of that time with the purpose to �SLOVAKIA 35 awaken them for a higher life of the national community. He and his disciples had done an admirable work on this field. 27 And as usual, stur was analyzing the relation between the family and community life within the framework of the nation. He did not want to condemn the family life; he only wanted to exclude the exaggerate cult of family life: "The community life must not absorb the family life as well as the family life cannot exclude the community life." 28 Of course, the first society to which the man belongs is family: to it he is united with body and sentiments. Thus, while the fundament of family is a natural one and its union is of natural origin, in the national community the union is of spiritual character. And as body is of lower nature than the spirit, so the family is lower than the national community. In consequence thereof the community is higher than the family. Even if this ratiocination is of undoubtedly Hegelian precedence, there is series of fundamental theoremas concerning the life of nations which are issuing from this admitted superiority of spirit. First of all, no nation can lastingly remain on the niveau of the family life, because nation as nation got completely different the essential ties than the family; and also because the spirit can develop through the national community only which takes care of education and spiritual formation. 29 That the public life of community is higher than that of family it is growing evident also from the fact that those who were sacrificing themselves for the community met with gratitude of the nation and everlasting glory: they merited this general esteem, because they were concerned about the higher goods of the nation. "Beautiful is the love of Joseph for his brothers, captivating is the sacrifice of Antigona taking care of her father and accompanying him in his blindness on Kyteron; beautiful is the fidelity of Lucretia; beautiful is the love of Solon for his son, the care of Cornelia for her heroic sons, beautiful the care of Aeneas, beautiful the love of Andromeda, but incommensurably higher and more glorious are the deeds of Leonidas, Themistocles, Miltiades, �36 SLOVAKIA Mucius, Scipio, Zrinyi, Franklin, Menin, Pozarsky, Kosciuszko and many others." 30 If anybody would live for his family only, the nation would cease to exist. Of course, there are many degrees of access of a community to the fulness of national life. At the beginning, all the nation being born are rude and brutal, because "they did not reach a spiritual culture.'' 31 These "being born" nations are united by family ties only and they are living patriarchal order. There is a community life, but reduced to corporal necessities. Later on, the community is creating spiritual values and thus is rising to the degree of nation. A community which did not create its spiritual culture disappears from the theatre of History: "The nations which did not rise to the community life, if met by a higher nation were succumbing to it.'' 32 The spiritual life of the nations "consists in all that the spirit is creating; that in it got its roots and origin" 33 i. e. religion, arts, sciences, doctrines, institutes, juridical order etc. Through the creation of such values a nation is able to register its existence in the community o! nations and obtain its identity card: "A nation which did not create anything noble for others, which did not register its li!e in the human community life, got no consideration before others." 34 The more flourishing is the community life and spiritual creativity of a national community, the stronger will be its position among the nations, because it is of one spirit and of one will. According to ~tur, such nations only appertain to History which consists in "continuous evolution." 35 This last expression has to be understood in the terminology of Hegelian philosophy of History.36 "The improvement and heightening of the human life has been progressing through the nations which appertain to History," 37 but never through the vegetation of tribes and barbarian nations. �SLOVAKIA 37 If we are searching for a definition of nation in stur, we will be perhaps disappointed: "By nation has always been understood the community of men using from birth one language." 38 This apparently poor definition has to be understood, however, from the viewpoint of the high function of language in the life of nations. 2. The Nation And The Language The very essence of the ethnical philosophy of stur has to be searched for in his doctrine of language as far as it is in relation with the life of nations in general. We have already mentioned the role of language, when speaking of the personality of nation: the language is one of the fundamental reasons of its specificness, i.e. it identifies the nation. This doctrine does not contradict the fact, that the English is a language common to England and the US, the Portuguese common to Portugal and Brazil, the Spanish common to Spain and many Latin American states. On the first place, all these new "nations" are nations in formation. In this process of formation they feel the necessity of a special language and this trend towards a specific language is being observed as in the United States (the trend to spell and pronounce differently the English ) as in Brazil ( the Brazilians speak of Brazilian as their mother tongue) as in the Latin American states (some o! them are looking for native Indian languages in order to emphasize their "national" identity). Secondly, there exist a subconscious uncertainty and insecurity as far as the national identity is concerned, in all these zones, when comparing their identities with those of other nations recognized as such. "When the nation comes to selfconsciousness, then it will comprehend that it got one life, one aim and so by natural and necessary course of the things this selfconsciousness must express itself in what it is uniting the nation together: one literary language, one literature belong essentially to the unity of nation." 39 �38 SLOVAKIA Thus the language is the instrument of the national unity: no nation (in the acception of a spiritual community and not the state; the state could have more languages) can have two literary languages. From the other side, the language alone is unable to maintain the national unity: 40 "The nations got higher goods which they are yearning after ... These higher goods belong to spiritual aspects. When the nation reaches this higher niveau of spiritual activity, then begins to consider its linguistic unity as secondary, even if always dear and beloved, because inherited from the forefathers, but undecisive in all fundamental questions." 41 In other words, when a nation reaches the stadium of high spiritual activity creating everlasting cultural values, the question of language ceases to be a primary one and is being collocated on the secondary niveau, because in this way the conscious spirit is assuring the unity of nation. But before the language be able to become vehicle of high, spiritual activity, it is necessary to cultivate it i.e. provide it with terms able to express not only things, objects of daily use (the stadium of native vernacular languages), but also high ideas. "The language got the same course, the same evolution like man and nations. The child and the common man are speaking a very common language related to the objects of daily use known to all and in the same way common people who are either not at all or little civilized, but a cultivated man is speaking of higher subjects and his language is more abundant, more complicated and more polished; all the same is to be said of the language of a cultivated nation." 42 This general principle is being confirmed every day in our times too: India is being overhauling the Hindostani in order to give it an efficiency as a modern cultivated language; the missionaries are struggling with the imperfections of the hundred and hundred native languages in order to convert them in vehicles capable to express high ideas putting down in this way the very foundations for a road to civilization of the different tribes. But from all the functions a literary language may �SLOVAKIA 3g get, the most important is its role in the instruction of the peoples. ~tur was assigning a primordialy importance to the language on this field. "Every nation can be cultivated through its own language only and is being cultivated, when its language is being cultivated" 43 : there is an interdependent action and mutual benefit as a result. In fact, the civilization of a nation is practically impossible, if its language is being postponed. The Guaranis of Paraguay, Brazil and Argentina, the Aymeras of Bolivia and Quechuas of Peru and Bolivia as nations were left on the same cultural niveau as they were living in the times of colonial occupation. According to ~tur "the mother tongue is the mean of civilization of that nation that is speaking it." 44 "If the instruction has to be a true, useful and adequate instruction it must be carried out in the national language i. e. in the mother tongue of the nation. Otherwise, the instruction got no value, is a mechanical work, without any benefit." 45 "The instruction must exercise an influence not only on the mind but also on the heart; it must not be understood only, but also felt" 46 and we feel best the power of words and expressions in our mother tongue. "In this language all is clear and bright; in it the objects denoted by words are immediately present before our eyes, while in the foreign language all appears to us like behind a curtain of fog .. . For these reasons everybody will understand, why the nations being instructed in their schools in the mother tongue are progressing in instruction, knowledge and are occupying a honorable place among other nations, while the nations being instructed in their schools in foreign language are staying behind." 47 There is another important reason, why the instruction has to be carried out in the mother tongue: "Through the mother tongue introduced into the schools the eyes of the nation are being opened; only then it is aware that it exists in the world too and through the mother tongue introduced into the public life, the nation is getting voice in the world." 48 �40 SLOVAKIA All these benefits had been denied to the nations in the middle age, when the Latin was used commonly in all the 15chools. The consequences thereof have been the obscuratism and barbarity, no undertaking and no public liberty. "In the middle age the world and schools were opposed to such a degree that whatever was appertaining to the schools did not concern the life and vice versa and this was a natural consequence of the separation of the schools from the life through a foreign language." 49 At that time the universities were like castles, where secret treasures were being hidden and whoever wanted to get to these treasures, he had to break through the dead Latin world. By a similar bad luck are being stricken many small nations even in the modern times. In this occasion Stur described the situation of the Irish nation, where the original Irish language is being ousted from the schools and the English is being imposed on its place; a similar destiny got the Flemish nation in Belgiwn and the Slovaks in Hungary. "We have to call it a disaster, when a nation is being instructed in foreign language, it is not possible to talk about the progress in knowledge and culture of such a nation. And without culture a nation is like mud being trampled under feet." 50 By the repression of its language, the nation is being menaced in its very being. "A nation to whom had been imposed a foreign language even in its elementary schools got a sensible blow on its very life and spirit . . . and is condemned to blindness and obscurity ... In such a nation there will flourish no culture, instead of it there will dwell obscurity; there will flourish no freedom, instead of it there will spread the spirit of servilism, there will flourish no wealth, instead of it unfold poverty and misery." 51 "When a nation had fallen so deeply, it is the declaration of the last historical sentence over it and the accomplishment of its servility." 52 In this connection, Stur is mentioning again the situation of the Irish nation, where the imposition of the English in the public life were conducing to the paralization of the authentic national life. The introduction of the English into the public life in Wales and Scotland got �SLOVAKIA 41 practically the same effect: the original national identity got a deadly blow and there is practically no probability that these two Celtic nationalities could revive their original national life. Not dissimilar grew the situation of the Basks in Spain and France: deprived of the possibility to make use of their many thousands years old language in their public life, they are decaying as a distinct nationality and are merging with the Spanish and French. 3. The Rights of The Nations According to Stur 53 While individual rights have been object of different declarations and international instruments (Bill of Rights etc.), the rights of the nations neither have been enumerated nor sanctioned by international domuments. All this is perfectly understandable, because the world policy has always been carried out by the big powers interested only in their power positions and very little or nothing at all in the rights of the small nations. This situation prevails even today. What can be said of the situation prevailing hundred or more years ago? The big powers are able to assure their real and or pretended rights as today as they were doing in the past. They were and are enjoying them in full measure what cannot be said of the small nations, whose rights are being trampled under feet and denied. Only who is suffering injustice on his own flesh is able to understand the benefits of the right and justice and to yearn after them. Only nations which have been subjugated and denied their fundamental rights were able to forge the ideas about these rights amidst their sufferings. If you examine the modern history of the Basks, Irish, Jews, Slovaks and other perfectly constituted nations whose the only defect was to be small ones, you will gather abundant evidences of their desire to see protected and realized their rights they are feeling to be entitled to. More than hundred years ago, stur was expressing some of these fundamental rights of the nations. All these ideas are very important contribution to the creation of new international law which undoubtedly will take place in the next decades and conduce to the reorganization of mankind on the base of respect for all the nations, not �42 SLOVAKIA only the big ones, but also the small ones which are the majority and feel the thirst of justice. After all we have said about the function of the mother tongue in the life of nation, it is not difficult to understand that titur was preaching the right to language as the most proper mark of every nationality: "Who is touching (the language) is touching the most proper possession." 54 If a nation is denied the right to its own language by its expulsion out of the public life and schools, it is getting a death blow to its very existence. The Bask language has been suppressed in France and Spain and nowadays the number of Basks is diminishing in such an allarming way that if they are not allowed to use their own language in their country, this respectable nation will disappear from the map of Europe. The actual society got associations for the protection of animals ( dogs, cats and endangered species) and plants, but the United Nations Organization did not provide for the protection of the dying national communities and nations endangered in their life. Very soon the Bask language, the oldest European spoken language, will be a dead one, if the Basks do not get an international support for their legitimate struggle for independence. The Irish got a blow, when the English was introduced in Ireland instead of the Gaelic and many decades will pass over until the Gaelic will be again a spoken language in Ireland in spite of the Irish Republic and the desire of the authorities to reinstall it. Of course, of all the rights the most fundamental is the right to life. Meanwhile in the old times, the conquerors were depriving the conquered nations of their material goods, in these times the conquest is aiming at the subjugation of the spirit i.e. the conquerors are threating to take away the nationality itself; the last finality nowadays is the incorporation of the physical substance of conquered into the body of the conquering nation. Therefore titti.r requested that "nobody should interfere with our own district from national point of view." 55 From the fact of existence rises the right to personality which is the extension of the right to life. When speaking of nation, we had quoted the ideas of $tti.r relating to personality and its importance for the normal development �SLOVAKIA 43 of the national community. stur was asking for "the recognition of the personality" 56 of the Slovaks with all the consequences issuing therefrom. In his meditations stur arrived to the expression of the "right to personality." When speaking of the tendency to suppress the life of a nation, he qualifies it as an injustice, because such a nation "is denied the right to be per se amid mankind i.e. to be a different personality." 57 It only is natural that every nation is striving for the recognition of its own personality among the other nations, because even if the personality may be not the highest value according to stur, it is a fundament for all its activity. stur was proclaiming also the right to territory: "As a family needs its settlement as needs the nation its territory, where to live; its frontiers as far as its sovereignty extends itself, where to develop freely and to carry out its will." 58 "The nation with its territory which is the field of its activity, is one owner of earth among other owners." 59 "Whoever is taking hold of this ownership i. e. who is limiting the frontiers of its activity is offending the entire nation and provokes it to war." 60 Only weak and vile nations are permitting their frontiers to be narrowed. This idea of the right to its own earth was a guide to the Jewish nation in diaspora since the time of their deportation to Babylon and after. The realization of this right in the form of "Eretz Ischrael" is completely understandable to anybody who thinks of the nations in philosophical terms. This same idea was proclaimed by the Irish insurgents of 1916: "We declare the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland . . . The long usurpation of that right by a foreign people and government has not extinguished the right ... " For this same right are fighting the rebellious Basks in Spain and France in these very days: the right to Euzkotarr. For this right have been slaughtered one million of Ibos in Nigeria because they wanted to live in their own country, Biafra. �44 SLOVAK.IA In connection with. the language and its function in the life of the nation, stur uttered the right to education and culture. The main object of all the activity of stur was the Slovak common people: after the desertion of the high and low (practically too) nobility, to the Slovaks were left the middle classes and common people only. Therefore he was directing all his endeavors to these masses with the purpose to provoke their national consciousness: "Our common people is the substantial part of our nation." 61 This people were "abandoned and neglected" and therefore "we stepped down and started to have intercourse with them in their own language ... so that they may feel their dignity ... and work on their own rising." 62 We should not forget that in Hungary until 1848 was prevailing the system of serfdom and there was practically no possibility of instruction for the common people. stur was aware that only through education of the masses the Slovak nation can be preserved from disparition. The consequences of the lack of instruction were disastrous indeed: penury, lack of the spirit of enterprise, total absence of welfare, lack of the sense for community. "An educated and instructed nation is in better spiritual and material situation than a nation without instruction . . . The more one is instructed, the higher dignity, respect, higher rights and better condition is he getting." 63 Without the education, there is no community life within the nation64 and its spiritual life which the very essence of a nation is very deficient. 65 An instructed nation is a free nation and a nation composed of ignorant people is a slavish nation. The freedom of a nation is intimately linked to its education and high degree of culture: "an instructed and cultured nation cannot be held in the chains of slavery." 66 So it is understandable that stur considered the right to education and instruction as high as the same right to life. Not unlike was at that time the situation of the Irish nation. stur got into his hands at that time (AD 1847) a number of a Tipperary newspaper wherein the unknown author is requested that "the source of the Irish misfortune must be destroyed, removed and only then there will be �SLOVAKIA 45 a hope that the people rise. The cause thereof is the humiliation and oppression of our Irish people which are being born in order to serve only. The oppression of our nationality since the times of the English expansion is the main cause of all the evil." 67 Being similar the conditions in Ireland and Slovakia, similar were also the reactions of the leaders of the peoples. In Ireland Thomas Davis, "the educator of nationality", was preaching: "Educate that you may be free." "Selfhelp and reliance were his cardinal principles for national regeneration." 68 stur was also insinuating the right of the nation to selfdetermination at a time, when this principle was not a common and general idea. He said: "No nation got the right . . . to not allow another nation to follow its own way, the way which is to it the most convenient." 69 And in accordance with this principle he led his nation to an open rebellion against the Magyars and proclaimed the independence of Slovakia in 1848. 3. EPILOGUE The short period of the intellectual activity of stur is full of ideas which have to say many things to this generation and to the future ones. His doctrine of the personality of the nations contains nucleus for the revision of the entire actual international law. If the nations exist as communities independently of the states and are subjects of the rights, thus the actual international law is an interstatal law only, the United Nations Organization is an Organization of the States etc. We are living in a world of confusion originated in the equivocal use of the term "nation" by the Latin and Anglosaxon nations. While, from one side, it is necessary only that an ex-colony, insignificant as may be (Barbados, Trinidad-Tobago etc.), get granted its independence and be recognized as such and immediately is getting the right to be "a nation," member o! UNO, on the other side, the authentic nations i. e. spiritual communities with well formed personality and efficient cultural life like Basks in Spain, a pleiade of authentic nations in India, Slovaks in Central Europe are denied even the designation of nations and all the rights inherent to their condition of authentic nations. There is a danger �46 SLOVAKIA that the diplomacy is moving on a terrain either of ignorantia elenchi or moral perversity. The Stu.r's visions of international brotherhood and a humanity living for the fruits of the Spirit on the basis of a material welfare are distant from the reality yet. FOOTNOTES •) By "ethnical" we understand "related to the life of nations," because the word "nation" got two different acceptions. I.:udovit Stur (1815-1856), the Slovak scholar, Philosopher and revolutionary who declared the independence of Slovakia in 1848. 1) The practical aspects of this activity see by J. Pauco, "The instruction of the People by the followers of Stur" (I.:udovychova u sturovcov, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1943). 2) To the contrary, the Magyar language has been enriched by the Slovak words related to state administration, agriculture, construction etc. 3) Analogically in the modern times, India had to adopt the English as official language due to the existence of many ethnics in that country. There are many other cases in the contemporary world. 4) I:. Stur, Dielo I, 314. In Bratislava appeared five volumes of his works in 1954. All the quotations of Stur are taken from this edition. 5) lb., l , 314. 6) lb. 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13) 14) 15) 16) 17) 18) 19) 20) 21) 22) 23) lb., l, 168. lb., l, 170. lb., II, 15, 17. lb., V, 41. lb., V, 12. lb. lb. lb. lb., 15. lb. lb., 15, 16. lb., 16. lb., 13. lb., 13. lb. lb., 100. lb., 101. lb., 105, 106. lb., 40. lb., I, 230. 24) 25) 26) 27) J. Pauco, o. c. 28) lb., l, 127. 29) lb., I, 115. �SLOVAKIA 30) 31) 32) 33) 34) 35) 36) 37) 38) 39) 40) 41) 42) 43) 44) 45) 46) 47) 48) 49) 50) 51) 52) 53) 54) 55) 56) 57) 58) 59) 60) 61) 62) 63) 64) 65) 66) 67) 68) 69) 47 Ib., l, 116. lb., l, 114. Ib., I, 125. lb., II, 177. lb., l, 123. lb., II, 182. According to this doctrine, in the History always one nation is the leader of mankind. lb., II, 188. lb., I, 216. Ib., V, 134. lb., l, 212. lb. l, 212, 213. Cfr. lb. l, 215: "Even if the language is not the highest value of a nation, still it is the most important and decisive property as far as its personality and distinction is concerned, and from the fathers holy heritage which if somebody is touching, is touching the most proper possession, even if not the highest one." lb., V, 17. lb., l, 153. lb. Ib., l, 312. lb., I, 313. lb., l, 313, 314. lb., l, 314. lb. lb., l, 317. lb., l, 318, 319. lb., l, 319. S. Polakovic, L'evolution des idees fondamentales de la politique slovaque, Bratislava 1944; S. Polakovic, The Evolution of the Slovak National Philosophy, delivered at the conference in Toronto 1971. Stur, o.c., l, 215. lb., I, 221. lb., l, 216. Manuscript in the Archives of Matica Slovenska, Martin, Slovakia, No. 356a. Stur, o.c., l, 210. lb. lb., l, 211. lb., l, 49. lb., l, 125. lb., I, 154. lb., l, 158. lb., l, 124. lb., l, 334. lb., l, 315-6. We could not identify this Tipperary newspaper. The English quotation is not verbal, because we had to translate it from the Slovak. Dr. Moody in his address to Trinity College, Dublin, on April 20, 1966. Slovo na case, II, 81. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1973, Vol. 23 Description An account of the resource Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA Stefan P O la k O 29 Vi C : The Ethnical Philosophy of L'udovtt Stur* A. INTRODUCTION 1. Philosophy and Life The present day people generally are ignoring the Philosophy and consider it as an antiquarian and discarded discipline without any relation to the concrete life. And they forget that even the most unphilosophical concrete, individual life is expression of philosophy. It would be sufficient to observe an individual and his actions in order to write down "his" philosophy, i.e. the principles which are guiding him in his personal life. There is a mutual dependence between philosophy and life to such an extent that the fulness of the accidental aspects of the life is permeated by the general principles of philosophical character, while these principles in their abstract form can become a ferment for concrete life and contribute, by their turn, to the changes and even upheavals of the life. This fundamental relation between life and philosophy has been observed by Plato and Aristoteles teaching that the beginning of philosophy is "admiring" ( thaumazein). And in reality, there are many concrete "materials" in the concrete world for the analysis of an observing mind. As a philosopher who received a Hegelian formation in its authentic source during his studies in Germany, Cudovit stlir did not remain insensible in front of the concrete situation of the Slovak nation in Hungary at the beginning of the 19th century. It was a splendid "material" to be analyzed and studied under the light of the then modern philosophical doctrine. And these studies had been done by stur with the result of general principles, valid even today, on the life of nations in general. From the other side, the very same conditions of the Slovaks in 30 SLOVAKIA Hungary were for the patriot ~tur an object of very serious preoccupations. In this way, if from one side he was abstracting general principles out of this situation, from the other side he was putting down general principles for the recuperation of the Slovaks and their awakening from the centennial sleepiness. 1 2. The Ethnical Situation in Hungary in 1800 and After After the destruction of the Slovak kingdom in 910 A.D. by the Magyars with the help of the Franks (Germans) and its occupation by the victors, the higher culture of the Slovaks did not permit their assimilation by the Magyars 2 and so, in order to maintain the stability of the problematic common monarchy for two different nations (the Slovaks are Slavs and the Magyars are Mongolians), the new kings had recourse to a solution unique in the history of Europe: the adoption of the Latin as official language of the kingdom. 3 This anachronical situation lasted until 1793, when the Magyar language was for the first time codified and first attempts had been made to impose the Magyar language as the official one in the entire territory of Hungary. The consequences of the use of the Latin in Hungary during nine centuries were disastrous both for the Slovaks and Magyars: neither the Slovaks nor the Magyars had been able to develop their own literary works and so their language remained limited to the vernacular function (folk songs, folk legends etc.). After the Reform only appear here and there the first Slovak and Magyar works printed in dialects. Another, not less disastrous consequence of the reign of the Latin in our country was "darkness, brutality; lack of undertaking and higher civic liberty" 4 ; such was the common destiny of the Slovaks and the Magyars because of the lack of instruction. The schools and the real life of the two nations were separated by an abysmal gap: "All the knowledge and culture in the middle age were sticking in the schools and were limited to them ... It was a natural consequence of the separation of the schools from the life due to the foreign language" (i.e. the Latin).5 This led to the "contemptous looking of the schools on the life, the condemnation of the common life as of SLOVAKIA 31 something vulgar; the contempt of national life and erradication of the even undangerous national customs; the rise of the cultivated casts and general neglect of the people who ... were needing instruction nor were allowed to enter into the temple of the instruction." 6 As soon as the Magyars codified their language, the Slovaks did the same: The Slovak Grammar of Bernolak appeared before the year 1800. What the Slovaks as a nation could not do was to hamper the magyarisation of the high and low Slovak nobility which at that time due to the raisons d'Etat stood behind the governmental power. This renegation of the Slovak nobility was a death blow to the Slovak national interests and since then the word "renegate" got a smell of moral insanity among the Slovaks. In this way to the Slovaks "were left the middle classes only: townsmen, low clergy, teachers." 7 The Slovaks were left only "what could not be taken away from them . . . due to the impossibility of the matters." 8 3. Civic Priesthood of Stur stur was 25 years old, when he came back to Slovakia from Germany: the mind full of ideas and the heart full of love for his Slovak nation. His decision as far as his personal life was concerned, was all made already: he had to sacrifice his life to his people and decided not to get married in order to be completely free from familiar ties. In very short nine years (from 1840 to 1849) he developed a febrile activity as teacher and scholar, as publisher and journalist, as politician and representative to Parliament, as revolucionary and soldier. He succeeded in forming an entire generation of Slovak activists whose merit was the preservation of the Slovak national life in a hostile and brutal country. The students were drawn by his ideas and confirmed by the chastity of his exemplar personal life. stur was doing what he was preaching: to prefer the common and public interests to his own personal advantages. He was not appointed by anybody to this national job: he had choosen it freely as a selfappointed high priest subject to his conscience and God only according to one of his devices: "We entered into the service of the Spirit; therefore we have to pass on a life full of thorns." 32 SLOVAKIA We got registered his farewell speech to his students before they left for holidays in 1842: like Moses on the mount Nebo with his hands elevated towards the heaven imploring God's blessings for the fighting soldiers Stur was dismissing his friends in the function of national missionaries like a high priest: "Who is living out of the spirit, is living in the humanity, is living suitably to humanity . . . and who is not living out to the spirit, is living for himself only, there is no humanity in him not is he in the humanity, because he is natural being only and not spiritual being like is the humanity ... Why the field of our Slovakia lies fallow as a desert; why our nation fell so down? Because it is not conscious of itself ... it is unconscious in the sphere of language, customs and ways of life as a distinct personality, it does not know itself as one wholeness, is not aware of itself and does not understand itself in the spirit of its own personality as belonging exclusively to itself." 9 In 13udovit Stur's works, articles, speeches there is a graduation during the mentioned nine years: the climax of all this febrile activity is the armed uprising of 1848-49 against the Magyars with the declaration of the independence of Slovakia (September 19, 1848). After this unsuccessful uprising the police curtain fell over a life consecrated to his nation: house prison, sorrow and death. In brevi explevit tempora multa ... B. ST-OR'S IDEAS CONCERNING THE LIFE OF NATION 1. The Nation Even if Stur, during his studies in Germany, imbibed with avidity the congenital doctrines of Hegel, he assimilated them in his personal way and was forging practical applications according to the situation of the Slovak nation in Hungary. Whereas "the spirit is the essence of all" 10 and his main task is selfknowledge and whereas, if we freely are interpreting Stur's idea of multiplicity of nations, the manifoldness of the nations is the manifestation of the richness of the Spirit, the main task of every nation it to reach the selfconsciousness. SLOVAKIA 33 Without this selfconsciousness and selfknowledge the existence of a nation is a very precarious one, if not impossible according to sttir. Like a man (human being) who did not reach the personality is a child as slave who does know nothing about it, as "the nations which did not reach the personality, which did not feel themselves, are like children under the command of a patriarch and slaves under landlord." 11 Every nation "is a one whole, one individuality, one personality" and the highest obligation of very personality is to "become conscious, feel and know itself." 12 This national individuality consists in the spiritual union of all the members13 which can be felt "only on the basis of our nearest natural consanguinity." 14 What does this personality consist in? In the first place, the specificness of every nation is manifested by its language. "The language is the utterance of the spirit and in its turn is destined to influence the spirit." 15 "The language got its own life and the same course as the nations themselves." 16 "When the language lost its original expressivity, force, determination and acuteness, so the force and acuteness of the nation itself had volatilized; got old the language, so got old the nation itself." 17 One with the other are in the strongest union, one with the other are living and dying. 18 Besides the language, there are many other ties assuring the unity of the nation. Some of them are completely natural (as the territory) and or are natural-spiritual (among these on the first place is the language, afterwards customs, ways of life) and or completely spiritual (religion, political and civic order etc.) . The yearning after personality in an ethnical group is the most noble desire, because it is a desire of selffeeling and selfknowledge19 and in the last consequences it is a desire of being useful to the humanity. A nation which did not come to personality is unable t o register anything of its own in the world among the 34 SLOVAKIA other nations, nor is able to represent anything in the history. Notwithstanding that Stur is emphasizing the importance of the feeling of personality for a nation, he asseverates that "the personality is not the highest degree and that when a man or nations want to live and actuate indeed humanly, they must rise to a higher degree, wherefore the personality must be ennobled and morally hightened." 20 The spiritual personality of the nation, if it has to be a real and not imaginary one, must dispose of itself. This selfdisposition cannot be carried out, when a nation is united to another like an accident: the result of such an union can only be a weakness for both the partners. It is no life, but only a vegetation. 21 "When a nation wants to live and has to live, it cannot and must not rely on another nation and from it wait for the awakening and maintenance of its life ... Such a nation does not deserve to live." 22 Such a nation is like a log, "wherein there is no life."23 The life of the nation consists in spiritual movement and activity. Every true nation desires to rise to a higher life and wants its life to be registered in the life of mankind. It only is possible, when the nation is creating values of universal human validity which are contributing to the progress of humanity. In order that this be possible, these works of everlasting human validity have to bear the seal of the national authorship. 24 All this is possible only, when the nation had reached the degree of selfconsciousness as a nation, "because the selfconscious nation is united by the spirit in the strongest way . . . and is respecting its existence and its honest staying among others." 25 The true union of the members of the nation is in the spirit only i.e. when present in the conscience of all. Such a nation is strong, even if a small one. This "community-minded spirit" 26 is the essential force of every nation. Stur had to fight the family-minded spirit of the common Slovak people of that time with the purpose to SLOVAKIA 35 awaken them for a higher life of the national community. He and his disciples had done an admirable work on this field. 27 And as usual, stur was analyzing the relation between the family and community life within the framework of the nation. He did not want to condemn the family life; he only wanted to exclude the exaggerate cult of family life: "The community life must not absorb the family life as well as the family life cannot exclude the community life." 28 Of course, the first society to which the man belongs is family: to it he is united with body and sentiments. Thus, while the fundament of family is a natural one and its union is of natural origin, in the national community the union is of spiritual character. And as body is of lower nature than the spirit, so the family is lower than the national community. In consequence thereof the community is higher than the family. Even if this ratiocination is of undoubtedly Hegelian precedence, there is series of fundamental theoremas concerning the life of nations which are issuing from this admitted superiority of spirit. First of all, no nation can lastingly remain on the niveau of the family life, because nation as nation got completely different the essential ties than the family; and also because the spirit can develop through the national community only which takes care of education and spiritual formation. 29 That the public life of community is higher than that of family it is growing evident also from the fact that those who were sacrificing themselves for the community met with gratitude of the nation and everlasting glory: they merited this general esteem, because they were concerned about the higher goods of the nation. "Beautiful is the love of Joseph for his brothers, captivating is the sacrifice of Antigona taking care of her father and accompanying him in his blindness on Kyteron; beautiful is the fidelity of Lucretia; beautiful is the love of Solon for his son, the care of Cornelia for her heroic sons, beautiful the care of Aeneas, beautiful the love of Andromeda, but incommensurably higher and more glorious are the deeds of Leonidas, Themistocles, Miltiades, 36 SLOVAKIA Mucius, Scipio, Zrinyi, Franklin, Menin, Pozarsky, Kosciuszko and many others." 30 If anybody would live for his family only, the nation would cease to exist. Of course, there are many degrees of access of a community to the fulness of national life. At the beginning, all the nation being born are rude and brutal, because "they did not reach a spiritual culture.'' 31 These "being born" nations are united by family ties only and they are living patriarchal order. There is a community life, but reduced to corporal necessities. Later on, the community is creating spiritual values and thus is rising to the degree of nation. A community which did not create its spiritual culture disappears from the theatre of History: "The nations which did not rise to the community life, if met by a higher nation were succumbing to it.'' 32 The spiritual life of the nations "consists in all that the spirit is creating; that in it got its roots and origin" 33 i. e. religion, arts, sciences, doctrines, institutes, juridical order etc. Through the creation of such values a nation is able to register its existence in the community o! nations and obtain its identity card: "A nation which did not create anything noble for others, which did not register its li!e in the human community life, got no consideration before others." 34 The more flourishing is the community life and spiritual creativity of a national community, the stronger will be its position among the nations, because it is of one spirit and of one will. According to ~tur, such nations only appertain to History which consists in "continuous evolution." 35 This last expression has to be understood in the terminology of Hegelian philosophy of History.36 "The improvement and heightening of the human life has been progressing through the nations which appertain to History," 37 but never through the vegetation of tribes and barbarian nations. SLOVAKIA 37 If we are searching for a definition of nation in stur, we will be perhaps disappointed: "By nation has always been understood the community of men using from birth one language." 38 This apparently poor definition has to be understood, however, from the viewpoint of the high function of language in the life of nations. 2. The Nation And The Language The very essence of the ethnical philosophy of stur has to be searched for in his doctrine of language as far as it is in relation with the life of nations in general. We have already mentioned the role of language, when speaking of the personality of nation: the language is one of the fundamental reasons of its specificness, i.e. it identifies the nation. This doctrine does not contradict the fact, that the English is a language common to England and the US, the Portuguese common to Portugal and Brazil, the Spanish common to Spain and many Latin American states. On the first place, all these new "nations" are nations in formation. In this process of formation they feel the necessity of a special language and this trend towards a specific language is being observed as in the United States (the trend to spell and pronounce differently the English ) as in Brazil ( the Brazilians speak of Brazilian as their mother tongue) as in the Latin American states (some o! them are looking for native Indian languages in order to emphasize their "national" identity). Secondly, there exist a subconscious uncertainty and insecurity as far as the national identity is concerned, in all these zones, when comparing their identities with those of other nations recognized as such. "When the nation comes to selfconsciousness, then it will comprehend that it got one life, one aim and so by natural and necessary course of the things this selfconsciousness must express itself in what it is uniting the nation together: one literary language, one literature belong essentially to the unity of nation." 39 38 SLOVAKIA Thus the language is the instrument of the national unity: no nation (in the acception of a spiritual community and not the state; the state could have more languages) can have two literary languages. From the other side, the language alone is unable to maintain the national unity: 40 "The nations got higher goods which they are yearning after ... These higher goods belong to spiritual aspects. When the nation reaches this higher niveau of spiritual activity, then begins to consider its linguistic unity as secondary, even if always dear and beloved, because inherited from the forefathers, but undecisive in all fundamental questions." 41 In other words, when a nation reaches the stadium of high spiritual activity creating everlasting cultural values, the question of language ceases to be a primary one and is being collocated on the secondary niveau, because in this way the conscious spirit is assuring the unity of nation. But before the language be able to become vehicle of high, spiritual activity, it is necessary to cultivate it i.e. provide it with terms able to express not only things, objects of daily use (the stadium of native vernacular languages), but also high ideas. "The language got the same course, the same evolution like man and nations. The child and the common man are speaking a very common language related to the objects of daily use known to all and in the same way common people who are either not at all or little civilized, but a cultivated man is speaking of higher subjects and his language is more abundant, more complicated and more polished; all the same is to be said of the language of a cultivated nation." 42 This general principle is being confirmed every day in our times too: India is being overhauling the Hindostani in order to give it an efficiency as a modern cultivated language; the missionaries are struggling with the imperfections of the hundred and hundred native languages in order to convert them in vehicles capable to express high ideas putting down in this way the very foundations for a road to civilization of the different tribes. But from all the functions a literary language may SLOVAKIA 3g get, the most important is its role in the instruction of the peoples. ~tur was assigning a primordialy importance to the language on this field. "Every nation can be cultivated through its own language only and is being cultivated, when its language is being cultivated" 43 : there is an interdependent action and mutual benefit as a result. In fact, the civilization of a nation is practically impossible, if its language is being postponed. The Guaranis of Paraguay, Brazil and Argentina, the Aymeras of Bolivia and Quechuas of Peru and Bolivia as nations were left on the same cultural niveau as they were living in the times of colonial occupation. According to ~tur "the mother tongue is the mean of civilization of that nation that is speaking it." 44 "If the instruction has to be a true, useful and adequate instruction it must be carried out in the national language i. e. in the mother tongue of the nation. Otherwise, the instruction got no value, is a mechanical work, without any benefit." 45 "The instruction must exercise an influence not only on the mind but also on the heart; it must not be understood only, but also felt" 46 and we feel best the power of words and expressions in our mother tongue. "In this language all is clear and bright; in it the objects denoted by words are immediately present before our eyes, while in the foreign language all appears to us like behind a curtain of fog .. . For these reasons everybody will understand, why the nations being instructed in their schools in the mother tongue are progressing in instruction, knowledge and are occupying a honorable place among other nations, while the nations being instructed in their schools in foreign language are staying behind." 47 There is another important reason, why the instruction has to be carried out in the mother tongue: "Through the mother tongue introduced into the schools the eyes of the nation are being opened; only then it is aware that it exists in the world too and through the mother tongue introduced into the public life, the nation is getting voice in the world." 48 40 SLOVAKIA All these benefits had been denied to the nations in the middle age, when the Latin was used commonly in all the 15chools. The consequences thereof have been the obscuratism and barbarity, no undertaking and no public liberty. "In the middle age the world and schools were opposed to such a degree that whatever was appertaining to the schools did not concern the life and vice versa and this was a natural consequence of the separation of the schools from the life through a foreign language." 49 At that time the universities were like castles, where secret treasures were being hidden and whoever wanted to get to these treasures, he had to break through the dead Latin world. By a similar bad luck are being stricken many small nations even in the modern times. In this occasion Stur described the situation of the Irish nation, where the original Irish language is being ousted from the schools and the English is being imposed on its place; a similar destiny got the Flemish nation in Belgiwn and the Slovaks in Hungary. "We have to call it a disaster, when a nation is being instructed in foreign language, it is not possible to talk about the progress in knowledge and culture of such a nation. And without culture a nation is like mud being trampled under feet." 50 By the repression of its language, the nation is being menaced in its very being. "A nation to whom had been imposed a foreign language even in its elementary schools got a sensible blow on its very life and spirit . . . and is condemned to blindness and obscurity ... In such a nation there will flourish no culture, instead of it there will dwell obscurity; there will flourish no freedom, instead of it there will spread the spirit of servilism, there will flourish no wealth, instead of it unfold poverty and misery." 51 "When a nation had fallen so deeply, it is the declaration of the last historical sentence over it and the accomplishment of its servility." 52 In this connection, Stur is mentioning again the situation of the Irish nation, where the imposition of the English in the public life were conducing to the paralization of the authentic national life. The introduction of the English into the public life in Wales and Scotland got SLOVAKIA 41 practically the same effect: the original national identity got a deadly blow and there is practically no probability that these two Celtic nationalities could revive their original national life. Not dissimilar grew the situation of the Basks in Spain and France: deprived of the possibility to make use of their many thousands years old language in their public life, they are decaying as a distinct nationality and are merging with the Spanish and French. 3. The Rights of The Nations According to Stur 53 While individual rights have been object of different declarations and international instruments (Bill of Rights etc.), the rights of the nations neither have been enumerated nor sanctioned by international domuments. All this is perfectly understandable, because the world policy has always been carried out by the big powers interested only in their power positions and very little or nothing at all in the rights of the small nations. This situation prevails even today. What can be said of the situation prevailing hundred or more years ago? The big powers are able to assure their real and or pretended rights as today as they were doing in the past. They were and are enjoying them in full measure what cannot be said of the small nations, whose rights are being trampled under feet and denied. Only who is suffering injustice on his own flesh is able to understand the benefits of the right and justice and to yearn after them. Only nations which have been subjugated and denied their fundamental rights were able to forge the ideas about these rights amidst their sufferings. If you examine the modern history of the Basks, Irish, Jews, Slovaks and other perfectly constituted nations whose the only defect was to be small ones, you will gather abundant evidences of their desire to see protected and realized their rights they are feeling to be entitled to. More than hundred years ago, stur was expressing some of these fundamental rights of the nations. All these ideas are very important contribution to the creation of new international law which undoubtedly will take place in the next decades and conduce to the reorganization of mankind on the base of respect for all the nations, not 42 SLOVAKIA only the big ones, but also the small ones which are the majority and feel the thirst of justice. After all we have said about the function of the mother tongue in the life of nation, it is not difficult to understand that titur was preaching the right to language as the most proper mark of every nationality: "Who is touching (the language) is touching the most proper possession." 54 If a nation is denied the right to its own language by its expulsion out of the public life and schools, it is getting a death blow to its very existence. The Bask language has been suppressed in France and Spain and nowadays the number of Basks is diminishing in such an allarming way that if they are not allowed to use their own language in their country, this respectable nation will disappear from the map of Europe. The actual society got associations for the protection of animals ( dogs, cats and endangered species) and plants, but the United Nations Organization did not provide for the protection of the dying national communities and nations endangered in their life. Very soon the Bask language, the oldest European spoken language, will be a dead one, if the Basks do not get an international support for their legitimate struggle for independence. The Irish got a blow, when the English was introduced in Ireland instead of the Gaelic and many decades will pass over until the Gaelic will be again a spoken language in Ireland in spite of the Irish Republic and the desire of the authorities to reinstall it. Of course, of all the rights the most fundamental is the right to life. Meanwhile in the old times, the conquerors were depriving the conquered nations of their material goods, in these times the conquest is aiming at the subjugation of the spirit i.e. the conquerors are threating to take away the nationality itself; the last finality nowadays is the incorporation of the physical substance of conquered into the body of the conquering nation. Therefore titti.r requested that "nobody should interfere with our own district from national point of view." 55 From the fact of existence rises the right to personality which is the extension of the right to life. When speaking of nation, we had quoted the ideas of $tti.r relating to personality and its importance for the normal development SLOVAKIA 43 of the national community. stur was asking for "the recognition of the personality" 56 of the Slovaks with all the consequences issuing therefrom. In his meditations stur arrived to the expression of the "right to personality." When speaking of the tendency to suppress the life of a nation, he qualifies it as an injustice, because such a nation "is denied the right to be per se amid mankind i.e. to be a different personality." 57 It only is natural that every nation is striving for the recognition of its own personality among the other nations, because even if the personality may be not the highest value according to stur, it is a fundament for all its activity. stur was proclaiming also the right to territory: "As a family needs its settlement as needs the nation its territory, where to live; its frontiers as far as its sovereignty extends itself, where to develop freely and to carry out its will." 58 "The nation with its territory which is the field of its activity, is one owner of earth among other owners." 59 "Whoever is taking hold of this ownership i. e. who is limiting the frontiers of its activity is offending the entire nation and provokes it to war." 60 Only weak and vile nations are permitting their frontiers to be narrowed. This idea of the right to its own earth was a guide to the Jewish nation in diaspora since the time of their deportation to Babylon and after. The realization of this right in the form of "Eretz Ischrael" is completely understandable to anybody who thinks of the nations in philosophical terms. This same idea was proclaimed by the Irish insurgents of 1916: "We declare the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland . . . The long usurpation of that right by a foreign people and government has not extinguished the right ... " For this same right are fighting the rebellious Basks in Spain and France in these very days: the right to Euzkotarr. For this right have been slaughtered one million of Ibos in Nigeria because they wanted to live in their own country, Biafra. 44 SLOVAK.IA In connection with. the language and its function in the life of the nation, stur uttered the right to education and culture. The main object of all the activity of stur was the Slovak common people: after the desertion of the high and low (practically too) nobility, to the Slovaks were left the middle classes and common people only. Therefore he was directing all his endeavors to these masses with the purpose to provoke their national consciousness: "Our common people is the substantial part of our nation." 61 This people were "abandoned and neglected" and therefore "we stepped down and started to have intercourse with them in their own language ... so that they may feel their dignity ... and work on their own rising." 62 We should not forget that in Hungary until 1848 was prevailing the system of serfdom and there was practically no possibility of instruction for the common people. stur was aware that only through education of the masses the Slovak nation can be preserved from disparition. The consequences of the lack of instruction were disastrous indeed: penury, lack of the spirit of enterprise, total absence of welfare, lack of the sense for community. "An educated and instructed nation is in better spiritual and material situation than a nation without instruction . . . The more one is instructed, the higher dignity, respect, higher rights and better condition is he getting." 63 Without the education, there is no community life within the nation64 and its spiritual life which the very essence of a nation is very deficient. 65 An instructed nation is a free nation and a nation composed of ignorant people is a slavish nation. The freedom of a nation is intimately linked to its education and high degree of culture: "an instructed and cultured nation cannot be held in the chains of slavery." 66 So it is understandable that stur considered the right to education and instruction as high as the same right to life. Not unlike was at that time the situation of the Irish nation. stur got into his hands at that time (AD 1847) a number of a Tipperary newspaper wherein the unknown author is requested that "the source of the Irish misfortune must be destroyed, removed and only then there will be SLOVAKIA 45 a hope that the people rise. The cause thereof is the humiliation and oppression of our Irish people which are being born in order to serve only. The oppression of our nationality since the times of the English expansion is the main cause of all the evil." 67 Being similar the conditions in Ireland and Slovakia, similar were also the reactions of the leaders of the peoples. In Ireland Thomas Davis, "the educator of nationality", was preaching: "Educate that you may be free." "Selfhelp and reliance were his cardinal principles for national regeneration." 68 stur was also insinuating the right of the nation to selfdetermination at a time, when this principle was not a common and general idea. He said: "No nation got the right . . . to not allow another nation to follow its own way, the way which is to it the most convenient." 69 And in accordance with this principle he led his nation to an open rebellion against the Magyars and proclaimed the independence of Slovakia in 1848. 3. EPILOGUE The short period of the intellectual activity of stur is full of ideas which have to say many things to this generation and to the future ones. His doctrine of the personality of the nations contains nucleus for the revision of the entire actual international law. If the nations exist as communities independently of the states and are subjects of the rights, thus the actual international law is an interstatal law only, the United Nations Organization is an Organization of the States etc. We are living in a world of confusion originated in the equivocal use of the term "nation" by the Latin and Anglosaxon nations. While, from one side, it is necessary only that an ex-colony, insignificant as may be (Barbados, Trinidad-Tobago etc.), get granted its independence and be recognized as such and immediately is getting the right to be "a nation," member o! UNO, on the other side, the authentic nations i. e. spiritual communities with well formed personality and efficient cultural life like Basks in Spain, a pleiade of authentic nations in India, Slovaks in Central Europe are denied even the designation of nations and all the rights inherent to their condition of authentic nations. There is a danger 46 SLOVAKIA that the diplomacy is moving on a terrain either of ignorantia elenchi or moral perversity. The Stu.r's visions of international brotherhood and a humanity living for the fruits of the Spirit on the basis of a material welfare are distant from the reality yet. FOOTNOTES •) By "ethnical" we understand "related to the life of nations," because the word "nation" got two different acceptions. I.:udovit Stur (1815-1856), the Slovak scholar, Philosopher and revolutionary who declared the independence of Slovakia in 1848. 1) The practical aspects of this activity see by J. Pauco, "The instruction of the People by the followers of Stur" (I.:udovychova u sturovcov, Turc. Sv. Martin, 1943). 2) To the contrary, the Magyar language has been enriched by the Slovak words related to state administration, agriculture, construction etc. 3) Analogically in the modern times, India had to adopt the English as official language due to the existence of many ethnics in that country. There are many other cases in the contemporary world. 4) I:. Stur, Dielo I, 314. In Bratislava appeared five volumes of his works in 1954. All the quotations of Stur are taken from this edition. 5) lb., l , 314. 6) lb. 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13) 14) 15) 16) 17) 18) 19) 20) 21) 22) 23) lb., l, 168. lb., l, 170. lb., II, 15, 17. lb., V, 41. lb., V, 12. lb. lb. lb. lb., 15. lb. lb., 15, 16. lb., 16. lb., 13. lb., 13. lb. lb., 100. lb., 101. lb., 105, 106. lb., 40. lb., I, 230. 24) 25) 26) 27) J. Pauco, o. c. 28) lb., l, 127. 29) lb., I, 115. SLOVAKIA 30) 31) 32) 33) 34) 35) 36) 37) 38) 39) 40) 41) 42) 43) 44) 45) 46) 47) 48) 49) 50) 51) 52) 53) 54) 55) 56) 57) 58) 59) 60) 61) 62) 63) 64) 65) 66) 67) 68) 69) 47 Ib., l, 116. lb., l, 114. Ib., I, 125. lb., II, 177. lb., l, 123. lb., II, 182. According to this doctrine, in the History always one nation is the leader of mankind. lb., II, 188. lb., I, 216. Ib., V, 134. lb., l, 212. lb. l, 212, 213. Cfr. lb. l, 215: "Even if the language is not the highest value of a nation, still it is the most important and decisive property as far as its personality and distinction is concerned, and from the fathers holy heritage which if somebody is touching, is touching the most proper possession, even if not the highest one." lb., V, 17. lb., l, 153. lb. Ib., l, 312. lb., I, 313. lb., l, 313, 314. lb., l, 314. lb. lb., l, 317. lb., l, 318, 319. lb., l, 319. S. Polakovic, L'evolution des idees fondamentales de la politique slovaque, Bratislava 1944; S. Polakovic, The Evolution of the Slovak National Philosophy, delivered at the conference in Toronto 1971. Stur, o.c., l, 215. lb., I, 221. lb., l, 216. Manuscript in the Archives of Matica Slovenska, Martin, Slovakia, No. 356a. Stur, o.c., l, 210. lb. lb., l, 211. lb., l, 49. lb., l, 125. lb., I, 154. lb., l, 158. lb., l, 124. lb., l, 334. lb., l, 315-6. We could not identify this Tipperary newspaper. The English quotation is not verbal, because we had to translate it from the Slovak. Dr. Moody in his address to Trinity College, Dublin, on April 20, 1966. Slovo na case, II, 81.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Ethnical Philosophy of Ľudovít Štúr Description An account of the resource Štefan Polakovič Slovakia, Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973 pp. 29-47 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Polakovič, Štefan, 1912-1999 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/6e729b4ce6b09bc6074d5be831d93e6a.pdf 7070c82f3b46098fb3ada5a17d8baf87 PDF Text Text 98 SLOVAKIA Une oraison de messe: Monument culture) ., europeen Stefan Polakovic Une oraison de messe: Monument culture/? Et de /'Europe? Eh, oui! Seulement pour le comprendre, nous devons descendre dans les entrailles memes de l'histoire de l'Europe. Avant de pouvoir qualifier un phenomene d'europeen, il nous faut savoir ce que nous entendons par "Europe". Et l'on ne comprendra rien a l'Europe, tant qu' on ne saura rien sur ses origines et sa formation. Elements constitutifs de /'Europe 11 fut un temps ou cette Europe que nous connaissons a l'heure actuelle n'existait pas. C'est a Charlemagne que nous devons son existence. A partir du V-eme siecle, apres la destruction de l'Europe Romaine par les tribus germaniques, il n'y eut plus qu'un tas de debris administratifs, juridiques et sociaux. C'est precisement a ce moment la que commence l'ouvre grandiose de Charlemagne pour reconstruire et fonder une nouvelle Europe. �SLOVAKIA 99 Dans une Europe ou regnait un desordre general, il introduisit l'ordre avant tout, en creant un nouveau systeme d'organization politique connu comme feodal qui dura pendant mil ans. Cet ordre s'appuyait sur le principe que le roi etat le seul proprietaire de toutes les terres. Pendant la royaute il y avait une noblesse superieure a laquelle le roi concedait l'usage des terres en fief (du latin: feudum, d'ou: feodal). Plus bas se trouvait la noblesse inferieure, les habitants des villes (artisans, marchands et bourgeois) et encore plus en dessous au bas de la pyramide politique, se trouvaient les paysans (90% de la population). A vec le systeme feodal nacquit en Europe la sfirete juridique, !'administration de la justice et, par consequent, la rennaissance ·de la vie economique. Grace au systeme feodal I'Europe a pu se relever du desastre general. Par la fondation d'une nouvelle politique, Charlemagne contribua ace que l'Europe se retrouve. L'introduction des ecoles constitua un autre element qui favorisa la naissance de I'Europe. Pour commencer, il ordonna l'ouverture d'ecoles gratuites dans les cathedrales, monasteres et paroisses, destinees avant tout a la formation des foncionnaires d'Etat. Sur !'initiative de Charlemagne, prenant probablement exemple sur l' Academie de Bizance, fut creee l"'Accademia Palatina", qui fut, posterieurement, d'une enorme importance pour !'evolution et la formation de l'Europe, car en peu de temps les Ecoles Superieures se sont transformees en Universites. Sans universites, l'Europe ne serait ce qu 'elle est. L'Europe doit aux universites son developpement scientifique, les progres technologiques et economiques et, surtout, !'evolution politique. En effet, c'est grace aux universites que les peuples europeens ont commence a envisager, plus tard, une reforme du systeme feodal pour le remplacer, a partir de la Revolution Fran~aise, par un systeme democratique. Systeme �100 SLOVAKIA democratique qui fut implante pour la premiere fois aux EtatsU nis en 1776, seize ans avant la Revolution Fran~aise. De plus, Charlemagne encouragea les arts en general: architecture, peinture, sculpture. Lors de ses voyages en Italie il admira ses basiliques et ses eglises. Grace a son appui surgit ce que nous connaissons comme rennaissance artistique carolingienne. 11 voulut voir la floraison des arts dans son empire. 11 fit construire la "CAPELLA PALATINA" a Aix-la-Chapelle, qui est une imitation de la Basilique de Saint Vital a Ravenne. Sous Charlemagne, les architectes commencerent a remplacer dans leurs constructions le bois par la pierre. On vit l 'Europe entiere se couvrir de cathedrales de style roman. En peu de temps le style roman arriva jusqu'au centre de l'Europe grace aux moines benedictins. En effet, on trouve en Slovaquie, centre geographique de l'Europe des eglises romanes contruites en pierre peu apres la mort de Charlemagne. Une fois commence, l'art europeen ne connut pas d'interruption jusqu'a nos jours. L'art europeen occupe une place predominante dans l'histoire de l'art. Autre phenomene, sans lequel la constitution de l'Europe n'aurait pu se produire, ce sont ses nations et leurs cultures qui ont surgi a l'abri du feodalisme, l'education, les arts et la religion chretienne. Par "nation" je n'entends pas ici "Etat-nation", mais les communautes spirituelles des gens unis principalement par les liens d'une langue, d'une culture et d'une histoire communes, merne si elles n'ont pas un Etat propre (i. e.: les Kurdes). Comme dit Ernest Renan, lors de sa conference prononcee a la Sorbonne en 1880, a cause "des complications de l'histoire". Pour la meme raison, pendant des siecles, plusieurs nations europeennes n 'ont pu reconstituer leurs propres Etats apres les avoir perdus, comme par exemple les Slovaques, Croates, Slovenes, Lituaniens, Lettons, Estoniens, Finlandais, etc. �SLOVAKIA 101 La nation se developpe a partir d'une tribu lorsque les conditions sont favorables. La condition fondamentale est la possesion d'un territoire ou elle pourra deployer sa richesse spirituelle et fortifier son unite ontologique en toute tranquillite. En l'etat nomade, aucune nation ne put se constituer ni se consolider, comme nous le confirme l'auteur gitan espagnol Juan Ramirez Heredia dans son livre "Nosotros, los Gitanos", en decrivant la tragedie de son peuple: "Pelerins perpetuels, exiles volontaires, fugitifs toujours en route, marchant sans reJXJs depuis des siecles sans decider ou s' etablir'. Beaucoup de tribuns et nations embryonnaires de souche celtique, germanique et slave ont disparu, absorbees par des cultures superieures. Certains processus ethnogenetiques ont pu reussir avec une cartaine facilite grace au fait qu'ils se developpaient a l'abri d'un Etat, tandis que d'autres, etant donne les "complications de l'histoire" mentionnees plus haut, croissaient plus lentement. Quoiqu ' il en fut, en Europe existent actuellement les nations suivantes: Du groupe Celtique: Bretons, Irlandais, Gallois et Ecossais; Du groupe Latin: Italiens, Fran~ais, Espagnols, Catalans, Portugais, Roumains et Rhetoromans (en Suisse); Du groupe Germanique: Allemands, Suedois, Norvegiens, Danois, Hollandais, Flamands et Anglais; Du groupe Slave: Russes, Bielorusses, Ukrainiens, Bulgares, Serbes, Croates, Slovenes, Slovaques, Tcheques, Polonais, Macedoniens et Lusitiens (en Allemagne). D'origine non indo-europeenne nous avons les Magyars, Lituaniens, Estoniens, Lettons, Finlandais et Basques. �102 SLOVAKIA Demierement, certaines de ces nations ont pu reconstruire leur ancien Etat. Entin, la religion chretienne fait partie des elements constitutifs de !'Europe. Le christianisme s 'epanouit non seulement grace a la force de la parole, mais avant tout, grace a la force de l'exemple. Suivant l'exemple de la population des anciennes provinces romaines, les tribus germaniques qui s'y infiltrerent ont accepte le bapteme et ont change leurs coutumes. ll est vrai que le changement fut lent, mais grace a ce changement nous assistons, deja au IX-eme siecle, a la creation d'ouvres d'art, de peuples autrefois barbares, inspirees par la doctrine chretienne. L'esprit du christianisme a marque profondement tous les peuples europeens. La vie du peuple commun (la grande majorite etaient des paysans) s'est adaptee en general aux commandements de la morale chretienne. Nous avons comme preuve les exemples de saintete et les traditions, chansons, legendes et contes populaires de toutes les nations europeennes. Apres la chute de !'Empire Romain il y avait en Europe une seule organisation qui resista a la debacle generale et ce fut celle de l'Eglise. Les eveques etaient la seule autorite qui maintenait un peu d' ordre juridique en appliquant le droit canon et le droit romain. En dehors de cela, l'Eglise encourageait la fondation de monasteres qui se sont transformes en centres d'aide et de civilisation. Par exemple celui de MARMOUTIER-SUR-LOIRE, en France, qui a ere fonde en 375. Plus tard, au VI-eme siecle, Saint Benoit introduisit une regle commune a tous les monasteres. Les monasteres benedictins ont contribue a la bonne marche de la vie economique et sociale, et de par leur oeuvre, l 'heridite de Rome fut sauvee. �SLOVAKIA 103 Les bibliotheques des grands couvents benedictins ont transmis a l 'Europe des ouvres litteraires qui autrement auraient disparu. 11 est vrai qu' au temps ou nacquit Charlemagne, les territoires des anciennes provinces romaines etaient deja christianisees. Sa propre tribu, les Francs, suivant l'exemple de leur roi Clovis (496), accepta le christianisme. Mais au temps de Charlemagne il fallait christianiser la Germanie, ou etaient installees plusieurs tribus germaniques, parmi lesquelles la plus puissante etait celle des Saxons. Et derriere, les tribus germaniques se trouvaient les tribus slaves qui ont occupe les territoires du Nord de l'Europe, derriere la ligne qui commence a l'embourchure de l'Elbe pour aboutir, en passant par Trieste, aux Balkans. Un peu d'histoire des Slovaques Parmi ces tribus slaves, se trouvaient les ancetres des Slovaques d'aujourd'hui. C'est parmi eux que surgit l'oraison que nous avons qualifiee de "monument culturel europeen". A partir du IV-eme siecle, les anciens Slovaques penetrerent dans le Bassin du Danube et occuperent les territoires sur le Danube, la Morava, V ah, Nitra, Hron et Tisa. Deux cents ans apres, ils ont ete subjugues par les A vars qui, venant des steppes russes, se sont infiltres dans le Bassin du Danube (576). Par suite de cette occupation, les ancetres des Slovaques ont perdu contact avec les tribus slaves du Nord. Cette separation geographique, ajoutee a la difference de langue et de moeurs (les A vars etaient des nomades qui s' adonnaient au pillage des territoires allemands tandis que les anciens Slovaques etaient des agriculteurs etablis et des artisans) contribuait a la formation d'un refus et d'une conscience de differences qui se manifestait, �104 SLOVAKIA d'apres le chroniqueur franc Fredegaire, par de continuelles rebellions contre les Avars. En 624, au moment d'une de ces rebellions, arriva en ces territoires un marchand franc nomme Samo qui se mit a la tete des Slaves. Il battit les A vars et organisa le premier Etat protoslovaque dans ces regions. Sous le regne du roi Samo la population connut trente ans de paix, ce qui contribua a la consolidation d'une conscience ethnique embryonnaire. Nous en trouvons des traces dans l 'oraison mentionnee. En 796, Charlemagne se decida aen terminer avec les A vars. Avec l' aide des anciens Slovaques, Charlemagne detruisit l' empire primitif des A vars, de sorte que ce peuple disparut de l'histoire de !'Europe. Le contact de Charlemagne avec les anciens Slovaques est d' un symbolisme tres profond pour l'histoire de l'Europe car, grace acette rencontre, les nations slaves ont commence a entrer dans l'histoire de l'Europe. Les protagonistes de cet evement historique etaient les anciens Slovaques. Les premiers et les seuls d'entre les Slaves a avoir connu Charlemagne de son vivant. Les Slovaques en sont restes tres impressionnes. La preuve en est qu'ils ont commence autiliser le nom propre de Charlemagne "Karl" pour designer le roi (kni/). Cette designation slovaque fut plus tard acceptee par les autres nations slaves (Tcheques et Polonais) voisines des Slovaques et les Magyars (kinily) l'adopterent egalement apres !'occupation des territoires slovaques. C'est la deuxieme fois, apres "Caesar", que le nom propre d'un commandant militaire devient titre pour l'autorite supreme de l'Etat. La presence de Charlemagne sur les frontieres slovaques se fit sentir sous deux aspects: premierement, fidele a sa conception d'Etat, Charlemagne se considerait souverain feodal des territoires slovaques apres la defaite des A vars. Deuxiemement, comme proprietaire feodal preoccupe par la christianisation de �SLOVAKIA 105 ses terres, en 798 il donna l'ordre personnel a l'archeveque de Salzbourg d'envoyer des missionnaires dans les regions recemment annexees a son Empire ("lpse imperator praecepit Amoni archiepiscoJXJ pergere in partes Sclavomm"). Evidemment, Charlemagne ne savait pas que le christianisme avait ete preche parmi les anciens Slovaques par les missions italienne, irlandaise et anglo-saxonne. C'est ainsi qu'apres d'autres missionnaires, les territoires des anciens Slovaques ont ete evangelises par des moines bavarois avec un tel succes que, probablement deja en 824 fut consacree, par l'archeveque de Salzbourg, la premiere eglise batie en pierres, a Nitra siege du prince slovaque Pribina. La presence des missionnaires bavarois suscitait chez la noblesse slovaque une mefiance politique, parce qu'ils essayaient de renforcer leurs pretensions politiques sur les terres ou ils prechaient l 'Evangile. 11 est fort probable egalement, que la noblesse slovaque ait res:u des nouvelles sur la brutalite germanique envers les Slaves du Nord. D'autant plus que la noblesse ne put oublier la domination avare et craignait de tomber a nouveau sous la souverainete etrangere. C'est probablement pour cela qu'un autre prince slovaque, Mojmfr, chassa Pribine de Nitra, le considerant germanophile (sa femme etait allemande). Mojmfr unifia les deux principautes slovaques en un seul etat connu dans l'histoire comme "Grande Moravie". Ces changements deplurent au roi bavarois, Ludwig (neveu de Charlemagne) et en 846 il penetra dans les territoires slovaques, deposa Mojmfr et installa Rastislav. Mais Rastislav, a son tour, ne reconnaissait pas la souverainete feodale de Ludwig. C'est la raison pour laquelle il s' adressa a l 'empereur bizantin Michel III en le priant de lui envoyer des missionnaires qui connussent la langue du peuple (861). 11 y avait a Bizance, en ce temps la, deux freres: �106 SLOVAKIA Constantin et Methode, qui dominaient la langue paleoslave. Ils se rendirent en 863 en territoire slovaque. Pour reussir dans cette mission, Constantin crea !'alphabet dit 'glagolique', adapte aux sons de la langue slave a laquelle ils traduisirent les textes fondamentaux de la Bible. En s'installant au royaume de Rastislav, ils constaterent que les messes etaient deja celebrees en latin d' apres la liturgie romaine. Ils se sont decide a maintenir la liturgie romaine mais, en meme temps ils traduisirent les textes remains (latins) a la langue du peuple. Et nous voici en presence de l'une de ces oraisons de messe dont nous avons dit qu'elle est un "monument culturel europeen". "Vingtieme oraison de Kiev' On la nomme "vingtieme" parce qu'elle se trouve sur la vingtieme feuille de la collection connue comme "Collection de Kiev" (en Ukraine). Voici le texte paleoslave de cette oraison: "Cesarstve nasemu, Gospodi, milostjo Tvojejo prizri. I ne otdai nasego tuiim I ne obrati nas v plen narodom poganskym". En fran~ais: "Veillez, Seigneur, sur notre royaume avec Votre grace. Et ne livrez pas ce qui est notre aux etrangers et ne nous convertissez pas en proie des nations pa·iennes". Nous avons deja dit que les anciens Slovaques recevaient le christianisme des le VII-eme siecle et, par consequent, il y eut probablement parmi les pretres slovaques un grand nombre d'entre aux qui dominait bien le latin. En effet, avant sa mort, �SLOVAKIA 107 Saint Methode dit de Saint Gorazd, son disciple slovaque qu "'il est bien instruit dans Jes livres latins". En examinant le texte, les philologues slovaques ont trouve le texte latin, correspondant a toutes les oraisons de la Collection Kiev, sauf celui de la vingtieme oraison. Ils en sont restes perplexes. Mais a tort, car le sujet de cette oraison fait reference aux besoins particuliers du royaume slovaque. 11 est done bien naturel qu' ils n 'aient pas trouve le texte dans les missels de l'Eglise universelle car nous savons que chaque pays a ses propres oraisons de messe. La "vingtieme" oraison est, d'apres son contenu, une oraison "propre" au royaume slovaque. Nous pouvons legitimement nous demander quand a-t-elle ete ecrite. Sans encourir en erreur, nous pouvons en toute quietude affirmer qu'elle a ete ecrite avant l'arrivee de Saint Cyrille et de Saint Methode car, peu apres leur arrivee, elle fut traduite au paleoslovaque. Je dis "paleoslovaque" parce que, d'apres les philologues, dans le texte on trouve deja des elements qui la distinguent de la langue paleoslave. Et c 'est bien comprehensible car les anciens Slovaques se trouverent isoles des Slaves du Nord pendant plus de trois siecles (a cause des Avars et egalement a cause du royaume de Samo). D'autre part, elle a pu etre ecrite apres la formation de la Principaute slovaque (836) ou, au plus tard, apres la deposition de Mojmir par Ludwig (846). L'auteur de l'oraison a du etre membre de la haute noblesse slovaque car il semble tres bien verse en questions politiques. Comme enfant il a du ecouter ses parents parler des cruautes des Avars et par sa propre experience il se rendait compte des velleites politiques du roi bavarois. L'auteur re~ut une tres bonne formation latine car il a parfaitement saisi la construction des oraisons de messe latine qui excellent par leur brievete, leur contenu condense, leur clarte des concepts et la cadence poetique. �108 SLOVAKIA De plus il devait avoir une position elevees dans la hierarchie latine en Slovaquie, qui seule pouvait autoriser l'usage public d'une oraison de messe. Le texte latin a du etre le suivant: "Regnum nostrum, Domine, gratia Tua respice. Et _ne tradas nostra alienis nee nos convertas in praedam JXJpulorum paganorum". A la premiere lecture, on s' aper~oit de la maturite politique de cette oraison car d'un cote elle fait allusion a la destitution du prince Mojmir (ne tradas nostra aliensis) et de l'autre elle fait allusion aux nouvelles sur l'apparition des avant-gardes Magyars sur la frontiere orientale du royaume (nee nos convertas in praedam JXJpulorum paganorum). Faisant reference a la demiere partie de l' oraison, le philologue slovaque Eugen Pauliny ecrit que "derriere cette oraison on entend le bruit des sabots de envahisseurs magyars". Ou'y-a-t-il d'Europeen dans cette oraison? Avant tout, il nous faut rappeler que l'Europe ne serait ce qu 'elle est sans ses nations qui sont toutes ses enfants, nes a I' abri de sa formation. Parmi celles-ci, la nation slovaque etait presente quand Charlemagne posait les fondations de !'Europe, meme si les Slovaques sont aujourd'hui peu connus pour leur histoire politique mouvementee. La nation slovaque a brille trop peu de temps et s 'etait eclipsee pendant mil ans. L'Europe ne peut nier !'existence d'aucune de ses nations sans se trahir. C'est pour cela qu'elle a reconu !'existence de la nation slovaque en acceptant la Republique Slovaque comme un de ses members. Une des lumieres qui nous parvient de tres loin et qui temoigne du sens europeen des Slovaques, c'est precisement la vingtieme oraison de Kiev. �SLOVAKIA 109 Les anciens Slovaques consideraient leur pays comme une propriete inalienable. C'est un point de vue commun a toutes les nations europeennes. Ils etaient preoccupes de voir leur pays assujetti anouveau comme au temps des A vars. Et voici que les Francs veulent s'emparer de leurs terres au titre de la divulgation de l'Evangile! Et, sur la frontiere orientale se trouvait apres les Avars, un autre peuple mongolien: les Magyars! En effet, l'oraison est une expression d'angoisse d'une communaute nationale, menacee de deux cotes, qui n'aspire a autre chose qu'a vivre en paix avec tous. C'est pour ces raisons que l 'oraison est dirigee a Dieu, pour implorer sa protection. Elle n'invoque pas les foudres divines pour aneantir les ennemis, ce que prouve que l'esprit de christianisme etait deja bien enracine parmi les Slovaques. Sous un autre aspect, cette oraison est un resume d'un traite embryonnaire des droits ethniques. En effet, nous pouvons y lire, sans exagerer, le droit a la terre propre, le droit a la liberte, le droit a la vie et le droit a l'autodetermination. Il s'agit des valeurs humaines "to which the Jaws of nature and of nature's God entide them" comme l'ont exprime les fondateurs des Etats-Unis, le 4 Juillet 1776, presque mil ans apres. L' oraison anticipe ce qu' a Helsinki I'Europe reconna1tra comme droits ethniques legitimes. Il s' agit, en effet, du premier document europeen qui devance les siecles a venir de l'histoire de l'Europe: !'existence des communautes nationales conscientes de leurs droits. Il y a un autre aspect tres important: cette oraison exprime, pour la premiere fois dans l'histoire de l'Europe, la conscience nationale d ' un groupe ethnique. Mais il l'exprime comme quelque chose de pur, d'humain et de noble. En effet, l'aspect bumain du national devrait devenir un tresor commun a toutes les nations pour eviter la deformation du national et pour etablir une base ferme pour cohabitation pacifique des peuples. �110 SLOVAKIA Ou'y-a-t-il de culture/? Tous les grands auteurs qui se sont occupes du phenomene "nation" sont unanimes: la culture est une forme de spiritualite. A son tour, la spiritualite est une forme de culture; quelque chose d ' inseparable de l'homme concret. C'est pour cela que la culture d 'un people pauvre qui vit sa spiritualite est superieure a celle d 'un people riche drape dans des valeurs materielles. Et comme "la culture cache beaucoup plus que ce qu' elle reveJe" (Edward T. Hall), son secret indique que sa derniere raison d'etre est d'une nature transcendante. Probablement c'est a cet aspect que fait allusion Aleksandr Soljeni tsyne lorsqu 'il dit, a l 'occasion du Prix Nobel, que Jes nations et Jeurs cultures sont Jes differents visages de Dieu. L 'Europe est le resultat de la culture de ses nations. La beaute d' un pre est le resultat de la multiplicite des aspeces de fleurs. S' il n'y avait au monde qu ' un seul type de fleurs, le monde nous paraitrait tres pauvre en beaute. La beaute de l'Europe est due ala multiplicite de cultures qui surgirent du meme sol spirituel duquel elles recevaient leur nourriture. Dans une roseraie il y a beaucoup de rosiers qui tous produisent des roses, mais les roses different par leurs parfums. La multiplicite des cultures europeennes represente la richesse spirituelle de l'Europe car chaque culture nationale contient quelque chose de propre, ce qui est la consequence de son individualite. L'europeite de cultures se doit a ce qu 'elles sont enracinees dans les fondements de l 'Europe. La beaute humaine de cette oraison de messe depasse les chroniques germaniques d'une maniere extraordinaire. Elle contient le desir de justice comme fondement de la coexistence pacifique des peoples sans en blesser aucun. Apres plus de mil ans, un ecrivain slovaque (Vladimir Mimic) en interpretant le sens de l'histoire des Slovaques a pu �SLOVAKIA 111 dire que "etre Slovaque, cela signifie etre frere de tous Jes hommes, ce qui constitue le noble heritage de notre histoire". La culture d'un peuple depend aussi de la richesse de sa litterature. La vingtieme oraison de messe represente un des monuments litteraires slovaques du IX-eme siecle, parce qu'elle est ecrite dans une langue qui etait non seulement une langue liturgique mais, par l'oeuvre de Saint Cyrille et de Saint Methode, elle s' est convertie en langue litteraire de la Grande Moravie, qui etait aussi employee dans la jurisprudence et dans !'administration publique. Surles qualites grammaticales de cette langue, l 'eminent philologue slovaque Eugen Pauliny ecrivit: "il s' agissait d' une Jangue polie et culti vee. La richesse des formes de construction grammaticales, J'elaboration de la syntaxe, la ch11te et la variete du tresor verbal, placent la Jangue paleoslovaque a la hauteur des Jangues culturelles de ce temps-la: le grec et le Jatin". C' est pour ces raison que la vingtieme oraison de la Collection de Kiev appartient au tresor spirituel de !'Europe. Elle ne peut s' en desinteresser. L'histoire postirieure des Slovaques En 907, lors de la bataille de Bratislava (Capitale contemporaine de la Slovaquie) sous une attaque commune des Francs et des Magyars, le royaume de la Grande Mora vie s' est ecroule. On suppose que la grande majorite de la noblesse a perdu la vie sur le champ de bataille. Les territoires slovaques ont ete partiellement occupes par les Magyars et, pendant mil ans, la Slovaquie a fait partie du royaume connu sous le nom de HONGRIE. Les Slovaques ont perdu leur royaume, mais ils n'ont pas perdu leur vie grace aune circonstance providentielle. �112 SLOVAKIA Ernest Renan, dans sa conference de 1880, se demandait comment la "couronne de Saint Etienne (le premier roi hongrois) ne put assimiler Jes Slovaques" (ii parlait des Slaves, parce qu'apres l'an 1201 un autre peuple slave - le croate - faisait partie de la Hongrie). La raison en est tres simple. Le roi n 'a pas pu introduire la langue slovaque comme langue officielle du royaume, malgre ses valeurs litteraires et administratives, tout simplement parce qu'il s'agissait de la langue d' un peuple subjugue. Et ii ne pu recourir a la langue magyar parce qu 'elle n 'existait pas. Les Magyars etaient des nomades qui ont ete ecrasees en 955 sur la Lech par l'Empereur Otto I-er. Ce n 'est qu ' apres cette defaite qu' ils deciderent de s 'etablir et d' abandonner le pillage. Par consequent, Saint Etiene introduisit en Hongrie le latin comme langue officielle, ce qui a dure jusqu'en 1840. A cause de cette mesure aussi bien la culture slovaque que celle des Magyars s 'est limitee a la culture populaire. En effet, il n'y a pas eu d'oeuvres litteraires slovaques ou magyares pendant des ciecles. Elles n'apparurent qu'a la fin du XVIII-eme siecle. II y a des preuves irrefutables permettant d'affirmer que les Magyars re~urent leur civilisation des anciens Slovaques. Bien evidement, les historiens magyars essayent de les minimiser. C'est par les Slovaques que les Magyars ont appris a cultiver la terre. Les termes magyars ayant trait a }'agriculture sont d' origine slovaque. Les slovaques nobles qui survecurent au desastre ont contribue a l 'organisation de l'Etat. En effet, les noms des foncionnaires de la cour royale sont d'origine slovaque (roi = kral - kiraly, prefet = span - ispan; cour = dvor - udvar, courtisan = dvomik - udvamok). II y a egalement des preuves demontrant que l' ordre juridique de la Grande Moravie fut transplante en Hongrie. En effet, juge en magyar se dit kenez du mot slovaque knaz. Les �SLOVAKIA 113 Magyars disaient, en ce temps la, qu'ils iraient "ad pravdam" lorsqu 'ils prenaient la decision de s 'adresser au tribunal pour regler leurs droits. "Pravda" signifie en slovaque "droit". La terminologie de la religion est aussi d' origine slovaque (bapteme =krstit' - keresztelni; pa'ien =pohan - pogany, enfer =peklo - pokol; frere = brat - banit). Au debut les Magyars n'avaient pas de terme magyar pour la "grace" divine, ils utilisaient le mot slovaque "milost"'. Naturellement, la science magyare contemporaine fait !'impossible pour effacer cette dependance culturelle des anciens Slovaques. Pendant des siecles, les deux communautes nationales cohabitaient en paix, contribuant par leur travail et leur sang au progres de la Hongrie. Le changement se produisit a un moment historique de !'Europe lorsque !es nations se sont reveillees et ont pris conscience de leurs identites differentes les unes des autres. Des le XVII-eme siecle, nous assistons en Europe a un phenomene generalise. Dans les Etats ou, pendant des siecles, cohabitaient deux ou trois nations, la nation qui detenait le pouvoir politique commern;a a faire pression pour faire dispara1tre les langues qui n'etaient pas la sienne. Ce fut aussi le cas de la Hongrie. Les Magyars decha1nerent une persecution contre tout ce qui etait slovaque. En 1872, pour eviler la formation de I'intelligentsia, ils fermerent les dernieres ecoles de l'enseignement secondaire et, plus tard, les ecoles furent magyarisees. La revolution de 1918 a sauve les Slovaques de la mort ethnique. En 1918, les Slovaques s'unirent aux Tcheques pour former un Etat commun. Mais le mot Tcheco-Slovaquie (c'etait le nom du nouvel Etat dans le Traite de Versailles) fut changee en "Tchecoslovaquie" par les Tcheques qui lancerent la theorie selon laquelle les Slovaques n 'etaient qu 'une tribu tcheque. �I 14 SLOVAKIA Ni Masaryk, ni Benes (President et Ministre des Affaires Etrangeres) ne se rendaient compte qu'une nation n'est pas un troupeau de brebis qu'ont peut envoyer dans n'importe quel bercail. 11 est vrai que les Slovaques et les Tcheques sont deux nations voisines, mais ils n'avaient jamais vecu dans le meme Etat. Leur histoire s'est deroulee d'une maniere differente, leurs langues et leurs cultures populaires ont des caracteristiques differentes et, par consequent, leurs personnalites ethniques sont differentes. Les Tcheques ont fait leur possible pendant soixante-dix ans pour tchequiser les Slovaques. La resistance slovaque fut telle qu'ils n'y reussirent pas. Ils firent, cependant, grand tort a la conscience d'identite nationale slovaque. A nouveau, la revolution de 1989 sauva les Slovaques d'un embrassement suffoquant du point de vue national, politique et economique. Le I-er Janvier 1993 apparut, sur la carte geographique de !'Europe, la Republique slovaque desireuse de participer a la vie economique, politique et culturelle de !'Europe, sans intermediaires. Bibliographie Bartek, Henrich: Les debuts du christianisme chez Jes Slovaques (en slovaque). Slobodne Slovensko, Vol. X, 5. Bro, Bertrand: La beaute sauvera le monde, Cerf, Paris, 1990. Carrere d'Encausse, Helene: La gloire des nations, Fayard, Paris, 1990. The Celts, Penguin, Harmondsworth, Chadwick, Nora: England, 1970. �SLOVAKIA Dejiny Slovenska: Delort, Robert: Hall, Edward T.: Herrn, Gerhard: Heer, Friedrich: Krajcovic, Rudolf: Lacko, Michal: Martini, Alberto: Montanelli, lndro: Pauliny, Eugen: Ratkos, Peter: Simons, Gerald: Veiter, Theodor: 115 L'histoire de la Slovaquie, Vol. I, Bratislava, 1986. LeMoyen-Age, Edita, Lausanne, 1972. The Silent Language, Anchor, New York, 1973. Die Kellen, Econ Verlag, Diisseldorf, 1975. Das heilige romische Reich, Heyne Verlag, Miinchen, 1967. Le temoignage de l'histoire sur le Slovaque, Matica slovenska, Martin, 1977 (en slovaque ). Saint Cyrill and Methodius, Slovensky ustav, Rome 1969. Le Moyen-Age Europeen, Fabbri, Milano, 1963. Storia d'Italia, Rizzoli, Milano, 1959. La litterature et la langue culturelle de la Grande Mora vie, SA V, Bratislava, 1964 (en slovaque). Les sources de l'histoire de la Grande Moravie, SAY, Bratislava, 1961 (en slovaque). Orfgenes de Europa , Time-Life Int. , Amsterdam, 1968. Nationalitiittenfrage und Volksgroppenrecht, Braumiiller, Vienne, 1984. �� 98 SLOVAKIA Une oraison de messe: Monument culture) ., europeen Stefan Polakovic Une oraison de messe: Monument culture/? Et de /'Europe? Eh, oui! Seulement pour le comprendre, nous devons descendre dans les entrailles memes de l'histoire de l'Europe. Avant de pouvoir qualifier un phenomene d'europeen, il nous faut savoir ce que nous entendons par "Europe". Et l'on ne comprendra rien a l'Europe, tant qu' on ne saura rien sur ses origines et sa formation. Elements constitutifs de /'Europe 11 fut un temps ou cette Europe que nous connaissons a l'heure actuelle n'existait pas. C'est a Charlemagne que nous devons son existence. A partir du V-eme siecle, apres la destruction de l'Europe Romaine par les tribus germaniques, il n'y eut plus qu'un tas de debris administratifs, juridiques et sociaux. C'est precisement a ce moment la que commence l'ouvre grandiose de Charlemagne pour reconstruire et fonder une nouvelle Europe. �SLOVAKIA 99 Dans une Europe ou regnait un desordre general, il introduisit l'ordre avant tout, en creant un nouveau systeme d'organization politique connu comme feodal qui dura pendant mil ans. Cet ordre s'appuyait sur le principe que le roi etat le seul proprietaire de toutes les terres. Pendant la royaute il y avait une noblesse superieure a laquelle le roi concedait l'usage des terres en fief (du latin: feudum, d'ou: feodal). Plus bas se trouvait la noblesse inferieure, les habitants des villes (artisans, marchands et bourgeois) et encore plus en dessous au bas de la pyramide politique, se trouvaient les paysans (90% de la population). A vec le systeme feodal nacquit en Europe la sfirete juridique, !'administration de la justice et, par consequent, la rennaissance ·de la vie economique. Grace au systeme feodal I'Europe a pu se relever du desastre general. Par la fondation d'une nouvelle politique, Charlemagne contribua ace que l'Europe se retrouve. L'introduction des ecoles constitua un autre element qui favorisa la naissance de I'Europe. Pour commencer, il ordonna l'ouverture d'ecoles gratuites dans les cathedrales, monasteres et paroisses, destinees avant tout a la formation des foncionnaires d'Etat. Sur !'initiative de Charlemagne, prenant probablement exemple sur l' Academie de Bizance, fut creee l"'Accademia Palatina", qui fut, posterieurement, d'une enorme importance pour !'evolution et la formation de l'Europe, car en peu de temps les Ecoles Superieures se sont transformees en Universites. Sans universites, l'Europe ne serait ce qu 'elle est. L'Europe doit aux universites son developpement scientifique, les progres technologiques et economiques et, surtout, !'evolution politique. En effet, c'est grace aux universites que les peuples europeens ont commence a envisager, plus tard, une reforme du systeme feodal pour le remplacer, a partir de la Revolution Fran~aise, par un systeme democratique. Systeme �100 SLOVAKIA democratique qui fut implante pour la premiere fois aux EtatsU nis en 1776, seize ans avant la Revolution Fran~aise. De plus, Charlemagne encouragea les arts en general: architecture, peinture, sculpture. Lors de ses voyages en Italie il admira ses basiliques et ses eglises. Grace a son appui surgit ce que nous connaissons comme rennaissance artistique carolingienne. 11 voulut voir la floraison des arts dans son empire. 11 fit construire la "CAPELLA PALATINA" a Aix-la-Chapelle, qui est une imitation de la Basilique de Saint Vital a Ravenne. Sous Charlemagne, les architectes commencerent a remplacer dans leurs constructions le bois par la pierre. On vit l 'Europe entiere se couvrir de cathedrales de style roman. En peu de temps le style roman arriva jusqu'au centre de l'Europe grace aux moines benedictins. En effet, on trouve en Slovaquie, centre geographique de l'Europe des eglises romanes contruites en pierre peu apres la mort de Charlemagne. Une fois commence, l'art europeen ne connut pas d'interruption jusqu'a nos jours. L'art europeen occupe une place predominante dans l'histoire de l'art. Autre phenomene, sans lequel la constitution de l'Europe n'aurait pu se produire, ce sont ses nations et leurs cultures qui ont surgi a l'abri du feodalisme, l'education, les arts et la religion chretienne. Par "nation" je n'entends pas ici "Etat-nation", mais les communautes spirituelles des gens unis principalement par les liens d'une langue, d'une culture et d'une histoire communes, merne si elles n'ont pas un Etat propre (i. e.: les Kurdes). Comme dit Ernest Renan, lors de sa conference prononcee a la Sorbonne en 1880, a cause "des complications de l'histoire". Pour la meme raison, pendant des siecles, plusieurs nations europeennes n 'ont pu reconstituer leurs propres Etats apres les avoir perdus, comme par exemple les Slovaques, Croates, Slovenes, Lituaniens, Lettons, Estoniens, Finlandais, etc. �SLOVAKIA 101 La nation se developpe a partir d'une tribu lorsque les conditions sont favorables. La condition fondamentale est la possesion d'un territoire ou elle pourra deployer sa richesse spirituelle et fortifier son unite ontologique en toute tranquillite. En l'etat nomade, aucune nation ne put se constituer ni se consolider, comme nous le confirme l'auteur gitan espagnol Juan Ramirez Heredia dans son livre "Nosotros, los Gitanos", en decrivant la tragedie de son peuple: "Pelerins perpetuels, exiles volontaires, fugitifs toujours en route, marchant sans reJXJs depuis des siecles sans decider ou s' etablir'. Beaucoup de tribuns et nations embryonnaires de souche celtique, germanique et slave ont disparu, absorbees par des cultures superieures. Certains processus ethnogenetiques ont pu reussir avec une cartaine facilite grace au fait qu'ils se developpaient a l'abri d'un Etat, tandis que d'autres, etant donne les "complications de l'histoire" mentionnees plus haut, croissaient plus lentement. Quoiqu ' il en fut, en Europe existent actuellement les nations suivantes: Du groupe Celtique: Bretons, Irlandais, Gallois et Ecossais; Du groupe Latin: Italiens, Fran~ais, Espagnols, Catalans, Portugais, Roumains et Rhetoromans (en Suisse); Du groupe Germanique: Allemands, Suedois, Norvegiens, Danois, Hollandais, Flamands et Anglais; Du groupe Slave: Russes, Bielorusses, Ukrainiens, Bulgares, Serbes, Croates, Slovenes, Slovaques, Tcheques, Polonais, Macedoniens et Lusitiens (en Allemagne). D'origine non indo-europeenne nous avons les Magyars, Lituaniens, Estoniens, Lettons, Finlandais et Basques. �102 SLOVAKIA Demierement, certaines de ces nations ont pu reconstruire leur ancien Etat. Entin, la religion chretienne fait partie des elements constitutifs de !'Europe. Le christianisme s 'epanouit non seulement grace a la force de la parole, mais avant tout, grace a la force de l'exemple. Suivant l'exemple de la population des anciennes provinces romaines, les tribus germaniques qui s'y infiltrerent ont accepte le bapteme et ont change leurs coutumes. ll est vrai que le changement fut lent, mais grace a ce changement nous assistons, deja au IX-eme siecle, a la creation d'ouvres d'art, de peuples autrefois barbares, inspirees par la doctrine chretienne. L'esprit du christianisme a marque profondement tous les peuples europeens. La vie du peuple commun (la grande majorite etaient des paysans) s'est adaptee en general aux commandements de la morale chretienne. Nous avons comme preuve les exemples de saintete et les traditions, chansons, legendes et contes populaires de toutes les nations europeennes. Apres la chute de !'Empire Romain il y avait en Europe une seule organisation qui resista a la debacle generale et ce fut celle de l'Eglise. Les eveques etaient la seule autorite qui maintenait un peu d' ordre juridique en appliquant le droit canon et le droit romain. En dehors de cela, l'Eglise encourageait la fondation de monasteres qui se sont transformes en centres d'aide et de civilisation. Par exemple celui de MARMOUTIER-SUR-LOIRE, en France, qui a ere fonde en 375. Plus tard, au VI-eme siecle, Saint Benoit introduisit une regle commune a tous les monasteres. Les monasteres benedictins ont contribue a la bonne marche de la vie economique et sociale, et de par leur oeuvre, l 'heridite de Rome fut sauvee. �SLOVAKIA 103 Les bibliotheques des grands couvents benedictins ont transmis a l 'Europe des ouvres litteraires qui autrement auraient disparu. 11 est vrai qu' au temps ou nacquit Charlemagne, les territoires des anciennes provinces romaines etaient deja christianisees. Sa propre tribu, les Francs, suivant l'exemple de leur roi Clovis (496), accepta le christianisme. Mais au temps de Charlemagne il fallait christianiser la Germanie, ou etaient installees plusieurs tribus germaniques, parmi lesquelles la plus puissante etait celle des Saxons. Et derriere, les tribus germaniques se trouvaient les tribus slaves qui ont occupe les territoires du Nord de l'Europe, derriere la ligne qui commence a l'embourchure de l'Elbe pour aboutir, en passant par Trieste, aux Balkans. Un peu d'histoire des Slovaques Parmi ces tribus slaves, se trouvaient les ancetres des Slovaques d'aujourd'hui. C'est parmi eux que surgit l'oraison que nous avons qualifiee de "monument culturel europeen". A partir du IV-eme siecle, les anciens Slovaques penetrerent dans le Bassin du Danube et occuperent les territoires sur le Danube, la Morava, V ah, Nitra, Hron et Tisa. Deux cents ans apres, ils ont ete subjugues par les A vars qui, venant des steppes russes, se sont infiltres dans le Bassin du Danube (576). Par suite de cette occupation, les ancetres des Slovaques ont perdu contact avec les tribus slaves du Nord. Cette separation geographique, ajoutee a la difference de langue et de moeurs (les A vars etaient des nomades qui s' adonnaient au pillage des territoires allemands tandis que les anciens Slovaques etaient des agriculteurs etablis et des artisans) contribuait a la formation d'un refus et d'une conscience de differences qui se manifestait, �104 SLOVAKIA d'apres le chroniqueur franc Fredegaire, par de continuelles rebellions contre les Avars. En 624, au moment d'une de ces rebellions, arriva en ces territoires un marchand franc nomme Samo qui se mit a la tete des Slaves. Il battit les A vars et organisa le premier Etat protoslovaque dans ces regions. Sous le regne du roi Samo la population connut trente ans de paix, ce qui contribua a la consolidation d'une conscience ethnique embryonnaire. Nous en trouvons des traces dans l 'oraison mentionnee. En 796, Charlemagne se decida aen terminer avec les A vars. Avec l' aide des anciens Slovaques, Charlemagne detruisit l' empire primitif des A vars, de sorte que ce peuple disparut de l'histoire de !'Europe. Le contact de Charlemagne avec les anciens Slovaques est d' un symbolisme tres profond pour l'histoire de l'Europe car, grace acette rencontre, les nations slaves ont commence a entrer dans l'histoire de l'Europe. Les protagonistes de cet evement historique etaient les anciens Slovaques. Les premiers et les seuls d'entre les Slaves a avoir connu Charlemagne de son vivant. Les Slovaques en sont restes tres impressionnes. La preuve en est qu'ils ont commence autiliser le nom propre de Charlemagne "Karl" pour designer le roi (kni/). Cette designation slovaque fut plus tard acceptee par les autres nations slaves (Tcheques et Polonais) voisines des Slovaques et les Magyars (kinily) l'adopterent egalement apres !'occupation des territoires slovaques. C'est la deuxieme fois, apres "Caesar", que le nom propre d'un commandant militaire devient titre pour l'autorite supreme de l'Etat. La presence de Charlemagne sur les frontieres slovaques se fit sentir sous deux aspects: premierement, fidele a sa conception d'Etat, Charlemagne se considerait souverain feodal des territoires slovaques apres la defaite des A vars. Deuxiemement, comme proprietaire feodal preoccupe par la christianisation de �SLOVAKIA 105 ses terres, en 798 il donna l'ordre personnel a l'archeveque de Salzbourg d'envoyer des missionnaires dans les regions recemment annexees a son Empire ("lpse imperator praecepit Amoni archiepiscoJXJ pergere in partes Sclavomm"). Evidemment, Charlemagne ne savait pas que le christianisme avait ete preche parmi les anciens Slovaques par les missions italienne, irlandaise et anglo-saxonne. C'est ainsi qu'apres d'autres missionnaires, les territoires des anciens Slovaques ont ete evangelises par des moines bavarois avec un tel succes que, probablement deja en 824 fut consacree, par l'archeveque de Salzbourg, la premiere eglise batie en pierres, a Nitra siege du prince slovaque Pribina. La presence des missionnaires bavarois suscitait chez la noblesse slovaque une mefiance politique, parce qu'ils essayaient de renforcer leurs pretensions politiques sur les terres ou ils prechaient l 'Evangile. 11 est fort probable egalement, que la noblesse slovaque ait res:u des nouvelles sur la brutalite germanique envers les Slaves du Nord. D'autant plus que la noblesse ne put oublier la domination avare et craignait de tomber a nouveau sous la souverainete etrangere. C'est probablement pour cela qu'un autre prince slovaque, Mojmfr, chassa Pribine de Nitra, le considerant germanophile (sa femme etait allemande). Mojmfr unifia les deux principautes slovaques en un seul etat connu dans l'histoire comme "Grande Moravie". Ces changements deplurent au roi bavarois, Ludwig (neveu de Charlemagne) et en 846 il penetra dans les territoires slovaques, deposa Mojmfr et installa Rastislav. Mais Rastislav, a son tour, ne reconnaissait pas la souverainete feodale de Ludwig. C'est la raison pour laquelle il s' adressa a l 'empereur bizantin Michel III en le priant de lui envoyer des missionnaires qui connussent la langue du peuple (861). 11 y avait a Bizance, en ce temps la, deux freres: �106 SLOVAKIA Constantin et Methode, qui dominaient la langue paleoslave. Ils se rendirent en 863 en territoire slovaque. Pour reussir dans cette mission, Constantin crea !'alphabet dit 'glagolique', adapte aux sons de la langue slave a laquelle ils traduisirent les textes fondamentaux de la Bible. En s'installant au royaume de Rastislav, ils constaterent que les messes etaient deja celebrees en latin d' apres la liturgie romaine. Ils se sont decide a maintenir la liturgie romaine mais, en meme temps ils traduisirent les textes remains (latins) a la langue du peuple. Et nous voici en presence de l'une de ces oraisons de messe dont nous avons dit qu'elle est un "monument culturel europeen". "Vingtieme oraison de Kiev' On la nomme "vingtieme" parce qu'elle se trouve sur la vingtieme feuille de la collection connue comme "Collection de Kiev" (en Ukraine). Voici le texte paleoslave de cette oraison: "Cesarstve nasemu, Gospodi, milostjo Tvojejo prizri. I ne otdai nasego tuiim I ne obrati nas v plen narodom poganskym". En fran~ais: "Veillez, Seigneur, sur notre royaume avec Votre grace. Et ne livrez pas ce qui est notre aux etrangers et ne nous convertissez pas en proie des nations pa·iennes". Nous avons deja dit que les anciens Slovaques recevaient le christianisme des le VII-eme siecle et, par consequent, il y eut probablement parmi les pretres slovaques un grand nombre d'entre aux qui dominait bien le latin. En effet, avant sa mort, �SLOVAKIA 107 Saint Methode dit de Saint Gorazd, son disciple slovaque qu "'il est bien instruit dans Jes livres latins". En examinant le texte, les philologues slovaques ont trouve le texte latin, correspondant a toutes les oraisons de la Collection Kiev, sauf celui de la vingtieme oraison. Ils en sont restes perplexes. Mais a tort, car le sujet de cette oraison fait reference aux besoins particuliers du royaume slovaque. 11 est done bien naturel qu' ils n 'aient pas trouve le texte dans les missels de l'Eglise universelle car nous savons que chaque pays a ses propres oraisons de messe. La "vingtieme" oraison est, d'apres son contenu, une oraison "propre" au royaume slovaque. Nous pouvons legitimement nous demander quand a-t-elle ete ecrite. Sans encourir en erreur, nous pouvons en toute quietude affirmer qu'elle a ete ecrite avant l'arrivee de Saint Cyrille et de Saint Methode car, peu apres leur arrivee, elle fut traduite au paleoslovaque. Je dis "paleoslovaque" parce que, d'apres les philologues, dans le texte on trouve deja des elements qui la distinguent de la langue paleoslave. Et c 'est bien comprehensible car les anciens Slovaques se trouverent isoles des Slaves du Nord pendant plus de trois siecles (a cause des Avars et egalement a cause du royaume de Samo). D'autre part, elle a pu etre ecrite apres la formation de la Principaute slovaque (836) ou, au plus tard, apres la deposition de Mojmir par Ludwig (846). L'auteur de l'oraison a du etre membre de la haute noblesse slovaque car il semble tres bien verse en questions politiques. Comme enfant il a du ecouter ses parents parler des cruautes des Avars et par sa propre experience il se rendait compte des velleites politiques du roi bavarois. L'auteur re~ut une tres bonne formation latine car il a parfaitement saisi la construction des oraisons de messe latine qui excellent par leur brievete, leur contenu condense, leur clarte des concepts et la cadence poetique. �108 SLOVAKIA De plus il devait avoir une position elevees dans la hierarchie latine en Slovaquie, qui seule pouvait autoriser l'usage public d'une oraison de messe. Le texte latin a du etre le suivant: "Regnum nostrum, Domine, gratia Tua respice. Et _ne tradas nostra alienis nee nos convertas in praedam JXJpulorum paganorum". A la premiere lecture, on s' aper~oit de la maturite politique de cette oraison car d'un cote elle fait allusion a la destitution du prince Mojmir (ne tradas nostra aliensis) et de l'autre elle fait allusion aux nouvelles sur l'apparition des avant-gardes Magyars sur la frontiere orientale du royaume (nee nos convertas in praedam JXJpulorum paganorum). Faisant reference a la demiere partie de l' oraison, le philologue slovaque Eugen Pauliny ecrit que "derriere cette oraison on entend le bruit des sabots de envahisseurs magyars". Ou'y-a-t-il d'Europeen dans cette oraison? Avant tout, il nous faut rappeler que l'Europe ne serait ce qu 'elle est sans ses nations qui sont toutes ses enfants, nes a I' abri de sa formation. Parmi celles-ci, la nation slovaque etait presente quand Charlemagne posait les fondations de !'Europe, meme si les Slovaques sont aujourd'hui peu connus pour leur histoire politique mouvementee. La nation slovaque a brille trop peu de temps et s 'etait eclipsee pendant mil ans. L'Europe ne peut nier !'existence d'aucune de ses nations sans se trahir. C'est pour cela qu'elle a reconu !'existence de la nation slovaque en acceptant la Republique Slovaque comme un de ses members. Une des lumieres qui nous parvient de tres loin et qui temoigne du sens europeen des Slovaques, c'est precisement la vingtieme oraison de Kiev. �SLOVAKIA 109 Les anciens Slovaques consideraient leur pays comme une propriete inalienable. C'est un point de vue commun a toutes les nations europeennes. Ils etaient preoccupes de voir leur pays assujetti anouveau comme au temps des A vars. Et voici que les Francs veulent s'emparer de leurs terres au titre de la divulgation de l'Evangile! Et, sur la frontiere orientale se trouvait apres les Avars, un autre peuple mongolien: les Magyars! En effet, l'oraison est une expression d'angoisse d'une communaute nationale, menacee de deux cotes, qui n'aspire a autre chose qu'a vivre en paix avec tous. C'est pour ces raisons que l 'oraison est dirigee a Dieu, pour implorer sa protection. Elle n'invoque pas les foudres divines pour aneantir les ennemis, ce que prouve que l'esprit de christianisme etait deja bien enracine parmi les Slovaques. Sous un autre aspect, cette oraison est un resume d'un traite embryonnaire des droits ethniques. En effet, nous pouvons y lire, sans exagerer, le droit a la terre propre, le droit a la liberte, le droit a la vie et le droit a l'autodetermination. Il s'agit des valeurs humaines "to which the Jaws of nature and of nature's God entide them" comme l'ont exprime les fondateurs des Etats-Unis, le 4 Juillet 1776, presque mil ans apres. L' oraison anticipe ce qu' a Helsinki I'Europe reconna1tra comme droits ethniques legitimes. Il s' agit, en effet, du premier document europeen qui devance les siecles a venir de l'histoire de l'Europe: !'existence des communautes nationales conscientes de leurs droits. Il y a un autre aspect tres important: cette oraison exprime, pour la premiere fois dans l'histoire de l'Europe, la conscience nationale d ' un groupe ethnique. Mais il l'exprime comme quelque chose de pur, d'humain et de noble. En effet, l'aspect bumain du national devrait devenir un tresor commun a toutes les nations pour eviter la deformation du national et pour etablir une base ferme pour cohabitation pacifique des peuples. �110 SLOVAKIA Ou'y-a-t-il de culture/? Tous les grands auteurs qui se sont occupes du phenomene "nation" sont unanimes: la culture est une forme de spiritualite. A son tour, la spiritualite est une forme de culture; quelque chose d ' inseparable de l'homme concret. C'est pour cela que la culture d 'un people pauvre qui vit sa spiritualite est superieure a celle d 'un people riche drape dans des valeurs materielles. Et comme "la culture cache beaucoup plus que ce qu' elle reveJe" (Edward T. Hall), son secret indique que sa derniere raison d'etre est d'une nature transcendante. Probablement c'est a cet aspect que fait allusion Aleksandr Soljeni tsyne lorsqu 'il dit, a l 'occasion du Prix Nobel, que Jes nations et Jeurs cultures sont Jes differents visages de Dieu. L 'Europe est le resultat de la culture de ses nations. La beaute d' un pre est le resultat de la multiplicite des aspeces de fleurs. S' il n'y avait au monde qu ' un seul type de fleurs, le monde nous paraitrait tres pauvre en beaute. La beaute de l'Europe est due ala multiplicite de cultures qui surgirent du meme sol spirituel duquel elles recevaient leur nourriture. Dans une roseraie il y a beaucoup de rosiers qui tous produisent des roses, mais les roses different par leurs parfums. La multiplicite des cultures europeennes represente la richesse spirituelle de l'Europe car chaque culture nationale contient quelque chose de propre, ce qui est la consequence de son individualite. L'europeite de cultures se doit a ce qu 'elles sont enracinees dans les fondements de l 'Europe. La beaute humaine de cette oraison de messe depasse les chroniques germaniques d'une maniere extraordinaire. Elle contient le desir de justice comme fondement de la coexistence pacifique des peoples sans en blesser aucun. Apres plus de mil ans, un ecrivain slovaque (Vladimir Mimic) en interpretant le sens de l'histoire des Slovaques a pu �SLOVAKIA 111 dire que "etre Slovaque, cela signifie etre frere de tous Jes hommes, ce qui constitue le noble heritage de notre histoire". La culture d'un peuple depend aussi de la richesse de sa litterature. La vingtieme oraison de messe represente un des monuments litteraires slovaques du IX-eme siecle, parce qu'elle est ecrite dans une langue qui etait non seulement une langue liturgique mais, par l'oeuvre de Saint Cyrille et de Saint Methode, elle s' est convertie en langue litteraire de la Grande Moravie, qui etait aussi employee dans la jurisprudence et dans !'administration publique. Surles qualites grammaticales de cette langue, l 'eminent philologue slovaque Eugen Pauliny ecrivit: "il s' agissait d' une Jangue polie et culti vee. La richesse des formes de construction grammaticales, J'elaboration de la syntaxe, la ch11te et la variete du tresor verbal, placent la Jangue paleoslovaque a la hauteur des Jangues culturelles de ce temps-la: le grec et le Jatin". C' est pour ces raison que la vingtieme oraison de la Collection de Kiev appartient au tresor spirituel de !'Europe. Elle ne peut s' en desinteresser. L'histoire postirieure des Slovaques En 907, lors de la bataille de Bratislava (Capitale contemporaine de la Slovaquie) sous une attaque commune des Francs et des Magyars, le royaume de la Grande Mora vie s' est ecroule. On suppose que la grande majorite de la noblesse a perdu la vie sur le champ de bataille. Les territoires slovaques ont ete partiellement occupes par les Magyars et, pendant mil ans, la Slovaquie a fait partie du royaume connu sous le nom de HONGRIE. Les Slovaques ont perdu leur royaume, mais ils n'ont pas perdu leur vie grace aune circonstance providentielle. �112 SLOVAKIA Ernest Renan, dans sa conference de 1880, se demandait comment la "couronne de Saint Etienne (le premier roi hongrois) ne put assimiler Jes Slovaques" (ii parlait des Slaves, parce qu'apres l'an 1201 un autre peuple slave - le croate - faisait partie de la Hongrie). La raison en est tres simple. Le roi n 'a pas pu introduire la langue slovaque comme langue officielle du royaume, malgre ses valeurs litteraires et administratives, tout simplement parce qu'il s'agissait de la langue d' un peuple subjugue. Et ii ne pu recourir a la langue magyar parce qu 'elle n 'existait pas. Les Magyars etaient des nomades qui ont ete ecrasees en 955 sur la Lech par l'Empereur Otto I-er. Ce n 'est qu ' apres cette defaite qu' ils deciderent de s 'etablir et d' abandonner le pillage. Par consequent, Saint Etiene introduisit en Hongrie le latin comme langue officielle, ce qui a dure jusqu'en 1840. A cause de cette mesure aussi bien la culture slovaque que celle des Magyars s 'est limitee a la culture populaire. En effet, il n'y a pas eu d'oeuvres litteraires slovaques ou magyares pendant des ciecles. Elles n'apparurent qu'a la fin du XVIII-eme siecle. II y a des preuves irrefutables permettant d'affirmer que les Magyars re~urent leur civilisation des anciens Slovaques. Bien evidement, les historiens magyars essayent de les minimiser. C'est par les Slovaques que les Magyars ont appris a cultiver la terre. Les termes magyars ayant trait a }'agriculture sont d' origine slovaque. Les slovaques nobles qui survecurent au desastre ont contribue a l 'organisation de l'Etat. En effet, les noms des foncionnaires de la cour royale sont d'origine slovaque (roi = kral - kiraly, prefet = span - ispan; cour = dvor - udvar, courtisan = dvomik - udvamok). II y a egalement des preuves demontrant que l' ordre juridique de la Grande Moravie fut transplante en Hongrie. En effet, juge en magyar se dit kenez du mot slovaque knaz. Les �SLOVAKIA 113 Magyars disaient, en ce temps la, qu'ils iraient "ad pravdam" lorsqu 'ils prenaient la decision de s 'adresser au tribunal pour regler leurs droits. "Pravda" signifie en slovaque "droit". La terminologie de la religion est aussi d' origine slovaque (bapteme =krstit' - keresztelni; pa'ien =pohan - pogany, enfer =peklo - pokol; frere = brat - banit). Au debut les Magyars n'avaient pas de terme magyar pour la "grace" divine, ils utilisaient le mot slovaque "milost"'. Naturellement, la science magyare contemporaine fait !'impossible pour effacer cette dependance culturelle des anciens Slovaques. Pendant des siecles, les deux communautes nationales cohabitaient en paix, contribuant par leur travail et leur sang au progres de la Hongrie. Le changement se produisit a un moment historique de !'Europe lorsque !es nations se sont reveillees et ont pris conscience de leurs identites differentes les unes des autres. Des le XVII-eme siecle, nous assistons en Europe a un phenomene generalise. Dans les Etats ou, pendant des siecles, cohabitaient deux ou trois nations, la nation qui detenait le pouvoir politique commern;a a faire pression pour faire dispara1tre les langues qui n'etaient pas la sienne. Ce fut aussi le cas de la Hongrie. Les Magyars decha1nerent une persecution contre tout ce qui etait slovaque. En 1872, pour eviler la formation de I'intelligentsia, ils fermerent les dernieres ecoles de l'enseignement secondaire et, plus tard, les ecoles furent magyarisees. La revolution de 1918 a sauve les Slovaques de la mort ethnique. En 1918, les Slovaques s'unirent aux Tcheques pour former un Etat commun. Mais le mot Tcheco-Slovaquie (c'etait le nom du nouvel Etat dans le Traite de Versailles) fut changee en "Tchecoslovaquie" par les Tcheques qui lancerent la theorie selon laquelle les Slovaques n 'etaient qu 'une tribu tcheque. �I 14 SLOVAKIA Ni Masaryk, ni Benes (President et Ministre des Affaires Etrangeres) ne se rendaient compte qu'une nation n'est pas un troupeau de brebis qu'ont peut envoyer dans n'importe quel bercail. 11 est vrai que les Slovaques et les Tcheques sont deux nations voisines, mais ils n'avaient jamais vecu dans le meme Etat. Leur histoire s'est deroulee d'une maniere differente, leurs langues et leurs cultures populaires ont des caracteristiques differentes et, par consequent, leurs personnalites ethniques sont differentes. Les Tcheques ont fait leur possible pendant soixante-dix ans pour tchequiser les Slovaques. La resistance slovaque fut telle qu'ils n'y reussirent pas. Ils firent, cependant, grand tort a la conscience d'identite nationale slovaque. A nouveau, la revolution de 1989 sauva les Slovaques d'un embrassement suffoquant du point de vue national, politique et economique. Le I-er Janvier 1993 apparut, sur la carte geographique de !'Europe, la Republique slovaque desireuse de participer a la vie economique, politique et culturelle de !'Europe, sans intermediaires. Bibliographie Bartek, Henrich: Les debuts du christianisme chez Jes Slovaques (en slovaque). Slobodne Slovensko, Vol. X, 5. Bro, Bertrand: La beaute sauvera le monde, Cerf, Paris, 1990. Carrere d'Encausse, Helene: La gloire des nations, Fayard, Paris, 1990. The Celts, Penguin, Harmondsworth, Chadwick, Nora: England, 1970. �SLOVAKIA Dejiny Slovenska: Delort, Robert: Hall, Edward T.: Herrn, Gerhard: Heer, Friedrich: Krajcovic, Rudolf: Lacko, Michal: Martini, Alberto: Montanelli, lndro: Pauliny, Eugen: Ratkos, Peter: Simons, Gerald: Veiter, Theodor: 115 L'histoire de la Slovaquie, Vol. I, Bratislava, 1986. LeMoyen-Age, Edita, Lausanne, 1972. The Silent Language, Anchor, New York, 1973. Die Kellen, Econ Verlag, Diisseldorf, 1975. Das heilige romische Reich, Heyne Verlag, Miinchen, 1967. Le temoignage de l'histoire sur le Slovaque, Matica slovenska, Martin, 1977 (en slovaque ). Saint Cyrill and Methodius, Slovensky ustav, Rome 1969. Le Moyen-Age Europeen, Fabbri, Milano, 1963. Storia d'Italia, Rizzoli, Milano, 1959. La litterature et la langue culturelle de la Grande Mora vie, SA V, Bratislava, 1964 (en slovaque). Les sources de l'histoire de la Grande Moravie, SAY, Bratislava, 1961 (en slovaque). Orfgenes de Europa , Time-Life Int. , Amsterdam, 1968. Nationalitiittenfrage und Volksgroppenrecht, Braumiiller, Vienne, 1984. �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1998, Vol. 36 Description An account of the resource Vol. 36 (No. 66-67), 1998. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1998 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 98 SLOVAKIA Une oraison de messe: Monument culture) ., europeen Stefan Polakovic Une oraison de messe: Monument culture/? Et de /'Europe? Eh, oui! Seulement pour le comprendre, nous devons descendre dans les entrailles memes de l'histoire de l'Europe. Avant de pouvoir qualifier un phenomene d'europeen, il nous faut savoir ce que nous entendons par "Europe". Et l'on ne comprendra rien a l'Europe, tant qu' on ne saura rien sur ses origines et sa formation. Elements constitutifs de /'Europe 11 fut un temps ou cette Europe que nous connaissons a l'heure actuelle n'existait pas. C'est a Charlemagne que nous devons son existence. A partir du V-eme siecle, apres la destruction de l'Europe Romaine par les tribus germaniques, il n'y eut plus qu'un tas de debris administratifs, juridiques et sociaux. C'est precisement a ce moment la que commence l'ouvre grandiose de Charlemagne pour reconstruire et fonder une nouvelle Europe. SLOVAKIA 99 Dans une Europe ou regnait un desordre general, il introduisit l'ordre avant tout, en creant un nouveau systeme d'organization politique connu comme feodal qui dura pendant mil ans. Cet ordre s'appuyait sur le principe que le roi etat le seul proprietaire de toutes les terres. Pendant la royaute il y avait une noblesse superieure a laquelle le roi concedait l'usage des terres en fief (du latin: feudum, d'ou: feodal). Plus bas se trouvait la noblesse inferieure, les habitants des villes (artisans, marchands et bourgeois) et encore plus en dessous au bas de la pyramide politique, se trouvaient les paysans (90% de la population). A vec le systeme feodal nacquit en Europe la sfirete juridique, !'administration de la justice et, par consequent, la rennaissance ·de la vie economique. Grace au systeme feodal I'Europe a pu se relever du desastre general. Par la fondation d'une nouvelle politique, Charlemagne contribua ace que l'Europe se retrouve. L'introduction des ecoles constitua un autre element qui favorisa la naissance de I'Europe. Pour commencer, il ordonna l'ouverture d'ecoles gratuites dans les cathedrales, monasteres et paroisses, destinees avant tout a la formation des foncionnaires d'Etat. Sur !'initiative de Charlemagne, prenant probablement exemple sur l' Academie de Bizance, fut creee l"'Accademia Palatina", qui fut, posterieurement, d'une enorme importance pour !'evolution et la formation de l'Europe, car en peu de temps les Ecoles Superieures se sont transformees en Universites. Sans universites, l'Europe ne serait ce qu 'elle est. L'Europe doit aux universites son developpement scientifique, les progres technologiques et economiques et, surtout, !'evolution politique. En effet, c'est grace aux universites que les peuples europeens ont commence a envisager, plus tard, une reforme du systeme feodal pour le remplacer, a partir de la Revolution Fran~aise, par un systeme democratique. Systeme 100 SLOVAKIA democratique qui fut implante pour la premiere fois aux EtatsU nis en 1776, seize ans avant la Revolution Fran~aise. De plus, Charlemagne encouragea les arts en general: architecture, peinture, sculpture. Lors de ses voyages en Italie il admira ses basiliques et ses eglises. Grace a son appui surgit ce que nous connaissons comme rennaissance artistique carolingienne. 11 voulut voir la floraison des arts dans son empire. 11 fit construire la "CAPELLA PALATINA" a Aix-la-Chapelle, qui est une imitation de la Basilique de Saint Vital a Ravenne. Sous Charlemagne, les architectes commencerent a remplacer dans leurs constructions le bois par la pierre. On vit l 'Europe entiere se couvrir de cathedrales de style roman. En peu de temps le style roman arriva jusqu'au centre de l'Europe grace aux moines benedictins. En effet, on trouve en Slovaquie, centre geographique de l'Europe des eglises romanes contruites en pierre peu apres la mort de Charlemagne. Une fois commence, l'art europeen ne connut pas d'interruption jusqu'a nos jours. L'art europeen occupe une place predominante dans l'histoire de l'art. Autre phenomene, sans lequel la constitution de l'Europe n'aurait pu se produire, ce sont ses nations et leurs cultures qui ont surgi a l'abri du feodalisme, l'education, les arts et la religion chretienne. Par "nation" je n'entends pas ici "Etat-nation", mais les communautes spirituelles des gens unis principalement par les liens d'une langue, d'une culture et d'une histoire communes, merne si elles n'ont pas un Etat propre (i. e.: les Kurdes). Comme dit Ernest Renan, lors de sa conference prononcee a la Sorbonne en 1880, a cause "des complications de l'histoire". Pour la meme raison, pendant des siecles, plusieurs nations europeennes n 'ont pu reconstituer leurs propres Etats apres les avoir perdus, comme par exemple les Slovaques, Croates, Slovenes, Lituaniens, Lettons, Estoniens, Finlandais, etc. SLOVAKIA 101 La nation se developpe a partir d'une tribu lorsque les conditions sont favorables. La condition fondamentale est la possesion d'un territoire ou elle pourra deployer sa richesse spirituelle et fortifier son unite ontologique en toute tranquillite. En l'etat nomade, aucune nation ne put se constituer ni se consolider, comme nous le confirme l'auteur gitan espagnol Juan Ramirez Heredia dans son livre "Nosotros, los Gitanos", en decrivant la tragedie de son peuple: "Pelerins perpetuels, exiles volontaires, fugitifs toujours en route, marchant sans reJXJs depuis des siecles sans decider ou s' etablir'. Beaucoup de tribuns et nations embryonnaires de souche celtique, germanique et slave ont disparu, absorbees par des cultures superieures. Certains processus ethnogenetiques ont pu reussir avec une cartaine facilite grace au fait qu'ils se developpaient a l'abri d'un Etat, tandis que d'autres, etant donne les "complications de l'histoire" mentionnees plus haut, croissaient plus lentement. Quoiqu ' il en fut, en Europe existent actuellement les nations suivantes: Du groupe Celtique: Bretons, Irlandais, Gallois et Ecossais; Du groupe Latin: Italiens, Fran~ais, Espagnols, Catalans, Portugais, Roumains et Rhetoromans (en Suisse); Du groupe Germanique: Allemands, Suedois, Norvegiens, Danois, Hollandais, Flamands et Anglais; Du groupe Slave: Russes, Bielorusses, Ukrainiens, Bulgares, Serbes, Croates, Slovenes, Slovaques, Tcheques, Polonais, Macedoniens et Lusitiens (en Allemagne). D'origine non indo-europeenne nous avons les Magyars, Lituaniens, Estoniens, Lettons, Finlandais et Basques. 102 SLOVAKIA Demierement, certaines de ces nations ont pu reconstruire leur ancien Etat. Entin, la religion chretienne fait partie des elements constitutifs de !'Europe. Le christianisme s 'epanouit non seulement grace a la force de la parole, mais avant tout, grace a la force de l'exemple. Suivant l'exemple de la population des anciennes provinces romaines, les tribus germaniques qui s'y infiltrerent ont accepte le bapteme et ont change leurs coutumes. ll est vrai que le changement fut lent, mais grace a ce changement nous assistons, deja au IX-eme siecle, a la creation d'ouvres d'art, de peuples autrefois barbares, inspirees par la doctrine chretienne. L'esprit du christianisme a marque profondement tous les peuples europeens. La vie du peuple commun (la grande majorite etaient des paysans) s'est adaptee en general aux commandements de la morale chretienne. Nous avons comme preuve les exemples de saintete et les traditions, chansons, legendes et contes populaires de toutes les nations europeennes. Apres la chute de !'Empire Romain il y avait en Europe une seule organisation qui resista a la debacle generale et ce fut celle de l'Eglise. Les eveques etaient la seule autorite qui maintenait un peu d' ordre juridique en appliquant le droit canon et le droit romain. En dehors de cela, l'Eglise encourageait la fondation de monasteres qui se sont transformes en centres d'aide et de civilisation. Par exemple celui de MARMOUTIER-SUR-LOIRE, en France, qui a ere fonde en 375. Plus tard, au VI-eme siecle, Saint Benoit introduisit une regle commune a tous les monasteres. Les monasteres benedictins ont contribue a la bonne marche de la vie economique et sociale, et de par leur oeuvre, l 'heridite de Rome fut sauvee. SLOVAKIA 103 Les bibliotheques des grands couvents benedictins ont transmis a l 'Europe des ouvres litteraires qui autrement auraient disparu. 11 est vrai qu' au temps ou nacquit Charlemagne, les territoires des anciennes provinces romaines etaient deja christianisees. Sa propre tribu, les Francs, suivant l'exemple de leur roi Clovis (496), accepta le christianisme. Mais au temps de Charlemagne il fallait christianiser la Germanie, ou etaient installees plusieurs tribus germaniques, parmi lesquelles la plus puissante etait celle des Saxons. Et derriere, les tribus germaniques se trouvaient les tribus slaves qui ont occupe les territoires du Nord de l'Europe, derriere la ligne qui commence a l'embourchure de l'Elbe pour aboutir, en passant par Trieste, aux Balkans. Un peu d'histoire des Slovaques Parmi ces tribus slaves, se trouvaient les ancetres des Slovaques d'aujourd'hui. C'est parmi eux que surgit l'oraison que nous avons qualifiee de "monument culturel europeen". A partir du IV-eme siecle, les anciens Slovaques penetrerent dans le Bassin du Danube et occuperent les territoires sur le Danube, la Morava, V ah, Nitra, Hron et Tisa. Deux cents ans apres, ils ont ete subjugues par les A vars qui, venant des steppes russes, se sont infiltres dans le Bassin du Danube (576). Par suite de cette occupation, les ancetres des Slovaques ont perdu contact avec les tribus slaves du Nord. Cette separation geographique, ajoutee a la difference de langue et de moeurs (les A vars etaient des nomades qui s' adonnaient au pillage des territoires allemands tandis que les anciens Slovaques etaient des agriculteurs etablis et des artisans) contribuait a la formation d'un refus et d'une conscience de differences qui se manifestait, 104 SLOVAKIA d'apres le chroniqueur franc Fredegaire, par de continuelles rebellions contre les Avars. En 624, au moment d'une de ces rebellions, arriva en ces territoires un marchand franc nomme Samo qui se mit a la tete des Slaves. Il battit les A vars et organisa le premier Etat protoslovaque dans ces regions. Sous le regne du roi Samo la population connut trente ans de paix, ce qui contribua a la consolidation d'une conscience ethnique embryonnaire. Nous en trouvons des traces dans l 'oraison mentionnee. En 796, Charlemagne se decida aen terminer avec les A vars. Avec l' aide des anciens Slovaques, Charlemagne detruisit l' empire primitif des A vars, de sorte que ce peuple disparut de l'histoire de !'Europe. Le contact de Charlemagne avec les anciens Slovaques est d' un symbolisme tres profond pour l'histoire de l'Europe car, grace acette rencontre, les nations slaves ont commence a entrer dans l'histoire de l'Europe. Les protagonistes de cet evement historique etaient les anciens Slovaques. Les premiers et les seuls d'entre les Slaves a avoir connu Charlemagne de son vivant. Les Slovaques en sont restes tres impressionnes. La preuve en est qu'ils ont commence autiliser le nom propre de Charlemagne "Karl" pour designer le roi (kni/). Cette designation slovaque fut plus tard acceptee par les autres nations slaves (Tcheques et Polonais) voisines des Slovaques et les Magyars (kinily) l'adopterent egalement apres !'occupation des territoires slovaques. C'est la deuxieme fois, apres "Caesar", que le nom propre d'un commandant militaire devient titre pour l'autorite supreme de l'Etat. La presence de Charlemagne sur les frontieres slovaques se fit sentir sous deux aspects: premierement, fidele a sa conception d'Etat, Charlemagne se considerait souverain feodal des territoires slovaques apres la defaite des A vars. Deuxiemement, comme proprietaire feodal preoccupe par la christianisation de SLOVAKIA 105 ses terres, en 798 il donna l'ordre personnel a l'archeveque de Salzbourg d'envoyer des missionnaires dans les regions recemment annexees a son Empire ("lpse imperator praecepit Amoni archiepiscoJXJ pergere in partes Sclavomm"). Evidemment, Charlemagne ne savait pas que le christianisme avait ete preche parmi les anciens Slovaques par les missions italienne, irlandaise et anglo-saxonne. C'est ainsi qu'apres d'autres missionnaires, les territoires des anciens Slovaques ont ete evangelises par des moines bavarois avec un tel succes que, probablement deja en 824 fut consacree, par l'archeveque de Salzbourg, la premiere eglise batie en pierres, a Nitra siege du prince slovaque Pribina. La presence des missionnaires bavarois suscitait chez la noblesse slovaque une mefiance politique, parce qu'ils essayaient de renforcer leurs pretensions politiques sur les terres ou ils prechaient l 'Evangile. 11 est fort probable egalement, que la noblesse slovaque ait res:u des nouvelles sur la brutalite germanique envers les Slaves du Nord. D'autant plus que la noblesse ne put oublier la domination avare et craignait de tomber a nouveau sous la souverainete etrangere. C'est probablement pour cela qu'un autre prince slovaque, Mojmfr, chassa Pribine de Nitra, le considerant germanophile (sa femme etait allemande). Mojmfr unifia les deux principautes slovaques en un seul etat connu dans l'histoire comme "Grande Moravie". Ces changements deplurent au roi bavarois, Ludwig (neveu de Charlemagne) et en 846 il penetra dans les territoires slovaques, deposa Mojmfr et installa Rastislav. Mais Rastislav, a son tour, ne reconnaissait pas la souverainete feodale de Ludwig. C'est la raison pour laquelle il s' adressa a l 'empereur bizantin Michel III en le priant de lui envoyer des missionnaires qui connussent la langue du peuple (861). 11 y avait a Bizance, en ce temps la, deux freres: 106 SLOVAKIA Constantin et Methode, qui dominaient la langue paleoslave. Ils se rendirent en 863 en territoire slovaque. Pour reussir dans cette mission, Constantin crea !'alphabet dit 'glagolique', adapte aux sons de la langue slave a laquelle ils traduisirent les textes fondamentaux de la Bible. En s'installant au royaume de Rastislav, ils constaterent que les messes etaient deja celebrees en latin d' apres la liturgie romaine. Ils se sont decide a maintenir la liturgie romaine mais, en meme temps ils traduisirent les textes remains (latins) a la langue du peuple. Et nous voici en presence de l'une de ces oraisons de messe dont nous avons dit qu'elle est un "monument culturel europeen". "Vingtieme oraison de Kiev' On la nomme "vingtieme" parce qu'elle se trouve sur la vingtieme feuille de la collection connue comme "Collection de Kiev" (en Ukraine). Voici le texte paleoslave de cette oraison: "Cesarstve nasemu, Gospodi, milostjo Tvojejo prizri. I ne otdai nasego tuiim I ne obrati nas v plen narodom poganskym". En fran~ais: "Veillez, Seigneur, sur notre royaume avec Votre grace. Et ne livrez pas ce qui est notre aux etrangers et ne nous convertissez pas en proie des nations pa·iennes". Nous avons deja dit que les anciens Slovaques recevaient le christianisme des le VII-eme siecle et, par consequent, il y eut probablement parmi les pretres slovaques un grand nombre d'entre aux qui dominait bien le latin. En effet, avant sa mort, SLOVAKIA 107 Saint Methode dit de Saint Gorazd, son disciple slovaque qu "'il est bien instruit dans Jes livres latins". En examinant le texte, les philologues slovaques ont trouve le texte latin, correspondant a toutes les oraisons de la Collection Kiev, sauf celui de la vingtieme oraison. Ils en sont restes perplexes. Mais a tort, car le sujet de cette oraison fait reference aux besoins particuliers du royaume slovaque. 11 est done bien naturel qu' ils n 'aient pas trouve le texte dans les missels de l'Eglise universelle car nous savons que chaque pays a ses propres oraisons de messe. La "vingtieme" oraison est, d'apres son contenu, une oraison "propre" au royaume slovaque. Nous pouvons legitimement nous demander quand a-t-elle ete ecrite. Sans encourir en erreur, nous pouvons en toute quietude affirmer qu'elle a ete ecrite avant l'arrivee de Saint Cyrille et de Saint Methode car, peu apres leur arrivee, elle fut traduite au paleoslovaque. Je dis "paleoslovaque" parce que, d'apres les philologues, dans le texte on trouve deja des elements qui la distinguent de la langue paleoslave. Et c 'est bien comprehensible car les anciens Slovaques se trouverent isoles des Slaves du Nord pendant plus de trois siecles (a cause des Avars et egalement a cause du royaume de Samo). D'autre part, elle a pu etre ecrite apres la formation de la Principaute slovaque (836) ou, au plus tard, apres la deposition de Mojmir par Ludwig (846). L'auteur de l'oraison a du etre membre de la haute noblesse slovaque car il semble tres bien verse en questions politiques. Comme enfant il a du ecouter ses parents parler des cruautes des Avars et par sa propre experience il se rendait compte des velleites politiques du roi bavarois. L'auteur re~ut une tres bonne formation latine car il a parfaitement saisi la construction des oraisons de messe latine qui excellent par leur brievete, leur contenu condense, leur clarte des concepts et la cadence poetique. 108 SLOVAKIA De plus il devait avoir une position elevees dans la hierarchie latine en Slovaquie, qui seule pouvait autoriser l'usage public d'une oraison de messe. Le texte latin a du etre le suivant: "Regnum nostrum, Domine, gratia Tua respice. Et _ne tradas nostra alienis nee nos convertas in praedam JXJpulorum paganorum". A la premiere lecture, on s' aper~oit de la maturite politique de cette oraison car d'un cote elle fait allusion a la destitution du prince Mojmir (ne tradas nostra aliensis) et de l'autre elle fait allusion aux nouvelles sur l'apparition des avant-gardes Magyars sur la frontiere orientale du royaume (nee nos convertas in praedam JXJpulorum paganorum). Faisant reference a la demiere partie de l' oraison, le philologue slovaque Eugen Pauliny ecrit que "derriere cette oraison on entend le bruit des sabots de envahisseurs magyars". Ou'y-a-t-il d'Europeen dans cette oraison? Avant tout, il nous faut rappeler que l'Europe ne serait ce qu 'elle est sans ses nations qui sont toutes ses enfants, nes a I' abri de sa formation. Parmi celles-ci, la nation slovaque etait presente quand Charlemagne posait les fondations de !'Europe, meme si les Slovaques sont aujourd'hui peu connus pour leur histoire politique mouvementee. La nation slovaque a brille trop peu de temps et s 'etait eclipsee pendant mil ans. L'Europe ne peut nier !'existence d'aucune de ses nations sans se trahir. C'est pour cela qu'elle a reconu !'existence de la nation slovaque en acceptant la Republique Slovaque comme un de ses members. Une des lumieres qui nous parvient de tres loin et qui temoigne du sens europeen des Slovaques, c'est precisement la vingtieme oraison de Kiev. SLOVAKIA 109 Les anciens Slovaques consideraient leur pays comme une propriete inalienable. C'est un point de vue commun a toutes les nations europeennes. Ils etaient preoccupes de voir leur pays assujetti anouveau comme au temps des A vars. Et voici que les Francs veulent s'emparer de leurs terres au titre de la divulgation de l'Evangile! Et, sur la frontiere orientale se trouvait apres les Avars, un autre peuple mongolien: les Magyars! En effet, l'oraison est une expression d'angoisse d'une communaute nationale, menacee de deux cotes, qui n'aspire a autre chose qu'a vivre en paix avec tous. C'est pour ces raisons que l 'oraison est dirigee a Dieu, pour implorer sa protection. Elle n'invoque pas les foudres divines pour aneantir les ennemis, ce que prouve que l'esprit de christianisme etait deja bien enracine parmi les Slovaques. Sous un autre aspect, cette oraison est un resume d'un traite embryonnaire des droits ethniques. En effet, nous pouvons y lire, sans exagerer, le droit a la terre propre, le droit a la liberte, le droit a la vie et le droit a l'autodetermination. Il s'agit des valeurs humaines "to which the Jaws of nature and of nature's God entide them" comme l'ont exprime les fondateurs des Etats-Unis, le 4 Juillet 1776, presque mil ans apres. L' oraison anticipe ce qu' a Helsinki I'Europe reconna1tra comme droits ethniques legitimes. Il s' agit, en effet, du premier document europeen qui devance les siecles a venir de l'histoire de l'Europe: !'existence des communautes nationales conscientes de leurs droits. Il y a un autre aspect tres important: cette oraison exprime, pour la premiere fois dans l'histoire de l'Europe, la conscience nationale d ' un groupe ethnique. Mais il l'exprime comme quelque chose de pur, d'humain et de noble. En effet, l'aspect bumain du national devrait devenir un tresor commun a toutes les nations pour eviter la deformation du national et pour etablir une base ferme pour cohabitation pacifique des peuples. 110 SLOVAKIA Ou'y-a-t-il de culture/? Tous les grands auteurs qui se sont occupes du phenomene "nation" sont unanimes: la culture est une forme de spiritualite. A son tour, la spiritualite est une forme de culture; quelque chose d ' inseparable de l'homme concret. C'est pour cela que la culture d 'un people pauvre qui vit sa spiritualite est superieure a celle d 'un people riche drape dans des valeurs materielles. Et comme "la culture cache beaucoup plus que ce qu' elle reveJe" (Edward T. Hall), son secret indique que sa derniere raison d'etre est d'une nature transcendante. Probablement c'est a cet aspect que fait allusion Aleksandr Soljeni tsyne lorsqu 'il dit, a l 'occasion du Prix Nobel, que Jes nations et Jeurs cultures sont Jes differents visages de Dieu. L 'Europe est le resultat de la culture de ses nations. La beaute d' un pre est le resultat de la multiplicite des aspeces de fleurs. S' il n'y avait au monde qu ' un seul type de fleurs, le monde nous paraitrait tres pauvre en beaute. La beaute de l'Europe est due ala multiplicite de cultures qui surgirent du meme sol spirituel duquel elles recevaient leur nourriture. Dans une roseraie il y a beaucoup de rosiers qui tous produisent des roses, mais les roses different par leurs parfums. La multiplicite des cultures europeennes represente la richesse spirituelle de l'Europe car chaque culture nationale contient quelque chose de propre, ce qui est la consequence de son individualite. L'europeite de cultures se doit a ce qu 'elles sont enracinees dans les fondements de l 'Europe. La beaute humaine de cette oraison de messe depasse les chroniques germaniques d'une maniere extraordinaire. Elle contient le desir de justice comme fondement de la coexistence pacifique des peoples sans en blesser aucun. Apres plus de mil ans, un ecrivain slovaque (Vladimir Mimic) en interpretant le sens de l'histoire des Slovaques a pu SLOVAKIA 111 dire que "etre Slovaque, cela signifie etre frere de tous Jes hommes, ce qui constitue le noble heritage de notre histoire". La culture d'un peuple depend aussi de la richesse de sa litterature. La vingtieme oraison de messe represente un des monuments litteraires slovaques du IX-eme siecle, parce qu'elle est ecrite dans une langue qui etait non seulement une langue liturgique mais, par l'oeuvre de Saint Cyrille et de Saint Methode, elle s' est convertie en langue litteraire de la Grande Moravie, qui etait aussi employee dans la jurisprudence et dans !'administration publique. Surles qualites grammaticales de cette langue, l 'eminent philologue slovaque Eugen Pauliny ecrivit: "il s' agissait d' une Jangue polie et culti vee. La richesse des formes de construction grammaticales, J'elaboration de la syntaxe, la ch11te et la variete du tresor verbal, placent la Jangue paleoslovaque a la hauteur des Jangues culturelles de ce temps-la: le grec et le Jatin". C' est pour ces raison que la vingtieme oraison de la Collection de Kiev appartient au tresor spirituel de !'Europe. Elle ne peut s' en desinteresser. L'histoire postirieure des Slovaques En 907, lors de la bataille de Bratislava (Capitale contemporaine de la Slovaquie) sous une attaque commune des Francs et des Magyars, le royaume de la Grande Mora vie s' est ecroule. On suppose que la grande majorite de la noblesse a perdu la vie sur le champ de bataille. Les territoires slovaques ont ete partiellement occupes par les Magyars et, pendant mil ans, la Slovaquie a fait partie du royaume connu sous le nom de HONGRIE. Les Slovaques ont perdu leur royaume, mais ils n'ont pas perdu leur vie grace aune circonstance providentielle. 112 SLOVAKIA Ernest Renan, dans sa conference de 1880, se demandait comment la "couronne de Saint Etienne (le premier roi hongrois) ne put assimiler Jes Slovaques" (ii parlait des Slaves, parce qu'apres l'an 1201 un autre peuple slave - le croate - faisait partie de la Hongrie). La raison en est tres simple. Le roi n 'a pas pu introduire la langue slovaque comme langue officielle du royaume, malgre ses valeurs litteraires et administratives, tout simplement parce qu'il s'agissait de la langue d' un peuple subjugue. Et ii ne pu recourir a la langue magyar parce qu 'elle n 'existait pas. Les Magyars etaient des nomades qui ont ete ecrasees en 955 sur la Lech par l'Empereur Otto I-er. Ce n 'est qu ' apres cette defaite qu' ils deciderent de s 'etablir et d' abandonner le pillage. Par consequent, Saint Etiene introduisit en Hongrie le latin comme langue officielle, ce qui a dure jusqu'en 1840. A cause de cette mesure aussi bien la culture slovaque que celle des Magyars s 'est limitee a la culture populaire. En effet, il n'y a pas eu d'oeuvres litteraires slovaques ou magyares pendant des ciecles. Elles n'apparurent qu'a la fin du XVIII-eme siecle. II y a des preuves irrefutables permettant d'affirmer que les Magyars re~urent leur civilisation des anciens Slovaques. Bien evidement, les historiens magyars essayent de les minimiser. C'est par les Slovaques que les Magyars ont appris a cultiver la terre. Les termes magyars ayant trait a }'agriculture sont d' origine slovaque. Les slovaques nobles qui survecurent au desastre ont contribue a l 'organisation de l'Etat. En effet, les noms des foncionnaires de la cour royale sont d'origine slovaque (roi = kral - kiraly, prefet = span - ispan; cour = dvor - udvar, courtisan = dvomik - udvamok). II y a egalement des preuves demontrant que l' ordre juridique de la Grande Moravie fut transplante en Hongrie. En effet, juge en magyar se dit kenez du mot slovaque knaz. Les SLOVAKIA 113 Magyars disaient, en ce temps la, qu'ils iraient "ad pravdam" lorsqu 'ils prenaient la decision de s 'adresser au tribunal pour regler leurs droits. "Pravda" signifie en slovaque "droit". La terminologie de la religion est aussi d' origine slovaque (bapteme =krstit' - keresztelni; pa'ien =pohan - pogany, enfer =peklo - pokol; frere = brat - banit). Au debut les Magyars n'avaient pas de terme magyar pour la "grace" divine, ils utilisaient le mot slovaque "milost"'. Naturellement, la science magyare contemporaine fait !'impossible pour effacer cette dependance culturelle des anciens Slovaques. Pendant des siecles, les deux communautes nationales cohabitaient en paix, contribuant par leur travail et leur sang au progres de la Hongrie. Le changement se produisit a un moment historique de !'Europe lorsque !es nations se sont reveillees et ont pris conscience de leurs identites differentes les unes des autres. Des le XVII-eme siecle, nous assistons en Europe a un phenomene generalise. Dans les Etats ou, pendant des siecles, cohabitaient deux ou trois nations, la nation qui detenait le pouvoir politique commern;a a faire pression pour faire dispara1tre les langues qui n'etaient pas la sienne. Ce fut aussi le cas de la Hongrie. Les Magyars decha1nerent une persecution contre tout ce qui etait slovaque. En 1872, pour eviler la formation de I'intelligentsia, ils fermerent les dernieres ecoles de l'enseignement secondaire et, plus tard, les ecoles furent magyarisees. La revolution de 1918 a sauve les Slovaques de la mort ethnique. En 1918, les Slovaques s'unirent aux Tcheques pour former un Etat commun. Mais le mot Tcheco-Slovaquie (c'etait le nom du nouvel Etat dans le Traite de Versailles) fut changee en "Tchecoslovaquie" par les Tcheques qui lancerent la theorie selon laquelle les Slovaques n 'etaient qu 'une tribu tcheque. I 14 SLOVAKIA Ni Masaryk, ni Benes (President et Ministre des Affaires Etrangeres) ne se rendaient compte qu'une nation n'est pas un troupeau de brebis qu'ont peut envoyer dans n'importe quel bercail. 11 est vrai que les Slovaques et les Tcheques sont deux nations voisines, mais ils n'avaient jamais vecu dans le meme Etat. Leur histoire s'est deroulee d'une maniere differente, leurs langues et leurs cultures populaires ont des caracteristiques differentes et, par consequent, leurs personnalites ethniques sont differentes. Les Tcheques ont fait leur possible pendant soixante-dix ans pour tchequiser les Slovaques. La resistance slovaque fut telle qu'ils n'y reussirent pas. Ils firent, cependant, grand tort a la conscience d'identite nationale slovaque. A nouveau, la revolution de 1989 sauva les Slovaques d'un embrassement suffoquant du point de vue national, politique et economique. Le I-er Janvier 1993 apparut, sur la carte geographique de !'Europe, la Republique slovaque desireuse de participer a la vie economique, politique et culturelle de !'Europe, sans intermediaires. Bibliographie Bartek, Henrich: Les debuts du christianisme chez Jes Slovaques (en slovaque). Slobodne Slovensko, Vol. X, 5. Bro, Bertrand: La beaute sauvera le monde, Cerf, Paris, 1990. Carrere d'Encausse, Helene: La gloire des nations, Fayard, Paris, 1990. The Celts, Penguin, Harmondsworth, Chadwick, Nora: England, 1970. SLOVAKIA Dejiny Slovenska: Delort, Robert: Hall, Edward T.: Herrn, Gerhard: Heer, Friedrich: Krajcovic, Rudolf: Lacko, Michal: Martini, Alberto: Montanelli, lndro: Pauliny, Eugen: Ratkos, Peter: Simons, Gerald: Veiter, Theodor: 115 L'histoire de la Slovaquie, Vol. I, Bratislava, 1986. LeMoyen-Age, Edita, Lausanne, 1972. The Silent Language, Anchor, New York, 1973. Die Kellen, Econ Verlag, Diisseldorf, 1975. Das heilige romische Reich, Heyne Verlag, Miinchen, 1967. Le temoignage de l'histoire sur le Slovaque, Matica slovenska, Martin, 1977 (en slovaque ). Saint Cyrill and Methodius, Slovensky ustav, Rome 1969. Le Moyen-Age Europeen, Fabbri, Milano, 1963. Storia d'Italia, Rizzoli, Milano, 1959. La litterature et la langue culturelle de la Grande Mora vie, SA V, Bratislava, 1964 (en slovaque). Les sources de l'histoire de la Grande Moravie, SAY, Bratislava, 1961 (en slovaque). Orfgenes de Europa , Time-Life Int. , Amsterdam, 1968. Nationalitiittenfrage und Volksgroppenrecht, Braumiiller, Vienne, 1984.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Une oraison de messe: Monument culturel européen Description An account of the resource Štefan Polakovič Slovakia, Vol. 36 (No. 66-67), 1998 pp. 98-115 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Polakovič, Štefan, 1912-1999 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1998 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2b6ffd2bc25a578864af4acebea874cb.pdf fecee9742e45dbaca1968d95260c911b PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 107 A Call for Courage HANA PONICKA INTRODUCTION BY J.M . KIRSCHBAUM Due to the peculiar circumstances under which the Slovak people were subjected to Communism, cultural life in Slovakia may have experienced the strongest repression of any Soviet satellite. (1) The short period of liberalization under A. Dubcek proved, however, that the Stalinist system was unable to break the moral backbone of Slovak writers or to eradicate Slovak literary traditions. Within a few months after the suspension of censorship, Slovak intellectuals displayed a moral courage which startled Wes tern observers. They were among the initiators of the struggle for "socialism with a human face. '' They condemned and criticized the excesses of the Stalinist period, called for rehabilitation of its victims, and insisted on giving cultural institutions (Matica Slovenska, for instance) their original functions and cultural freedom. (2) The short period of liberalization made possible a freer portrayal of the past in literary and political history. The memoirs of T. J. Gaspar and testimonies about political trials (G. Husak, E. Loebl, D . Viest and others) were published. Cultural contacts with the Western world were renewed. This new cultural freedom was interrupted by the invasion of the Warsaw Pact armies on August 21, 1968. The subsequent Soviet occupation put an end to free cultural expression. " Socialism with a human face '' perished with the final removal of Dubcek from his position in the Spring of 1969. The new regime under Dr. Gustav Husak proclaimed the Soviet invasion an act of 'fraternal assistance of the socialist countries to protect socialism in Czecho-Slovakia. ' ' It introduced a policy of "normalization. " Dubcek 's liberalization was condemned as "counterrevolutionary. ' ' Massive purges eliminated thousands of people from scientific institutions, artists' unions, schools, broadcasting, journalism, and literary journals. The regime "moved swiftly to block or to reverse the major reforms of 1968, including political democratization, freedom of expression and association, legal reform and rehabiliation . . . '' One saw ' 'the restoration of the Soviet model in all spheres of life. The penetration of Soviet ideas was so blatant that a visitor could not escape the impression that Czecho-Slovakia had taken on the character of a Soviet republic. " (3) Among the first measures of this ' 'normalization'' policy were the introduction of a strict censorship and the establishment of new committees to head cultural and scientific institutions. The Academy of �108 SLOVAKIA Sciences and the Matica Slovenska were transformed into instruments for the "development of socialist culture, science and education in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism. " Artists' unions were transformed into ideological organizations subject to the Communist Party. The periodicals Kulturny iivot and Nova tvorba were forced out of publication. Many scholars, writers, and artists found themselves pariahs, unable to engage in creative work of any kind, and restricted to menial work, at a very low fixed income. Their children also suffered from discrimination in schooling and employment. New and refined methods of persecution were employed, not as grim and macabre as the slow trials of the 'fifties.' These took the form, in Havel's words, of existential pressure, threatening every one, high or low, loyal or disloyal, with loss of position in case of nonconformity. ''This became a veritable vendetta against all who were engaged in reform activities in 1968 and who were unwilling to recant. "(4) That this ''normalization'' has not changed during the past eight years, observers of the Sovak cultural scene have little doubt. Corroboration is found in a courageous address by a Slovak writer who was neither purged nor persecuted, Hana Ponicka. Here follow, in abbreviated form, without the knowledge or permission of the author, her propositions for discussion at the 3rd Conference of Slovak Writers in Bratislava, March 2, 1977, undelivered due to the preemptory halting of discussion, but offered to the Conference as a matter of record. Esteemed assembly: This is our third Slovak Writers' Conference . In the five years since our last conference, held May 31, 1972 in Bratislava, every one of us has surely created something. We have realized the publication of new books and various dramatic and other works. Numerically, with respect to contemporary Slovak literature, this is not the worst record, for our classics are being reissued, and new editions of Slovak translations of classical world literature are also being published. And yet I am not, I cannot be, satisfied. In the vicinity of the village where I live, I see in the fall a great amount of ungathered harvest. But I am troubled just as much by the ungathered harvests in our literary fields. We have been living for nine years now in an atmosphere of unusual social tension. Even during such long-lasting tension, however, it is possible for excellent works to appear that are worth reading and deserving of literary criticism. And yet we have suffered and continue to suffer disproportionate losses. In the past few years, we have lost more notable writers. Though they have died, their work continues to be published. But besides them we have lost many remarkable writers living here and elsewhere, fully capable of creativity, but whose work has not appeared for many years. To this day they are not fellow-members of our writers' organization, nor are �SLOVAKIA 109 they permitted to publish, writers such as Dominik Tatarka, Peter Karvas, and Ladislav Tazky. Nor, unlike the works of other writers recently deceased, do the highly qualified translations of Zora Jesenska from Russian, Soviet, English classics and contemporary literature appear, and are even less likely to. If her name was not mentioned among the others in the requested moment of reverent silence by which we were to honor the work and memory of all our departed writers, I do so at least now with this brief pause of respect. To this day (a long list of writers) is forbidden to publish their poems, prose, or translations , articles or literary critiques, or to write with the hope of being published , whether they are former members or candidates of our writers' organization or even non-members and workers on our literary and cultural journals, such as Jan Rozner, Pavol Hruz, Milan Hamada, Josef Bzoch , Fedor Cadra, Miroslav Kusy, Zlata Solivajsova, Miroslav Hysko, Michal Gafri, Julius Vanovic, Ctibor Stitnicky, Frantisek Andrascik, Stefan Moravcik, Roman Kalisky, Juraj Spitzer, Albert Marencin, Agnesa Kalinova, Sona Cechova, Ladislav Dobis, Ivan Kadlecik , Jan Kalina, Tomas Winkler, and others. If there are any errors in my listing, or if in the case of some authors administrative changes have taken place, that is not my fault. Meeting less seldom in the framework of our organization now than ever before, we know very little about each other. Hence we do not have in our ranks to this day many creators of literature, criticism, journalism or dramatic works. Their names have been lost together with their works from the catalogs and shelves of our public libraries. And yet these friends and colleagues of ours work and live among us, or rather, apart from us and around us. They work in jobs, though not the worst in every case, that are mostly foreign to them and inferior to their abilities. Some of the younger ones who did not try to become members of the Slovak Writers ' Union have taken hold of axe and spade, but among them there are also those who are literally vegetating physically, morally and spiritually - on pension. And what particularly catches us up short is the fact that years ago many of them were awarded the highest artistic titles and honors of our socialist state. As far as I know, these titles have not been taken away from them . Titles, yes; publication, no. I shall never forget that picture of our contemporary literature that appeared to me a couple of years ago when, on the occasion of my chats with them in schools of various districts, Slovak students and their teachers showed me pages of these literary textbooks crossed-out . With what knowledge of our recent history will those youths go out into the world, who with their own hands had to expunge from their textbooks the names and works of living writers, whom they were recently taught to respect and admire? This picture of expunged contemporary literature must also be a part of our balancing of the recent interconference period. Likewise must examples of discarded galleys and �110 SLOVAKIA the shredding of freshly published books and literary works of our expelled writers be included in this picture. It has to be said with sadness that the losses of creative forces in literature, the arts, and in all cultural activity on the part of Czechs are immeasurably greater than those of the Slovaks. I personally feel the continuation of this situation of precious losses as a great fault of our cultural policy, as a serious crime against our creative element and our respective literatures, arts and cultures. Twenty-one years ago, the poet Vitezslav Nezval said at a conference on Czech poetry in Prague: "So long as a single poet in this land lives with the feeling that he cannot publish, my comrades, something is out of order. '' And a year later, at the Second Conference of Czechoslovak Writers, in Prague in 1956, the poet Frantisek Hrubin said: "He who walks among us unconcernedly, writes and calmly gathers honors and goes to sleep peacefully, as though he knew nothing was amiss, who does not cry out aloud, 'A crime is being committed!' is a disguised bourgeois and egotist, and the one who is only secretly ashamed, is a coward!" Esteemed Conference: I can no longer bear the secret shame that I am allowed to publish while others cannot. I can probably claim some justification for myself, namely, that I was one of those who long believed and hoped that the conflicts and injustices would be corrected and solved, and with the intention of improving a difficult societal situation especially for young people, I worked from the fall of 1968 to the end of 1971 in the editorial offices of juvenile publications. Then I somehow stopped hoping. It became necessary for me to create for myself a new working situation in order to accomplish something. I worked hard physically and mentally, I found my place in a new environment where things are called by their right name, and, after long deliberations and daily conversations with people who are being shipped out of our own communities to factories, railroads and other places of occupation, or with those who remained to work in the JRD (collective farms) that is, after acquiring new experiences and knowledge and, of course, as I followed the course of domestic and world events in the press and in our own and foreign broadcasts - I decided to speak out honestly about that which hurts us and disturbs us. We are suffering morally, and our moral suffering is caused by the moral suffering of others, by the endless contradictions between words and deeds, by the rampant growth of half-truths and lies, by unceasing duplicity, and by the incomprehensibly harmful interventions of our society. Our Sturovian poet said 130 years ago: ' 'Among us one loves! '' Another said: ''Among us one sings.'' But today our poetic nation says: '' Among us one deceives!'' And we hear it said further: ''I wouldn't say anything if it were just a little deception; for after all, I too deceive an old woman a little if I can �SLOVAKIA 111 get away with short-changing her a decimeter; but here the deception goes on daily, and only on Sunday is there a little truth to be found. And as for freely confessing our faith? You have to crawl through the back alleys if you want your child christened. And as for equal rights? This is what they are like: Take a child who has completed his entrance examinations with distinction, both parents are workers - but the child is not only not accepted by the school, but is not even given the right to appeal! For it is said that even the application for an appeal must be made in advance, and that even the appeal will be decided in advance by the higher authorities. That's what they told me, I swear!" our people conclude, and they must then go to other districts to find a school that will enroll their child. Our people are indeed grateful for their material improvements, and yet they have a soul as well - the kind of soul they have possessed for ages - and so they are not satisfied merely with material things. They want to realize their full personal dignity, the respect of their communities toward everything that is within them. They also wish independently to be able to evaluate their abilities and to arrive at their conclusions and views without the endless propaganda and imposition of prescribed and ready-made views, as well as without fear of unpleasant consequences if they do not always parrot a for a, but also must do the same for b, c, d, and so on to z. Our people are also entitled to their full dignity in their congregations and the feeling of actual freedom to confess their faith and to perform the activities pertaining thereto. It is impossible, after all, to make instant atheists quickly, haphazardly and forcibly out of one-third of the population of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic that still professes a religious faith. I have not touched upon our literature of the last period, but I know that our literature has lost its experimentation and innovation, and that these have been replaced in the main by conventional tastes, ideas and forms. Such innovations as do manage to appear here or there are not welcomed directly. And the significance of exceptional works is systematically pushed into the background if their author is not on the list of acceptable authors who may publish but without publicity. Esteemed Conference, I conclude. I have spoken extremely critically, because if I had said anything of a complimentary nature, that would have amounted to carrying wood into the forest considering our press of late. And I have spoken extremely critically also out of carefulness, lest it happen, God forbid, that out of my presentation only some positive excerpt would be quoted in print. That happens among us regularly with the comments of author-delegates. And finally, I permit myself the privilege of proposing a motion: that our debates at this conference be published. I think that now when our press has lately revealed such an interest in writers and their signatures, that there would be an equal willingness to provide space for their debates at their Third Write rs ' Conference.'' �112 SLOVAKIA FOOTNOTES (1) See Chapter X in my book Slovak Language and Literature (University of Manitoba, Dept. of Slavic Studies, Winnipeg, 1975) pp. 215-234. (2) See H. Gordon Skilling, Czechoslovakia's Interrupted Revolution (Princeton , 1976), pp. 62-72, and J . Kirschbaum , " Slovakia in the de-Stalinization Process of Czechoslovakia," Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. X, 4, 1968, pp. 549-556. (3) Skilling, "Czechoslovakia and Helsinki," Canadian Slavonic Papers, XVIII, 3, pp. 246-253. (4) Skilling, ibid., p. 254. � SLOVAKIA 107 A Call for Courage HANA PONICKA INTRODUCTION BY J.M . KIRSCHBAUM Due to the peculiar circumstances under which the Slovak people were subjected to Communism, cultural life in Slovakia may have experienced the strongest repression of any Soviet satellite. (1) The short period of liberalization under A. Dubcek proved, however, that the Stalinist system was unable to break the moral backbone of Slovak writers or to eradicate Slovak literary traditions. Within a few months after the suspension of censorship, Slovak intellectuals displayed a moral courage which startled Wes tern observers. They were among the initiators of the struggle for "socialism with a human face. '' They condemned and criticized the excesses of the Stalinist period, called for rehabilitation of its victims, and insisted on giving cultural institutions (Matica Slovenska, for instance) their original functions and cultural freedom. (2) The short period of liberalization made possible a freer portrayal of the past in literary and political history. The memoirs of T. J. Gaspar and testimonies about political trials (G. Husak, E. Loebl, D . Viest and others) were published. Cultural contacts with the Western world were renewed. This new cultural freedom was interrupted by the invasion of the Warsaw Pact armies on August 21, 1968. The subsequent Soviet occupation put an end to free cultural expression. " Socialism with a human face '' perished with the final removal of Dubcek from his position in the Spring of 1969. The new regime under Dr. Gustav Husak proclaimed the Soviet invasion an act of 'fraternal assistance of the socialist countries to protect socialism in Czecho-Slovakia. ' ' It introduced a policy of "normalization. " Dubcek 's liberalization was condemned as "counterrevolutionary. ' ' Massive purges eliminated thousands of people from scientific institutions, artists' unions, schools, broadcasting, journalism, and literary journals. The regime "moved swiftly to block or to reverse the major reforms of 1968, including political democratization, freedom of expression and association, legal reform and rehabiliation . . . '' One saw ' 'the restoration of the Soviet model in all spheres of life. The penetration of Soviet ideas was so blatant that a visitor could not escape the impression that Czecho-Slovakia had taken on the character of a Soviet republic. " (3) Among the first measures of this ' 'normalization'' policy were the introduction of a strict censorship and the establishment of new committees to head cultural and scientific institutions. The Academy of �108 SLOVAKIA Sciences and the Matica Slovenska were transformed into instruments for the "development of socialist culture, science and education in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism. " Artists' unions were transformed into ideological organizations subject to the Communist Party. The periodicals Kulturny iivot and Nova tvorba were forced out of publication. Many scholars, writers, and artists found themselves pariahs, unable to engage in creative work of any kind, and restricted to menial work, at a very low fixed income. Their children also suffered from discrimination in schooling and employment. New and refined methods of persecution were employed, not as grim and macabre as the slow trials of the 'fifties.' These took the form, in Havel's words, of existential pressure, threatening every one, high or low, loyal or disloyal, with loss of position in case of nonconformity. ''This became a veritable vendetta against all who were engaged in reform activities in 1968 and who were unwilling to recant. "(4) That this ''normalization'' has not changed during the past eight years, observers of the Sovak cultural scene have little doubt. Corroboration is found in a courageous address by a Slovak writer who was neither purged nor persecuted, Hana Ponicka. Here follow, in abbreviated form, without the knowledge or permission of the author, her propositions for discussion at the 3rd Conference of Slovak Writers in Bratislava, March 2, 1977, undelivered due to the preemptory halting of discussion, but offered to the Conference as a matter of record. Esteemed assembly: This is our third Slovak Writers' Conference . In the five years since our last conference, held May 31, 1972 in Bratislava, every one of us has surely created something. We have realized the publication of new books and various dramatic and other works. Numerically, with respect to contemporary Slovak literature, this is not the worst record, for our classics are being reissued, and new editions of Slovak translations of classical world literature are also being published. And yet I am not, I cannot be, satisfied. In the vicinity of the village where I live, I see in the fall a great amount of ungathered harvest. But I am troubled just as much by the ungathered harvests in our literary fields. We have been living for nine years now in an atmosphere of unusual social tension. Even during such long-lasting tension, however, it is possible for excellent works to appear that are worth reading and deserving of literary criticism. And yet we have suffered and continue to suffer disproportionate losses. In the past few years, we have lost more notable writers. Though they have died, their work continues to be published. But besides them we have lost many remarkable writers living here and elsewhere, fully capable of creativity, but whose work has not appeared for many years. To this day they are not fellow-members of our writers' organization, nor are �SLOVAKIA 109 they permitted to publish, writers such as Dominik Tatarka, Peter Karvas, and Ladislav Tazky. Nor, unlike the works of other writers recently deceased, do the highly qualified translations of Zora Jesenska from Russian, Soviet, English classics and contemporary literature appear, and are even less likely to. If her name was not mentioned among the others in the requested moment of reverent silence by which we were to honor the work and memory of all our departed writers, I do so at least now with this brief pause of respect. To this day (a long list of writers) is forbidden to publish their poems, prose, or translations , articles or literary critiques, or to write with the hope of being published , whether they are former members or candidates of our writers' organization or even non-members and workers on our literary and cultural journals, such as Jan Rozner, Pavol Hruz, Milan Hamada, Josef Bzoch , Fedor Cadra, Miroslav Kusy, Zlata Solivajsova, Miroslav Hysko, Michal Gafri, Julius Vanovic, Ctibor Stitnicky, Frantisek Andrascik, Stefan Moravcik, Roman Kalisky, Juraj Spitzer, Albert Marencin, Agnesa Kalinova, Sona Cechova, Ladislav Dobis, Ivan Kadlecik , Jan Kalina, Tomas Winkler, and others. If there are any errors in my listing, or if in the case of some authors administrative changes have taken place, that is not my fault. Meeting less seldom in the framework of our organization now than ever before, we know very little about each other. Hence we do not have in our ranks to this day many creators of literature, criticism, journalism or dramatic works. Their names have been lost together with their works from the catalogs and shelves of our public libraries. And yet these friends and colleagues of ours work and live among us, or rather, apart from us and around us. They work in jobs, though not the worst in every case, that are mostly foreign to them and inferior to their abilities. Some of the younger ones who did not try to become members of the Slovak Writers ' Union have taken hold of axe and spade, but among them there are also those who are literally vegetating physically, morally and spiritually - on pension. And what particularly catches us up short is the fact that years ago many of them were awarded the highest artistic titles and honors of our socialist state. As far as I know, these titles have not been taken away from them . Titles, yes; publication, no. I shall never forget that picture of our contemporary literature that appeared to me a couple of years ago when, on the occasion of my chats with them in schools of various districts, Slovak students and their teachers showed me pages of these literary textbooks crossed-out . With what knowledge of our recent history will those youths go out into the world, who with their own hands had to expunge from their textbooks the names and works of living writers, whom they were recently taught to respect and admire? This picture of expunged contemporary literature must also be a part of our balancing of the recent interconference period. Likewise must examples of discarded galleys and �110 SLOVAKIA the shredding of freshly published books and literary works of our expelled writers be included in this picture. It has to be said with sadness that the losses of creative forces in literature, the arts, and in all cultural activity on the part of Czechs are immeasurably greater than those of the Slovaks. I personally feel the continuation of this situation of precious losses as a great fault of our cultural policy, as a serious crime against our creative element and our respective literatures, arts and cultures. Twenty-one years ago, the poet Vitezslav Nezval said at a conference on Czech poetry in Prague: "So long as a single poet in this land lives with the feeling that he cannot publish, my comrades, something is out of order. '' And a year later, at the Second Conference of Czechoslovak Writers, in Prague in 1956, the poet Frantisek Hrubin said: "He who walks among us unconcernedly, writes and calmly gathers honors and goes to sleep peacefully, as though he knew nothing was amiss, who does not cry out aloud, 'A crime is being committed!' is a disguised bourgeois and egotist, and the one who is only secretly ashamed, is a coward!" Esteemed Conference: I can no longer bear the secret shame that I am allowed to publish while others cannot. I can probably claim some justification for myself, namely, that I was one of those who long believed and hoped that the conflicts and injustices would be corrected and solved, and with the intention of improving a difficult societal situation especially for young people, I worked from the fall of 1968 to the end of 1971 in the editorial offices of juvenile publications. Then I somehow stopped hoping. It became necessary for me to create for myself a new working situation in order to accomplish something. I worked hard physically and mentally, I found my place in a new environment where things are called by their right name, and, after long deliberations and daily conversations with people who are being shipped out of our own communities to factories, railroads and other places of occupation, or with those who remained to work in the JRD (collective farms) that is, after acquiring new experiences and knowledge and, of course, as I followed the course of domestic and world events in the press and in our own and foreign broadcasts - I decided to speak out honestly about that which hurts us and disturbs us. We are suffering morally, and our moral suffering is caused by the moral suffering of others, by the endless contradictions between words and deeds, by the rampant growth of half-truths and lies, by unceasing duplicity, and by the incomprehensibly harmful interventions of our society. Our Sturovian poet said 130 years ago: ' 'Among us one loves! '' Another said: ''Among us one sings.'' But today our poetic nation says: '' Among us one deceives!'' And we hear it said further: ''I wouldn't say anything if it were just a little deception; for after all, I too deceive an old woman a little if I can �SLOVAKIA 111 get away with short-changing her a decimeter; but here the deception goes on daily, and only on Sunday is there a little truth to be found. And as for freely confessing our faith? You have to crawl through the back alleys if you want your child christened. And as for equal rights? This is what they are like: Take a child who has completed his entrance examinations with distinction, both parents are workers - but the child is not only not accepted by the school, but is not even given the right to appeal! For it is said that even the application for an appeal must be made in advance, and that even the appeal will be decided in advance by the higher authorities. That's what they told me, I swear!" our people conclude, and they must then go to other districts to find a school that will enroll their child. Our people are indeed grateful for their material improvements, and yet they have a soul as well - the kind of soul they have possessed for ages - and so they are not satisfied merely with material things. They want to realize their full personal dignity, the respect of their communities toward everything that is within them. They also wish independently to be able to evaluate their abilities and to arrive at their conclusions and views without the endless propaganda and imposition of prescribed and ready-made views, as well as without fear of unpleasant consequences if they do not always parrot a for a, but also must do the same for b, c, d, and so on to z. Our people are also entitled to their full dignity in their congregations and the feeling of actual freedom to confess their faith and to perform the activities pertaining thereto. It is impossible, after all, to make instant atheists quickly, haphazardly and forcibly out of one-third of the population of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic that still professes a religious faith. I have not touched upon our literature of the last period, but I know that our literature has lost its experimentation and innovation, and that these have been replaced in the main by conventional tastes, ideas and forms. Such innovations as do manage to appear here or there are not welcomed directly. And the significance of exceptional works is systematically pushed into the background if their author is not on the list of acceptable authors who may publish but without publicity. Esteemed Conference, I conclude. I have spoken extremely critically, because if I had said anything of a complimentary nature, that would have amounted to carrying wood into the forest considering our press of late. And I have spoken extremely critically also out of carefulness, lest it happen, God forbid, that out of my presentation only some positive excerpt would be quoted in print. That happens among us regularly with the comments of author-delegates. And finally, I permit myself the privilege of proposing a motion: that our debates at this conference be published. I think that now when our press has lately revealed such an interest in writers and their signatures, that there would be an equal willingness to provide space for their debates at their Third Write rs ' Conference.'' �112 SLOVAKIA FOOTNOTES (1) See Chapter X in my book Slovak Language and Literature (University of Manitoba, Dept. of Slavic Studies, Winnipeg, 1975) pp. 215-234. (2) See H. Gordon Skilling, Czechoslovakia's Interrupted Revolution (Princeton , 1976), pp. 62-72, and J . Kirschbaum , " Slovakia in the de-Stalinization Process of Czechoslovakia," Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. X, 4, 1968, pp. 549-556. (3) Skilling, "Czechoslovakia and Helsinki," Canadian Slavonic Papers, XVIII, 3, pp. 246-253. (4) Skilling, ibid., p. 254. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1977, Vol. 27 Description An account of the resource Vol. 27 (No. 50), 1977. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 107 A Call for Courage HANA PONICKA INTRODUCTION BY J.M . KIRSCHBAUM Due to the peculiar circumstances under which the Slovak people were subjected to Communism, cultural life in Slovakia may have experienced the strongest repression of any Soviet satellite. (1) The short period of liberalization under A. Dubcek proved, however, that the Stalinist system was unable to break the moral backbone of Slovak writers or to eradicate Slovak literary traditions. Within a few months after the suspension of censorship, Slovak intellectuals displayed a moral courage which startled Wes tern observers. They were among the initiators of the struggle for "socialism with a human face. '' They condemned and criticized the excesses of the Stalinist period, called for rehabilitation of its victims, and insisted on giving cultural institutions (Matica Slovenska, for instance) their original functions and cultural freedom. (2) The short period of liberalization made possible a freer portrayal of the past in literary and political history. The memoirs of T. J. Gaspar and testimonies about political trials (G. Husak, E. Loebl, D . Viest and others) were published. Cultural contacts with the Western world were renewed. This new cultural freedom was interrupted by the invasion of the Warsaw Pact armies on August 21, 1968. The subsequent Soviet occupation put an end to free cultural expression. " Socialism with a human face '' perished with the final removal of Dubcek from his position in the Spring of 1969. The new regime under Dr. Gustav Husak proclaimed the Soviet invasion an act of 'fraternal assistance of the socialist countries to protect socialism in Czecho-Slovakia. ' ' It introduced a policy of "normalization. " Dubcek 's liberalization was condemned as "counterrevolutionary. ' ' Massive purges eliminated thousands of people from scientific institutions, artists' unions, schools, broadcasting, journalism, and literary journals. The regime "moved swiftly to block or to reverse the major reforms of 1968, including political democratization, freedom of expression and association, legal reform and rehabiliation . . . '' One saw ' 'the restoration of the Soviet model in all spheres of life. The penetration of Soviet ideas was so blatant that a visitor could not escape the impression that Czecho-Slovakia had taken on the character of a Soviet republic. " (3) Among the first measures of this ' 'normalization'' policy were the introduction of a strict censorship and the establishment of new committees to head cultural and scientific institutions. The Academy of 108 SLOVAKIA Sciences and the Matica Slovenska were transformed into instruments for the "development of socialist culture, science and education in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism. " Artists' unions were transformed into ideological organizations subject to the Communist Party. The periodicals Kulturny iivot and Nova tvorba were forced out of publication. Many scholars, writers, and artists found themselves pariahs, unable to engage in creative work of any kind, and restricted to menial work, at a very low fixed income. Their children also suffered from discrimination in schooling and employment. New and refined methods of persecution were employed, not as grim and macabre as the slow trials of the 'fifties.' These took the form, in Havel's words, of existential pressure, threatening every one, high or low, loyal or disloyal, with loss of position in case of nonconformity. ''This became a veritable vendetta against all who were engaged in reform activities in 1968 and who were unwilling to recant. "(4) That this ''normalization'' has not changed during the past eight years, observers of the Sovak cultural scene have little doubt. Corroboration is found in a courageous address by a Slovak writer who was neither purged nor persecuted, Hana Ponicka. Here follow, in abbreviated form, without the knowledge or permission of the author, her propositions for discussion at the 3rd Conference of Slovak Writers in Bratislava, March 2, 1977, undelivered due to the preemptory halting of discussion, but offered to the Conference as a matter of record. Esteemed assembly: This is our third Slovak Writers' Conference . In the five years since our last conference, held May 31, 1972 in Bratislava, every one of us has surely created something. We have realized the publication of new books and various dramatic and other works. Numerically, with respect to contemporary Slovak literature, this is not the worst record, for our classics are being reissued, and new editions of Slovak translations of classical world literature are also being published. And yet I am not, I cannot be, satisfied. In the vicinity of the village where I live, I see in the fall a great amount of ungathered harvest. But I am troubled just as much by the ungathered harvests in our literary fields. We have been living for nine years now in an atmosphere of unusual social tension. Even during such long-lasting tension, however, it is possible for excellent works to appear that are worth reading and deserving of literary criticism. And yet we have suffered and continue to suffer disproportionate losses. In the past few years, we have lost more notable writers. Though they have died, their work continues to be published. But besides them we have lost many remarkable writers living here and elsewhere, fully capable of creativity, but whose work has not appeared for many years. To this day they are not fellow-members of our writers' organization, nor are SLOVAKIA 109 they permitted to publish, writers such as Dominik Tatarka, Peter Karvas, and Ladislav Tazky. Nor, unlike the works of other writers recently deceased, do the highly qualified translations of Zora Jesenska from Russian, Soviet, English classics and contemporary literature appear, and are even less likely to. If her name was not mentioned among the others in the requested moment of reverent silence by which we were to honor the work and memory of all our departed writers, I do so at least now with this brief pause of respect. To this day (a long list of writers) is forbidden to publish their poems, prose, or translations , articles or literary critiques, or to write with the hope of being published , whether they are former members or candidates of our writers' organization or even non-members and workers on our literary and cultural journals, such as Jan Rozner, Pavol Hruz, Milan Hamada, Josef Bzoch , Fedor Cadra, Miroslav Kusy, Zlata Solivajsova, Miroslav Hysko, Michal Gafri, Julius Vanovic, Ctibor Stitnicky, Frantisek Andrascik, Stefan Moravcik, Roman Kalisky, Juraj Spitzer, Albert Marencin, Agnesa Kalinova, Sona Cechova, Ladislav Dobis, Ivan Kadlecik , Jan Kalina, Tomas Winkler, and others. If there are any errors in my listing, or if in the case of some authors administrative changes have taken place, that is not my fault. Meeting less seldom in the framework of our organization now than ever before, we know very little about each other. Hence we do not have in our ranks to this day many creators of literature, criticism, journalism or dramatic works. Their names have been lost together with their works from the catalogs and shelves of our public libraries. And yet these friends and colleagues of ours work and live among us, or rather, apart from us and around us. They work in jobs, though not the worst in every case, that are mostly foreign to them and inferior to their abilities. Some of the younger ones who did not try to become members of the Slovak Writers ' Union have taken hold of axe and spade, but among them there are also those who are literally vegetating physically, morally and spiritually - on pension. And what particularly catches us up short is the fact that years ago many of them were awarded the highest artistic titles and honors of our socialist state. As far as I know, these titles have not been taken away from them . Titles, yes; publication, no. I shall never forget that picture of our contemporary literature that appeared to me a couple of years ago when, on the occasion of my chats with them in schools of various districts, Slovak students and their teachers showed me pages of these literary textbooks crossed-out . With what knowledge of our recent history will those youths go out into the world, who with their own hands had to expunge from their textbooks the names and works of living writers, whom they were recently taught to respect and admire? This picture of expunged contemporary literature must also be a part of our balancing of the recent interconference period. Likewise must examples of discarded galleys and 110 SLOVAKIA the shredding of freshly published books and literary works of our expelled writers be included in this picture. It has to be said with sadness that the losses of creative forces in literature, the arts, and in all cultural activity on the part of Czechs are immeasurably greater than those of the Slovaks. I personally feel the continuation of this situation of precious losses as a great fault of our cultural policy, as a serious crime against our creative element and our respective literatures, arts and cultures. Twenty-one years ago, the poet Vitezslav Nezval said at a conference on Czech poetry in Prague: "So long as a single poet in this land lives with the feeling that he cannot publish, my comrades, something is out of order. '' And a year later, at the Second Conference of Czechoslovak Writers, in Prague in 1956, the poet Frantisek Hrubin said: "He who walks among us unconcernedly, writes and calmly gathers honors and goes to sleep peacefully, as though he knew nothing was amiss, who does not cry out aloud, 'A crime is being committed!' is a disguised bourgeois and egotist, and the one who is only secretly ashamed, is a coward!" Esteemed Conference: I can no longer bear the secret shame that I am allowed to publish while others cannot. I can probably claim some justification for myself, namely, that I was one of those who long believed and hoped that the conflicts and injustices would be corrected and solved, and with the intention of improving a difficult societal situation especially for young people, I worked from the fall of 1968 to the end of 1971 in the editorial offices of juvenile publications. Then I somehow stopped hoping. It became necessary for me to create for myself a new working situation in order to accomplish something. I worked hard physically and mentally, I found my place in a new environment where things are called by their right name, and, after long deliberations and daily conversations with people who are being shipped out of our own communities to factories, railroads and other places of occupation, or with those who remained to work in the JRD (collective farms) that is, after acquiring new experiences and knowledge and, of course, as I followed the course of domestic and world events in the press and in our own and foreign broadcasts - I decided to speak out honestly about that which hurts us and disturbs us. We are suffering morally, and our moral suffering is caused by the moral suffering of others, by the endless contradictions between words and deeds, by the rampant growth of half-truths and lies, by unceasing duplicity, and by the incomprehensibly harmful interventions of our society. Our Sturovian poet said 130 years ago: ' 'Among us one loves! '' Another said: ''Among us one sings.'' But today our poetic nation says: '' Among us one deceives!'' And we hear it said further: ''I wouldn't say anything if it were just a little deception; for after all, I too deceive an old woman a little if I can SLOVAKIA 111 get away with short-changing her a decimeter; but here the deception goes on daily, and only on Sunday is there a little truth to be found. And as for freely confessing our faith? You have to crawl through the back alleys if you want your child christened. And as for equal rights? This is what they are like: Take a child who has completed his entrance examinations with distinction, both parents are workers - but the child is not only not accepted by the school, but is not even given the right to appeal! For it is said that even the application for an appeal must be made in advance, and that even the appeal will be decided in advance by the higher authorities. That's what they told me, I swear!" our people conclude, and they must then go to other districts to find a school that will enroll their child. Our people are indeed grateful for their material improvements, and yet they have a soul as well - the kind of soul they have possessed for ages - and so they are not satisfied merely with material things. They want to realize their full personal dignity, the respect of their communities toward everything that is within them. They also wish independently to be able to evaluate their abilities and to arrive at their conclusions and views without the endless propaganda and imposition of prescribed and ready-made views, as well as without fear of unpleasant consequences if they do not always parrot a for a, but also must do the same for b, c, d, and so on to z. Our people are also entitled to their full dignity in their congregations and the feeling of actual freedom to confess their faith and to perform the activities pertaining thereto. It is impossible, after all, to make instant atheists quickly, haphazardly and forcibly out of one-third of the population of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic that still professes a religious faith. I have not touched upon our literature of the last period, but I know that our literature has lost its experimentation and innovation, and that these have been replaced in the main by conventional tastes, ideas and forms. Such innovations as do manage to appear here or there are not welcomed directly. And the significance of exceptional works is systematically pushed into the background if their author is not on the list of acceptable authors who may publish but without publicity. Esteemed Conference, I conclude. I have spoken extremely critically, because if I had said anything of a complimentary nature, that would have amounted to carrying wood into the forest considering our press of late. And I have spoken extremely critically also out of carefulness, lest it happen, God forbid, that out of my presentation only some positive excerpt would be quoted in print. That happens among us regularly with the comments of author-delegates. And finally, I permit myself the privilege of proposing a motion: that our debates at this conference be published. I think that now when our press has lately revealed such an interest in writers and their signatures, that there would be an equal willingness to provide space for their debates at their Third Write rs ' Conference.'' 112 SLOVAKIA FOOTNOTES (1) See Chapter X in my book Slovak Language and Literature (University of Manitoba, Dept. of Slavic Studies, Winnipeg, 1975) pp. 215-234. (2) See H. Gordon Skilling, Czechoslovakia's Interrupted Revolution (Princeton , 1976), pp. 62-72, and J . Kirschbaum , " Slovakia in the de-Stalinization Process of Czechoslovakia," Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. X, 4, 1968, pp. 549-556. (3) Skilling, "Czechoslovakia and Helsinki," Canadian Slavonic Papers, XVIII, 3, pp. 246-253. (4) Skilling, ibid., p. 254.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Call for Courage Description An account of the resource Hana Ponická Introduction by J.M. Kirschbaum Slovakia, Vol. 27 (No. 50), 1977 pp. 107-112 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ponická, Hana, 1922-2007 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/7d97e1ae997cc00824b72d452319f796.pdf 25acadf4a597bdd67b6c46605eb3835b PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - --- ----- -JOHN HOLLY.:.:.:.. PIONEER IN SLOVAK POETRY Cyril J. Potocek What ma dness beset you, what evil spirit urged you, That brother s redden their swords with brothers' blood; And the kingd om for which your ancestors toiled, Should through your ha te, crumble to dust? Thus did John Holly (1785-1849) in his ELEGIES lament the fall of the Great Moravian Empire. The Bernolak school produced this first Slovak poet, Holly, whose works were composed in the classical style. ,·~1··.1. The Age of Romanticism had been ushered into the .literatures of Britain by Byron, France by Hugo, Italy by Leopardi, Germany by Heine, Russia by Pushkin, and Poland by Mickiewicz. The Slovaks were familiar with the new romanticism appeared in 1833, retained the classical form. Holly's adherence to the classical form stemmed directly from the pattern of his life. He w~· born in Bury, nea:r Sastin, Bratislava County. He attended school at Skalica and Bratislava and then went to the seminary at Trnava to study for the priesthood. After his ordination in 1808, John Holly served as curate in Pobedim and IDohovec and in 1814 became the pastor at Madunice, a village overlooking the beautiful Vah River. In his ODES, Hollf tells how he composed his poetry under the leafy arms of an old oak tree. But his pastoral idyll ended abruptly in 1843 when his house took fire and the flames left him badly burned and almost blind. Holly went to live with a friend, the parish priest at Dobra Voda, and died there, totally blind, on April 14, 1849. In 1854 his grateful countrymen erected a monument over his grave in Dobra Voda. We have seen that the spirit of romanticism did not touch the poet, and from the review .of his life one can surmise the reason. Holly's education-jn•, .the Greek and Latin classics and his life as a priest, spent,·amid the Latin liturgical services, contributed to his preference of the classical form. �64 SLOVAKIA As a student, Holly had rendered translations from Virgil, Homer, Ovid, and Horace, which he published at Trnava in 1824 under the title MISCffiLLANEX)US POEMS (Rozlicne basne). The translations from Homer won the commendation of Jungmann, Safarik, and Niederle. In 1828 his translation of Virgil's AENEID was published at Trnava. In 1833 appeared Holly's longest poem, SVATOPLUK , a heroic epic in twelve cantos, also published at Trnava. This work, on which he had labored from 1827 to 1830, evidenced the author's profound study of Homer and Virgil. But the Svatopluk of Holly is not the Svatopluk of history, the ruler of the Great Moravian Empire from 870 to 894. Holly entwined history and mythology to present an ideal Svatopluk, not the treacherous prince of Nitra who joined the Germans against his uncle, Rastislav, the ruler of the empire, in the hope of winning the crown for himself. Holly's poetic genius had used a Slovak dialect in the composition of a masterpiece of Slovak literature. DAWN (Zora), the organ of Bernolak's school in Budapest, published his next work IDYLIJS (rSelanky) in 1835. These verses are poetic pictures of the happy pastoral life, composed between 1830 to 1835. The poet takes his reader through fertile fields watered by the river Vah, which served as the pasture ground for the villagers' cows and sheep, to meet the playful, music-loving, pastoral people. In a series of twenty-one idylls you meet the shepherd; mourn the death of the popular village singer ; greet a young couple on their way to be married; witness the fight between two powerful shepherds ; console the spurned lover; attend a marriage feast; and tend sheep in the lush meadows. Of his poetry Holly loved most his IDYiLLS because they recalled to him the pleasant life of his pastorate among a kind, simple, loveable flock. In 1835 at Budapest Holly's heroic epic in six cantos, CYRILLO-ME THODIADA, was published. Unlike his Svatopluk, this poem is historically accurate. Again the poet returns to the time of the Great Moravian Empire to describe the coming of the Apostles of the Slovaks and their missionary labors. �SLOVAKIA 66 In his SLAV, another heroic epic poem, Holly describes in seven cantos the deeds of Slav, the mythical father of the Slovaks, who led his people to victory against their enemies, the fierce Cudi. The events of this poem are wholly imaginative. The final creations of the first Slovak poet were his ELEGIES (Zalospevy) and ODES (Ody), published in 1839 and 1840, followed by two Catholic hymnals (Spevniky) in 1842 and 1846. The ffiLEGIES were the poetic lament of Holly for the destruction of the Slovak kingdom, the Great Moravian Empire, in 907 by Magyar horsemen. Again and again he returns to the rulers of that empire, Mojmir, Rastislav, Svatopluk; to the treachery, perfidy, and villainy that brought ruin to the Slovak State. His ODES treat of the present: the ode on Anton Bernolak glowingly praises the Slovak language; the one on the Slovak nation looks to the future with firm faith. The works of Holly created a Slovak national poetry and, despite their absorption in the Slovak past, these poems served to r evive the Slovak spirit then at a very low ebb. They urged the people to regard their past with pride and look to the future with hope. When we consider the difficulties that Holly had overcome in using the western Slovak dialect, a new literary medium, in the composition of his poetry, we must admire the talent of an artist forced to use imperfect tools for his creations. Holly's genius influenced his contemporaries, who were to establish central Slovak as the literary language. In 1846, when Andrew Sladkovic, the greatest poet of Stu.r's school, gave his lovely MARINA to the Slovak people, a blind old priest, spending his last years at Dobra V oda, was fondly recalling the .p leasant days when he lay beneath an ancient oak at Madunice composing his pastoral idylls . • • • WHO SAID IT ? "The Russians like ourselves are Slavs, but when our blood brothers are Communists and Bolsheviks, we'll figlit them to the last man." (Statemen t m ade b y Dr. Josef Tiso, m ar- tyred P resident of Slovakia, to E . L. Delan ey, inite rnaUonally k nown American writer, co rre,s,pondenlt, speake r and n ew s commentator.) � SLOVAKIA - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - --- ----- -JOHN HOLLY.:.:.:.. PIONEER IN SLOVAK POETRY Cyril J. Potocek What ma dness beset you, what evil spirit urged you, That brother s redden their swords with brothers' blood; And the kingd om for which your ancestors toiled, Should through your ha te, crumble to dust? Thus did John Holly (1785-1849) in his ELEGIES lament the fall of the Great Moravian Empire. The Bernolak school produced this first Slovak poet, Holly, whose works were composed in the classical style. ,·~1··.1. The Age of Romanticism had been ushered into the .literatures of Britain by Byron, France by Hugo, Italy by Leopardi, Germany by Heine, Russia by Pushkin, and Poland by Mickiewicz. The Slovaks were familiar with the new romanticism appeared in 1833, retained the classical form. Holly's adherence to the classical form stemmed directly from the pattern of his life. He w~· born in Bury, nea:r Sastin, Bratislava County. He attended school at Skalica and Bratislava and then went to the seminary at Trnava to study for the priesthood. After his ordination in 1808, John Holly served as curate in Pobedim and IDohovec and in 1814 became the pastor at Madunice, a village overlooking the beautiful Vah River. In his ODES, Hollf tells how he composed his poetry under the leafy arms of an old oak tree. But his pastoral idyll ended abruptly in 1843 when his house took fire and the flames left him badly burned and almost blind. Holly went to live with a friend, the parish priest at Dobra Voda, and died there, totally blind, on April 14, 1849. In 1854 his grateful countrymen erected a monument over his grave in Dobra Voda. We have seen that the spirit of romanticism did not touch the poet, and from the review .of his life one can surmise the reason. Holly's education-jn•, .the Greek and Latin classics and his life as a priest, spent,·amid the Latin liturgical services, contributed to his preference of the classical form. �64 SLOVAKIA As a student, Holly had rendered translations from Virgil, Homer, Ovid, and Horace, which he published at Trnava in 1824 under the title MISCffiLLANEX)US POEMS (Rozlicne basne). The translations from Homer won the commendation of Jungmann, Safarik, and Niederle. In 1828 his translation of Virgil's AENEID was published at Trnava. In 1833 appeared Holly's longest poem, SVATOPLUK , a heroic epic in twelve cantos, also published at Trnava. This work, on which he had labored from 1827 to 1830, evidenced the author's profound study of Homer and Virgil. But the Svatopluk of Holly is not the Svatopluk of history, the ruler of the Great Moravian Empire from 870 to 894. Holly entwined history and mythology to present an ideal Svatopluk, not the treacherous prince of Nitra who joined the Germans against his uncle, Rastislav, the ruler of the empire, in the hope of winning the crown for himself. Holly's poetic genius had used a Slovak dialect in the composition of a masterpiece of Slovak literature. DAWN (Zora), the organ of Bernolak's school in Budapest, published his next work IDYLIJS (rSelanky) in 1835. These verses are poetic pictures of the happy pastoral life, composed between 1830 to 1835. The poet takes his reader through fertile fields watered by the river Vah, which served as the pasture ground for the villagers' cows and sheep, to meet the playful, music-loving, pastoral people. In a series of twenty-one idylls you meet the shepherd; mourn the death of the popular village singer ; greet a young couple on their way to be married; witness the fight between two powerful shepherds ; console the spurned lover; attend a marriage feast; and tend sheep in the lush meadows. Of his poetry Holly loved most his IDYiLLS because they recalled to him the pleasant life of his pastorate among a kind, simple, loveable flock. In 1835 at Budapest Holly's heroic epic in six cantos, CYRILLO-ME THODIADA, was published. Unlike his Svatopluk, this poem is historically accurate. Again the poet returns to the time of the Great Moravian Empire to describe the coming of the Apostles of the Slovaks and their missionary labors. �SLOVAKIA 66 In his SLAV, another heroic epic poem, Holly describes in seven cantos the deeds of Slav, the mythical father of the Slovaks, who led his people to victory against their enemies, the fierce Cudi. The events of this poem are wholly imaginative. The final creations of the first Slovak poet were his ELEGIES (Zalospevy) and ODES (Ody), published in 1839 and 1840, followed by two Catholic hymnals (Spevniky) in 1842 and 1846. The ffiLEGIES were the poetic lament of Holly for the destruction of the Slovak kingdom, the Great Moravian Empire, in 907 by Magyar horsemen. Again and again he returns to the rulers of that empire, Mojmir, Rastislav, Svatopluk; to the treachery, perfidy, and villainy that brought ruin to the Slovak State. His ODES treat of the present: the ode on Anton Bernolak glowingly praises the Slovak language; the one on the Slovak nation looks to the future with firm faith. The works of Holly created a Slovak national poetry and, despite their absorption in the Slovak past, these poems served to r evive the Slovak spirit then at a very low ebb. They urged the people to regard their past with pride and look to the future with hope. When we consider the difficulties that Holly had overcome in using the western Slovak dialect, a new literary medium, in the composition of his poetry, we must admire the talent of an artist forced to use imperfect tools for his creations. Holly's genius influenced his contemporaries, who were to establish central Slovak as the literary language. In 1846, when Andrew Sladkovic, the greatest poet of Stu.r's school, gave his lovely MARINA to the Slovak people, a blind old priest, spending his last years at Dobra V oda, was fondly recalling the .p leasant days when he lay beneath an ancient oak at Madunice composing his pastoral idylls . • • • WHO SAID IT ? "The Russians like ourselves are Slavs, but when our blood brothers are Communists and Bolsheviks, we'll figlit them to the last man." (Statemen t m ade b y Dr. Josef Tiso, m ar- tyred P resident of Slovakia, to E . L. Delan ey, inite rnaUonally k nown American writer, co rre,s,pondenlt, speake r and n ew s commentator.) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document JOHN HOLLY. - PIONEER IN SLOVAK POETRY Cyril J. Potocek What ma dness beset you, what evil spirit urged you, That brother s redden their swords with brothers' blood; And the kingd om for which your ancestors toiled, Should through your ha te, crumble to dust? Thus did John Holly (1785-1849) in his ELEGIES lament the fall of the Great Moravian Empire. The Bernolak school produced this first Slovak poet, Holly, whose works were composed in the classical style. ,·~1··.1. The Age of Romanticism had been ushered into the .literatures of Britain by Byron, France by Hugo, Italy by Leopardi, Germany by Heine, Russia by Pushkin, and Poland by Mickiewicz. The Slovaks were familiar with the new romanticism appeared in 1833, retained the classical form. Holly's adherence to the classical form stemmed directly from the pattern of his life. He w~· born in Bury, nea:r Sastin, Bratislava County. He attended school at Skalica and Bratislava and then went to the seminary at Trnava to study for the priesthood. After his ordination in 1808, John Holly served as curate in Pobedim and IDohovec and in 1814 became the pastor at Madunice, a village overlooking the beautiful Vah River. In his ODES, Hollf tells how he composed his poetry under the leafy arms of an old oak tree. But his pastoral idyll ended abruptly in 1843 when his house took fire and the flames left him badly burned and almost blind. Holly went to live with a friend, the parish priest at Dobra Voda, and died there, totally blind, on April 14, 1849. In 1854 his grateful countrymen erected a monument over his grave in Dobra Voda. We have seen that the spirit of romanticism did not touch the poet, and from the review .of his life one can surmise the reason. Holly's education-jn•, .the Greek and Latin classics and his life as a priest, spent,·amid the Latin liturgical services, contributed to his preference of the classical form. 64 SLOVAKIA As a student, Holly had rendered translations from Virgil, Homer, Ovid, and Horace, which he published at Trnava in 1824 under the title MISCffiLLANEX)US POEMS (Rozlicne basne). The translations from Homer won the commendation of Jungmann, Safarik, and Niederle. In 1828 his translation of Virgil's AENEID was published at Trnava. In 1833 appeared Holly's longest poem, SVATOPLUK , a heroic epic in twelve cantos, also published at Trnava. This work, on which he had labored from 1827 to 1830, evidenced the author's profound study of Homer and Virgil. But the Svatopluk of Holly is not the Svatopluk of history, the ruler of the Great Moravian Empire from 870 to 894. Holly entwined history and mythology to present an ideal Svatopluk, not the treacherous prince of Nitra who joined the Germans against his uncle, Rastislav, the ruler of the empire, in the hope of winning the crown for himself. Holly's poetic genius had used a Slovak dialect in the composition of a masterpiece of Slovak literature. DAWN (Zora), the organ of Bernolak's school in Budapest, published his next work IDYLIJS (rSelanky) in 1835. These verses are poetic pictures of the happy pastoral life, composed between 1830 to 1835. The poet takes his reader through fertile fields watered by the river Vah, which served as the pasture ground for the villagers' cows and sheep, to meet the playful, music-loving, pastoral people. In a series of twenty-one idylls you meet the shepherd; mourn the death of the popular village singer ; greet a young couple on their way to be married; witness the fight between two powerful shepherds ; console the spurned lover; attend a marriage feast; and tend sheep in the lush meadows. Of his poetry Holly loved most his IDYiLLS because they recalled to him the pleasant life of his pastorate among a kind, simple, loveable flock. In 1835 at Budapest Holly's heroic epic in six cantos, CYRILLO-ME THODIADA, was published. Unlike his Svatopluk, this poem is historically accurate. Again the poet returns to the time of the Great Moravian Empire to describe the coming of the Apostles of the Slovaks and their missionary labors. SLOVAKIA 66 In his SLAV, another heroic epic poem, Holly describes in seven cantos the deeds of Slav, the mythical father of the Slovaks, who led his people to victory against their enemies, the fierce Cudi. The events of this poem are wholly imaginative. The final creations of the first Slovak poet were his ELEGIES (Zalospevy) and ODES (Ody), published in 1839 and 1840, followed by two Catholic hymnals (Spevniky) in 1842 and 1846. The ffiLEGIES were the poetic lament of Holly for the destruction of the Slovak kingdom, the Great Moravian Empire, in 907 by Magyar horsemen. Again and again he returns to the rulers of that empire, Mojmir, Rastislav, Svatopluk; to the treachery, perfidy, and villainy that brought ruin to the Slovak State. His ODES treat of the present: the ode on Anton Bernolak glowingly praises the Slovak language; the one on the Slovak nation looks to the future with firm faith. The works of Holly created a Slovak national poetry and, despite their absorption in the Slovak past, these poems served to r evive the Slovak spirit then at a very low ebb. They urged the people to regard their past with pride and look to the future with hope. When we consider the difficulties that Holly had overcome in using the western Slovak dialect, a new literary medium, in the composition of his poetry, we must admire the talent of an artist forced to use imperfect tools for his creations. Holly's genius influenced his contemporaries, who were to establish central Slovak as the literary language. In 1846, when Andrew Sladkovic, the greatest poet of Stu.r's school, gave his lovely MARINA to the Slovak people, a blind old priest, spending his last years at Dobra V oda, was fondly recalling the .p leasant days when he lay beneath an ancient oak at Madunice composing his pastoral idylls . • • • WHO SAID IT ? "The Russians like ourselves are Slavs, but when our blood brothers are Communists and Bolsheviks, we'll figlit them to the last man." (Statemen t m ade b y Dr. Josef Tiso, m ar- tyred P resident of Slovakia, to E . L. Delan ey, inite rnaUonally k nown American writer, co rre,s,pondenlt, speake r and n ew s commentator.)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource John Hollý - Pioneer in Slovak Poetry Description An account of the resource Cyril J. Potoček Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6), April 1953 pp. 53-55 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Potoček, Cyril J. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1953 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/ff74de252a983093167f8c3dbe9b6edb.pdf bc2368dcdabeca22f9f1eabb8e3121a3 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 9 HON. B. CARROLL REECE THE SUDETEN GERMANS Restoration of Internation al Morality Perhaps few people in the world today are more firmly united in opposing Communism than are the 16 million Germans expelled from the German provinces east of the Odes-Neise line, the Sudetenlan d, and other parts of Europe. These sturdy people, outnumber ing the total population of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark combined, experienced in 1945 the full impact of the Red invasion of their ancient homelands. Their expulsion to Western Germany resulted in the tragic death of more than 3 million of their number. Among these 16 million German expellees were 3.3 million Sudeten Germans, the latter group equal in size to the total population of either Eire or Norway. They were expelled in 1945 and 1946 from their ancient homeland by the Communist -led Czecho-'Slovak Governmen t of the socalled National Front. About 300,000 of them died during the process of expulsion. When speaking of the Sudetenlan d, I refer to the territory comprising the border regions of Bohemia and Moravia.Silesia, that is, the border regions of the western part of present-day Czecho-Slovakia. In 1921, 3.2 million Sudeten Germans and 6.8 million Czechs were living in Bohemia and Moravia-Si lesia while, in 1935, the figures showed 3.3 million Sudeten Germans and 7.4 million Czechs. As a political entity, a state, Czecho-Slo vakia does not antedate the year of 1918 when Bohemia and MoraviaSilesia, with its Czechs and German population, were combined with Slovakia, the latter comprising 2.3 million Slovaks and 692,000 Magyars, and with Carpathian Ruthenia inhabited by 549,000 Ruthenians . Neverthele ss, Czechs and Germans have been living side by side in those first-named regions for nearly a thousand years. The Foundation of Czecho-Slovakia Led by T. G. Masaryk and Edvard Benes, Czech politicians saw in World War I the opportunity for their people to �10 SLOVAKIA secede from the Hapsburg empire and set up an independent republic. Promising the Slovaks full autonomy, Masaryk persuaded them to join the Czechs in forming one state when he concluded with the Slovak League of America the Pittsburgh Agreement of May 30, 1918. The new Czecho-Slovak Republic then came into being on October 28, 1918. At that hour the Sudeten Cermans, on their part, decided to establish the provinces of German-Bohe mia and Sudetenland, and to associate these with the new Republic of Austria. Head of the provincial government at Prague was at the time Dr. Rudolf Lodgman von Auen. He is today the president of the National Union of Sudeten German Expellees. Dr. von Lodgman had long urged a solution of the probAustria-Hung ary on lines of federalism. He advocated of lem freedom - his ancestors had fled England at the time of Elizabeth I in search of freedom - and he stood for the right to self-determina tion. But in spite of the fact that Austria-Hung ary was ostensibly dismembered so as to realize that right, firmly proclaimed by our President Woodrow Wilson, it was squarely refused to the 3.2 million Sudeten Germans who were forced against their will to be part of the new Czecho-Slova k Republic. To subdue the demands of the people, the Czechs even dispatched troops to the Sudetenland and when, in March 1919, there were public demonstration s, the Czech military fired into the crowds causing many casualties. Leading the resistance movement in those days was Josef Seliger, chairman of the Sudeten German Social Democratic Party. Headed by Dr. Benes, the Czech delegation to the Paris Peace Conference did not shrink away from using such tricks as presenting maps showing a Sudeten German area falsely reduced. The deceit was later contradicted even by the official Czecho-Slova k census figure. In an oral statement to the Big Four, Benes admitted that the Sudeten Germans, if given a free choice, would probably secede from the new republic. To compensate for denying them the right to selfdetermination Benes, in ·a written memorandum to the peace conference, went on record in favor of a Swiss type of constitution for Czecho-Slovakia. It remained an empty promise. �SLOVAKIA 11 Dr. von Lodgman and the Slovak spokesman, Msgr. Andrew Hlinka, as well as leaders of the Magyars in CzechoSlovakia also managed to go to Paris to attend the peace conference. But they were kept in their hotels behind barbed wire ,and were not given a hearing. Prophetic Warning of a True American It was a man representing the United States who objected to the flagrant violation of the right to self-determination in the specific instance of the Sudeten Germans: Prof. Archibald Cary Coolidge, the well-known Harvard historian. In December 1918, he was appointed by the Secretary of State to be political observer in Austria-Hungary, assigned to the American Commission to Negotiate Peace and instructed to head a field mission to the former dual monarchy. (Professor Coolidge incidentally is a founder member of the New York Council in Foreign Relations and served as first editor of its quarterly, Foreign Affairs.) Dr. A. C. Coolidge summed up his observations in a detailed memorandum of March 10, 1919, which he submitted to the Peace Commission. He dealt with the problem of nationalities and new boundaries in all parts of the former Hapsburg monarchy and set out stating: "To grant to the Czecho-Slovaks all the territory they demand would be not only an injustice to millions of people unwilling to come under Czech rule, but it would also be dangerous and perhaps fatal to the future of the new state •.. The Bloodshed on March 3 when Czech soldiers in several towns fired on Germans crowds . . • was shed in a manner that is not easily f.orgiven .•• For the Bohemia of the future to contain withi,n its limits great numbers of deeply discon'tended inhabitants .•• will be a perilous experiment and one which can hardly promise success in the long run." Three weeks later, on April 1, 1919, the Sudeten German question was taken up at the Peace Conference meeting discussing the report of the Czecho-Slovak Commission on the frontiers between Czecho-Slovakia and Germany. It was at this meeting when our Secretary of State, Mr. Lansing, objected to including into the Czecho-Slovak State large Sudeten Germans areas and declared that The American delegates objected to the whole method of drawing frontier lines on strategic principles. And that - �12 SLOVAKIA The fixing of frontier lines with a view to their military strength was directly contrary to the whole spirit . . . of the policy of the United States as set forth in the declaration of President Wilson. Prospective Ally of France As Against Germany M. Laroche of the French delegation, upon being asked at this meeting whether the commission would approve of a plebiscite in the area, replied that a plebiscite could be proposed without extending it to the remainder of the German Bohemians, which would reduce the Czecho-Slovak state to very slender proportions. Mr. Lansing thereupon pl·ainly said that this was not a good reason to justify an injustice. However, the views of the French Foreign Minister prevailed, namely, to strengthen Czecho-Slovakia, which M. Pichon trusted "would remain an ally orf France" as against Germ-any. The United States, however, then began to withdraw from the scene of European political intrigues. The constitution of the CzechoJSlovak Republic was devised by a mostly Czech commission and not by a duly elected convention. Czech became the official language. The Sudeten Germans were not given a fair chance to participate. The facts of the undemocratic beginnings of Czecho-Slovakia should not be overlooked. The Czech land reform law of 1919 allotted 2,025,400 acres of German property in the Sudetenland to proteges of the Czech political parties. Only 7 percent of the land taken from Sudeten German owners was given to Sudeten German farmers, while 93 percent was handed over to new Czech settlers. In addition, land property expropriated in the central parts of Bohemia and Moravia-Silesia, that is, outside of the Sudetenland, amounting to -another 3,818,064 acres and owned by Germans, was also handed over to the Czechs. In the Sudetenland proper, 31 percent of the entire land area was confiscated in 1919. The Czech colonists were settled and Czech schools were built with the aim to break up the German language area. Discrimination Against the Sudeten Germans Although the Sudeten Germans represented about 30 percent of the total population of Bohemia and Moravia- �SLOVAKIA 13 Silesia, they made up only 10 percent of the employees of the general civil service, 13.1 percent of the postal service, 12.8 percent of the judicial administration service, 12.4 percent of the railway employees, and only 5.4 percent of the army officer corps. The police force was almost exclusively Czech. Administrative reforms in 1927 must also be regarded as discriminatory, though a smoothly working .publicity machine was able to show the outside world the picture of what appeared to be a democracy. In the 1920 parliamentary elections the Sudeten German Parties won 74 out of the 300 available seats. Some of these parties, the so-called Activists, entered the government coalition and, since 1926, most political parties of the Sudeten Germans participated in the government coalition, thus showing their honest desire to cooperate. But they were unable to gain any ground toward reforms on federative lines. Even a late-in-the-day palliative assurance of more posts to be assigned to Sudeten German civil servants remained an empty promise. The worldwide economic crisis at the end of the 1920's imposed a he::vy burden on the Sudeten Germans. Czech bankers and -administrators gave preference to Czech enterprises. Out of 800,000 unemployed 500,000 were Sudeten Germans. In 1935, the Sudeten German Party, a union of a number of political groups, polled 1,249,530 votes and thus emerged as the largest political party in all of Czecho-Slovakia, but ·was forced to remain in opposition. Early in 1937, several younger members of those German parties that participated in the government coalition made once more a concerted effort to convince the Czechs of the urgency of thoroughgoing reforms. Hans Schlitz, of the Christian Social Party, sternly demanded equal rights, while Wenzel Jaksch, of the Social Democratic Party, bluntly asked whether or not there was still a place in the Czecho-Slovak Republic for genuine Sudeten German partnership. Incidentally, both men are today distinguished members of th German Bundestag. In the growing crisis of 1938, Lord Runciman was chosen to head a mission of mediation and, after a close study on the ground, he reported: �14 SLOVAKIA " It is hard to be ruled by an alien race . . . In the last elections in 1935 the Sudeten German Party polled more votes than any other sin_gle party . . . But they can always be outvoted; and consequently some of them feel that constitutional action is useless for them ••• Even as late as the time of my mission, I could find no readiness on the part of the Czecho-Slovak Government to remedy (the complaints) on anything like an adequate scale . • • Just as it is essential for the international position of Switzerland that her policy should be entirely neutral, so an analogous policy is necessary for ,Czecho-Slovakia - not only for her own future existence but for the peace of Europe." However, Czecho-Slovakia refused to admit its multinational status and did not strive for a position of neutrality. In spite of its vulnerability, because of the large percentage of citizens of non-Czech nationality, it allowed itself to be used as a political pawn, and since the treaty in 1935 with the Soviet Union, increasingly as a pawn in the hands of the Kremlin, thereby causing its own gradual disintegration. The Prague government treated the Slovaks in much the same way as the Sudeten Germans. About half of CzechoSlovakia's total population was tired of being bossed by the 7.4 million Czechs. No wonder that the foundation of the republic began to crumble, when the Anglo-French demarche of September 21, 1938, demanded the cession to Germany of the Sudeten region. It was soon followed by demands of Poland and Hungary for the cession of areas inhabited by their conationals, 131,000 Poles and 692,000 Magyars, and finally by the declaration of independence of the 3 million Slovaks who sought recognition as a nation. Sauce of the Goose Not To Be Sauce for the Gander From the beginning the Czechs had been showing a lack of realism, a lack of willingness to plan, in good time, for constitutional reforms. If in the years after 1918 a wise solution had earnestly been sought, events might well have taken a different course. The word "Munich" has since been linked in our mind with a short-sighted, dangerous policy vis-a-vis an aggressive dictator. Surely the right to selfdetermination should not be exercised by employing violence which would only bring about new injustice. Nevertheless, the right to self-determination is today recognized as a canon of international law. A brief glance at the map of Asia and �SLOVAKIA 15 Africa will suffice to convince everybody of its potency and potentiality, of its full meaning in the realities of present-day world affairs. As to Munich, it should be remembered that neither the Czechs nor the Sudeten Germans were partners to that agreement. It was made by the four European big powers. When Hitler, in 1939, under a flimsy pretext occupied the central area of Bohemia and Moravia-'Silesia he openly violated the right to a.n independent national life of the Czech people just as the Czechs, two decades before, had violated that same right of the Sudeten Germans. To charge the Sudeten Germans with treason against the Czecho-Slovak Republic is beside the point, when the charge is made by the Czechs who themselves set the example. In opposing Austria-Hungary, Masaryk, Benes, and their adherents had solicited during World War I the support of foreign governments and had organized thousands of Czech deserters from the Austrian Army to join Czech legions on the side of the Allies. It was hard to make Sudeten Germans later believe that as to their own case "sauce of the goose was not to be sauce for the gander." The expulsion of the Sudeten Germans cannot be based on treason allegedly committed by them against the Czecho-Slovak Republic nor upon the charge of a£sociation with Hitler's policy of suppressing the Czechs. Expulsion of the Sudeten Germans Dr. Benes unfortunately seems to have blamed the Sudeten Germans for his own shortcomings and considered them instrumental in his downfall in 1938. His mind wa.3 beclouded by Germanophobia. He did not seek a just and fair solution in his dealings with those Sudeten Germans politicians who were, like he himself, exiled by the Nazi regime and living in London during World War II: I refer to Wenzel Jaksch and Richard Reitzner, both of whom now are members of the German Bundestag. According to his memoirs - Pameti - published in Prague in 1947, this is what Benes at a reception in London on January 7, 1942, told Wenzel Jaksch in an effort to have �16 SLOVAKIA him agree to deportation from Czecho-Slovakia of ,all Sudeten Germans, excepting a limited number of anti-Fascists: During the social revolution which will certainly occur we shall have to rid our country of all the German bour-geoisie, the pan.German intelligentsia and those workers whom hate turned Fascist. This would be the final solution and, so far as we are concerned, the only possible solution which we would be able to implement, namely combining our social revolution with the national revolution. I added to Jaksch and his friends: We must have the courage to speak about this openly; and especially you Social Democrats should have the cour-age to do so. This plan even contains an element of Marx. ism and Marxist dialectics in the revolutionary process which must inevitably accompany the changes in the social structure of the nation as an outcome of this great and worldwide catastrophe. After the firs,t world war . . . I foretold that the German nationalist bourgeoisie in our country would some time in the future attempt a counter-revolution and that there would be no peace between us until this bourgeoisie was subjected to a similar revolution to that which the Czechs had gone through in past centuries. Now, after the second world war, this revolution is inevitable; and the entire nationalities problem in our country will be radically solved at the same time. It is only fair to say that some Czech opposition was voiced aainst these .plans, notably from Army General Lev Prchala. Benes' Unscrupulous Play It is rather unfortunate that Benes apparently had no scruples as to how he would gain his end. For instance, in a conference on May 12, 1943, with President Roosevelt he asserted that the Russians were willing to agree to the transfer or the Sudeten Germans. Then, 17 days later, on May 29, Dr. Hubert Ripka eX!plained to Mr. Bogomolov, the Soviet ambassador in London, that the Americans had already agreed to the transfer, and that under these circumstances the Czecho-Slovak government in exile expected the Soviets to consent. On June 6, Ripka telephoned Benes, who was at the time in the United States, that Soviet Russia had just agreed to the transfer - the same agreement which Benes had used as a lever in his conference with President Roosevelt on May 12, 194·3. The Soviets were the first allies to grant to the Czech government in exile de jure recognition. Against the advice of western statesmen Benes went to Moscow and in 1943 signed a new treaty with the Soviet government. Eager to �SLOVAKIA 17 show his ability at playing an important role in the arena of world politics he may have thought of himself as a man who would build the great bridge between the West and the East. As seen in retrospect, however, he seems to have been prior to the Teheran Conference more than perh,a ps any other person active in strengthening Roosevelt's ill-conceived trust in Stal~n. In this way, I regret to say, he certainly proved to be a valuable tool of the Kremlin. Toward the end of World War II, Benes returned to Prague by way of Moscow, accompanying the Red Army, as it adv,anced from the east into Czecho-Slovakia, and himself was accompanied by a Czech government group led by a Communist, Zdenek Fierlinger, who is today the president of the Czecho-Slovak parliament. At Kosice, in eastern Slovakia, Benes and his colleagues proclaimed on April 5, 1945, the so-called Kosice program according to which the country for the time being was to be ruled by presidential decrees. The program was signed by: Zdenek Fierlinger, Josef David, Klement Gottwald, Viliam Siroky - today the Prime Minister, Dr. Jan Sramek, Jan Masaryk - son of the first president of Czecho.,Slovakia - Ludvik :Svoboda, Dr. Hubert Ripka, Vaclav Nosek, Dr. V,a vro Srobar, Dr. Zdenek Nejedly, Dr. Jaroslav Stransky, Vaclav Kopecky, Bohumil Lausman, Julius Duris, Dr. Jan Pietor, Antonin Hasal, Frantisek Hala, Dr. Jan Soltesz, Dr. Adolf Prochazka, Vaclav Majer, Dr. Vladimir Clementis, Dr. Mikulas Ferjencik, and Jan Lichner. Outlawing Political Opponents Czecho-:Slovakia was now restored within the pre-Munich boundaries, except for Carpathian Ruthenia which the Soviets had seized and incorporated into the Soviet Ukraine, and which the new Czecho-Slovak government then ceded to the Soviet Union. The Slovaks were once more subjected to Czech domination. The new government announced the formation of a so-called National Front, supposedly a coalition of the Communist Party and three parties willing to collaborate with them, that is, Social Democrats, National Socialists, and People's Party. All Czech political parties of the center and the right �18 SLOVAKIA side were declared illegal, among them the National Democrats, the Artisans, and the Republican Agrarians, the the latter being the biggest political party in pre-war CzechoSlovakia. Their leaders and functionaries were jailed. All Slovak parties were likewise outlawed and, instead, new leftist parties, such as the so-called Slovak Democratic Party and other puppet groups, were artificially created. In this way, political parties were abolished which, before World War II, had long represented the large majority of the nonCommunist Czech and Slovak peoples. In addition to these millions of Czechs and Slovaks, all Sudeten Germans and Magyars were disfranchised. Only by applying this method of outlawing political opponents - exactly copying Hitler's procedure in Berlin in 1933 - and of exploiting the prejudice of their willing collaborators, did the Communists succeed in 1946 in showing up as the largest political party. Now free elections, freedom of speech and press were abolished. Kangaroo courts, called people's courts, were established in order to liquidate the opponents of Communism. So-called National Committees, fashioned after the Russian local "Soviets", were set up to take over the work of administrative offices. The economy was nationalized. While Benes himself assumed the office of president, Communists were appointed to key positions at all levels and, from the beginning, were in control of police, army, and the state propaganda machine. The non-Communist ministers collaborated at every turn and supported the Communist line. Since some of these people later escaped to the West it may be of interest to mention, in addition to those who signed the Kosice program, some of the .p rominent politicians of the era of the so-called National Front: Dr. Peter Zenkl - Vice Premier; Dr. Jozef Lettrich - leader of the Red puppet Slovak Democratic Party who, after the 1946 elections when the Slovaks had failed to vote for the Communists, signed the agreement abolishing Slovakia's autonomy; Dr. Jan Papanek, Dr. Juraj Slavik, and Frantisek Nemec - who represented as ambassador abroad the Red regime of Prague; Ferdinand Peroutka. a. Socialist journalist; and Milos Vanek - one of the original bosses of the Czecho-Slovak Communist Party. �SLOVAKIA 19 The Reign of Terror - Rule of Decrees A reign of terror began with the arrival of the Soviet Red Army and the regime which was to become the government of the so-called National Front. One of the first administrativ e measures provided for the hasty constructio n of concentrati on camps into which tens of thousands of Sudeten Germans were driven. The late R. R. Stokes, a former British minister, has given a vivid description of conditions in those camps which he himself had visited. Benes' inciting words; "Annihilate the Germans where you find them," broadcast from Kosice, led to a wave of cruel murder. The bloody Sunday at Aussig in July 1945, the massacres in Saaz, Brilx and Landskron, the death march of BrUnn are only some of those outrages for which the Czecho.1Slovak governmen t of that time will be held fully responsible . The Sudeten Germans were outlawed. Before being expropriated their homes were open for pillage either under the pretext of a raid for hidden weapons or merely by groups of police guards or plain Czech plunderers. In some towns orders were issued that homes of Germans must not be locked. Strict curfew was imposed on them. They were forced to wear white badges so as to make them conspicuou s. They were forbidden to use public conveyance s and the sidewalks, visit restaurants , write letters, change places of residence. They were restricted for buying groceries and shopping in stores to certain hours of the day, and special ration cards discriminat ing against them were issued. Schools and kindergartens were closed to their children. Adult Germans were called up and transported to the interior of Bohemia to provide forced labor on farms, in mines, and industry, at first without pay, later at low wages that were seldom paid. Still worse was the treatment in prisons,· where over-crowd ed cells, brutalities and disease, in addition to insufficien t rations, increased the death toll. Expulsions Were Planned We know now that the Communist s, by means of the expulsions, pursued the following objectives: First: By eliminating the German element from the �20 SLOVAKIA area, they wished to hasten the Communization of those countries. Second : In the depopulated regions, they wanted to introduce collective farms ,and state industrial enterprises fashioned after Russian Soviet examples before proceeding . with those schemes on a general scale. Third : The confiscated property was also to be used for bribery purposes, since destroying the sense of honesty turns into more pliable tools of immoral Communism. Fourth: By inciting to violence and acts of cruelty against the Germans, the Communists and their collabor ators hoped to build up hatred between the Germans and these Slavic peoples so as to make the latter wholly dependent on the alliance with Communist Russia. Fifth : The German expellees were to create social disorder and to be a hotbed of Communism in overcrowded West Germany. As to the expulsion of the Sudeten Germans, it may safely be said that this was not a spontaneous reaction of the Czech people agains the German occupation of their country, but an act planned by Czech politicians in exile and carried out by the government of the so-called National Front with all possible haste before the large majority of the Czech people would have time to think twice about it. Presidential decrees were supposed to give the proceedings a cloak of legality. Quotations from some of these decrees will point toward the responsibility of the government of the so-called National Front. First: Constitutional Decree of the President of the Republic of August 2, 1945: Article 1 1. Czecho-Slovak citizens of German or Magyar nationality who acquired German or Magyar citizenship under the regulation of the foreign occupational forces shall have lost their Czecho-Slovak citizenship by so doing. 2. The other Czecho-Slovak citizens of German or Magyar nationality shall lose their Czecho-1Slovak citizenship on the day when this decree will come into force. Signed by Benes, Fierlinger, Masaryk, Nosek, Svoboda. �SLOVAKIA 21 Second: Decree of the President of the Republic of October 25, 1945: Any immovable and movable property shall be confiscated without any compensation, to the benefit of the Czecho-Slovak Republic . . . which is . . . owned: 1. By German or Magyar legal persons; or 2. by natural persons of German or Magyar nationality. Signed by the signers of the Kosice program. Third: Decree of the President of the Republic of January 21, 1946: Article 1 and without compensation and effect 1. With immediate for the purpose of the land reform such land property shall be confiscated as is owned by - (a) all persons of German or Magyar nationality without regard to their citizenship. Signed by Benes, Fierlinger, Nosek, Dr. Srobar, Dr. Stransky, Duris, Majer. Fourth: Law of May 8, 1946, passed by the povisional National Assembly: Article 1 Any act committed between September 30, 1938, and October 28, 1945, the object of which was to aid the struggle for liberty of the Czechs and Slovaks, or which represented due reprisals for actions of the occupation forces and their accomplices, is not illegal, even when such actions may otherwise be punishable by law. Signed by Benes, Fierlinger, Drtina, Svoboda. The last mentioned parliamentary act, which I have added to the decrees, provided for a general amnesty for all crimes committed against Germans, Magyars, and anti-Communist Czechs and Slovaks and thus gave ex port facto a semblance of legality to the law of the jungle. Expulsions a Violation of International Law The expulsion of the Sudeten Germans from the homes which they had inhabited for a thousand years violated the principle of the right to self-determination of peoples. We should remember that this right was solemnly proclaimed by our own President Woodrow Wilson, who in his Mount Vernon address of July 4, 1918, declared: �22 SLOVAKIA The settlement of every question, whether- of territory, of sover-eigty, of economic arrangement or political relationship, must be upon the basis of the free acceptance of that settlement by the peoples immediately concerned. It is well known that the U. S. Government has taken a prominent part in establishing this principle and in the development toward incorporating it into the law of nations. The expulsion of the Germans stands in direct contradiction to this great principle. The U. S. Government was also strenuously opposed to arbitrary displacement of persons during both World Wars. We protested against the transfer during World War I of Belgian workers and condemned, as a grave violation of international law, the displacement during World War II of Poles and other peoples within the then Nazi orbit. We asserted the right to resettle in their home countries, of all displaced persons. As to our own fellow citizens of Japanese descent, temporarily displaced after Pearl Harbor from their homes near the Pacific Ocean, we reaffirmed by an act of Congress the right to their homes. Let me also point out that article 9 of the United Nations Human Rights Declaration of December 10, 1948, as regards arbitrary e:xipulsion as contrary to international law and states that "no one shall be subject to arbitrary exile." Also relevant, it would seem to me, is the Convention on Genocide of December 11, 1946, which declares to be a crime, under international law, (a) killing members of a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group; (b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part. About 300,000 Sudeten Germans, that is, a considerable part of their total number, did not survive the removal from their ancient homeland, a fact which proves that they were victims of this crime. Let me finally quote from the draft code, prepared in accordance with the resolution of November 21, 1947, of the United Nations General Assembly, to define "offenses against the peace and security of mankind" that would be �SLOVAKIA 23 "crimes under internation•al law, for which the responsible individuals shall be punished." Article 2, paragraph 11, lists: Inhuman acts such as murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation, or persecutions, committed against any civilian population on social, political, racial, religious, or cultural grounds by the authorities of a state or by private individuals acting at the instigation or with the toleration of such authorities. This adequately covers the expulsion of the Germans from Sudetenland as well as those from the German provinces east of the O<ler-Neisse line, and from other parts of Eastern Europe, and proves it to be - let me here repeat the words of article 1 of the penal draft code - among the "crimes under international law, for which the responsible individuals shall be punished." Voices Raised Against the Expulsions Many courageous persons have raised their voice against the expulsion of the Sudeten Germans. Even at the heyday of the so-called National Front regime, Rozsievac, a (Czech) Catholic paper in Olmtitz, dared to protest on October 31, 1945, against cruelties in internment camps and the rape of Sudeten German women; and in another newspaper, Obzory, Dr. Helena Kozeluhova, a journalist, objected to the cruelties of the expulsion. Of course, such voices were quickly suppressed and Dr. Kozeluhova, for instance, was forbidden to write another line - curiously by men who themselves are now in exile and professing to be anti-Communist. While the Sudeten Germans have stood up for the right to return to their ancient homeland, they have expressly renounced any thought of vengeance on the Czech people. The expellees publicly declared that they will support every endeavor toward a united Europe in which the peoples may live in freedom from fear and coercion. They called upon all nations and men of good will to join them in this great undertaking. Since then, the German expellees have persistently followed the policy to which their representatives had set hal¼d and seal at Stuttgart in 1950. Rejecting Communist and neutralist temptations as well ·a s appeals to �24 SLOVAKIA narrow nationalism, they are, today, perhaps the most dedicated adherents of a united Europe. But the Sudeten Germans did not rest their case with a solemn declaration of faith. They took practical steps toward an agreement, on the basis of mutual respect and a genuine search for a real solution, with their Czech and Slovak neighbors, now also in exile. In 1950, an agreement in London with the Czech National Committee, headed by Army General Lev Prchala. The agreement recognizes the right to self-determination of both nations, Czechs and Sudeten Germans. A realistic policy for Central as well as East Central Europe, that is, concerning Czecho-Slovakia and the Sudeten Germans, as well as concerning Poland, the Germans of East Prussia, and the other German provinces east of the OderN eisse Rivers can only be a policy that is both just and moral. It must be firmly based upon historical truth and the rule of international law. To assume that any government can ever develop a successful policy on the shaky structure of a wrong, and on perpetuating that wrong, is an illusion. It is my considered opinion that the German expellees should be encouraged to stand firm upon their right. It is in the best tradition of American foreign policy to denounce the wrong and to uphold the right. Moreover, wavering would be tantamount to further tightening the stranglehold on the captive peoples by the Kremlin and would thus actually support Soviet imperialism. Just as the Soviets dangled before the dizzy eyes of the Poles enticing bait of the German provinces east of the OderN eisse line, so the Czechs were being dazzled by Kremlin stooges with the rich spoils in the Sudetenland. To the same degree that the Poles accepted the German provinces, and the Czechs accepted the Sudeten properties out of the bloody hands of Stalin, they both permitted themselves to be chained to Moscow. This h•as been the fateful and deadly but logical result. Both the Czechs and Poles who think of keeping these spoils must continue to lean on Soviet Russian backing and thus render themselves subservient to the Kremlin. � SLOVAKIA 9 HON. B. CARROLL REECE THE SUDETEN GERMANS Restoration of Internation al Morality Perhaps few people in the world today are more firmly united in opposing Communism than are the 16 million Germans expelled from the German provinces east of the Odes-Neise line, the Sudetenlan d, and other parts of Europe. These sturdy people, outnumber ing the total population of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark combined, experienced in 1945 the full impact of the Red invasion of their ancient homelands. Their expulsion to Western Germany resulted in the tragic death of more than 3 million of their number. Among these 16 million German expellees were 3.3 million Sudeten Germans, the latter group equal in size to the total population of either Eire or Norway. They were expelled in 1945 and 1946 from their ancient homeland by the Communist -led Czecho-'Slovak Governmen t of the socalled National Front. About 300,000 of them died during the process of expulsion. When speaking of the Sudetenlan d, I refer to the territory comprising the border regions of Bohemia and Moravia.Silesia, that is, the border regions of the western part of present-day Czecho-Slovakia. In 1921, 3.2 million Sudeten Germans and 6.8 million Czechs were living in Bohemia and Moravia-Si lesia while, in 1935, the figures showed 3.3 million Sudeten Germans and 7.4 million Czechs. As a political entity, a state, Czecho-Slo vakia does not antedate the year of 1918 when Bohemia and MoraviaSilesia, with its Czechs and German population, were combined with Slovakia, the latter comprising 2.3 million Slovaks and 692,000 Magyars, and with Carpathian Ruthenia inhabited by 549,000 Ruthenians . Neverthele ss, Czechs and Germans have been living side by side in those first-named regions for nearly a thousand years. The Foundation of Czecho-Slovakia Led by T. G. Masaryk and Edvard Benes, Czech politicians saw in World War I the opportunity for their people to �10 SLOVAKIA secede from the Hapsburg empire and set up an independent republic. Promising the Slovaks full autonomy, Masaryk persuaded them to join the Czechs in forming one state when he concluded with the Slovak League of America the Pittsburgh Agreement of May 30, 1918. The new Czecho-Slovak Republic then came into being on October 28, 1918. At that hour the Sudeten Cermans, on their part, decided to establish the provinces of German-Bohe mia and Sudetenland, and to associate these with the new Republic of Austria. Head of the provincial government at Prague was at the time Dr. Rudolf Lodgman von Auen. He is today the president of the National Union of Sudeten German Expellees. Dr. von Lodgman had long urged a solution of the probAustria-Hung ary on lines of federalism. He advocated of lem freedom - his ancestors had fled England at the time of Elizabeth I in search of freedom - and he stood for the right to self-determina tion. But in spite of the fact that Austria-Hung ary was ostensibly dismembered so as to realize that right, firmly proclaimed by our President Woodrow Wilson, it was squarely refused to the 3.2 million Sudeten Germans who were forced against their will to be part of the new Czecho-Slova k Republic. To subdue the demands of the people, the Czechs even dispatched troops to the Sudetenland and when, in March 1919, there were public demonstration s, the Czech military fired into the crowds causing many casualties. Leading the resistance movement in those days was Josef Seliger, chairman of the Sudeten German Social Democratic Party. Headed by Dr. Benes, the Czech delegation to the Paris Peace Conference did not shrink away from using such tricks as presenting maps showing a Sudeten German area falsely reduced. The deceit was later contradicted even by the official Czecho-Slova k census figure. In an oral statement to the Big Four, Benes admitted that the Sudeten Germans, if given a free choice, would probably secede from the new republic. To compensate for denying them the right to selfdetermination Benes, in ·a written memorandum to the peace conference, went on record in favor of a Swiss type of constitution for Czecho-Slovakia. It remained an empty promise. �SLOVAKIA 11 Dr. von Lodgman and the Slovak spokesman, Msgr. Andrew Hlinka, as well as leaders of the Magyars in CzechoSlovakia also managed to go to Paris to attend the peace conference. But they were kept in their hotels behind barbed wire ,and were not given a hearing. Prophetic Warning of a True American It was a man representing the United States who objected to the flagrant violation of the right to self-determination in the specific instance of the Sudeten Germans: Prof. Archibald Cary Coolidge, the well-known Harvard historian. In December 1918, he was appointed by the Secretary of State to be political observer in Austria-Hungary, assigned to the American Commission to Negotiate Peace and instructed to head a field mission to the former dual monarchy. (Professor Coolidge incidentally is a founder member of the New York Council in Foreign Relations and served as first editor of its quarterly, Foreign Affairs.) Dr. A. C. Coolidge summed up his observations in a detailed memorandum of March 10, 1919, which he submitted to the Peace Commission. He dealt with the problem of nationalities and new boundaries in all parts of the former Hapsburg monarchy and set out stating: "To grant to the Czecho-Slovaks all the territory they demand would be not only an injustice to millions of people unwilling to come under Czech rule, but it would also be dangerous and perhaps fatal to the future of the new state •.. The Bloodshed on March 3 when Czech soldiers in several towns fired on Germans crowds . . • was shed in a manner that is not easily f.orgiven .•• For the Bohemia of the future to contain withi,n its limits great numbers of deeply discon'tended inhabitants .•• will be a perilous experiment and one which can hardly promise success in the long run." Three weeks later, on April 1, 1919, the Sudeten German question was taken up at the Peace Conference meeting discussing the report of the Czecho-Slovak Commission on the frontiers between Czecho-Slovakia and Germany. It was at this meeting when our Secretary of State, Mr. Lansing, objected to including into the Czecho-Slovak State large Sudeten Germans areas and declared that The American delegates objected to the whole method of drawing frontier lines on strategic principles. And that - �12 SLOVAKIA The fixing of frontier lines with a view to their military strength was directly contrary to the whole spirit . . . of the policy of the United States as set forth in the declaration of President Wilson. Prospective Ally of France As Against Germany M. Laroche of the French delegation, upon being asked at this meeting whether the commission would approve of a plebiscite in the area, replied that a plebiscite could be proposed without extending it to the remainder of the German Bohemians, which would reduce the Czecho-Slovak state to very slender proportions. Mr. Lansing thereupon pl·ainly said that this was not a good reason to justify an injustice. However, the views of the French Foreign Minister prevailed, namely, to strengthen Czecho-Slovakia, which M. Pichon trusted "would remain an ally orf France" as against Germ-any. The United States, however, then began to withdraw from the scene of European political intrigues. The constitution of the CzechoJSlovak Republic was devised by a mostly Czech commission and not by a duly elected convention. Czech became the official language. The Sudeten Germans were not given a fair chance to participate. The facts of the undemocratic beginnings of Czecho-Slovakia should not be overlooked. The Czech land reform law of 1919 allotted 2,025,400 acres of German property in the Sudetenland to proteges of the Czech political parties. Only 7 percent of the land taken from Sudeten German owners was given to Sudeten German farmers, while 93 percent was handed over to new Czech settlers. In addition, land property expropriated in the central parts of Bohemia and Moravia-Silesia, that is, outside of the Sudetenland, amounting to -another 3,818,064 acres and owned by Germans, was also handed over to the Czechs. In the Sudetenland proper, 31 percent of the entire land area was confiscated in 1919. The Czech colonists were settled and Czech schools were built with the aim to break up the German language area. Discrimination Against the Sudeten Germans Although the Sudeten Germans represented about 30 percent of the total population of Bohemia and Moravia- �SLOVAKIA 13 Silesia, they made up only 10 percent of the employees of the general civil service, 13.1 percent of the postal service, 12.8 percent of the judicial administration service, 12.4 percent of the railway employees, and only 5.4 percent of the army officer corps. The police force was almost exclusively Czech. Administrative reforms in 1927 must also be regarded as discriminatory, though a smoothly working .publicity machine was able to show the outside world the picture of what appeared to be a democracy. In the 1920 parliamentary elections the Sudeten German Parties won 74 out of the 300 available seats. Some of these parties, the so-called Activists, entered the government coalition and, since 1926, most political parties of the Sudeten Germans participated in the government coalition, thus showing their honest desire to cooperate. But they were unable to gain any ground toward reforms on federative lines. Even a late-in-the-day palliative assurance of more posts to be assigned to Sudeten German civil servants remained an empty promise. The worldwide economic crisis at the end of the 1920's imposed a he::vy burden on the Sudeten Germans. Czech bankers and -administrators gave preference to Czech enterprises. Out of 800,000 unemployed 500,000 were Sudeten Germans. In 1935, the Sudeten German Party, a union of a number of political groups, polled 1,249,530 votes and thus emerged as the largest political party in all of Czecho-Slovakia, but ·was forced to remain in opposition. Early in 1937, several younger members of those German parties that participated in the government coalition made once more a concerted effort to convince the Czechs of the urgency of thoroughgoing reforms. Hans Schlitz, of the Christian Social Party, sternly demanded equal rights, while Wenzel Jaksch, of the Social Democratic Party, bluntly asked whether or not there was still a place in the Czecho-Slovak Republic for genuine Sudeten German partnership. Incidentally, both men are today distinguished members of th German Bundestag. In the growing crisis of 1938, Lord Runciman was chosen to head a mission of mediation and, after a close study on the ground, he reported: �14 SLOVAKIA " It is hard to be ruled by an alien race . . . In the last elections in 1935 the Sudeten German Party polled more votes than any other sin_gle party . . . But they can always be outvoted; and consequently some of them feel that constitutional action is useless for them ••• Even as late as the time of my mission, I could find no readiness on the part of the Czecho-Slovak Government to remedy (the complaints) on anything like an adequate scale . • • Just as it is essential for the international position of Switzerland that her policy should be entirely neutral, so an analogous policy is necessary for ,Czecho-Slovakia - not only for her own future existence but for the peace of Europe." However, Czecho-Slovakia refused to admit its multinational status and did not strive for a position of neutrality. In spite of its vulnerability, because of the large percentage of citizens of non-Czech nationality, it allowed itself to be used as a political pawn, and since the treaty in 1935 with the Soviet Union, increasingly as a pawn in the hands of the Kremlin, thereby causing its own gradual disintegration. The Prague government treated the Slovaks in much the same way as the Sudeten Germans. About half of CzechoSlovakia's total population was tired of being bossed by the 7.4 million Czechs. No wonder that the foundation of the republic began to crumble, when the Anglo-French demarche of September 21, 1938, demanded the cession to Germany of the Sudeten region. It was soon followed by demands of Poland and Hungary for the cession of areas inhabited by their conationals, 131,000 Poles and 692,000 Magyars, and finally by the declaration of independence of the 3 million Slovaks who sought recognition as a nation. Sauce of the Goose Not To Be Sauce for the Gander From the beginning the Czechs had been showing a lack of realism, a lack of willingness to plan, in good time, for constitutional reforms. If in the years after 1918 a wise solution had earnestly been sought, events might well have taken a different course. The word "Munich" has since been linked in our mind with a short-sighted, dangerous policy vis-a-vis an aggressive dictator. Surely the right to selfdetermination should not be exercised by employing violence which would only bring about new injustice. Nevertheless, the right to self-determination is today recognized as a canon of international law. A brief glance at the map of Asia and �SLOVAKIA 15 Africa will suffice to convince everybody of its potency and potentiality, of its full meaning in the realities of present-day world affairs. As to Munich, it should be remembered that neither the Czechs nor the Sudeten Germans were partners to that agreement. It was made by the four European big powers. When Hitler, in 1939, under a flimsy pretext occupied the central area of Bohemia and Moravia-'Silesia he openly violated the right to a.n independent national life of the Czech people just as the Czechs, two decades before, had violated that same right of the Sudeten Germans. To charge the Sudeten Germans with treason against the Czecho-Slovak Republic is beside the point, when the charge is made by the Czechs who themselves set the example. In opposing Austria-Hungary, Masaryk, Benes, and their adherents had solicited during World War I the support of foreign governments and had organized thousands of Czech deserters from the Austrian Army to join Czech legions on the side of the Allies. It was hard to make Sudeten Germans later believe that as to their own case "sauce of the goose was not to be sauce for the gander." The expulsion of the Sudeten Germans cannot be based on treason allegedly committed by them against the Czecho-Slovak Republic nor upon the charge of a£sociation with Hitler's policy of suppressing the Czechs. Expulsion of the Sudeten Germans Dr. Benes unfortunately seems to have blamed the Sudeten Germans for his own shortcomings and considered them instrumental in his downfall in 1938. His mind wa.3 beclouded by Germanophobia. He did not seek a just and fair solution in his dealings with those Sudeten Germans politicians who were, like he himself, exiled by the Nazi regime and living in London during World War II: I refer to Wenzel Jaksch and Richard Reitzner, both of whom now are members of the German Bundestag. According to his memoirs - Pameti - published in Prague in 1947, this is what Benes at a reception in London on January 7, 1942, told Wenzel Jaksch in an effort to have �16 SLOVAKIA him agree to deportation from Czecho-Slovakia of ,all Sudeten Germans, excepting a limited number of anti-Fascists: During the social revolution which will certainly occur we shall have to rid our country of all the German bour-geoisie, the pan.German intelligentsia and those workers whom hate turned Fascist. This would be the final solution and, so far as we are concerned, the only possible solution which we would be able to implement, namely combining our social revolution with the national revolution. I added to Jaksch and his friends: We must have the courage to speak about this openly; and especially you Social Democrats should have the cour-age to do so. This plan even contains an element of Marx. ism and Marxist dialectics in the revolutionary process which must inevitably accompany the changes in the social structure of the nation as an outcome of this great and worldwide catastrophe. After the firs,t world war . . . I foretold that the German nationalist bourgeoisie in our country would some time in the future attempt a counter-revolution and that there would be no peace between us until this bourgeoisie was subjected to a similar revolution to that which the Czechs had gone through in past centuries. Now, after the second world war, this revolution is inevitable; and the entire nationalities problem in our country will be radically solved at the same time. It is only fair to say that some Czech opposition was voiced aainst these .plans, notably from Army General Lev Prchala. Benes' Unscrupulous Play It is rather unfortunate that Benes apparently had no scruples as to how he would gain his end. For instance, in a conference on May 12, 1943, with President Roosevelt he asserted that the Russians were willing to agree to the transfer or the Sudeten Germans. Then, 17 days later, on May 29, Dr. Hubert Ripka eX!plained to Mr. Bogomolov, the Soviet ambassador in London, that the Americans had already agreed to the transfer, and that under these circumstances the Czecho-Slovak government in exile expected the Soviets to consent. On June 6, Ripka telephoned Benes, who was at the time in the United States, that Soviet Russia had just agreed to the transfer - the same agreement which Benes had used as a lever in his conference with President Roosevelt on May 12, 194·3. The Soviets were the first allies to grant to the Czech government in exile de jure recognition. Against the advice of western statesmen Benes went to Moscow and in 1943 signed a new treaty with the Soviet government. Eager to �SLOVAKIA 17 show his ability at playing an important role in the arena of world politics he may have thought of himself as a man who would build the great bridge between the West and the East. As seen in retrospect, however, he seems to have been prior to the Teheran Conference more than perh,a ps any other person active in strengthening Roosevelt's ill-conceived trust in Stal~n. In this way, I regret to say, he certainly proved to be a valuable tool of the Kremlin. Toward the end of World War II, Benes returned to Prague by way of Moscow, accompanying the Red Army, as it adv,anced from the east into Czecho-Slovakia, and himself was accompanied by a Czech government group led by a Communist, Zdenek Fierlinger, who is today the president of the Czecho-Slovak parliament. At Kosice, in eastern Slovakia, Benes and his colleagues proclaimed on April 5, 1945, the so-called Kosice program according to which the country for the time being was to be ruled by presidential decrees. The program was signed by: Zdenek Fierlinger, Josef David, Klement Gottwald, Viliam Siroky - today the Prime Minister, Dr. Jan Sramek, Jan Masaryk - son of the first president of Czecho.,Slovakia - Ludvik :Svoboda, Dr. Hubert Ripka, Vaclav Nosek, Dr. V,a vro Srobar, Dr. Zdenek Nejedly, Dr. Jaroslav Stransky, Vaclav Kopecky, Bohumil Lausman, Julius Duris, Dr. Jan Pietor, Antonin Hasal, Frantisek Hala, Dr. Jan Soltesz, Dr. Adolf Prochazka, Vaclav Majer, Dr. Vladimir Clementis, Dr. Mikulas Ferjencik, and Jan Lichner. Outlawing Political Opponents Czecho-:Slovakia was now restored within the pre-Munich boundaries, except for Carpathian Ruthenia which the Soviets had seized and incorporated into the Soviet Ukraine, and which the new Czecho-Slovak government then ceded to the Soviet Union. The Slovaks were once more subjected to Czech domination. The new government announced the formation of a so-called National Front, supposedly a coalition of the Communist Party and three parties willing to collaborate with them, that is, Social Democrats, National Socialists, and People's Party. All Czech political parties of the center and the right �18 SLOVAKIA side were declared illegal, among them the National Democrats, the Artisans, and the Republican Agrarians, the the latter being the biggest political party in pre-war CzechoSlovakia. Their leaders and functionaries were jailed. All Slovak parties were likewise outlawed and, instead, new leftist parties, such as the so-called Slovak Democratic Party and other puppet groups, were artificially created. In this way, political parties were abolished which, before World War II, had long represented the large majority of the nonCommunist Czech and Slovak peoples. In addition to these millions of Czechs and Slovaks, all Sudeten Germans and Magyars were disfranchised. Only by applying this method of outlawing political opponents - exactly copying Hitler's procedure in Berlin in 1933 - and of exploiting the prejudice of their willing collaborators, did the Communists succeed in 1946 in showing up as the largest political party. Now free elections, freedom of speech and press were abolished. Kangaroo courts, called people's courts, were established in order to liquidate the opponents of Communism. So-called National Committees, fashioned after the Russian local "Soviets", were set up to take over the work of administrative offices. The economy was nationalized. While Benes himself assumed the office of president, Communists were appointed to key positions at all levels and, from the beginning, were in control of police, army, and the state propaganda machine. The non-Communist ministers collaborated at every turn and supported the Communist line. Since some of these people later escaped to the West it may be of interest to mention, in addition to those who signed the Kosice program, some of the .p rominent politicians of the era of the so-called National Front: Dr. Peter Zenkl - Vice Premier; Dr. Jozef Lettrich - leader of the Red puppet Slovak Democratic Party who, after the 1946 elections when the Slovaks had failed to vote for the Communists, signed the agreement abolishing Slovakia's autonomy; Dr. Jan Papanek, Dr. Juraj Slavik, and Frantisek Nemec - who represented as ambassador abroad the Red regime of Prague; Ferdinand Peroutka. a. Socialist journalist; and Milos Vanek - one of the original bosses of the Czecho-Slovak Communist Party. �SLOVAKIA 19 The Reign of Terror - Rule of Decrees A reign of terror began with the arrival of the Soviet Red Army and the regime which was to become the government of the so-called National Front. One of the first administrativ e measures provided for the hasty constructio n of concentrati on camps into which tens of thousands of Sudeten Germans were driven. The late R. R. Stokes, a former British minister, has given a vivid description of conditions in those camps which he himself had visited. Benes' inciting words; "Annihilate the Germans where you find them," broadcast from Kosice, led to a wave of cruel murder. The bloody Sunday at Aussig in July 1945, the massacres in Saaz, Brilx and Landskron, the death march of BrUnn are only some of those outrages for which the Czecho.1Slovak governmen t of that time will be held fully responsible . The Sudeten Germans were outlawed. Before being expropriated their homes were open for pillage either under the pretext of a raid for hidden weapons or merely by groups of police guards or plain Czech plunderers. In some towns orders were issued that homes of Germans must not be locked. Strict curfew was imposed on them. They were forced to wear white badges so as to make them conspicuou s. They were forbidden to use public conveyance s and the sidewalks, visit restaurants , write letters, change places of residence. They were restricted for buying groceries and shopping in stores to certain hours of the day, and special ration cards discriminat ing against them were issued. Schools and kindergartens were closed to their children. Adult Germans were called up and transported to the interior of Bohemia to provide forced labor on farms, in mines, and industry, at first without pay, later at low wages that were seldom paid. Still worse was the treatment in prisons,· where over-crowd ed cells, brutalities and disease, in addition to insufficien t rations, increased the death toll. Expulsions Were Planned We know now that the Communist s, by means of the expulsions, pursued the following objectives: First: By eliminating the German element from the �20 SLOVAKIA area, they wished to hasten the Communization of those countries. Second : In the depopulated regions, they wanted to introduce collective farms ,and state industrial enterprises fashioned after Russian Soviet examples before proceeding . with those schemes on a general scale. Third : The confiscated property was also to be used for bribery purposes, since destroying the sense of honesty turns into more pliable tools of immoral Communism. Fourth: By inciting to violence and acts of cruelty against the Germans, the Communists and their collabor ators hoped to build up hatred between the Germans and these Slavic peoples so as to make the latter wholly dependent on the alliance with Communist Russia. Fifth : The German expellees were to create social disorder and to be a hotbed of Communism in overcrowded West Germany. As to the expulsion of the Sudeten Germans, it may safely be said that this was not a spontaneous reaction of the Czech people agains the German occupation of their country, but an act planned by Czech politicians in exile and carried out by the government of the so-called National Front with all possible haste before the large majority of the Czech people would have time to think twice about it. Presidential decrees were supposed to give the proceedings a cloak of legality. Quotations from some of these decrees will point toward the responsibility of the government of the so-called National Front. First: Constitutional Decree of the President of the Republic of August 2, 1945: Article 1 1. Czecho-Slovak citizens of German or Magyar nationality who acquired German or Magyar citizenship under the regulation of the foreign occupational forces shall have lost their Czecho-Slovak citizenship by so doing. 2. The other Czecho-Slovak citizens of German or Magyar nationality shall lose their Czecho-1Slovak citizenship on the day when this decree will come into force. Signed by Benes, Fierlinger, Masaryk, Nosek, Svoboda. �SLOVAKIA 21 Second: Decree of the President of the Republic of October 25, 1945: Any immovable and movable property shall be confiscated without any compensation, to the benefit of the Czecho-Slovak Republic . . . which is . . . owned: 1. By German or Magyar legal persons; or 2. by natural persons of German or Magyar nationality. Signed by the signers of the Kosice program. Third: Decree of the President of the Republic of January 21, 1946: Article 1 and without compensation and effect 1. With immediate for the purpose of the land reform such land property shall be confiscated as is owned by - (a) all persons of German or Magyar nationality without regard to their citizenship. Signed by Benes, Fierlinger, Nosek, Dr. Srobar, Dr. Stransky, Duris, Majer. Fourth: Law of May 8, 1946, passed by the povisional National Assembly: Article 1 Any act committed between September 30, 1938, and October 28, 1945, the object of which was to aid the struggle for liberty of the Czechs and Slovaks, or which represented due reprisals for actions of the occupation forces and their accomplices, is not illegal, even when such actions may otherwise be punishable by law. Signed by Benes, Fierlinger, Drtina, Svoboda. The last mentioned parliamentary act, which I have added to the decrees, provided for a general amnesty for all crimes committed against Germans, Magyars, and anti-Communist Czechs and Slovaks and thus gave ex port facto a semblance of legality to the law of the jungle. Expulsions a Violation of International Law The expulsion of the Sudeten Germans from the homes which they had inhabited for a thousand years violated the principle of the right to self-determination of peoples. We should remember that this right was solemnly proclaimed by our own President Woodrow Wilson, who in his Mount Vernon address of July 4, 1918, declared: �22 SLOVAKIA The settlement of every question, whether- of territory, of sover-eigty, of economic arrangement or political relationship, must be upon the basis of the free acceptance of that settlement by the peoples immediately concerned. It is well known that the U. S. Government has taken a prominent part in establishing this principle and in the development toward incorporating it into the law of nations. The expulsion of the Germans stands in direct contradiction to this great principle. The U. S. Government was also strenuously opposed to arbitrary displacement of persons during both World Wars. We protested against the transfer during World War I of Belgian workers and condemned, as a grave violation of international law, the displacement during World War II of Poles and other peoples within the then Nazi orbit. We asserted the right to resettle in their home countries, of all displaced persons. As to our own fellow citizens of Japanese descent, temporarily displaced after Pearl Harbor from their homes near the Pacific Ocean, we reaffirmed by an act of Congress the right to their homes. Let me also point out that article 9 of the United Nations Human Rights Declaration of December 10, 1948, as regards arbitrary e:xipulsion as contrary to international law and states that "no one shall be subject to arbitrary exile." Also relevant, it would seem to me, is the Convention on Genocide of December 11, 1946, which declares to be a crime, under international law, (a) killing members of a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group; (b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part. About 300,000 Sudeten Germans, that is, a considerable part of their total number, did not survive the removal from their ancient homeland, a fact which proves that they were victims of this crime. Let me finally quote from the draft code, prepared in accordance with the resolution of November 21, 1947, of the United Nations General Assembly, to define "offenses against the peace and security of mankind" that would be �SLOVAKIA 23 "crimes under internation•al law, for which the responsible individuals shall be punished." Article 2, paragraph 11, lists: Inhuman acts such as murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation, or persecutions, committed against any civilian population on social, political, racial, religious, or cultural grounds by the authorities of a state or by private individuals acting at the instigation or with the toleration of such authorities. This adequately covers the expulsion of the Germans from Sudetenland as well as those from the German provinces east of the O<ler-Neisse line, and from other parts of Eastern Europe, and proves it to be - let me here repeat the words of article 1 of the penal draft code - among the "crimes under international law, for which the responsible individuals shall be punished." Voices Raised Against the Expulsions Many courageous persons have raised their voice against the expulsion of the Sudeten Germans. Even at the heyday of the so-called National Front regime, Rozsievac, a (Czech) Catholic paper in Olmtitz, dared to protest on October 31, 1945, against cruelties in internment camps and the rape of Sudeten German women; and in another newspaper, Obzory, Dr. Helena Kozeluhova, a journalist, objected to the cruelties of the expulsion. Of course, such voices were quickly suppressed and Dr. Kozeluhova, for instance, was forbidden to write another line - curiously by men who themselves are now in exile and professing to be anti-Communist. While the Sudeten Germans have stood up for the right to return to their ancient homeland, they have expressly renounced any thought of vengeance on the Czech people. The expellees publicly declared that they will support every endeavor toward a united Europe in which the peoples may live in freedom from fear and coercion. They called upon all nations and men of good will to join them in this great undertaking. Since then, the German expellees have persistently followed the policy to which their representatives had set hal¼d and seal at Stuttgart in 1950. Rejecting Communist and neutralist temptations as well ·a s appeals to �24 SLOVAKIA narrow nationalism, they are, today, perhaps the most dedicated adherents of a united Europe. But the Sudeten Germans did not rest their case with a solemn declaration of faith. They took practical steps toward an agreement, on the basis of mutual respect and a genuine search for a real solution, with their Czech and Slovak neighbors, now also in exile. In 1950, an agreement in London with the Czech National Committee, headed by Army General Lev Prchala. The agreement recognizes the right to self-determination of both nations, Czechs and Sudeten Germans. A realistic policy for Central as well as East Central Europe, that is, concerning Czecho-Slovakia and the Sudeten Germans, as well as concerning Poland, the Germans of East Prussia, and the other German provinces east of the OderN eisse Rivers can only be a policy that is both just and moral. It must be firmly based upon historical truth and the rule of international law. To assume that any government can ever develop a successful policy on the shaky structure of a wrong, and on perpetuating that wrong, is an illusion. It is my considered opinion that the German expellees should be encouraged to stand firm upon their right. It is in the best tradition of American foreign policy to denounce the wrong and to uphold the right. Moreover, wavering would be tantamount to further tightening the stranglehold on the captive peoples by the Kremlin and would thus actually support Soviet imperialism. Just as the Soviets dangled before the dizzy eyes of the Poles enticing bait of the German provinces east of the OderN eisse line, so the Czechs were being dazzled by Kremlin stooges with the rich spoils in the Sudetenland. To the same degree that the Poles accepted the German provinces, and the Czechs accepted the Sudeten properties out of the bloody hands of Stalin, they both permitted themselves to be chained to Moscow. This h•as been the fateful and deadly but logical result. Both the Czechs and Poles who think of keeping these spoils must continue to lean on Soviet Russian backing and thus render themselves subservient to the Kremlin. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1958, Vol. 8 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 26), March 1958.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 27), June 1958.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 28), December 1958.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1958 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 9 HON. B. CARROLL REECE THE SUDETEN GERMANS Restoration of Internation al Morality Perhaps few people in the world today are more firmly united in opposing Communism than are the 16 million Germans expelled from the German provinces east of the Odes-Neise line, the Sudetenlan d, and other parts of Europe. These sturdy people, outnumber ing the total population of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark combined, experienced in 1945 the full impact of the Red invasion of their ancient homelands. Their expulsion to Western Germany resulted in the tragic death of more than 3 million of their number. Among these 16 million German expellees were 3.3 million Sudeten Germans, the latter group equal in size to the total population of either Eire or Norway. They were expelled in 1945 and 1946 from their ancient homeland by the Communist -led Czecho-'Slovak Governmen t of the socalled National Front. About 300,000 of them died during the process of expulsion. When speaking of the Sudetenlan d, I refer to the territory comprising the border regions of Bohemia and Moravia.Silesia, that is, the border regions of the western part of present-day Czecho-Slovakia. In 1921, 3.2 million Sudeten Germans and 6.8 million Czechs were living in Bohemia and Moravia-Si lesia while, in 1935, the figures showed 3.3 million Sudeten Germans and 7.4 million Czechs. As a political entity, a state, Czecho-Slo vakia does not antedate the year of 1918 when Bohemia and MoraviaSilesia, with its Czechs and German population, were combined with Slovakia, the latter comprising 2.3 million Slovaks and 692,000 Magyars, and with Carpathian Ruthenia inhabited by 549,000 Ruthenians . Neverthele ss, Czechs and Germans have been living side by side in those first-named regions for nearly a thousand years. The Foundation of Czecho-Slovakia Led by T. G. Masaryk and Edvard Benes, Czech politicians saw in World War I the opportunity for their people to 10 SLOVAKIA secede from the Hapsburg empire and set up an independent republic. Promising the Slovaks full autonomy, Masaryk persuaded them to join the Czechs in forming one state when he concluded with the Slovak League of America the Pittsburgh Agreement of May 30, 1918. The new Czecho-Slovak Republic then came into being on October 28, 1918. At that hour the Sudeten Cermans, on their part, decided to establish the provinces of German-Bohe mia and Sudetenland, and to associate these with the new Republic of Austria. Head of the provincial government at Prague was at the time Dr. Rudolf Lodgman von Auen. He is today the president of the National Union of Sudeten German Expellees. Dr. von Lodgman had long urged a solution of the probAustria-Hung ary on lines of federalism. He advocated of lem freedom - his ancestors had fled England at the time of Elizabeth I in search of freedom - and he stood for the right to self-determina tion. But in spite of the fact that Austria-Hung ary was ostensibly dismembered so as to realize that right, firmly proclaimed by our President Woodrow Wilson, it was squarely refused to the 3.2 million Sudeten Germans who were forced against their will to be part of the new Czecho-Slova k Republic. To subdue the demands of the people, the Czechs even dispatched troops to the Sudetenland and when, in March 1919, there were public demonstration s, the Czech military fired into the crowds causing many casualties. Leading the resistance movement in those days was Josef Seliger, chairman of the Sudeten German Social Democratic Party. Headed by Dr. Benes, the Czech delegation to the Paris Peace Conference did not shrink away from using such tricks as presenting maps showing a Sudeten German area falsely reduced. The deceit was later contradicted even by the official Czecho-Slova k census figure. In an oral statement to the Big Four, Benes admitted that the Sudeten Germans, if given a free choice, would probably secede from the new republic. To compensate for denying them the right to selfdetermination Benes, in ·a written memorandum to the peace conference, went on record in favor of a Swiss type of constitution for Czecho-Slovakia. It remained an empty promise. SLOVAKIA 11 Dr. von Lodgman and the Slovak spokesman, Msgr. Andrew Hlinka, as well as leaders of the Magyars in CzechoSlovakia also managed to go to Paris to attend the peace conference. But they were kept in their hotels behind barbed wire ,and were not given a hearing. Prophetic Warning of a True American It was a man representing the United States who objected to the flagrant violation of the right to self-determination in the specific instance of the Sudeten Germans: Prof. Archibald Cary Coolidge, the well-known Harvard historian. In December 1918, he was appointed by the Secretary of State to be political observer in Austria-Hungary, assigned to the American Commission to Negotiate Peace and instructed to head a field mission to the former dual monarchy. (Professor Coolidge incidentally is a founder member of the New York Council in Foreign Relations and served as first editor of its quarterly, Foreign Affairs.) Dr. A. C. Coolidge summed up his observations in a detailed memorandum of March 10, 1919, which he submitted to the Peace Commission. He dealt with the problem of nationalities and new boundaries in all parts of the former Hapsburg monarchy and set out stating: "To grant to the Czecho-Slovaks all the territory they demand would be not only an injustice to millions of people unwilling to come under Czech rule, but it would also be dangerous and perhaps fatal to the future of the new state •.. The Bloodshed on March 3 when Czech soldiers in several towns fired on Germans crowds . . • was shed in a manner that is not easily f.orgiven .•• For the Bohemia of the future to contain withi,n its limits great numbers of deeply discon'tended inhabitants .•• will be a perilous experiment and one which can hardly promise success in the long run." Three weeks later, on April 1, 1919, the Sudeten German question was taken up at the Peace Conference meeting discussing the report of the Czecho-Slovak Commission on the frontiers between Czecho-Slovakia and Germany. It was at this meeting when our Secretary of State, Mr. Lansing, objected to including into the Czecho-Slovak State large Sudeten Germans areas and declared that The American delegates objected to the whole method of drawing frontier lines on strategic principles. And that - 12 SLOVAKIA The fixing of frontier lines with a view to their military strength was directly contrary to the whole spirit . . . of the policy of the United States as set forth in the declaration of President Wilson. Prospective Ally of France As Against Germany M. Laroche of the French delegation, upon being asked at this meeting whether the commission would approve of a plebiscite in the area, replied that a plebiscite could be proposed without extending it to the remainder of the German Bohemians, which would reduce the Czecho-Slovak state to very slender proportions. Mr. Lansing thereupon pl·ainly said that this was not a good reason to justify an injustice. However, the views of the French Foreign Minister prevailed, namely, to strengthen Czecho-Slovakia, which M. Pichon trusted "would remain an ally orf France" as against Germ-any. The United States, however, then began to withdraw from the scene of European political intrigues. The constitution of the CzechoJSlovak Republic was devised by a mostly Czech commission and not by a duly elected convention. Czech became the official language. The Sudeten Germans were not given a fair chance to participate. The facts of the undemocratic beginnings of Czecho-Slovakia should not be overlooked. The Czech land reform law of 1919 allotted 2,025,400 acres of German property in the Sudetenland to proteges of the Czech political parties. Only 7 percent of the land taken from Sudeten German owners was given to Sudeten German farmers, while 93 percent was handed over to new Czech settlers. In addition, land property expropriated in the central parts of Bohemia and Moravia-Silesia, that is, outside of the Sudetenland, amounting to -another 3,818,064 acres and owned by Germans, was also handed over to the Czechs. In the Sudetenland proper, 31 percent of the entire land area was confiscated in 1919. The Czech colonists were settled and Czech schools were built with the aim to break up the German language area. Discrimination Against the Sudeten Germans Although the Sudeten Germans represented about 30 percent of the total population of Bohemia and Moravia- SLOVAKIA 13 Silesia, they made up only 10 percent of the employees of the general civil service, 13.1 percent of the postal service, 12.8 percent of the judicial administration service, 12.4 percent of the railway employees, and only 5.4 percent of the army officer corps. The police force was almost exclusively Czech. Administrative reforms in 1927 must also be regarded as discriminatory, though a smoothly working .publicity machine was able to show the outside world the picture of what appeared to be a democracy. In the 1920 parliamentary elections the Sudeten German Parties won 74 out of the 300 available seats. Some of these parties, the so-called Activists, entered the government coalition and, since 1926, most political parties of the Sudeten Germans participated in the government coalition, thus showing their honest desire to cooperate. But they were unable to gain any ground toward reforms on federative lines. Even a late-in-the-day palliative assurance of more posts to be assigned to Sudeten German civil servants remained an empty promise. The worldwide economic crisis at the end of the 1920's imposed a he::vy burden on the Sudeten Germans. Czech bankers and -administrators gave preference to Czech enterprises. Out of 800,000 unemployed 500,000 were Sudeten Germans. In 1935, the Sudeten German Party, a union of a number of political groups, polled 1,249,530 votes and thus emerged as the largest political party in all of Czecho-Slovakia, but ·was forced to remain in opposition. Early in 1937, several younger members of those German parties that participated in the government coalition made once more a concerted effort to convince the Czechs of the urgency of thoroughgoing reforms. Hans Schlitz, of the Christian Social Party, sternly demanded equal rights, while Wenzel Jaksch, of the Social Democratic Party, bluntly asked whether or not there was still a place in the Czecho-Slovak Republic for genuine Sudeten German partnership. Incidentally, both men are today distinguished members of th German Bundestag. In the growing crisis of 1938, Lord Runciman was chosen to head a mission of mediation and, after a close study on the ground, he reported: 14 SLOVAKIA " It is hard to be ruled by an alien race . . . In the last elections in 1935 the Sudeten German Party polled more votes than any other sin_gle party . . . But they can always be outvoted; and consequently some of them feel that constitutional action is useless for them ••• Even as late as the time of my mission, I could find no readiness on the part of the Czecho-Slovak Government to remedy (the complaints) on anything like an adequate scale . • • Just as it is essential for the international position of Switzerland that her policy should be entirely neutral, so an analogous policy is necessary for ,Czecho-Slovakia - not only for her own future existence but for the peace of Europe." However, Czecho-Slovakia refused to admit its multinational status and did not strive for a position of neutrality. In spite of its vulnerability, because of the large percentage of citizens of non-Czech nationality, it allowed itself to be used as a political pawn, and since the treaty in 1935 with the Soviet Union, increasingly as a pawn in the hands of the Kremlin, thereby causing its own gradual disintegration. The Prague government treated the Slovaks in much the same way as the Sudeten Germans. About half of CzechoSlovakia's total population was tired of being bossed by the 7.4 million Czechs. No wonder that the foundation of the republic began to crumble, when the Anglo-French demarche of September 21, 1938, demanded the cession to Germany of the Sudeten region. It was soon followed by demands of Poland and Hungary for the cession of areas inhabited by their conationals, 131,000 Poles and 692,000 Magyars, and finally by the declaration of independence of the 3 million Slovaks who sought recognition as a nation. Sauce of the Goose Not To Be Sauce for the Gander From the beginning the Czechs had been showing a lack of realism, a lack of willingness to plan, in good time, for constitutional reforms. If in the years after 1918 a wise solution had earnestly been sought, events might well have taken a different course. The word "Munich" has since been linked in our mind with a short-sighted, dangerous policy vis-a-vis an aggressive dictator. Surely the right to selfdetermination should not be exercised by employing violence which would only bring about new injustice. Nevertheless, the right to self-determination is today recognized as a canon of international law. A brief glance at the map of Asia and SLOVAKIA 15 Africa will suffice to convince everybody of its potency and potentiality, of its full meaning in the realities of present-day world affairs. As to Munich, it should be remembered that neither the Czechs nor the Sudeten Germans were partners to that agreement. It was made by the four European big powers. When Hitler, in 1939, under a flimsy pretext occupied the central area of Bohemia and Moravia-'Silesia he openly violated the right to a.n independent national life of the Czech people just as the Czechs, two decades before, had violated that same right of the Sudeten Germans. To charge the Sudeten Germans with treason against the Czecho-Slovak Republic is beside the point, when the charge is made by the Czechs who themselves set the example. In opposing Austria-Hungary, Masaryk, Benes, and their adherents had solicited during World War I the support of foreign governments and had organized thousands of Czech deserters from the Austrian Army to join Czech legions on the side of the Allies. It was hard to make Sudeten Germans later believe that as to their own case "sauce of the goose was not to be sauce for the gander." The expulsion of the Sudeten Germans cannot be based on treason allegedly committed by them against the Czecho-Slovak Republic nor upon the charge of a£sociation with Hitler's policy of suppressing the Czechs. Expulsion of the Sudeten Germans Dr. Benes unfortunately seems to have blamed the Sudeten Germans for his own shortcomings and considered them instrumental in his downfall in 1938. His mind wa.3 beclouded by Germanophobia. He did not seek a just and fair solution in his dealings with those Sudeten Germans politicians who were, like he himself, exiled by the Nazi regime and living in London during World War II: I refer to Wenzel Jaksch and Richard Reitzner, both of whom now are members of the German Bundestag. According to his memoirs - Pameti - published in Prague in 1947, this is what Benes at a reception in London on January 7, 1942, told Wenzel Jaksch in an effort to have 16 SLOVAKIA him agree to deportation from Czecho-Slovakia of ,all Sudeten Germans, excepting a limited number of anti-Fascists: During the social revolution which will certainly occur we shall have to rid our country of all the German bour-geoisie, the pan.German intelligentsia and those workers whom hate turned Fascist. This would be the final solution and, so far as we are concerned, the only possible solution which we would be able to implement, namely combining our social revolution with the national revolution. I added to Jaksch and his friends: We must have the courage to speak about this openly; and especially you Social Democrats should have the cour-age to do so. This plan even contains an element of Marx. ism and Marxist dialectics in the revolutionary process which must inevitably accompany the changes in the social structure of the nation as an outcome of this great and worldwide catastrophe. After the firs,t world war . . . I foretold that the German nationalist bourgeoisie in our country would some time in the future attempt a counter-revolution and that there would be no peace between us until this bourgeoisie was subjected to a similar revolution to that which the Czechs had gone through in past centuries. Now, after the second world war, this revolution is inevitable; and the entire nationalities problem in our country will be radically solved at the same time. It is only fair to say that some Czech opposition was voiced aainst these .plans, notably from Army General Lev Prchala. Benes' Unscrupulous Play It is rather unfortunate that Benes apparently had no scruples as to how he would gain his end. For instance, in a conference on May 12, 1943, with President Roosevelt he asserted that the Russians were willing to agree to the transfer or the Sudeten Germans. Then, 17 days later, on May 29, Dr. Hubert Ripka eX!plained to Mr. Bogomolov, the Soviet ambassador in London, that the Americans had already agreed to the transfer, and that under these circumstances the Czecho-Slovak government in exile expected the Soviets to consent. On June 6, Ripka telephoned Benes, who was at the time in the United States, that Soviet Russia had just agreed to the transfer - the same agreement which Benes had used as a lever in his conference with President Roosevelt on May 12, 194·3. The Soviets were the first allies to grant to the Czech government in exile de jure recognition. Against the advice of western statesmen Benes went to Moscow and in 1943 signed a new treaty with the Soviet government. Eager to SLOVAKIA 17 show his ability at playing an important role in the arena of world politics he may have thought of himself as a man who would build the great bridge between the West and the East. As seen in retrospect, however, he seems to have been prior to the Teheran Conference more than perh,a ps any other person active in strengthening Roosevelt's ill-conceived trust in Stal~n. In this way, I regret to say, he certainly proved to be a valuable tool of the Kremlin. Toward the end of World War II, Benes returned to Prague by way of Moscow, accompanying the Red Army, as it adv,anced from the east into Czecho-Slovakia, and himself was accompanied by a Czech government group led by a Communist, Zdenek Fierlinger, who is today the president of the Czecho-Slovak parliament. At Kosice, in eastern Slovakia, Benes and his colleagues proclaimed on April 5, 1945, the so-called Kosice program according to which the country for the time being was to be ruled by presidential decrees. The program was signed by: Zdenek Fierlinger, Josef David, Klement Gottwald, Viliam Siroky - today the Prime Minister, Dr. Jan Sramek, Jan Masaryk - son of the first president of Czecho.,Slovakia - Ludvik :Svoboda, Dr. Hubert Ripka, Vaclav Nosek, Dr. V,a vro Srobar, Dr. Zdenek Nejedly, Dr. Jaroslav Stransky, Vaclav Kopecky, Bohumil Lausman, Julius Duris, Dr. Jan Pietor, Antonin Hasal, Frantisek Hala, Dr. Jan Soltesz, Dr. Adolf Prochazka, Vaclav Majer, Dr. Vladimir Clementis, Dr. Mikulas Ferjencik, and Jan Lichner. Outlawing Political Opponents Czecho-:Slovakia was now restored within the pre-Munich boundaries, except for Carpathian Ruthenia which the Soviets had seized and incorporated into the Soviet Ukraine, and which the new Czecho-Slovak government then ceded to the Soviet Union. The Slovaks were once more subjected to Czech domination. The new government announced the formation of a so-called National Front, supposedly a coalition of the Communist Party and three parties willing to collaborate with them, that is, Social Democrats, National Socialists, and People's Party. All Czech political parties of the center and the right 18 SLOVAKIA side were declared illegal, among them the National Democrats, the Artisans, and the Republican Agrarians, the the latter being the biggest political party in pre-war CzechoSlovakia. Their leaders and functionaries were jailed. All Slovak parties were likewise outlawed and, instead, new leftist parties, such as the so-called Slovak Democratic Party and other puppet groups, were artificially created. In this way, political parties were abolished which, before World War II, had long represented the large majority of the nonCommunist Czech and Slovak peoples. In addition to these millions of Czechs and Slovaks, all Sudeten Germans and Magyars were disfranchised. Only by applying this method of outlawing political opponents - exactly copying Hitler's procedure in Berlin in 1933 - and of exploiting the prejudice of their willing collaborators, did the Communists succeed in 1946 in showing up as the largest political party. Now free elections, freedom of speech and press were abolished. Kangaroo courts, called people's courts, were established in order to liquidate the opponents of Communism. So-called National Committees, fashioned after the Russian local "Soviets", were set up to take over the work of administrative offices. The economy was nationalized. While Benes himself assumed the office of president, Communists were appointed to key positions at all levels and, from the beginning, were in control of police, army, and the state propaganda machine. The non-Communist ministers collaborated at every turn and supported the Communist line. Since some of these people later escaped to the West it may be of interest to mention, in addition to those who signed the Kosice program, some of the .p rominent politicians of the era of the so-called National Front: Dr. Peter Zenkl - Vice Premier; Dr. Jozef Lettrich - leader of the Red puppet Slovak Democratic Party who, after the 1946 elections when the Slovaks had failed to vote for the Communists, signed the agreement abolishing Slovakia's autonomy; Dr. Jan Papanek, Dr. Juraj Slavik, and Frantisek Nemec - who represented as ambassador abroad the Red regime of Prague; Ferdinand Peroutka. a. Socialist journalist; and Milos Vanek - one of the original bosses of the Czecho-Slovak Communist Party. SLOVAKIA 19 The Reign of Terror - Rule of Decrees A reign of terror began with the arrival of the Soviet Red Army and the regime which was to become the government of the so-called National Front. One of the first administrativ e measures provided for the hasty constructio n of concentrati on camps into which tens of thousands of Sudeten Germans were driven. The late R. R. Stokes, a former British minister, has given a vivid description of conditions in those camps which he himself had visited. Benes' inciting words; "Annihilate the Germans where you find them," broadcast from Kosice, led to a wave of cruel murder. The bloody Sunday at Aussig in July 1945, the massacres in Saaz, Brilx and Landskron, the death march of BrUnn are only some of those outrages for which the Czecho.1Slovak governmen t of that time will be held fully responsible . The Sudeten Germans were outlawed. Before being expropriated their homes were open for pillage either under the pretext of a raid for hidden weapons or merely by groups of police guards or plain Czech plunderers. In some towns orders were issued that homes of Germans must not be locked. Strict curfew was imposed on them. They were forced to wear white badges so as to make them conspicuou s. They were forbidden to use public conveyance s and the sidewalks, visit restaurants , write letters, change places of residence. They were restricted for buying groceries and shopping in stores to certain hours of the day, and special ration cards discriminat ing against them were issued. Schools and kindergartens were closed to their children. Adult Germans were called up and transported to the interior of Bohemia to provide forced labor on farms, in mines, and industry, at first without pay, later at low wages that were seldom paid. Still worse was the treatment in prisons,· where over-crowd ed cells, brutalities and disease, in addition to insufficien t rations, increased the death toll. Expulsions Were Planned We know now that the Communist s, by means of the expulsions, pursued the following objectives: First: By eliminating the German element from the 20 SLOVAKIA area, they wished to hasten the Communization of those countries. Second : In the depopulated regions, they wanted to introduce collective farms ,and state industrial enterprises fashioned after Russian Soviet examples before proceeding . with those schemes on a general scale. Third : The confiscated property was also to be used for bribery purposes, since destroying the sense of honesty turns into more pliable tools of immoral Communism. Fourth: By inciting to violence and acts of cruelty against the Germans, the Communists and their collabor ators hoped to build up hatred between the Germans and these Slavic peoples so as to make the latter wholly dependent on the alliance with Communist Russia. Fifth : The German expellees were to create social disorder and to be a hotbed of Communism in overcrowded West Germany. As to the expulsion of the Sudeten Germans, it may safely be said that this was not a spontaneous reaction of the Czech people agains the German occupation of their country, but an act planned by Czech politicians in exile and carried out by the government of the so-called National Front with all possible haste before the large majority of the Czech people would have time to think twice about it. Presidential decrees were supposed to give the proceedings a cloak of legality. Quotations from some of these decrees will point toward the responsibility of the government of the so-called National Front. First: Constitutional Decree of the President of the Republic of August 2, 1945: Article 1 1. Czecho-Slovak citizens of German or Magyar nationality who acquired German or Magyar citizenship under the regulation of the foreign occupational forces shall have lost their Czecho-Slovak citizenship by so doing. 2. The other Czecho-Slovak citizens of German or Magyar nationality shall lose their Czecho-1Slovak citizenship on the day when this decree will come into force. Signed by Benes, Fierlinger, Masaryk, Nosek, Svoboda. SLOVAKIA 21 Second: Decree of the President of the Republic of October 25, 1945: Any immovable and movable property shall be confiscated without any compensation, to the benefit of the Czecho-Slovak Republic . . . which is . . . owned: 1. By German or Magyar legal persons; or 2. by natural persons of German or Magyar nationality. Signed by the signers of the Kosice program. Third: Decree of the President of the Republic of January 21, 1946: Article 1 and without compensation and effect 1. With immediate for the purpose of the land reform such land property shall be confiscated as is owned by - (a) all persons of German or Magyar nationality without regard to their citizenship. Signed by Benes, Fierlinger, Nosek, Dr. Srobar, Dr. Stransky, Duris, Majer. Fourth: Law of May 8, 1946, passed by the povisional National Assembly: Article 1 Any act committed between September 30, 1938, and October 28, 1945, the object of which was to aid the struggle for liberty of the Czechs and Slovaks, or which represented due reprisals for actions of the occupation forces and their accomplices, is not illegal, even when such actions may otherwise be punishable by law. Signed by Benes, Fierlinger, Drtina, Svoboda. The last mentioned parliamentary act, which I have added to the decrees, provided for a general amnesty for all crimes committed against Germans, Magyars, and anti-Communist Czechs and Slovaks and thus gave ex port facto a semblance of legality to the law of the jungle. Expulsions a Violation of International Law The expulsion of the Sudeten Germans from the homes which they had inhabited for a thousand years violated the principle of the right to self-determination of peoples. We should remember that this right was solemnly proclaimed by our own President Woodrow Wilson, who in his Mount Vernon address of July 4, 1918, declared: 22 SLOVAKIA The settlement of every question, whether- of territory, of sover-eigty, of economic arrangement or political relationship, must be upon the basis of the free acceptance of that settlement by the peoples immediately concerned. It is well known that the U. S. Government has taken a prominent part in establishing this principle and in the development toward incorporating it into the law of nations. The expulsion of the Germans stands in direct contradiction to this great principle. The U. S. Government was also strenuously opposed to arbitrary displacement of persons during both World Wars. We protested against the transfer during World War I of Belgian workers and condemned, as a grave violation of international law, the displacement during World War II of Poles and other peoples within the then Nazi orbit. We asserted the right to resettle in their home countries, of all displaced persons. As to our own fellow citizens of Japanese descent, temporarily displaced after Pearl Harbor from their homes near the Pacific Ocean, we reaffirmed by an act of Congress the right to their homes. Let me also point out that article 9 of the United Nations Human Rights Declaration of December 10, 1948, as regards arbitrary e:xipulsion as contrary to international law and states that "no one shall be subject to arbitrary exile." Also relevant, it would seem to me, is the Convention on Genocide of December 11, 1946, which declares to be a crime, under international law, (a) killing members of a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group; (b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part. About 300,000 Sudeten Germans, that is, a considerable part of their total number, did not survive the removal from their ancient homeland, a fact which proves that they were victims of this crime. Let me finally quote from the draft code, prepared in accordance with the resolution of November 21, 1947, of the United Nations General Assembly, to define "offenses against the peace and security of mankind" that would be SLOVAKIA 23 "crimes under internation•al law, for which the responsible individuals shall be punished." Article 2, paragraph 11, lists: Inhuman acts such as murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation, or persecutions, committed against any civilian population on social, political, racial, religious, or cultural grounds by the authorities of a state or by private individuals acting at the instigation or with the toleration of such authorities. This adequately covers the expulsion of the Germans from Sudetenland as well as those from the German provinces east of the O<ler-Neisse line, and from other parts of Eastern Europe, and proves it to be - let me here repeat the words of article 1 of the penal draft code - among the "crimes under international law, for which the responsible individuals shall be punished." Voices Raised Against the Expulsions Many courageous persons have raised their voice against the expulsion of the Sudeten Germans. Even at the heyday of the so-called National Front regime, Rozsievac, a (Czech) Catholic paper in Olmtitz, dared to protest on October 31, 1945, against cruelties in internment camps and the rape of Sudeten German women; and in another newspaper, Obzory, Dr. Helena Kozeluhova, a journalist, objected to the cruelties of the expulsion. Of course, such voices were quickly suppressed and Dr. Kozeluhova, for instance, was forbidden to write another line - curiously by men who themselves are now in exile and professing to be anti-Communist. While the Sudeten Germans have stood up for the right to return to their ancient homeland, they have expressly renounced any thought of vengeance on the Czech people. The expellees publicly declared that they will support every endeavor toward a united Europe in which the peoples may live in freedom from fear and coercion. They called upon all nations and men of good will to join them in this great undertaking. Since then, the German expellees have persistently followed the policy to which their representatives had set hal¼d and seal at Stuttgart in 1950. Rejecting Communist and neutralist temptations as well ·a s appeals to 24 SLOVAKIA narrow nationalism, they are, today, perhaps the most dedicated adherents of a united Europe. But the Sudeten Germans did not rest their case with a solemn declaration of faith. They took practical steps toward an agreement, on the basis of mutual respect and a genuine search for a real solution, with their Czech and Slovak neighbors, now also in exile. In 1950, an agreement in London with the Czech National Committee, headed by Army General Lev Prchala. The agreement recognizes the right to self-determination of both nations, Czechs and Sudeten Germans. A realistic policy for Central as well as East Central Europe, that is, concerning Czecho-Slovakia and the Sudeten Germans, as well as concerning Poland, the Germans of East Prussia, and the other German provinces east of the OderN eisse Rivers can only be a policy that is both just and moral. It must be firmly based upon historical truth and the rule of international law. To assume that any government can ever develop a successful policy on the shaky structure of a wrong, and on perpetuating that wrong, is an illusion. It is my considered opinion that the German expellees should be encouraged to stand firm upon their right. It is in the best tradition of American foreign policy to denounce the wrong and to uphold the right. Moreover, wavering would be tantamount to further tightening the stranglehold on the captive peoples by the Kremlin and would thus actually support Soviet imperialism. Just as the Soviets dangled before the dizzy eyes of the Poles enticing bait of the German provinces east of the OderN eisse line, so the Czechs were being dazzled by Kremlin stooges with the rich spoils in the Sudetenland. To the same degree that the Poles accepted the German provinces, and the Czechs accepted the Sudeten properties out of the bloody hands of Stalin, they both permitted themselves to be chained to Moscow. This h•as been the fateful and deadly but logical result. Both the Czechs and Poles who think of keeping these spoils must continue to lean on Soviet Russian backing and thus render themselves subservient to the Kremlin.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Sudeten Germans Description An account of the resource Hon. B. Carroll Reece Slovakia, Vol. 8, No. 3 (28), December 1958 pp. 9-24 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Reece, B. Carroll (Brazilla Carroll), 1889-1961 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1958 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/c9c4f53ce6ca0f91a18ae7fb4222122b.pdf b31ab05607e2292f82d2a8b842ee53a3 PDF Text Text SLOVA!{.IA Published by th• Slovak League of America VOL. XII MARiCH-JilJNE, 1962 NO. 1 (35) THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE SLOVAK LANGUAGE Dr. Jolin Rekem Slovakia, the eastern part of Czecho-Slovakia, is today only a small territory, measuring 18,859 square miles. It is inha1bited prevailingly by the Slovak nation, a compact, independent national g11oup which belongs to the Indo-European race and to the large Slovanic family of people-s. The Slovak nation at this writing numbers a littlle over four million people within the confines of Slovakia. There are over two million in the United States, about a million in Hungary, some 400,000 in the Czech lands of Czecho.:Slovakia, and numerous minorities in other countries (France, Belgium, Brazil, Argentina, Germany, Canada, England, Yugoslavia, Sweden, and Australia). Because one of the most diacritical marks of an "independent nation" is its language, separating or distinguishing one nation from the rest of the sociall groups forming nations, it may be edifying to review briefly the historical development of the Slovak language as a manifestation of the ethnic individuality of the Slovak nation. THE ORIGIN OF SLOVAK CHRISTIAN CULWRE The ancient Slovaks - penetrating into the territory of the Danubian Basin sporadically from the second century to the fifth, and thereafter in greater numlbers were exposed to various cultural influences. In the first place it was the influence of the Christian religion, Christian culture. Christianity came to Slovakia not only from Germany (the archbishoprics of Regensburg, Passau and Sa1lzburg) but also from northern Italy (1). It came to them �2 SLOVAKIA from the people who could not speak the language of the Slovaks. The great impetus to Christianity in Slovakia came from Byzantium with the advent of the apostles SS. Cyril and Methodius in 863. The advent of these two saintly brothers meant a fundamental break-through in the history of Slovak culture and the history of the Slovak nation in general. They brought the foundation of Slovak ecclesiastical literature to the territory of the Danubian "Slovieni" - the forefathers of present-day Slovaks - to whom the Bulgaro-Macedonian dialect was more intelligible than Ger man. 1. The origin of Slovak ecclesiastical literature is dir ectly connected with the Slovak state of Great Moravia inasmuch St. Cyril (Constantine) tackled the problem of ,c omposing the Slovak alphabet .when he was given the task of going to Rastislav's principality among the Danubian "Slovieni" with ~the expressed purpose of preaching the Gospel in their language. Therefore, the impulse to write the first Slovak books and to compose the Glagolithic alphabet was given by a Slovak ruler. 2. SS. Cyril and Methodius continued in their creative work of the Slovak ecclesiastical language after their advent in Slovakia {2). 3. In the work of translating and writing, SS. Cyril and Methodius were aided by their Slovak pupils, especially by the group under Bishop Gorazd ,(3) . 4. The Slovak people accepted the Slovak ecclesiastical tongue as its own, inasmuch this literary language differed only dialectically from the related language which they spoke at that time. The gigantic strides made by Christianity in Slovakia after the advent of S,S. Cyril and Methodius is proof of this, as are also the numerous monasteries which sprang up in Slovakia from the 9th to the 13th centuries. 5. The Slovak ecclesiastical language was recognized as the language of the Danubian Slovaks by foreign countries (4). 6. When Popes Adrian II and John VII deigned to a:pprove the Slovak language as the language of sacred �SLOVAKIA 3 liturgy in the land of the Slovaks ,(5), they placed it on the same level with the other liturgical languages of that time (Hebrew, Greek, Latin). In effect, they made them cultural'ly independent and secured for them spiritual freedom and thereby equating the eastern elements with the western, Byzantium with Rome, organically assimilating them. Indeed, they roused and strengthened the feeling of nationa'l individuality and awakened appropriate awareness which is necessary for cultural aggression (6). This then was supplemented also with the independent Slovak ecclesiastical organization which included the entire ethnic territory of the Slovaks in Pannonia, Slovakia, and Moravia. With the influence of this independent organization, the Slovaks also had political independence. For these six reasons the Slovak nation and its historians regard the language of the liturgy of SS. Cyril and Methodius as a part of history of Slovak literature and an organic part of the general history of the Slovak nation. The correctness of the evaluation of this historical fact is further confirmed by these reasons: 1. In the Cyrilo-Methodian memoirs connected with Great Moravia there are found, even if isolatedly, distinct and lexical Slovakisms (7). 2. The Cyrillic literary and ecclesiastical tradition remained alive in Slovakia even after Latinization took over, when the Latin culture and alphabet came to prevail in Slovak literary history (8). LATIN OVER SLOVAK With the introduction of the Latin liturgy, which took place in the 13th century, a cultural switch resulted. The Slovak cultural basis yielded to the Latin. Latin became the language not only of the liturgy and science, but also became the medium of communication of all public life in Hungary. The higher and lesser nobility used it in political and social life. Slovakia had a large number of the lesser nobility, the "zemani." They, too, adopted Latin as the means of communication. The languages of the individual nationalities were pushed to the background, even �4 SLOVAKIA though we cannot say that they were completely ousted from public life. Slovak, Iike Magyar and the rest of the languages of the peoples of Hungary, continued to be the means of communications of the masses, and the people continued to use it to create their popular compositions. In 1460, for example, we find songs composed in the Slovak vernacular afbout "Michael Szilagyi and Vaclav Had'mazi" {9) •.A1so various songs and many legends a'bout good King Mathias who was a special friend of the living language of the people, because he was brought up in their environment. When the Polish clan of the Jagellos came to the Hungarian and Bohemian thrones, we again see that the Slovak language came to use in the court. Literary memoria:ls of King Vladislav II show linguistic traces of all the Slavonic nations over which he ruled. The letter he wrote to the people of Bratislava in 1492 contains traces of the Slovak, Polish and Czech languages {10). When it came to the spoken word in the Hungarian Assembly, the King was careful to adapt himself linguistically to the Slovaks who at that time, culturally and politically, still formed the nucleus of the Hungarian State. On February 9, 1492, Vladislav opened the Hungarian Assembly in Budin using the Slovak language. His speech was then translated into Magyar by Bishop Valentine of Varadin (11'). The years of the 11th to the 15th century were very trying years for the land of the Slovaks. Just when the Slovak element had ~most completely assimilated the wild Magyar hordes, the Cumans, relatives of the Magyars, tore into Slovakia in the 12th century and devastated the central Danube territory. Also in the 12th century, Slovakia was invaded and pillaged by the Tatars. And during the reign of Andrew II (1205-1235), the crusading armies, marching through Slovakia, did not spare S'lovakia and its inhabitants either. The struggle of various dynasties and noblemen fur the throne of Hungary in those years (Matthew Cak on the side of Vaclav against Charles Robert of the House of Anjou), and then the wild Czech Hussite invasions, were not favor- �SLOVAKIA 5 able for cultural development. Nevertheless, Gothic culture, which bloomed in the 14th and 15th centuries in Slovakia, let its rich memorials not only in buildings and other creations, but also in the verba•l art. It is unfortunate that domestic struggles for the throne, the Turkish wars, and the stormy re'belllions of the malcontents in the 17th century destroyed most of these precious architectural and literary acquisitions ('12). From the literary creation of the stirring 13th-16th centuries we nevertheless have the remnants of three kinds of literary memorials: 1. The compositions or letters written by the Slovaks in various Slovak dialects. 2. The literary items of Czech immigrants who settled in Slovakia and wrote in Czech which includes Slovakisms. 3. The correspondence of Czechs to Czechs in Slovakia, or to Slovaks in the Czech language {13) Historians of Czech literature, failing to make a distinction between these letters and documents, include them in the category of Slovak literature, and inasmuch as some of them were written in Czech, they attempted to prove that Slovak literature is really only a branch of Czech literature, because, they said, the Slovaks at first wrote in Czech and only later "separatists" - such as Bernolak and Stur - caused a rupture from Czech literature. Qui bene distinguit, bene docet - et, vice versa, qui male distinguit, male docet. And this saying applies even in the question of the literary language in Slovakia before the time of Bernolak. Therefore, we must clearly distinguish between the three types of literary exipression above. The first group rightfully belongs in Slovak literature and Slovak history. Even though linguistically, especially considering the etymological side, many of these written memorials are written in the Slovak western dialect which resembles the Czech in many respects, they are nevertheless Slovak literary memorials (remembrances) because the western dialect forms a part of the Slovak language as much as do the dialects of central and eastern �6 SLOVAKIA Slovakia. They differ from the Czech in the omission of the soft "R" which is characteristic of the Czech language. The second and third groups of written letters belong to Slovak literature only if we consider them in the wider meaning of the word, that is, as a collection of literary memorials that were written in Slovakia regardless of the language medium used. If, however, we consider it in the narrower sense, then these two groups, since they were not written in Slovak, rather belong to the literature of Czech emigrants. Never, however, can they be considered as proof against the existence of an independent Slovak language, because along with them and independent of them are proofs of independent Slovak creations. This is true not only in regard to the dialect of western Slovakia, which the Czechs like to confuse with the Czech tongue (14), but also in regard to the dialects of central Slovakia, Zvolen, Hont, etc. (15) . Officially, liturgical books of the Roman Catholic Church, inasmuch as they used the national language, already then were oriented directly toward the central dialect e16). Contemporary writers and those who used the western dialect regarded it as the Slovak language. Thus, for example, the productive Protestant preacher Daniel Sinapius Horcicka called his Latin-Slovak dictionary "Neoforum latino-slovenicum"; in 1678, Peter Hrabovsky published his "Manuale Latino-hungarico-slavonicum" in Bardejov; in 162, Peter Benicky wrote his "Verse slovenske P etra Benickeho" (The Slovak verses of Peter Benicky); Daniel Krman (1663-1740), the Lutheran superintendent, used the Czech ot the Kralice Bible for liturgical functions , but outside of that cultivated Slovak as is attested to by his work "Rudimenta grammaticae Slavonicae in gratiam Slovaciorum concinnara." While these grammarians used the western dialect of the Slovak language, the eminent Slovak scholar Mathias Belius (Funtik was his family name) at that time indicated that the central dialect was the genuine tongue of the Slovaks, praising it highly {17 It is necessary, too, to mention something about the 1 ) . �SLOVAKIA 7 record books of the various guilds which f1lourished in every Slovak town. The activities of these guilds (minutes of meetings, activities and regulations, etc.), where they are not written in Latin, are recorded in Slovak in the dialect of the respective guilds. Thus, for example, the guild records of Varin, which I made a personal study of, nowhere contain the typical letter of the Czech language, the soft "f," but phonetically mark the spoken Slovak words of that time (18). The same may be said of the guild records of Prievidza (19), and of Trencin ( 20) with their ancient complex orthography. However, the record books of Skalica - inasmuch as Skalica is located on the border of Slovakia and Moravia and was inhaibited by Czech guildmasters - Czech influences are in evidence: where the Master of the guild was a Czech, the Skalica books are written in Czech; where the Master was a Slovak, the entries were in the western Slovak dialect without the typical Czech letter "f" (21). THE SLOVAK OF THE JESUITS The thing that moved the soul of the Slovak people the effort to participate in the cultural life of the world in its own spirit, in its own tongue, and on its own stand - found expression particularly in the efforts of the graduates of the Catholic University of Trnava. This university, founded in 1635 by Archbishop Peter Pazmany in Trnava, the cultural center of western Slovakia, was directed by the Jesuit Fathers. The University of Trnava soon became the cultural center for all of Hungary, but its influence was felt particularly in the Slovak-inhabited parts of the country. The university print shop, in the residence of Canon M. Telegdy, developed into what at that time was considered a gigantic enterprise and it meant the enrichment of the spirituality of all Hungary and of an its nations. Here also Slovak literature was multiplied. It was here that the Slovak lesson books, later dictionaries and religious Slovak writings began to be published. The language of these literary works was the western Slovak dialect �8 SLOVAKIA which was not lexicographically uniform, with shades of the individual western dialects, but it differed from the Czech most typical expressions which are peculiar only to the Czechs and which no Slovak dialect possesses; and the absence of the Cz,ech "r" is plainly evident. Into this western Slovak dialect, which we call "Jesuit Slovak" to differentiate it from the western Slovak dialect which was grammatically codified by Bernolak, more and more forms of the central Slovak dialect gradually penetrated. Thus, for example, in the book of the Senator from Zilina, convert Nicholas Tamasi which was published in 1691 and titled "Prava katolicka rucni knizka" (A True Catholic Manual), we find the words "stiastny, krestjansky," etc., which expressly are central Slovakian forms of present-day literary Slovak, differing from the Czech corresponding forms "kfesfansky, stestny." Besides this, the book "Rituale Strigoniense," published by the Trnava Jesuits in 1715, is written in such beautiful form of the central Slovak dialect that it differs orthographically only to a very little extent from the Slovak which we find in the "Rituale Slovacchiae" which was published in the last decade. The Slovak of the Jesuits - as written and then spoken in plays presented by th~ Jesuits - even though from the beginning not uniform and regulated by rigid orthographical rules, nevertheless is the Slovak language, because the lexicon and the etymology of this language place it in the category of the Slovak language. What is more, the authors of it regard themselves as Slovaks and claim Slovak as their language, expressly distinguishing themselves from other Slovanic nations, even from the Czechs (22). The attempt of Jesuit S'lovak to grammatically unify the language of the Slovaks was made before Bernolak's time, as will be demonstrated shortly, but it was not perfected until Bernolak, the Catholic priest, with his "Dissertatio philologico-critica de literis Slavorum" (published in Bratislava in 1787), united the Slovak linguistic and national effort on the basis of his orthography. �SLOVAKIA 9 THE SALUTAR Y INFLUEN CE OF JESUIT CULTURE The Catholic University of Trnava, directed by the Jesuits, left indelible traces in the artistic life of Slovakia. We must credit the Jesuits for the fact that dramatic plays were staged not only in Latin, but also in the Slovak language. The students of the Jesuit colleges presented plays for the people, with a religious or secular theme, in Slovak. They presented a Slovak play in Bratislava already in 1628, and in the Spisske Podhradie in 1648. The actors of Trnava presented Slovak plays in many towns (Skalica, Levoca, Trencin, etc.). They dis-played their talents in Bratislava in the presence of the emperor himself, who expressed himself very favorably about their performanc e (23). The epochal significanc e of the Jesuit lovers of Slovak linguistic art rests in their collection of religious hymns, which they published. In Slovakia, church singing in the language of the people flourished from the oldest times, when ancient Slovak was recognized as one of the few languages of liturgy. The hymn "Hospodine pomiluj ny" comes to us from the tenth century (24). It was followed by many others. Evidence of this is found in the introductio n to the ''Cantus Catholici" ( written in the Spisska Kapitu1a on July 22, 1655, and published by the: University of Trnava), where it is noted that, besides the custom in some churches of rendering the Canon of the Holy Mass in the language of the people, the custom of the choir singing the Kyrie, Gloria, and Credo in the language of the people still obtains in all the Slovak churches of Pannonia (25). So that irrelevant hymns in the vernacular might not find their way into the sa,c red liturgy, ecclesiastic al synods from the earliest times issued rules and regulations pertaining to appropriate church hymns. Thus, in 1114, the Synod of Ostrihom (Estergom) ordered that only the hymns approved by the Synod should be sung in the churches. Similarly the Synod of Nitra, in 1494, ordered the daily reading of the Holy Mass with the singing of hymns in all churches under its jurisdiction in order to bind the people more intimately with the divine service. �10 SLOVAKIA Furthermore, in 1560, the Synod very emphatically commands the people to sing only those hymns in their churches for which there is proof that they had been used a hundred years before in the Catholic churches, or which were approved by the ecclesiastical authority. In 1629, the Trnava Synod directed all priests to see to it that the cantors, who teach singing of church hymns in the schoo[s, use only the hymns which are approved by the General Vicar. The Sy-.iod, convened in Trnava, in 1638, sent out experts of church hymns to collect all hymns which the people sing and present them to the church authority for approval and publication (27:). The professors of the University of Trnava devoted themselves to this task. They made a collection of old Slovak church hymns, supplemented them with new ones, and, finally, B. Szolosi, in 1655, published the collection under the title : "Canthus Catholici. Piesne katolicke a latinske i slovenske: nove i starodavne." This publication had an enormous significance, because it was the first published codification of Slovak church songs. It has enjoyed many editions. The Slovak Jesuits continued to collect and to compose church hymns in the language . of the people. Later they pu'blished a collection titled "Cantiones Catholicae." Many collections in manuscript of this era (17th-18th century) are preserved in Slovak monasteries and museums, foremost among them is the extensive work (1783) of composer Pavlin Bajan, a Slovak Franciscan. In the 19th century more and more church hymnals were published (28). Worthy of mention, too, is the fact that secular Slovak songs, popular ballads, were also collected during the 16th and 17th centuries. The original manuscripts of many of these were pla·ced in the building of the Slovak Museum Association of the Slovak Institute (Matica Slovenska) in Turciansky Svaty Martin. When the Magyars outlawed the association, the material which they did not destroy was transferred to the Magyar National Museum. Very many of the "Canthus Catholici" hymns were �11 SLOVAKIA placed in the latest "Jednotny katolicky spevnik (Unified Catholic Hymnal), published in 1937, on account of their poeticaJ and musical beauty and expression. Thus, the Jesuit cultural and artistic tradition of the 16th century even today is performing its mission and making its influence felt in Catholic Slovakia (29). IN CONCLUSION In its literary creations, the Slovak nation, both spiritually and linguistically, formed an independent linguistic group since the time of church-Slovak literature (the Great Moravian Empire). The existence of Czech literature of Protestant emigrants in Slovakia is not proof that the Slovaks did not have their own literature. When the Slovaks opened their homes hospita bly to the literature of Czech exiles, this does not mean that they closed their homes to their own language, to Slovak literary creations. Unnatural are the literary-historical constructions of some Czech literary historians who, motivated more by imperialistic desires and political efforts than scientific objectivity, use all means to deny the independence of Slovak literary creations, denying even the existence of an independent Slovak language before the time of Bernolak (Prazak, Flajshans, Travnicek). 1 In this treatise we have demonstrated that the Slovak people were conscious of their individuality long before Bernolak's time. What is more, there existed also an independent Slovak literary language as an expression of this independence. At first this language medium was not uniform: literary creations were written in the dialects of the various provinces. Later (16th-17th centuries) came the codification of western Slovak as the language of literature in the works of the S'lovak Jesuits, referred to as the Slovak of the Jesuits. A. Bernolak did not cause a breach or split between the Slovak and Czech languages. There was nothing to split. Slovak and Czech, as mediums of expression of two nations, the Slovak nation and the Czech nation, existed independently from Cyrilo-Methodian times. This is a historic fact. Before Bernolak's time there �12 SLOVAKIA were independent efforts to codify the language of Slovak literature. Whether the language of Slovak literature was the dialect of Trnava ("Jesuit Slovak"), or that of upper ' Nitra (Cama1 dulian translation of the Bible), it was always the language of the Slovaks, as is evidenced by the titles of dictionaries and grammars of that time (1S lavonicum, Slavonicae, Slovacciorum, Slovenske, Slovak, Slovensko, Slavus, Pannonus, etc.). The existence of a uniform "Czechoslovak" language is sheer fiction. It has no historical foundation and is simply the product of Czech imperialism. This was proved long ago, before the advent of modern Czech literary historians, by J. Kohut, an adherent of Osvald's literary group who made an extensive study of thE:' question. Kohut wrote: "From all of this it follows that Catholic Slovaks (and they always were the vast majority of the Slovak nation) never wrote in pure Czech ... Slovak Catholics always used Slovak as their literary medium, being influenced more or less by books which were published in Czech and which they needed because of a lack of their own. From the pre ..Bernolakian, that is the Jesuit, period, our Slovak language appears in books and in writing, which is more similar to the present manner of writing the older are the sources concerned" (30). With its discoveries, the new Slovak literary historical school but confirms the truthfulness of Kohut's claim and finds newer and newer evidences of independent national and linguistic feeling and creativity among the Slovaks. · The objectiveless claim of the adversaries of the independent Slovak language, nay, even their claim that their was no independent Slovak national consciousness before Bernolak's time, is clearly refuted by the fact that quite some time before Bernolak's time (1762-1813 ), in 1728, John Baltazar Magin's (1682-1735) "l\'Iurices ... Sive Apologia . .. " was publish~d in defense of the political rights of the Slovak nation which formed a component part of Hungary. This apology, prepared by Magin at the request of the nobility estates of Trencin, is the highest expression of Slovak national and political self-consciousness and �SLOVAKIA 13 a defense of the Slovak language which is a symbol or the characteristic of the Slovak nation. If there were no other documentation to prove the existence of an independent Slovak language and Slovak nationalism before the time of Bernolak, then Magin's "Apologia" would alone be sufficient or adequate. However, the Lord be praised, there are also other evidences, like the translation of the Holy Writ into Slovak (1756) before Bernolak's time, as well as dictionaries, grammars, popular poetic creations, public and private correspondence, etc. From this it follows that the Slovak nation did use its own Slovak language as a manifestation of its own individuality and medium of expression and understanding from the time of the church-Slovak literary memorials (the Great Moravian Empire). From the most ancient times, the Slovak language symbolized the Slovak nation and in the history of the Slovaks these two notions were correlative. REFERENCES 1. The "Cividalsky evangeliar" contains evidence that the Sfo• vaks had direct contact with centers of Christian oivilizati-on in Ital'Y. Con1.pare Jan Sitanislav: "Zo itudia slovanskych osobn,y ch mien v Evanjeliu cividalskom," Slavia X¥1!1[, 194'7, pp. 871-1!()0, and his "Slovenski putnici do Talianska koncom VIII. a v IX. storoci," Nas Narod, m, 1944', w. 89--96. 2. 'Dhe comipletion of the translation of the Hol'Y Writ on October 26, on the territory of Great Moraivia 3. Jan Stanislav: "Slovanski apoitolovia Cyril a Me,tod a ich cinnost' vo Vel'komorav·s kej .risi," Sl<Nenska akademia vded a umeni (SIAV'lJ), Bratislava, 1945; A. A. Banik: "Apostol Gorazd, prvy raz v dejinach spominany slovensky knaz, spisovatel' a svatec," Kultura, IX, 1937. 4. 'Pope Hadrian II's letter to the Slovak princes RJa,s tislav, SviitQ1Pluk and Kocel' . . . "in your language ... " .Afso Pope John \l'III's Bull (880) in which he "legaUy approves and orderu;" the Slovak scru'pture for the Danwbian Slovieni. 5. Pope John VIEI's Bull "lndustriae tuae" to Sviitopluk. 6. Jofo K. Smalov: "Zastoj kato:lkkej hi,e rarchie v slovensk,o m narod,nom a kulturnom zivote, v M/ONS SAINCT!I MAIRIDIINlI, Rufomlberok, 1947, p. 60. 7. Smal'ov, op. cit. 8. Evidence of this are the Cyrillian :firagments found in the old codex of the li!brary of the Spisska Kapitula. See also: Alojz �14 SLOVAKIA Mi§kovic's "Spisske Cyrilske ulomky X ~l.•XilU. storocia (I), lch Nale:r: 1929, pp. 80-,81, and Valer pogorielov's "Spisske Cyrilske ulomky :X:lil.-XIIIII. storocia; ich pOlpis, ro:zJbor a otisk" OJI). pp. 81"87. 9. Jan Kollar: "Narodne Zpievanky," VoI. 1, pp. 31-32, 45, a,nd Vol. lil, pp. 7• and following. 10. CzeC'h and '"Czechoslov;ak" hi'Storians violate history when, without regard to Vladislav Jagiello's origLn, and without re~•ard for lc-ertaiin common orthographical similarities between Czech and Polish, they claim these common Polish4Czech forms as Czechism. The use of "rz" in some documents tn Slovakia in the forim not ,of "R" but "RZ" is not proof di a Czec'hi-sm, but rather is evidence O'f Polish, especially w hen the persons using them are of Polish o·r igin. 111. Jan Por,u/bsky: "K stemu Vyrociu t.iterarnej Slovenciny," 1J945, Obr,ana Press, Scranton, Pa., p. 73. 12. Gillbert L. Oddo: "Slovakia and Its People," Robert Speller and Sons, Ntew Y-0r,k, 1960, p:p. 27-70. 113. The Hrussite Czechs invaded Sloviakia in the 15th century for plunder and to fight against the Slovak nolbility, who preferred a Polish J,a,geiUonian to a Czech on the Hu,n,garian throne. 14. 'llhe ill-<l'aimed Albert Prazak, Flajshans, and others. 1•5. Arn ana'1ysis of these songs from the year 11576 on is in Jan Porulbsky\s work; op. oit., p. 76. 16. 'Dhe 1560 edition of the Ostrihom (lEstergom) Ritual contains centraVSloviak expressions, which sound very much like the Slovak ,of today (krst, sob.a§, etc.). 17. Mathias Funtik, (1687Lli7'49), in his work "lnstitutiones Lin• guae Germanicae et Slavicae in Hunga,ria" (L,evoca, 17,18); "In noth,i,ng is it ,b ehind either the seriousness a,nd ~ra,n deur o'f Spanish, or the charm and smoothness Olf Fr-ench, or the sulbliimity and force of English, or the wealth of meaning and emphasis of German, or the softness and ewphony, of Italy, or, finaHy, the imperious rigor of Magyar." 18. The guild books uf Varin come from the years 1,668-1714; some were ,placed in my l~brary, othens i,n the homes O'f individual guildmasters. 19. Mii!lmlas Misik: "Prievidzke cechy," also his "Mesto Prievidza;" and Jan Poru'bsky, o,p. cit., p. 90. 20. Jlozef Branecky: Zo stareho Trencina," 1928, 1-J!Il[. 21. Jlozef Satek: "Naboienske pomery v Skalici od Reformacie do Jozefinizmu,'' S:polok sv. Vojtecha (SSV), Tr,n,ava, 1J946 (the Czech text of the guild book is quoted on p. 188, the Slovak on p. 200). 'Frantisek V. Sasinek: "Cechovne artikule ievcov v Skalici r. 1615", Sloverusky Letopis m. pp. 31,0.3>14'. livan Houdek: "Cechovnictvo na Slovensku," Turciansky Svaty Martin, 1943. 22. Ev>en J~ros1av Vlcek, lik,e other Czech literary historians, incorreic.tly claims that Stefan D:uibnljlcay wrote in Czech and places his work,s in the Czech ca<tegory. But Dulbnicay, writing in the western .dialect df Slovaki-a, did not use the typi-cal Czech "R" or {[I[)", BratislalV'a, �SLOVAKIA 15 "RZ" i.n bis works. In the Latin foreword Olf bi·s "Eductus coluber tortuosus" (l 723~, in the letter Off the Bishop af Vrati.slava (Breslau; W;r6claw in Polish), he di:fiferentiates ·b etween the Slovaks and <nechs (''IBohemi et Slavi"). See Jan Rekem's "Stefan Dubnicay a jeho doba" (in the chapter titled "Slovanske narodne povedomie v d1ele St. Dubnicaya"), Trencin, 19412. 23. St. JuroV1Sky: "Jezuitske divadlo na Slovensku." 24. Accord~ng to Skultety, it is necessary to seek the origin, of this song in Slovakia. 25. Benedikt Szolosi, S.J. (1609-1656), in the introduction to Cantus Catholici, Trnava, 1655. 26. C. Peterfy: "Sacra Concilia Eccl. R. Cath. in Regno Hungariae celebrata, I, 1,74!1·, p. 60 (ca,p. XIIJW). "Nihil legatur vel cantetur in Ecclesia, nisi q:uod fuer'it in Synodo collaudatum." '217. Jan Postenyi: "Privet, Jednotny Katolicky Spevnik," Trnava, SSV, 193'7 . .28. The "large edition" of the ".Tednotny Kratolicley S'pevnik" (1937) mentions eight various hymnals which were published, some Olf which went into several editions. 29. F'or t.he history o.f Slovak spiritual songs of this era, see Dr. Jan Rlikem's "Teplanske duchovne piesne. Zo star!ej eschatologickej poezie trencianskeho Povaiia," Celko, Tr-enci,n,, 1~. 30. Literarne Listy, 1891:, pp. 64-66. LITERATURE Banik A. A.: "Slovenska rec a jej ... vyvoj", in the Pamatnica (Album) of the Tatran, Brno, 1923; "Jan Baltazar Magin a jeho politicka narodna i kulturna obrana Slovakov," in the Sbornik ~Magazine) LV-0, SSV, Vol. Jilil, No. 1•2, Tr.navia, 1936. •B obek W.: "Prehl'adne dejiny slov. literatury," Bratislaiva, 1'939. Botto Jul.: "Slovaci. Vyvin ich narodneho Povedomia," Tore. Sv. Miar,tin, 11923. ·B ujnak P.: "Hlavne prudy a snahy v literature Slovenskej do L:. Stura," slovemiska citanka, Praha, 1925. IBranecky J. : "Zo stareho Trencina," Trencin, 1928. Bucko V. : "Reformne hnutie v arcibiskupstve ostrihomskom do r. 1564," Bratislava, 1939; "Mikulas Olah a jeho doba," B;r,atislrav-a, 194!0. Corpusiuris Hungarici, Budae, 1.717·9. Fejer G.: "Codex diplomaticus Hungariae ecclesiasticus et civilis," Budae, 1829-1844. Faith St.: "Slovenski katolicki kazatelia X~lll. storoc:M," Teologica Catholica Slovaca, Br,a tislava, I, 1941. IFlajshans V.: "Pisemnictvi ceske," Praha, 1901. [)iels P.: "Altkirchenslavische Grammatik," Heidellbe:iig, 1, 193~; ][, 1934. Dorosenko D.: "Slavianskij Svit," Berlin, 19.22. Dubn-iczaj St.: "Eductus coluber tortuosus," Tyrnaviae, 1.7•23. �16 SLOVAKIA Hodza M.: "Ceskoslovensky rozkol," Turc. Sv. Martin, 1920. iHoudek I.: "Cechovnictvo na Slovensku," Turc. ,Sv. Martin, 1943. Hrusovsky F.: "Slovenske Dejiny," Turc. Sv. Martin, 1939. tHuri>an J. M.: "Slovensko a jeho iivot literarny," Siovenske pohl'ady, 11847. Chaloupecky V.: "Stare Slovensko," Bratislarva, 1!}23,; "Kniha Zilinska,'' Bratislava, 1934'; "Stredoveke listy ze• Slovenska,'' Bratislava--Praha, 1937. C'hrobak D.: "Rukovat' dejin slov. litera,tury," Prnha-IBratislava, 1932. !Kacka-J. !Kramoris: "A Short Histo.ry of Slovak Literature," The National News, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1944. Kirschbaum J.: "Slovak Nation At the Crossroads of Central Eu.rope," New York, 1·960. Kollar J.: "Narodne Zpievanky," I, LI, Budin, 1835. !Krcmery St.: "Prehl'ad dejin slovenskej literatury a vzdelanosti," '1:urc. Sv. Martin, 1921. I.tepacek C.: "Frantiskani v slovenskej literature pred Bernolakom," Kultura, Trna,va, 193'7. Lesldev A.: "Grammatik der Altbulgarischen Sprache," Heide]berg, 1919. Jialkulbec J.: "Dej iny lit. c:eske," fil, Praha, 1,93'2. Jirecek J.: "Rukovet' k dejinam Lit. c:eske," Praha, 1•875. Jlungman J.: "Histo.rie literatury c:eske," Praha, 18419. Misik, M.: ''Husiti na Slovenslkiu," Banska Bystriica, 1'9 28; "Prievidza," Trnava, 1'944. Miskovic A.: "Spisske Cyril,ke ulomky x ,11.-XIII. storocia. I. lch NalH," m, Bratislava, 1929. M.islm\'ic A.-Pisut M.: "Dejiny slovenskej literatury,'' Bratislaiva, 1,941. Miiklosich F.: "Vergleichende Gramma•t ik der Slavischen Sprache, I-IV," Heidelberg, 1926. Oddo Gilbert: "Slovakia and Its People," New York, 1960. -Osva1d R.: "Literarne Listy," 1891~11894. P,e trik G.: "Magyar bibliographiaja,'' Buda,pest, 1'888. P-o gorielov V.: "Spisske cyrilske ulomky, II. lch popis, rozbor a otisk," Bratislava, m, 1929. Porulbslky J.: "K stemu vyrociu literarnej slovenciny," Scranton, Pa., 19415. Prazak A.: "Dej iny spisovnej slovenc:iny po dobu Sturovu," Praha, 1922; "Rukovet' dej iny c:eske literatury," Tu\aha, 19211; "Sbornik I. sjezdu slovanskych filologu v Praze 1929," Pr-a ha, 1932; "Slovenska svojskost','' Bratislava, 1,92'6. iRekem Jan: "Stefan Dubnicaj a jeho doba," Trencin, 1943; "Z kultur• nych dejin Trencianskeho Povaiia," Trencin, 1943; "Teplanske duchovne piesne. Zo s,tarsej eschatologickej poezie," Trencin, 1943; "Bibliografia trencianskych tlac:i a vydani," Trencin, 1194!4. Rizner U.: "Bibliografi.a pisomnictva slovenskeho," Turc. Sv. Mar~n, 1933'. Rarpant D.: "K poc:iatkom mad'arizacie," Bratislaiva, 1931; "Mad'ar6nstvo Bernolakovo," Bratislava, 1930. �17 SLOVAKIA Sasinek V.: "Slovensky Letopis," I-ll!l!I. Stanislav J .: "Zo studia slovanskych osobnych mien v Evanjeliu c1v1d,a lskom," Slavia, XVl]l, 1947';"Slovenski put111ici do Talianska koncom VIII . a v IX. storocia," Nas narod, lil, 1'944;"Slovanski apostol'ovia Cyril a Metod a ich cinnost' vo Vel'komoravskej risi," SAVIU, Bratislava, 1945. Sa!fari1k P. J .: "Geschichte der slaw. Sprache und Literature," Prag, 1869. Sabek J.: " Naboienske pomery V Skal ici od .reformacie do jozef inizmu," SSV, 'Jlrnaiva, 1946. Smalov.JKutniik J.: "Zastoj katolickej hierarchie v slove-nskom na rodnom a kulturnom iivote," Mons Seti Martini, Rufomberok, 1947. Spirko J .: "Cirkevne dejiny," 'l'urc. Sv. Martin, 1943. Varsik B.: "Husiti a reformacia na Slovensku do iilinskej synody," Brati:slava, 119312; "Nar'o dnostny problem t.rnavskej univerzity," Bratislava, 1:9318. Vlcek J .: "Dejiny literatury slovenskej," Turc. Sv. MiartJin, 192 3; "De jiny litel'atury ceske," Pr,a ha, 1'93 1! Weiss-Nage'1 Sit.: "Jezuitske divadlo na Slovensku v XVII. a XVIIII. storoci," in the Album of th,e Trnavia University 163&-177f71, 'l'r,nava, 1'935. ZeUiger A.: "Egyhazi ir6k csarnoka," Nagysz,ombat, 1893; "Pantheon 1 1 Ty.rnav iense bibliographicam continens recens ionem operum typis Tyrnaviensibus aa1578-1930 editorum iconibus nonnullis i llustratum," Tyrnaviae, 1'931. RED C~ECH eX:perts, including experts on police and espionage ma't'ters, arie in Oulba to heip Fidel Oastro in his fight ag-aii,nst Amer.i.can imperialism, a·ccording to reports. The head of a Cuban delegation, which arrived in Prague in July of this year, was headed by A. N. Jliiminez, who wa·s promptly awa,rded 'I1he Order of the Wlhite Lion, t he highest Czech decoraltion. Raul Castro, attending the Spartacus Games in J uly, was also given the award. 'l'he Czech Reds haive granted Cuba vredits of $20,000,000 and have undertaken to build eight factories worth $3'2,000,000. A<nd to think of it, the United States was respons1ble for t he esta'blishmenlt of CzechoSlov-a kia back in 191,8! 1 plied. La&t year 20 were aUowed to take lllP studies for the priesth ood. The NITRA diocese. in 1960, lost 15 priests by death, re'tlirement, and "other reasons"; O!llil.y one priest was ordained in that year. The 'I1R!NAVtA diocese is short 240 pniests. In 1961 only eleven priests were ordained for the whdle of Slovak'ia. The Czech Reds of Prague corut'inue their systematic persecution of the Catholic Ohurich in Slovakia. )Jg )Jg )Jg THE "PRAVDA" of Bratislava (Sept. 26, 1'9611) tr•a1msl-ated a column by Drew Pearson and pulblis'hed it in Sloviak. It had appeared in the NIEW YORIK MiIRlRO!R and d'e alt wit·h the "Berliin issue." )Jg )Jg )Jg The Pravda article was tiitled "Cas THE BRATISLAVA SEMINARY a uda,l osti su proti USA." (Time was allowed to accept 15 applicants and Events Are Against 11he USA). even though 80 young men had ap- Obviously it suited the Reds. � SLOVA!{.IA Published by th• Slovak League of America VOL. XII MARiCH-JilJNE, 1962 NO. 1 (35) THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE SLOVAK LANGUAGE Dr. Jolin Rekem Slovakia, the eastern part of Czecho-Slovakia, is today only a small territory, measuring 18,859 square miles. It is inha1bited prevailingly by the Slovak nation, a compact, independent national g11oup which belongs to the Indo-European race and to the large Slovanic family of people-s. The Slovak nation at this writing numbers a littlle over four million people within the confines of Slovakia. There are over two million in the United States, about a million in Hungary, some 400,000 in the Czech lands of Czecho.:Slovakia, and numerous minorities in other countries (France, Belgium, Brazil, Argentina, Germany, Canada, England, Yugoslavia, Sweden, and Australia). Because one of the most diacritical marks of an "independent nation" is its language, separating or distinguishing one nation from the rest of the sociall groups forming nations, it may be edifying to review briefly the historical development of the Slovak language as a manifestation of the ethnic individuality of the Slovak nation. THE ORIGIN OF SLOVAK CHRISTIAN CULWRE The ancient Slovaks - penetrating into the territory of the Danubian Basin sporadically from the second century to the fifth, and thereafter in greater numlbers were exposed to various cultural influences. In the first place it was the influence of the Christian religion, Christian culture. Christianity came to Slovakia not only from Germany (the archbishoprics of Regensburg, Passau and Sa1lzburg) but also from northern Italy (1). It came to them �2 SLOVAKIA from the people who could not speak the language of the Slovaks. The great impetus to Christianity in Slovakia came from Byzantium with the advent of the apostles SS. Cyril and Methodius in 863. The advent of these two saintly brothers meant a fundamental break-through in the history of Slovak culture and the history of the Slovak nation in general. They brought the foundation of Slovak ecclesiastical literature to the territory of the Danubian "Slovieni" - the forefathers of present-day Slovaks - to whom the Bulgaro-Macedonian dialect was more intelligible than Ger man. 1. The origin of Slovak ecclesiastical literature is dir ectly connected with the Slovak state of Great Moravia inasmuch St. Cyril (Constantine) tackled the problem of ,c omposing the Slovak alphabet .when he was given the task of going to Rastislav's principality among the Danubian "Slovieni" with ~the expressed purpose of preaching the Gospel in their language. Therefore, the impulse to write the first Slovak books and to compose the Glagolithic alphabet was given by a Slovak ruler. 2. SS. Cyril and Methodius continued in their creative work of the Slovak ecclesiastical language after their advent in Slovakia {2). 3. In the work of translating and writing, SS. Cyril and Methodius were aided by their Slovak pupils, especially by the group under Bishop Gorazd ,(3) . 4. The Slovak people accepted the Slovak ecclesiastical tongue as its own, inasmuch this literary language differed only dialectically from the related language which they spoke at that time. The gigantic strides made by Christianity in Slovakia after the advent of S,S. Cyril and Methodius is proof of this, as are also the numerous monasteries which sprang up in Slovakia from the 9th to the 13th centuries. 5. The Slovak ecclesiastical language was recognized as the language of the Danubian Slovaks by foreign countries (4). 6. When Popes Adrian II and John VII deigned to a:pprove the Slovak language as the language of sacred �SLOVAKIA 3 liturgy in the land of the Slovaks ,(5), they placed it on the same level with the other liturgical languages of that time (Hebrew, Greek, Latin). In effect, they made them cultural'ly independent and secured for them spiritual freedom and thereby equating the eastern elements with the western, Byzantium with Rome, organically assimilating them. Indeed, they roused and strengthened the feeling of nationa'l individuality and awakened appropriate awareness which is necessary for cultural aggression (6). This then was supplemented also with the independent Slovak ecclesiastical organization which included the entire ethnic territory of the Slovaks in Pannonia, Slovakia, and Moravia. With the influence of this independent organization, the Slovaks also had political independence. For these six reasons the Slovak nation and its historians regard the language of the liturgy of SS. Cyril and Methodius as a part of history of Slovak literature and an organic part of the general history of the Slovak nation. The correctness of the evaluation of this historical fact is further confirmed by these reasons: 1. In the Cyrilo-Methodian memoirs connected with Great Moravia there are found, even if isolatedly, distinct and lexical Slovakisms (7). 2. The Cyrillic literary and ecclesiastical tradition remained alive in Slovakia even after Latinization took over, when the Latin culture and alphabet came to prevail in Slovak literary history (8). LATIN OVER SLOVAK With the introduction of the Latin liturgy, which took place in the 13th century, a cultural switch resulted. The Slovak cultural basis yielded to the Latin. Latin became the language not only of the liturgy and science, but also became the medium of communication of all public life in Hungary. The higher and lesser nobility used it in political and social life. Slovakia had a large number of the lesser nobility, the "zemani." They, too, adopted Latin as the means of communication. The languages of the individual nationalities were pushed to the background, even �4 SLOVAKIA though we cannot say that they were completely ousted from public life. Slovak, Iike Magyar and the rest of the languages of the peoples of Hungary, continued to be the means of communications of the masses, and the people continued to use it to create their popular compositions. In 1460, for example, we find songs composed in the Slovak vernacular afbout "Michael Szilagyi and Vaclav Had'mazi" {9) •.A1so various songs and many legends a'bout good King Mathias who was a special friend of the living language of the people, because he was brought up in their environment. When the Polish clan of the Jagellos came to the Hungarian and Bohemian thrones, we again see that the Slovak language came to use in the court. Literary memoria:ls of King Vladislav II show linguistic traces of all the Slavonic nations over which he ruled. The letter he wrote to the people of Bratislava in 1492 contains traces of the Slovak, Polish and Czech languages {10). When it came to the spoken word in the Hungarian Assembly, the King was careful to adapt himself linguistically to the Slovaks who at that time, culturally and politically, still formed the nucleus of the Hungarian State. On February 9, 1492, Vladislav opened the Hungarian Assembly in Budin using the Slovak language. His speech was then translated into Magyar by Bishop Valentine of Varadin (11'). The years of the 11th to the 15th century were very trying years for the land of the Slovaks. Just when the Slovak element had ~most completely assimilated the wild Magyar hordes, the Cumans, relatives of the Magyars, tore into Slovakia in the 12th century and devastated the central Danube territory. Also in the 12th century, Slovakia was invaded and pillaged by the Tatars. And during the reign of Andrew II (1205-1235), the crusading armies, marching through Slovakia, did not spare S'lovakia and its inhabitants either. The struggle of various dynasties and noblemen fur the throne of Hungary in those years (Matthew Cak on the side of Vaclav against Charles Robert of the House of Anjou), and then the wild Czech Hussite invasions, were not favor- �SLOVAKIA 5 able for cultural development. Nevertheless, Gothic culture, which bloomed in the 14th and 15th centuries in Slovakia, let its rich memorials not only in buildings and other creations, but also in the verba•l art. It is unfortunate that domestic struggles for the throne, the Turkish wars, and the stormy re'belllions of the malcontents in the 17th century destroyed most of these precious architectural and literary acquisitions ('12). From the literary creation of the stirring 13th-16th centuries we nevertheless have the remnants of three kinds of literary memorials: 1. The compositions or letters written by the Slovaks in various Slovak dialects. 2. The literary items of Czech immigrants who settled in Slovakia and wrote in Czech which includes Slovakisms. 3. The correspondence of Czechs to Czechs in Slovakia, or to Slovaks in the Czech language {13) Historians of Czech literature, failing to make a distinction between these letters and documents, include them in the category of Slovak literature, and inasmuch as some of them were written in Czech, they attempted to prove that Slovak literature is really only a branch of Czech literature, because, they said, the Slovaks at first wrote in Czech and only later "separatists" - such as Bernolak and Stur - caused a rupture from Czech literature. Qui bene distinguit, bene docet - et, vice versa, qui male distinguit, male docet. And this saying applies even in the question of the literary language in Slovakia before the time of Bernolak. Therefore, we must clearly distinguish between the three types of literary exipression above. The first group rightfully belongs in Slovak literature and Slovak history. Even though linguistically, especially considering the etymological side, many of these written memorials are written in the Slovak western dialect which resembles the Czech in many respects, they are nevertheless Slovak literary memorials (remembrances) because the western dialect forms a part of the Slovak language as much as do the dialects of central and eastern �6 SLOVAKIA Slovakia. They differ from the Czech in the omission of the soft "R" which is characteristic of the Czech language. The second and third groups of written letters belong to Slovak literature only if we consider them in the wider meaning of the word, that is, as a collection of literary memorials that were written in Slovakia regardless of the language medium used. If, however, we consider it in the narrower sense, then these two groups, since they were not written in Slovak, rather belong to the literature of Czech emigrants. Never, however, can they be considered as proof against the existence of an independent Slovak language, because along with them and independent of them are proofs of independent Slovak creations. This is true not only in regard to the dialect of western Slovakia, which the Czechs like to confuse with the Czech tongue (14), but also in regard to the dialects of central Slovakia, Zvolen, Hont, etc. (15) . Officially, liturgical books of the Roman Catholic Church, inasmuch as they used the national language, already then were oriented directly toward the central dialect e16). Contemporary writers and those who used the western dialect regarded it as the Slovak language. Thus, for example, the productive Protestant preacher Daniel Sinapius Horcicka called his Latin-Slovak dictionary "Neoforum latino-slovenicum"; in 1678, Peter Hrabovsky published his "Manuale Latino-hungarico-slavonicum" in Bardejov; in 162, Peter Benicky wrote his "Verse slovenske P etra Benickeho" (The Slovak verses of Peter Benicky); Daniel Krman (1663-1740), the Lutheran superintendent, used the Czech ot the Kralice Bible for liturgical functions , but outside of that cultivated Slovak as is attested to by his work "Rudimenta grammaticae Slavonicae in gratiam Slovaciorum concinnara." While these grammarians used the western dialect of the Slovak language, the eminent Slovak scholar Mathias Belius (Funtik was his family name) at that time indicated that the central dialect was the genuine tongue of the Slovaks, praising it highly {17 It is necessary, too, to mention something about the 1 ) . �SLOVAKIA 7 record books of the various guilds which f1lourished in every Slovak town. The activities of these guilds (minutes of meetings, activities and regulations, etc.), where they are not written in Latin, are recorded in Slovak in the dialect of the respective guilds. Thus, for example, the guild records of Varin, which I made a personal study of, nowhere contain the typical letter of the Czech language, the soft "f," but phonetically mark the spoken Slovak words of that time (18). The same may be said of the guild records of Prievidza (19), and of Trencin ( 20) with their ancient complex orthography. However, the record books of Skalica - inasmuch as Skalica is located on the border of Slovakia and Moravia and was inhaibited by Czech guildmasters - Czech influences are in evidence: where the Master of the guild was a Czech, the Skalica books are written in Czech; where the Master was a Slovak, the entries were in the western Slovak dialect without the typical Czech letter "f" (21). THE SLOVAK OF THE JESUITS The thing that moved the soul of the Slovak people the effort to participate in the cultural life of the world in its own spirit, in its own tongue, and on its own stand - found expression particularly in the efforts of the graduates of the Catholic University of Trnava. This university, founded in 1635 by Archbishop Peter Pazmany in Trnava, the cultural center of western Slovakia, was directed by the Jesuit Fathers. The University of Trnava soon became the cultural center for all of Hungary, but its influence was felt particularly in the Slovak-inhabited parts of the country. The university print shop, in the residence of Canon M. Telegdy, developed into what at that time was considered a gigantic enterprise and it meant the enrichment of the spirituality of all Hungary and of an its nations. Here also Slovak literature was multiplied. It was here that the Slovak lesson books, later dictionaries and religious Slovak writings began to be published. The language of these literary works was the western Slovak dialect �8 SLOVAKIA which was not lexicographically uniform, with shades of the individual western dialects, but it differed from the Czech most typical expressions which are peculiar only to the Czechs and which no Slovak dialect possesses; and the absence of the Cz,ech "r" is plainly evident. Into this western Slovak dialect, which we call "Jesuit Slovak" to differentiate it from the western Slovak dialect which was grammatically codified by Bernolak, more and more forms of the central Slovak dialect gradually penetrated. Thus, for example, in the book of the Senator from Zilina, convert Nicholas Tamasi which was published in 1691 and titled "Prava katolicka rucni knizka" (A True Catholic Manual), we find the words "stiastny, krestjansky," etc., which expressly are central Slovakian forms of present-day literary Slovak, differing from the Czech corresponding forms "kfesfansky, stestny." Besides this, the book "Rituale Strigoniense," published by the Trnava Jesuits in 1715, is written in such beautiful form of the central Slovak dialect that it differs orthographically only to a very little extent from the Slovak which we find in the "Rituale Slovacchiae" which was published in the last decade. The Slovak of the Jesuits - as written and then spoken in plays presented by th~ Jesuits - even though from the beginning not uniform and regulated by rigid orthographical rules, nevertheless is the Slovak language, because the lexicon and the etymology of this language place it in the category of the Slovak language. What is more, the authors of it regard themselves as Slovaks and claim Slovak as their language, expressly distinguishing themselves from other Slovanic nations, even from the Czechs (22). The attempt of Jesuit S'lovak to grammatically unify the language of the Slovaks was made before Bernolak's time, as will be demonstrated shortly, but it was not perfected until Bernolak, the Catholic priest, with his "Dissertatio philologico-critica de literis Slavorum" (published in Bratislava in 1787), united the Slovak linguistic and national effort on the basis of his orthography. �SLOVAKIA 9 THE SALUTAR Y INFLUEN CE OF JESUIT CULTURE The Catholic University of Trnava, directed by the Jesuits, left indelible traces in the artistic life of Slovakia. We must credit the Jesuits for the fact that dramatic plays were staged not only in Latin, but also in the Slovak language. The students of the Jesuit colleges presented plays for the people, with a religious or secular theme, in Slovak. They presented a Slovak play in Bratislava already in 1628, and in the Spisske Podhradie in 1648. The actors of Trnava presented Slovak plays in many towns (Skalica, Levoca, Trencin, etc.). They dis-played their talents in Bratislava in the presence of the emperor himself, who expressed himself very favorably about their performanc e (23). The epochal significanc e of the Jesuit lovers of Slovak linguistic art rests in their collection of religious hymns, which they published. In Slovakia, church singing in the language of the people flourished from the oldest times, when ancient Slovak was recognized as one of the few languages of liturgy. The hymn "Hospodine pomiluj ny" comes to us from the tenth century (24). It was followed by many others. Evidence of this is found in the introductio n to the ''Cantus Catholici" ( written in the Spisska Kapitu1a on July 22, 1655, and published by the: University of Trnava), where it is noted that, besides the custom in some churches of rendering the Canon of the Holy Mass in the language of the people, the custom of the choir singing the Kyrie, Gloria, and Credo in the language of the people still obtains in all the Slovak churches of Pannonia (25). So that irrelevant hymns in the vernacular might not find their way into the sa,c red liturgy, ecclesiastic al synods from the earliest times issued rules and regulations pertaining to appropriate church hymns. Thus, in 1114, the Synod of Ostrihom (Estergom) ordered that only the hymns approved by the Synod should be sung in the churches. Similarly the Synod of Nitra, in 1494, ordered the daily reading of the Holy Mass with the singing of hymns in all churches under its jurisdiction in order to bind the people more intimately with the divine service. �10 SLOVAKIA Furthermore, in 1560, the Synod very emphatically commands the people to sing only those hymns in their churches for which there is proof that they had been used a hundred years before in the Catholic churches, or which were approved by the ecclesiastical authority. In 1629, the Trnava Synod directed all priests to see to it that the cantors, who teach singing of church hymns in the schoo[s, use only the hymns which are approved by the General Vicar. The Sy-.iod, convened in Trnava, in 1638, sent out experts of church hymns to collect all hymns which the people sing and present them to the church authority for approval and publication (27:). The professors of the University of Trnava devoted themselves to this task. They made a collection of old Slovak church hymns, supplemented them with new ones, and, finally, B. Szolosi, in 1655, published the collection under the title : "Canthus Catholici. Piesne katolicke a latinske i slovenske: nove i starodavne." This publication had an enormous significance, because it was the first published codification of Slovak church songs. It has enjoyed many editions. The Slovak Jesuits continued to collect and to compose church hymns in the language . of the people. Later they pu'blished a collection titled "Cantiones Catholicae." Many collections in manuscript of this era (17th-18th century) are preserved in Slovak monasteries and museums, foremost among them is the extensive work (1783) of composer Pavlin Bajan, a Slovak Franciscan. In the 19th century more and more church hymnals were published (28). Worthy of mention, too, is the fact that secular Slovak songs, popular ballads, were also collected during the 16th and 17th centuries. The original manuscripts of many of these were pla·ced in the building of the Slovak Museum Association of the Slovak Institute (Matica Slovenska) in Turciansky Svaty Martin. When the Magyars outlawed the association, the material which they did not destroy was transferred to the Magyar National Museum. Very many of the "Canthus Catholici" hymns were �11 SLOVAKIA placed in the latest "Jednotny katolicky spevnik (Unified Catholic Hymnal), published in 1937, on account of their poeticaJ and musical beauty and expression. Thus, the Jesuit cultural and artistic tradition of the 16th century even today is performing its mission and making its influence felt in Catholic Slovakia (29). IN CONCLUSION In its literary creations, the Slovak nation, both spiritually and linguistically, formed an independent linguistic group since the time of church-Slovak literature (the Great Moravian Empire). The existence of Czech literature of Protestant emigrants in Slovakia is not proof that the Slovaks did not have their own literature. When the Slovaks opened their homes hospita bly to the literature of Czech exiles, this does not mean that they closed their homes to their own language, to Slovak literary creations. Unnatural are the literary-historical constructions of some Czech literary historians who, motivated more by imperialistic desires and political efforts than scientific objectivity, use all means to deny the independence of Slovak literary creations, denying even the existence of an independent Slovak language before the time of Bernolak (Prazak, Flajshans, Travnicek). 1 In this treatise we have demonstrated that the Slovak people were conscious of their individuality long before Bernolak's time. What is more, there existed also an independent Slovak literary language as an expression of this independence. At first this language medium was not uniform: literary creations were written in the dialects of the various provinces. Later (16th-17th centuries) came the codification of western Slovak as the language of literature in the works of the S'lovak Jesuits, referred to as the Slovak of the Jesuits. A. Bernolak did not cause a breach or split between the Slovak and Czech languages. There was nothing to split. Slovak and Czech, as mediums of expression of two nations, the Slovak nation and the Czech nation, existed independently from Cyrilo-Methodian times. This is a historic fact. Before Bernolak's time there �12 SLOVAKIA were independent efforts to codify the language of Slovak literature. Whether the language of Slovak literature was the dialect of Trnava ("Jesuit Slovak"), or that of upper ' Nitra (Cama1 dulian translation of the Bible), it was always the language of the Slovaks, as is evidenced by the titles of dictionaries and grammars of that time (1S lavonicum, Slavonicae, Slovacciorum, Slovenske, Slovak, Slovensko, Slavus, Pannonus, etc.). The existence of a uniform "Czechoslovak" language is sheer fiction. It has no historical foundation and is simply the product of Czech imperialism. This was proved long ago, before the advent of modern Czech literary historians, by J. Kohut, an adherent of Osvald's literary group who made an extensive study of thE:' question. Kohut wrote: "From all of this it follows that Catholic Slovaks (and they always were the vast majority of the Slovak nation) never wrote in pure Czech ... Slovak Catholics always used Slovak as their literary medium, being influenced more or less by books which were published in Czech and which they needed because of a lack of their own. From the pre ..Bernolakian, that is the Jesuit, period, our Slovak language appears in books and in writing, which is more similar to the present manner of writing the older are the sources concerned" (30). With its discoveries, the new Slovak literary historical school but confirms the truthfulness of Kohut's claim and finds newer and newer evidences of independent national and linguistic feeling and creativity among the Slovaks. · The objectiveless claim of the adversaries of the independent Slovak language, nay, even their claim that their was no independent Slovak national consciousness before Bernolak's time, is clearly refuted by the fact that quite some time before Bernolak's time (1762-1813 ), in 1728, John Baltazar Magin's (1682-1735) "l\'Iurices ... Sive Apologia . .. " was publish~d in defense of the political rights of the Slovak nation which formed a component part of Hungary. This apology, prepared by Magin at the request of the nobility estates of Trencin, is the highest expression of Slovak national and political self-consciousness and �SLOVAKIA 13 a defense of the Slovak language which is a symbol or the characteristic of the Slovak nation. If there were no other documentation to prove the existence of an independent Slovak language and Slovak nationalism before the time of Bernolak, then Magin's "Apologia" would alone be sufficient or adequate. However, the Lord be praised, there are also other evidences, like the translation of the Holy Writ into Slovak (1756) before Bernolak's time, as well as dictionaries, grammars, popular poetic creations, public and private correspondence, etc. From this it follows that the Slovak nation did use its own Slovak language as a manifestation of its own individuality and medium of expression and understanding from the time of the church-Slovak literary memorials (the Great Moravian Empire). From the most ancient times, the Slovak language symbolized the Slovak nation and in the history of the Slovaks these two notions were correlative. REFERENCES 1. The "Cividalsky evangeliar" contains evidence that the Sfo• vaks had direct contact with centers of Christian oivilizati-on in Ital'Y. Con1.pare Jan Sitanislav: "Zo itudia slovanskych osobn,y ch mien v Evanjeliu cividalskom," Slavia X¥1!1[, 194'7, pp. 871-1!()0, and his "Slovenski putnici do Talianska koncom VIII. a v IX. storoci," Nas Narod, m, 1944', w. 89--96. 2. 'Dhe comipletion of the translation of the Hol'Y Writ on October 26, on the territory of Great Moraivia 3. Jan Stanislav: "Slovanski apoitolovia Cyril a Me,tod a ich cinnost' vo Vel'komorav·s kej .risi," Sl<Nenska akademia vded a umeni (SIAV'lJ), Bratislava, 1945; A. A. Banik: "Apostol Gorazd, prvy raz v dejinach spominany slovensky knaz, spisovatel' a svatec," Kultura, IX, 1937. 4. 'Pope Hadrian II's letter to the Slovak princes RJa,s tislav, SviitQ1Pluk and Kocel' . . . "in your language ... " .Afso Pope John \l'III's Bull (880) in which he "legaUy approves and orderu;" the Slovak scru'pture for the Danwbian Slovieni. 5. Pope John VIEI's Bull "lndustriae tuae" to Sviitopluk. 6. Jofo K. Smalov: "Zastoj kato:lkkej hi,e rarchie v slovensk,o m narod,nom a kulturnom zivote, v M/ONS SAINCT!I MAIRIDIINlI, Rufomlberok, 1947, p. 60. 7. Smal'ov, op. cit. 8. Evidence of this are the Cyrillian :firagments found in the old codex of the li!brary of the Spisska Kapitula. See also: Alojz �14 SLOVAKIA Mi§kovic's "Spisske Cyrilske ulomky X ~l.•XilU. storocia (I), lch Nale:r: 1929, pp. 80-,81, and Valer pogorielov's "Spisske Cyrilske ulomky :X:lil.-XIIIII. storocia; ich pOlpis, ro:zJbor a otisk" OJI). pp. 81"87. 9. Jan Kollar: "Narodne Zpievanky," VoI. 1, pp. 31-32, 45, a,nd Vol. lil, pp. 7• and following. 10. CzeC'h and '"Czechoslov;ak" hi'Storians violate history when, without regard to Vladislav Jagiello's origLn, and without re~•ard for lc-ertaiin common orthographical similarities between Czech and Polish, they claim these common Polish4Czech forms as Czechism. The use of "rz" in some documents tn Slovakia in the forim not ,of "R" but "RZ" is not proof di a Czec'hi-sm, but rather is evidence O'f Polish, especially w hen the persons using them are of Polish o·r igin. 111. Jan Por,u/bsky: "K stemu Vyrociu t.iterarnej Slovenciny," 1J945, Obr,ana Press, Scranton, Pa., p. 73. 12. Gillbert L. Oddo: "Slovakia and Its People," Robert Speller and Sons, Ntew Y-0r,k, 1960, p:p. 27-70. 113. The Hrussite Czechs invaded Sloviakia in the 15th century for plunder and to fight against the Slovak nolbility, who preferred a Polish J,a,geiUonian to a Czech on the Hu,n,garian throne. 14. 'llhe ill-<l'aimed Albert Prazak, Flajshans, and others. 1•5. Arn ana'1ysis of these songs from the year 11576 on is in Jan Porulbsky\s work; op. oit., p. 76. 16. 'Dhe 1560 edition of the Ostrihom (lEstergom) Ritual contains centraVSloviak expressions, which sound very much like the Slovak ,of today (krst, sob.a§, etc.). 17. Mathias Funtik, (1687Lli7'49), in his work "lnstitutiones Lin• guae Germanicae et Slavicae in Hunga,ria" (L,evoca, 17,18); "In noth,i,ng is it ,b ehind either the seriousness a,nd ~ra,n deur o'f Spanish, or the charm and smoothness Olf Fr-ench, or the sulbliimity and force of English, or the wealth of meaning and emphasis of German, or the softness and ewphony, of Italy, or, finaHy, the imperious rigor of Magyar." 18. The guild books uf Varin come from the years 1,668-1714; some were ,placed in my l~brary, othens i,n the homes O'f individual guildmasters. 19. Mii!lmlas Misik: "Prievidzke cechy," also his "Mesto Prievidza;" and Jan Poru'bsky, o,p. cit., p. 90. 20. Jlozef Branecky: Zo stareho Trencina," 1928, 1-J!Il[. 21. Jlozef Satek: "Naboienske pomery v Skalici od Reformacie do Jozefinizmu,'' S:polok sv. Vojtecha (SSV), Tr,n,ava, 1J946 (the Czech text of the guild book is quoted on p. 188, the Slovak on p. 200). 'Frantisek V. Sasinek: "Cechovne artikule ievcov v Skalici r. 1615", Sloverusky Letopis m. pp. 31,0.3>14'. livan Houdek: "Cechovnictvo na Slovensku," Turciansky Svaty Martin, 1943. 22. Ev>en J~ros1av Vlcek, lik,e other Czech literary historians, incorreic.tly claims that Stefan D:uibnljlcay wrote in Czech and places his work,s in the Czech ca<tegory. But Dulbnicay, writing in the western .dialect df Slovaki-a, did not use the typi-cal Czech "R" or {[I[)", BratislalV'a, �SLOVAKIA 15 "RZ" i.n bis works. In the Latin foreword Olf bi·s "Eductus coluber tortuosus" (l 723~, in the letter Off the Bishop af Vrati.slava (Breslau; W;r6claw in Polish), he di:fiferentiates ·b etween the Slovaks and <nechs (''IBohemi et Slavi"). See Jan Rekem's "Stefan Dubnicay a jeho doba" (in the chapter titled "Slovanske narodne povedomie v d1ele St. Dubnicaya"), Trencin, 19412. 23. St. JuroV1Sky: "Jezuitske divadlo na Slovensku." 24. Accord~ng to Skultety, it is necessary to seek the origin, of this song in Slovakia. 25. Benedikt Szolosi, S.J. (1609-1656), in the introduction to Cantus Catholici, Trnava, 1655. 26. C. Peterfy: "Sacra Concilia Eccl. R. Cath. in Regno Hungariae celebrata, I, 1,74!1·, p. 60 (ca,p. XIIJW). "Nihil legatur vel cantetur in Ecclesia, nisi q:uod fuer'it in Synodo collaudatum." '217. Jan Postenyi: "Privet, Jednotny Katolicky Spevnik," Trnava, SSV, 193'7 . .28. The "large edition" of the ".Tednotny Kratolicley S'pevnik" (1937) mentions eight various hymnals which were published, some Olf which went into several editions. 29. F'or t.he history o.f Slovak spiritual songs of this era, see Dr. Jan Rlikem's "Teplanske duchovne piesne. Zo star!ej eschatologickej poezie trencianskeho Povaiia," Celko, Tr-enci,n,, 1~. 30. Literarne Listy, 1891:, pp. 64-66. LITERATURE Banik A. A.: "Slovenska rec a jej ... vyvoj", in the Pamatnica (Album) of the Tatran, Brno, 1923; "Jan Baltazar Magin a jeho politicka narodna i kulturna obrana Slovakov," in the Sbornik ~Magazine) LV-0, SSV, Vol. Jilil, No. 1•2, Tr.navia, 1936. •B obek W.: "Prehl'adne dejiny slov. literatury," Bratislaiva, 1'939. Botto Jul.: "Slovaci. Vyvin ich narodneho Povedomia," Tore. Sv. Miar,tin, 11923. ·B ujnak P.: "Hlavne prudy a snahy v literature Slovenskej do L:. Stura," slovemiska citanka, Praha, 1925. IBranecky J. : "Zo stareho Trencina," Trencin, 1928. Bucko V. : "Reformne hnutie v arcibiskupstve ostrihomskom do r. 1564," Bratislava, 1939; "Mikulas Olah a jeho doba," B;r,atislrav-a, 194!0. Corpusiuris Hungarici, Budae, 1.717·9. Fejer G.: "Codex diplomaticus Hungariae ecclesiasticus et civilis," Budae, 1829-1844. Faith St.: "Slovenski katolicki kazatelia X~lll. storoc:M," Teologica Catholica Slovaca, Br,a tislava, I, 1941. IFlajshans V.: "Pisemnictvi ceske," Praha, 1901. [)iels P.: "Altkirchenslavische Grammatik," Heidellbe:iig, 1, 193~; ][, 1934. Dorosenko D.: "Slavianskij Svit," Berlin, 19.22. Dubn-iczaj St.: "Eductus coluber tortuosus," Tyrnaviae, 1.7•23. �16 SLOVAKIA Hodza M.: "Ceskoslovensky rozkol," Turc. Sv. Martin, 1920. iHoudek I.: "Cechovnictvo na Slovensku," Turc. ,Sv. Martin, 1943. Hrusovsky F.: "Slovenske Dejiny," Turc. Sv. Martin, 1939. tHuri>an J. M.: "Slovensko a jeho iivot literarny," Siovenske pohl'ady, 11847. Chaloupecky V.: "Stare Slovensko," Bratislarva, 1!}23,; "Kniha Zilinska,'' Bratislava, 1934'; "Stredoveke listy ze• Slovenska,'' Bratislava--Praha, 1937. C'hrobak D.: "Rukovat' dejin slov. litera,tury," Prnha-IBratislava, 1932. !Kacka-J. !Kramoris: "A Short Histo.ry of Slovak Literature," The National News, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1944. Kirschbaum J.: "Slovak Nation At the Crossroads of Central Eu.rope," New York, 1·960. Kollar J.: "Narodne Zpievanky," I, LI, Budin, 1835. !Krcmery St.: "Prehl'ad dejin slovenskej literatury a vzdelanosti," '1:urc. Sv. Martin, 1921. I.tepacek C.: "Frantiskani v slovenskej literature pred Bernolakom," Kultura, Trna,va, 193'7. Lesldev A.: "Grammatik der Altbulgarischen Sprache," Heide]berg, 1919. Jialkulbec J.: "Dej iny lit. c:eske," fil, Praha, 1,93'2. Jirecek J.: "Rukovet' k dejinam Lit. c:eske," Praha, 1•875. Jlungman J.: "Histo.rie literatury c:eske," Praha, 18419. Misik, M.: ''Husiti na Slovenslkiu," Banska Bystriica, 1'9 28; "Prievidza," Trnava, 1'944. Miskovic A.: "Spisske Cyril,ke ulomky x ,11.-XIII. storocia. I. lch NalH," m, Bratislava, 1929. M.islm\'ic A.-Pisut M.: "Dejiny slovenskej literatury,'' Bratislaiva, 1,941. Miiklosich F.: "Vergleichende Gramma•t ik der Slavischen Sprache, I-IV," Heidelberg, 1926. Oddo Gilbert: "Slovakia and Its People," New York, 1960. -Osva1d R.: "Literarne Listy," 1891~11894. P,e trik G.: "Magyar bibliographiaja,'' Buda,pest, 1'888. P-o gorielov V.: "Spisske cyrilske ulomky, II. lch popis, rozbor a otisk," Bratislava, m, 1929. Porulbslky J.: "K stemu vyrociu literarnej slovenciny," Scranton, Pa., 19415. Prazak A.: "Dej iny spisovnej slovenc:iny po dobu Sturovu," Praha, 1922; "Rukovet' dej iny c:eske literatury," Tu\aha, 19211; "Sbornik I. sjezdu slovanskych filologu v Praze 1929," Pr-a ha, 1932; "Slovenska svojskost','' Bratislava, 1,92'6. iRekem Jan: "Stefan Dubnicaj a jeho doba," Trencin, 1943; "Z kultur• nych dejin Trencianskeho Povaiia," Trencin, 1943; "Teplanske duchovne piesne. Zo s,tarsej eschatologickej poezie," Trencin, 1943; "Bibliografia trencianskych tlac:i a vydani," Trencin, 1194!4. Rizner U.: "Bibliografi.a pisomnictva slovenskeho," Turc. Sv. Mar~n, 1933'. Rarpant D.: "K poc:iatkom mad'arizacie," Bratislaiva, 1931; "Mad'ar6nstvo Bernolakovo," Bratislava, 1930. �17 SLOVAKIA Sasinek V.: "Slovensky Letopis," I-ll!l!I. Stanislav J .: "Zo studia slovanskych osobnych mien v Evanjeliu c1v1d,a lskom," Slavia, XVl]l, 1947';"Slovenski put111ici do Talianska koncom VIII . a v IX. storocia," Nas narod, lil, 1'944;"Slovanski apostol'ovia Cyril a Metod a ich cinnost' vo Vel'komoravskej risi," SAVIU, Bratislava, 1945. Sa!fari1k P. J .: "Geschichte der slaw. Sprache und Literature," Prag, 1869. Sabek J.: " Naboienske pomery V Skal ici od .reformacie do jozef inizmu," SSV, 'Jlrnaiva, 1946. Smalov.JKutniik J.: "Zastoj katolickej hierarchie v slove-nskom na rodnom a kulturnom iivote," Mons Seti Martini, Rufomberok, 1947. Spirko J .: "Cirkevne dejiny," 'l'urc. Sv. Martin, 1943. Varsik B.: "Husiti a reformacia na Slovensku do iilinskej synody," Brati:slava, 119312; "Nar'o dnostny problem t.rnavskej univerzity," Bratislava, 1:9318. Vlcek J .: "Dejiny literatury slovenskej," Turc. Sv. MiartJin, 192 3; "De jiny litel'atury ceske," Pr,a ha, 1'93 1! Weiss-Nage'1 Sit.: "Jezuitske divadlo na Slovensku v XVII. a XVIIII. storoci," in the Album of th,e Trnavia University 163&-177f71, 'l'r,nava, 1'935. ZeUiger A.: "Egyhazi ir6k csarnoka," Nagysz,ombat, 1893; "Pantheon 1 1 Ty.rnav iense bibliographicam continens recens ionem operum typis Tyrnaviensibus aa1578-1930 editorum iconibus nonnullis i llustratum," Tyrnaviae, 1'931. RED C~ECH eX:perts, including experts on police and espionage ma't'ters, arie in Oulba to heip Fidel Oastro in his fight ag-aii,nst Amer.i.can imperialism, a·ccording to reports. The head of a Cuban delegation, which arrived in Prague in July of this year, was headed by A. N. Jliiminez, who wa·s promptly awa,rded 'I1he Order of the Wlhite Lion, t he highest Czech decoraltion. Raul Castro, attending the Spartacus Games in J uly, was also given the award. 'l'he Czech Reds haive granted Cuba vredits of $20,000,000 and have undertaken to build eight factories worth $3'2,000,000. A<nd to think of it, the United States was respons1ble for t he esta'blishmenlt of CzechoSlov-a kia back in 191,8! 1 plied. La&t year 20 were aUowed to take lllP studies for the priesth ood. The NITRA diocese. in 1960, lost 15 priests by death, re'tlirement, and "other reasons"; O!llil.y one priest was ordained in that year. The 'I1R!NAVtA diocese is short 240 pniests. In 1961 only eleven priests were ordained for the whdle of Slovak'ia. The Czech Reds of Prague corut'inue their systematic persecution of the Catholic Ohurich in Slovakia. )Jg )Jg )Jg THE "PRAVDA" of Bratislava (Sept. 26, 1'9611) tr•a1msl-ated a column by Drew Pearson and pulblis'hed it in Sloviak. It had appeared in the NIEW YORIK MiIRlRO!R and d'e alt wit·h the "Berliin issue." )Jg )Jg )Jg The Pravda article was tiitled "Cas THE BRATISLAVA SEMINARY a uda,l osti su proti USA." (Time was allowed to accept 15 applicants and Events Are Against 11he USA). even though 80 young men had ap- Obviously it suited the Reds. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1962, Vol. 12 Description An account of the resource Issue 1 (No. 35), March-June 1962. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1962 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVA!{.IA Published by th• Slovak League of America VOL. XII MARiCH-JilJNE, 1962 NO. 1 (35) THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE SLOVAK LANGUAGE Dr. Jolin Rekem Slovakia, the eastern part of Czecho-Slovakia, is today only a small territory, measuring 18,859 square miles. It is inha1bited prevailingly by the Slovak nation, a compact, independent national g11oup which belongs to the Indo-European race and to the large Slovanic family of people-s. The Slovak nation at this writing numbers a littlle over four million people within the confines of Slovakia. There are over two million in the United States, about a million in Hungary, some 400,000 in the Czech lands of Czecho.:Slovakia, and numerous minorities in other countries (France, Belgium, Brazil, Argentina, Germany, Canada, England, Yugoslavia, Sweden, and Australia). Because one of the most diacritical marks of an "independent nation" is its language, separating or distinguishing one nation from the rest of the sociall groups forming nations, it may be edifying to review briefly the historical development of the Slovak language as a manifestation of the ethnic individuality of the Slovak nation. THE ORIGIN OF SLOVAK CHRISTIAN CULWRE The ancient Slovaks - penetrating into the territory of the Danubian Basin sporadically from the second century to the fifth, and thereafter in greater numlbers were exposed to various cultural influences. In the first place it was the influence of the Christian religion, Christian culture. Christianity came to Slovakia not only from Germany (the archbishoprics of Regensburg, Passau and Sa1lzburg) but also from northern Italy (1). It came to them 2 SLOVAKIA from the people who could not speak the language of the Slovaks. The great impetus to Christianity in Slovakia came from Byzantium with the advent of the apostles SS. Cyril and Methodius in 863. The advent of these two saintly brothers meant a fundamental break-through in the history of Slovak culture and the history of the Slovak nation in general. They brought the foundation of Slovak ecclesiastical literature to the territory of the Danubian "Slovieni" - the forefathers of present-day Slovaks - to whom the Bulgaro-Macedonian dialect was more intelligible than Ger man. 1. The origin of Slovak ecclesiastical literature is dir ectly connected with the Slovak state of Great Moravia inasmuch St. Cyril (Constantine) tackled the problem of ,c omposing the Slovak alphabet .when he was given the task of going to Rastislav's principality among the Danubian "Slovieni" with ~the expressed purpose of preaching the Gospel in their language. Therefore, the impulse to write the first Slovak books and to compose the Glagolithic alphabet was given by a Slovak ruler. 2. SS. Cyril and Methodius continued in their creative work of the Slovak ecclesiastical language after their advent in Slovakia {2). 3. In the work of translating and writing, SS. Cyril and Methodius were aided by their Slovak pupils, especially by the group under Bishop Gorazd ,(3) . 4. The Slovak people accepted the Slovak ecclesiastical tongue as its own, inasmuch this literary language differed only dialectically from the related language which they spoke at that time. The gigantic strides made by Christianity in Slovakia after the advent of S,S. Cyril and Methodius is proof of this, as are also the numerous monasteries which sprang up in Slovakia from the 9th to the 13th centuries. 5. The Slovak ecclesiastical language was recognized as the language of the Danubian Slovaks by foreign countries (4). 6. When Popes Adrian II and John VII deigned to a:pprove the Slovak language as the language of sacred SLOVAKIA 3 liturgy in the land of the Slovaks ,(5), they placed it on the same level with the other liturgical languages of that time (Hebrew, Greek, Latin). In effect, they made them cultural'ly independent and secured for them spiritual freedom and thereby equating the eastern elements with the western, Byzantium with Rome, organically assimilating them. Indeed, they roused and strengthened the feeling of nationa'l individuality and awakened appropriate awareness which is necessary for cultural aggression (6). This then was supplemented also with the independent Slovak ecclesiastical organization which included the entire ethnic territory of the Slovaks in Pannonia, Slovakia, and Moravia. With the influence of this independent organization, the Slovaks also had political independence. For these six reasons the Slovak nation and its historians regard the language of the liturgy of SS. Cyril and Methodius as a part of history of Slovak literature and an organic part of the general history of the Slovak nation. The correctness of the evaluation of this historical fact is further confirmed by these reasons: 1. In the Cyrilo-Methodian memoirs connected with Great Moravia there are found, even if isolatedly, distinct and lexical Slovakisms (7). 2. The Cyrillic literary and ecclesiastical tradition remained alive in Slovakia even after Latinization took over, when the Latin culture and alphabet came to prevail in Slovak literary history (8). LATIN OVER SLOVAK With the introduction of the Latin liturgy, which took place in the 13th century, a cultural switch resulted. The Slovak cultural basis yielded to the Latin. Latin became the language not only of the liturgy and science, but also became the medium of communication of all public life in Hungary. The higher and lesser nobility used it in political and social life. Slovakia had a large number of the lesser nobility, the "zemani." They, too, adopted Latin as the means of communication. The languages of the individual nationalities were pushed to the background, even 4 SLOVAKIA though we cannot say that they were completely ousted from public life. Slovak, Iike Magyar and the rest of the languages of the peoples of Hungary, continued to be the means of communications of the masses, and the people continued to use it to create their popular compositions. In 1460, for example, we find songs composed in the Slovak vernacular afbout "Michael Szilagyi and Vaclav Had'mazi" {9) •.A1so various songs and many legends a'bout good King Mathias who was a special friend of the living language of the people, because he was brought up in their environment. When the Polish clan of the Jagellos came to the Hungarian and Bohemian thrones, we again see that the Slovak language came to use in the court. Literary memoria:ls of King Vladislav II show linguistic traces of all the Slavonic nations over which he ruled. The letter he wrote to the people of Bratislava in 1492 contains traces of the Slovak, Polish and Czech languages {10). When it came to the spoken word in the Hungarian Assembly, the King was careful to adapt himself linguistically to the Slovaks who at that time, culturally and politically, still formed the nucleus of the Hungarian State. On February 9, 1492, Vladislav opened the Hungarian Assembly in Budin using the Slovak language. His speech was then translated into Magyar by Bishop Valentine of Varadin (11'). The years of the 11th to the 15th century were very trying years for the land of the Slovaks. Just when the Slovak element had ~most completely assimilated the wild Magyar hordes, the Cumans, relatives of the Magyars, tore into Slovakia in the 12th century and devastated the central Danube territory. Also in the 12th century, Slovakia was invaded and pillaged by the Tatars. And during the reign of Andrew II (1205-1235), the crusading armies, marching through Slovakia, did not spare S'lovakia and its inhabitants either. The struggle of various dynasties and noblemen fur the throne of Hungary in those years (Matthew Cak on the side of Vaclav against Charles Robert of the House of Anjou), and then the wild Czech Hussite invasions, were not favor- SLOVAKIA 5 able for cultural development. Nevertheless, Gothic culture, which bloomed in the 14th and 15th centuries in Slovakia, let its rich memorials not only in buildings and other creations, but also in the verba•l art. It is unfortunate that domestic struggles for the throne, the Turkish wars, and the stormy re'belllions of the malcontents in the 17th century destroyed most of these precious architectural and literary acquisitions ('12). From the literary creation of the stirring 13th-16th centuries we nevertheless have the remnants of three kinds of literary memorials: 1. The compositions or letters written by the Slovaks in various Slovak dialects. 2. The literary items of Czech immigrants who settled in Slovakia and wrote in Czech which includes Slovakisms. 3. The correspondence of Czechs to Czechs in Slovakia, or to Slovaks in the Czech language {13) Historians of Czech literature, failing to make a distinction between these letters and documents, include them in the category of Slovak literature, and inasmuch as some of them were written in Czech, they attempted to prove that Slovak literature is really only a branch of Czech literature, because, they said, the Slovaks at first wrote in Czech and only later "separatists" - such as Bernolak and Stur - caused a rupture from Czech literature. Qui bene distinguit, bene docet - et, vice versa, qui male distinguit, male docet. And this saying applies even in the question of the literary language in Slovakia before the time of Bernolak. Therefore, we must clearly distinguish between the three types of literary exipression above. The first group rightfully belongs in Slovak literature and Slovak history. Even though linguistically, especially considering the etymological side, many of these written memorials are written in the Slovak western dialect which resembles the Czech in many respects, they are nevertheless Slovak literary memorials (remembrances) because the western dialect forms a part of the Slovak language as much as do the dialects of central and eastern 6 SLOVAKIA Slovakia. They differ from the Czech in the omission of the soft "R" which is characteristic of the Czech language. The second and third groups of written letters belong to Slovak literature only if we consider them in the wider meaning of the word, that is, as a collection of literary memorials that were written in Slovakia regardless of the language medium used. If, however, we consider it in the narrower sense, then these two groups, since they were not written in Slovak, rather belong to the literature of Czech emigrants. Never, however, can they be considered as proof against the existence of an independent Slovak language, because along with them and independent of them are proofs of independent Slovak creations. This is true not only in regard to the dialect of western Slovakia, which the Czechs like to confuse with the Czech tongue (14), but also in regard to the dialects of central Slovakia, Zvolen, Hont, etc. (15) . Officially, liturgical books of the Roman Catholic Church, inasmuch as they used the national language, already then were oriented directly toward the central dialect e16). Contemporary writers and those who used the western dialect regarded it as the Slovak language. Thus, for example, the productive Protestant preacher Daniel Sinapius Horcicka called his Latin-Slovak dictionary "Neoforum latino-slovenicum"; in 1678, Peter Hrabovsky published his "Manuale Latino-hungarico-slavonicum" in Bardejov; in 162, Peter Benicky wrote his "Verse slovenske P etra Benickeho" (The Slovak verses of Peter Benicky); Daniel Krman (1663-1740), the Lutheran superintendent, used the Czech ot the Kralice Bible for liturgical functions , but outside of that cultivated Slovak as is attested to by his work "Rudimenta grammaticae Slavonicae in gratiam Slovaciorum concinnara." While these grammarians used the western dialect of the Slovak language, the eminent Slovak scholar Mathias Belius (Funtik was his family name) at that time indicated that the central dialect was the genuine tongue of the Slovaks, praising it highly {17 It is necessary, too, to mention something about the 1 ) . SLOVAKIA 7 record books of the various guilds which f1lourished in every Slovak town. The activities of these guilds (minutes of meetings, activities and regulations, etc.), where they are not written in Latin, are recorded in Slovak in the dialect of the respective guilds. Thus, for example, the guild records of Varin, which I made a personal study of, nowhere contain the typical letter of the Czech language, the soft "f," but phonetically mark the spoken Slovak words of that time (18). The same may be said of the guild records of Prievidza (19), and of Trencin ( 20) with their ancient complex orthography. However, the record books of Skalica - inasmuch as Skalica is located on the border of Slovakia and Moravia and was inhaibited by Czech guildmasters - Czech influences are in evidence: where the Master of the guild was a Czech, the Skalica books are written in Czech; where the Master was a Slovak, the entries were in the western Slovak dialect without the typical Czech letter "f" (21). THE SLOVAK OF THE JESUITS The thing that moved the soul of the Slovak people the effort to participate in the cultural life of the world in its own spirit, in its own tongue, and on its own stand - found expression particularly in the efforts of the graduates of the Catholic University of Trnava. This university, founded in 1635 by Archbishop Peter Pazmany in Trnava, the cultural center of western Slovakia, was directed by the Jesuit Fathers. The University of Trnava soon became the cultural center for all of Hungary, but its influence was felt particularly in the Slovak-inhabited parts of the country. The university print shop, in the residence of Canon M. Telegdy, developed into what at that time was considered a gigantic enterprise and it meant the enrichment of the spirituality of all Hungary and of an its nations. Here also Slovak literature was multiplied. It was here that the Slovak lesson books, later dictionaries and religious Slovak writings began to be published. The language of these literary works was the western Slovak dialect 8 SLOVAKIA which was not lexicographically uniform, with shades of the individual western dialects, but it differed from the Czech most typical expressions which are peculiar only to the Czechs and which no Slovak dialect possesses; and the absence of the Cz,ech "r" is plainly evident. Into this western Slovak dialect, which we call "Jesuit Slovak" to differentiate it from the western Slovak dialect which was grammatically codified by Bernolak, more and more forms of the central Slovak dialect gradually penetrated. Thus, for example, in the book of the Senator from Zilina, convert Nicholas Tamasi which was published in 1691 and titled "Prava katolicka rucni knizka" (A True Catholic Manual), we find the words "stiastny, krestjansky," etc., which expressly are central Slovakian forms of present-day literary Slovak, differing from the Czech corresponding forms "kfesfansky, stestny." Besides this, the book "Rituale Strigoniense," published by the Trnava Jesuits in 1715, is written in such beautiful form of the central Slovak dialect that it differs orthographically only to a very little extent from the Slovak which we find in the "Rituale Slovacchiae" which was published in the last decade. The Slovak of the Jesuits - as written and then spoken in plays presented by th~ Jesuits - even though from the beginning not uniform and regulated by rigid orthographical rules, nevertheless is the Slovak language, because the lexicon and the etymology of this language place it in the category of the Slovak language. What is more, the authors of it regard themselves as Slovaks and claim Slovak as their language, expressly distinguishing themselves from other Slovanic nations, even from the Czechs (22). The attempt of Jesuit S'lovak to grammatically unify the language of the Slovaks was made before Bernolak's time, as will be demonstrated shortly, but it was not perfected until Bernolak, the Catholic priest, with his "Dissertatio philologico-critica de literis Slavorum" (published in Bratislava in 1787), united the Slovak linguistic and national effort on the basis of his orthography. SLOVAKIA 9 THE SALUTAR Y INFLUEN CE OF JESUIT CULTURE The Catholic University of Trnava, directed by the Jesuits, left indelible traces in the artistic life of Slovakia. We must credit the Jesuits for the fact that dramatic plays were staged not only in Latin, but also in the Slovak language. The students of the Jesuit colleges presented plays for the people, with a religious or secular theme, in Slovak. They presented a Slovak play in Bratislava already in 1628, and in the Spisske Podhradie in 1648. The actors of Trnava presented Slovak plays in many towns (Skalica, Levoca, Trencin, etc.). They dis-played their talents in Bratislava in the presence of the emperor himself, who expressed himself very favorably about their performanc e (23). The epochal significanc e of the Jesuit lovers of Slovak linguistic art rests in their collection of religious hymns, which they published. In Slovakia, church singing in the language of the people flourished from the oldest times, when ancient Slovak was recognized as one of the few languages of liturgy. The hymn "Hospodine pomiluj ny" comes to us from the tenth century (24). It was followed by many others. Evidence of this is found in the introductio n to the ''Cantus Catholici" ( written in the Spisska Kapitu1a on July 22, 1655, and published by the: University of Trnava), where it is noted that, besides the custom in some churches of rendering the Canon of the Holy Mass in the language of the people, the custom of the choir singing the Kyrie, Gloria, and Credo in the language of the people still obtains in all the Slovak churches of Pannonia (25). So that irrelevant hymns in the vernacular might not find their way into the sa,c red liturgy, ecclesiastic al synods from the earliest times issued rules and regulations pertaining to appropriate church hymns. Thus, in 1114, the Synod of Ostrihom (Estergom) ordered that only the hymns approved by the Synod should be sung in the churches. Similarly the Synod of Nitra, in 1494, ordered the daily reading of the Holy Mass with the singing of hymns in all churches under its jurisdiction in order to bind the people more intimately with the divine service. 10 SLOVAKIA Furthermore, in 1560, the Synod very emphatically commands the people to sing only those hymns in their churches for which there is proof that they had been used a hundred years before in the Catholic churches, or which were approved by the ecclesiastical authority. In 1629, the Trnava Synod directed all priests to see to it that the cantors, who teach singing of church hymns in the schoo[s, use only the hymns which are approved by the General Vicar. The Sy-.iod, convened in Trnava, in 1638, sent out experts of church hymns to collect all hymns which the people sing and present them to the church authority for approval and publication (27:). The professors of the University of Trnava devoted themselves to this task. They made a collection of old Slovak church hymns, supplemented them with new ones, and, finally, B. Szolosi, in 1655, published the collection under the title : "Canthus Catholici. Piesne katolicke a latinske i slovenske: nove i starodavne." This publication had an enormous significance, because it was the first published codification of Slovak church songs. It has enjoyed many editions. The Slovak Jesuits continued to collect and to compose church hymns in the language . of the people. Later they pu'blished a collection titled "Cantiones Catholicae." Many collections in manuscript of this era (17th-18th century) are preserved in Slovak monasteries and museums, foremost among them is the extensive work (1783) of composer Pavlin Bajan, a Slovak Franciscan. In the 19th century more and more church hymnals were published (28). Worthy of mention, too, is the fact that secular Slovak songs, popular ballads, were also collected during the 16th and 17th centuries. The original manuscripts of many of these were pla·ced in the building of the Slovak Museum Association of the Slovak Institute (Matica Slovenska) in Turciansky Svaty Martin. When the Magyars outlawed the association, the material which they did not destroy was transferred to the Magyar National Museum. Very many of the "Canthus Catholici" hymns were 11 SLOVAKIA placed in the latest "Jednotny katolicky spevnik (Unified Catholic Hymnal), published in 1937, on account of their poeticaJ and musical beauty and expression. Thus, the Jesuit cultural and artistic tradition of the 16th century even today is performing its mission and making its influence felt in Catholic Slovakia (29). IN CONCLUSION In its literary creations, the Slovak nation, both spiritually and linguistically, formed an independent linguistic group since the time of church-Slovak literature (the Great Moravian Empire). The existence of Czech literature of Protestant emigrants in Slovakia is not proof that the Slovaks did not have their own literature. When the Slovaks opened their homes hospita bly to the literature of Czech exiles, this does not mean that they closed their homes to their own language, to Slovak literary creations. Unnatural are the literary-historical constructions of some Czech literary historians who, motivated more by imperialistic desires and political efforts than scientific objectivity, use all means to deny the independence of Slovak literary creations, denying even the existence of an independent Slovak language before the time of Bernolak (Prazak, Flajshans, Travnicek). 1 In this treatise we have demonstrated that the Slovak people were conscious of their individuality long before Bernolak's time. What is more, there existed also an independent Slovak literary language as an expression of this independence. At first this language medium was not uniform: literary creations were written in the dialects of the various provinces. Later (16th-17th centuries) came the codification of western Slovak as the language of literature in the works of the S'lovak Jesuits, referred to as the Slovak of the Jesuits. A. Bernolak did not cause a breach or split between the Slovak and Czech languages. There was nothing to split. Slovak and Czech, as mediums of expression of two nations, the Slovak nation and the Czech nation, existed independently from Cyrilo-Methodian times. This is a historic fact. Before Bernolak's time there 12 SLOVAKIA were independent efforts to codify the language of Slovak literature. Whether the language of Slovak literature was the dialect of Trnava ("Jesuit Slovak"), or that of upper ' Nitra (Cama1 dulian translation of the Bible), it was always the language of the Slovaks, as is evidenced by the titles of dictionaries and grammars of that time (1S lavonicum, Slavonicae, Slovacciorum, Slovenske, Slovak, Slovensko, Slavus, Pannonus, etc.). The existence of a uniform "Czechoslovak" language is sheer fiction. It has no historical foundation and is simply the product of Czech imperialism. This was proved long ago, before the advent of modern Czech literary historians, by J. Kohut, an adherent of Osvald's literary group who made an extensive study of thE:' question. Kohut wrote: "From all of this it follows that Catholic Slovaks (and they always were the vast majority of the Slovak nation) never wrote in pure Czech ... Slovak Catholics always used Slovak as their literary medium, being influenced more or less by books which were published in Czech and which they needed because of a lack of their own. From the pre ..Bernolakian, that is the Jesuit, period, our Slovak language appears in books and in writing, which is more similar to the present manner of writing the older are the sources concerned" (30). With its discoveries, the new Slovak literary historical school but confirms the truthfulness of Kohut's claim and finds newer and newer evidences of independent national and linguistic feeling and creativity among the Slovaks. · The objectiveless claim of the adversaries of the independent Slovak language, nay, even their claim that their was no independent Slovak national consciousness before Bernolak's time, is clearly refuted by the fact that quite some time before Bernolak's time (1762-1813 ), in 1728, John Baltazar Magin's (1682-1735) "l\'Iurices ... Sive Apologia . .. " was publish~d in defense of the political rights of the Slovak nation which formed a component part of Hungary. This apology, prepared by Magin at the request of the nobility estates of Trencin, is the highest expression of Slovak national and political self-consciousness and SLOVAKIA 13 a defense of the Slovak language which is a symbol or the characteristic of the Slovak nation. If there were no other documentation to prove the existence of an independent Slovak language and Slovak nationalism before the time of Bernolak, then Magin's "Apologia" would alone be sufficient or adequate. However, the Lord be praised, there are also other evidences, like the translation of the Holy Writ into Slovak (1756) before Bernolak's time, as well as dictionaries, grammars, popular poetic creations, public and private correspondence, etc. From this it follows that the Slovak nation did use its own Slovak language as a manifestation of its own individuality and medium of expression and understanding from the time of the church-Slovak literary memorials (the Great Moravian Empire). From the most ancient times, the Slovak language symbolized the Slovak nation and in the history of the Slovaks these two notions were correlative. REFERENCES 1. The "Cividalsky evangeliar" contains evidence that the Sfo• vaks had direct contact with centers of Christian oivilizati-on in Ital'Y. Con1.pare Jan Sitanislav: "Zo itudia slovanskych osobn,y ch mien v Evanjeliu cividalskom," Slavia X¥1!1[, 194'7, pp. 871-1!()0, and his "Slovenski putnici do Talianska koncom VIII. a v IX. storoci," Nas Narod, m, 1944', w. 89--96. 2. 'Dhe comipletion of the translation of the Hol'Y Writ on October 26, on the territory of Great Moraivia 3. Jan Stanislav: "Slovanski apoitolovia Cyril a Me,tod a ich cinnost' vo Vel'komorav·s kej .risi," Sl<Nenska akademia vded a umeni (SIAV'lJ), Bratislava, 1945; A. A. Banik: "Apostol Gorazd, prvy raz v dejinach spominany slovensky knaz, spisovatel' a svatec," Kultura, IX, 1937. 4. 'Pope Hadrian II's letter to the Slovak princes RJa,s tislav, SviitQ1Pluk and Kocel' . . . "in your language ... " .Afso Pope John \l'III's Bull (880) in which he "legaUy approves and orderu;" the Slovak scru'pture for the Danwbian Slovieni. 5. Pope John VIEI's Bull "lndustriae tuae" to Sviitopluk. 6. Jofo K. Smalov: "Zastoj kato:lkkej hi,e rarchie v slovensk,o m narod,nom a kulturnom zivote, v M/ONS SAINCT!I MAIRIDIINlI, Rufomlberok, 1947, p. 60. 7. Smal'ov, op. cit. 8. Evidence of this are the Cyrillian :firagments found in the old codex of the li!brary of the Spisska Kapitula. See also: Alojz 14 SLOVAKIA Mi§kovic's "Spisske Cyrilske ulomky X ~l.•XilU. storocia (I), lch Nale:r: 1929, pp. 80-,81, and Valer pogorielov's "Spisske Cyrilske ulomky :X:lil.-XIIIII. storocia; ich pOlpis, ro:zJbor a otisk" OJI). pp. 81"87. 9. Jan Kollar: "Narodne Zpievanky," VoI. 1, pp. 31-32, 45, a,nd Vol. lil, pp. 7• and following. 10. CzeC'h and '"Czechoslov;ak" hi'Storians violate history when, without regard to Vladislav Jagiello's origLn, and without re~•ard for lc-ertaiin common orthographical similarities between Czech and Polish, they claim these common Polish4Czech forms as Czechism. The use of "rz" in some documents tn Slovakia in the forim not ,of "R" but "RZ" is not proof di a Czec'hi-sm, but rather is evidence O'f Polish, especially w hen the persons using them are of Polish o·r igin. 111. Jan Por,u/bsky: "K stemu Vyrociu t.iterarnej Slovenciny," 1J945, Obr,ana Press, Scranton, Pa., p. 73. 12. Gillbert L. Oddo: "Slovakia and Its People," Robert Speller and Sons, Ntew Y-0r,k, 1960, p:p. 27-70. 113. The Hrussite Czechs invaded Sloviakia in the 15th century for plunder and to fight against the Slovak nolbility, who preferred a Polish J,a,geiUonian to a Czech on the Hu,n,garian throne. 14. 'llhe ill-<l'aimed Albert Prazak, Flajshans, and others. 1•5. Arn ana'1ysis of these songs from the year 11576 on is in Jan Porulbsky\s work; op. oit., p. 76. 16. 'Dhe 1560 edition of the Ostrihom (lEstergom) Ritual contains centraVSloviak expressions, which sound very much like the Slovak ,of today (krst, sob.a§, etc.). 17. Mathias Funtik, (1687Lli7'49), in his work "lnstitutiones Lin• guae Germanicae et Slavicae in Hunga,ria" (L,evoca, 17,18); "In noth,i,ng is it ,b ehind either the seriousness a,nd ~ra,n deur o'f Spanish, or the charm and smoothness Olf Fr-ench, or the sulbliimity and force of English, or the wealth of meaning and emphasis of German, or the softness and ewphony, of Italy, or, finaHy, the imperious rigor of Magyar." 18. The guild books uf Varin come from the years 1,668-1714; some were ,placed in my l~brary, othens i,n the homes O'f individual guildmasters. 19. Mii!lmlas Misik: "Prievidzke cechy," also his "Mesto Prievidza;" and Jan Poru'bsky, o,p. cit., p. 90. 20. Jlozef Branecky: Zo stareho Trencina," 1928, 1-J!Il[. 21. Jlozef Satek: "Naboienske pomery v Skalici od Reformacie do Jozefinizmu,'' S:polok sv. Vojtecha (SSV), Tr,n,ava, 1J946 (the Czech text of the guild book is quoted on p. 188, the Slovak on p. 200). 'Frantisek V. Sasinek: "Cechovne artikule ievcov v Skalici r. 1615", Sloverusky Letopis m. pp. 31,0.3>14'. livan Houdek: "Cechovnictvo na Slovensku," Turciansky Svaty Martin, 1943. 22. Ev>en J~ros1av Vlcek, lik,e other Czech literary historians, incorreic.tly claims that Stefan D:uibnljlcay wrote in Czech and places his work,s in the Czech ca<tegory. But Dulbnicay, writing in the western .dialect df Slovaki-a, did not use the typi-cal Czech "R" or {[I[)", BratislalV'a, SLOVAKIA 15 "RZ" i.n bis works. In the Latin foreword Olf bi·s "Eductus coluber tortuosus" (l 723~, in the letter Off the Bishop af Vrati.slava (Breslau; W;r6claw in Polish), he di:fiferentiates ·b etween the Slovaks and <nechs (''IBohemi et Slavi"). See Jan Rekem's "Stefan Dubnicay a jeho doba" (in the chapter titled "Slovanske narodne povedomie v d1ele St. Dubnicaya"), Trencin, 19412. 23. St. JuroV1Sky: "Jezuitske divadlo na Slovensku." 24. Accord~ng to Skultety, it is necessary to seek the origin, of this song in Slovakia. 25. Benedikt Szolosi, S.J. (1609-1656), in the introduction to Cantus Catholici, Trnava, 1655. 26. C. Peterfy: "Sacra Concilia Eccl. R. Cath. in Regno Hungariae celebrata, I, 1,74!1·, p. 60 (ca,p. XIIJW). "Nihil legatur vel cantetur in Ecclesia, nisi q:uod fuer'it in Synodo collaudatum." '217. Jan Postenyi: "Privet, Jednotny Katolicky Spevnik," Trnava, SSV, 193'7 . .28. The "large edition" of the ".Tednotny Kratolicley S'pevnik" (1937) mentions eight various hymnals which were published, some Olf which went into several editions. 29. F'or t.he history o.f Slovak spiritual songs of this era, see Dr. Jan Rlikem's "Teplanske duchovne piesne. Zo star!ej eschatologickej poezie trencianskeho Povaiia," Celko, Tr-enci,n,, 1~. 30. Literarne Listy, 1891:, pp. 64-66. LITERATURE Banik A. A.: "Slovenska rec a jej ... vyvoj", in the Pamatnica (Album) of the Tatran, Brno, 1923; "Jan Baltazar Magin a jeho politicka narodna i kulturna obrana Slovakov," in the Sbornik ~Magazine) LV-0, SSV, Vol. Jilil, No. 1•2, Tr.navia, 1936. •B obek W.: "Prehl'adne dejiny slov. literatury," Bratislaiva, 1'939. Botto Jul.: "Slovaci. Vyvin ich narodneho Povedomia," Tore. Sv. Miar,tin, 11923. ·B ujnak P.: "Hlavne prudy a snahy v literature Slovenskej do L:. Stura," slovemiska citanka, Praha, 1925. IBranecky J. : "Zo stareho Trencina," Trencin, 1928. Bucko V. : "Reformne hnutie v arcibiskupstve ostrihomskom do r. 1564," Bratislava, 1939; "Mikulas Olah a jeho doba," B;r,atislrav-a, 194!0. Corpusiuris Hungarici, Budae, 1.717·9. Fejer G.: "Codex diplomaticus Hungariae ecclesiasticus et civilis," Budae, 1829-1844. Faith St.: "Slovenski katolicki kazatelia X~lll. storoc:M," Teologica Catholica Slovaca, Br,a tislava, I, 1941. IFlajshans V.: "Pisemnictvi ceske," Praha, 1901. [)iels P.: "Altkirchenslavische Grammatik," Heidellbe:iig, 1, 193~; ][, 1934. Dorosenko D.: "Slavianskij Svit," Berlin, 19.22. Dubn-iczaj St.: "Eductus coluber tortuosus," Tyrnaviae, 1.7•23. 16 SLOVAKIA Hodza M.: "Ceskoslovensky rozkol," Turc. Sv. Martin, 1920. iHoudek I.: "Cechovnictvo na Slovensku," Turc. ,Sv. Martin, 1943. Hrusovsky F.: "Slovenske Dejiny," Turc. Sv. Martin, 1939. tHuri>an J. M.: "Slovensko a jeho iivot literarny," Siovenske pohl'ady, 11847. Chaloupecky V.: "Stare Slovensko," Bratislarva, 1!}23,; "Kniha Zilinska,'' Bratislava, 1934'; "Stredoveke listy ze• Slovenska,'' Bratislava--Praha, 1937. C'hrobak D.: "Rukovat' dejin slov. litera,tury," Prnha-IBratislava, 1932. !Kacka-J. !Kramoris: "A Short Histo.ry of Slovak Literature," The National News, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1944. Kirschbaum J.: "Slovak Nation At the Crossroads of Central Eu.rope," New York, 1·960. Kollar J.: "Narodne Zpievanky," I, LI, Budin, 1835. !Krcmery St.: "Prehl'ad dejin slovenskej literatury a vzdelanosti," '1:urc. Sv. Martin, 1921. I.tepacek C.: "Frantiskani v slovenskej literature pred Bernolakom," Kultura, Trna,va, 193'7. Lesldev A.: "Grammatik der Altbulgarischen Sprache," Heide]berg, 1919. Jialkulbec J.: "Dej iny lit. c:eske," fil, Praha, 1,93'2. Jirecek J.: "Rukovet' k dejinam Lit. c:eske," Praha, 1•875. Jlungman J.: "Histo.rie literatury c:eske," Praha, 18419. Misik, M.: ''Husiti na Slovenslkiu," Banska Bystriica, 1'9 28; "Prievidza," Trnava, 1'944. Miskovic A.: "Spisske Cyril,ke ulomky x ,11.-XIII. storocia. I. lch NalH," m, Bratislava, 1929. M.islm\'ic A.-Pisut M.: "Dejiny slovenskej literatury,'' Bratislaiva, 1,941. Miiklosich F.: "Vergleichende Gramma•t ik der Slavischen Sprache, I-IV," Heidelberg, 1926. Oddo Gilbert: "Slovakia and Its People," New York, 1960. -Osva1d R.: "Literarne Listy," 1891~11894. P,e trik G.: "Magyar bibliographiaja,'' Buda,pest, 1'888. P-o gorielov V.: "Spisske cyrilske ulomky, II. lch popis, rozbor a otisk," Bratislava, m, 1929. Porulbslky J.: "K stemu vyrociu literarnej slovenciny," Scranton, Pa., 19415. Prazak A.: "Dej iny spisovnej slovenc:iny po dobu Sturovu," Praha, 1922; "Rukovet' dej iny c:eske literatury," Tu\aha, 19211; "Sbornik I. sjezdu slovanskych filologu v Praze 1929," Pr-a ha, 1932; "Slovenska svojskost','' Bratislava, 1,92'6. iRekem Jan: "Stefan Dubnicaj a jeho doba," Trencin, 1943; "Z kultur• nych dejin Trencianskeho Povaiia," Trencin, 1943; "Teplanske duchovne piesne. Zo s,tarsej eschatologickej poezie," Trencin, 1943; "Bibliografia trencianskych tlac:i a vydani," Trencin, 1194!4. Rizner U.: "Bibliografi.a pisomnictva slovenskeho," Turc. Sv. Mar~n, 1933'. Rarpant D.: "K poc:iatkom mad'arizacie," Bratislaiva, 1931; "Mad'ar6nstvo Bernolakovo," Bratislava, 1930. 17 SLOVAKIA Sasinek V.: "Slovensky Letopis," I-ll!l!I. Stanislav J .: "Zo studia slovanskych osobnych mien v Evanjeliu c1v1d,a lskom," Slavia, XVl]l, 1947';"Slovenski put111ici do Talianska koncom VIII . a v IX. storocia," Nas narod, lil, 1'944;"Slovanski apostol'ovia Cyril a Metod a ich cinnost' vo Vel'komoravskej risi," SAVIU, Bratislava, 1945. Sa!fari1k P. J .: "Geschichte der slaw. Sprache und Literature," Prag, 1869. Sabek J.: " Naboienske pomery V Skal ici od .reformacie do jozef inizmu," SSV, 'Jlrnaiva, 1946. Smalov.JKutniik J.: "Zastoj katolickej hierarchie v slove-nskom na rodnom a kulturnom iivote," Mons Seti Martini, Rufomberok, 1947. Spirko J .: "Cirkevne dejiny," 'l'urc. Sv. Martin, 1943. Varsik B.: "Husiti a reformacia na Slovensku do iilinskej synody," Brati:slava, 119312; "Nar'o dnostny problem t.rnavskej univerzity," Bratislava, 1:9318. Vlcek J .: "Dejiny literatury slovenskej," Turc. Sv. MiartJin, 192 3; "De jiny litel'atury ceske," Pr,a ha, 1'93 1! Weiss-Nage'1 Sit.: "Jezuitske divadlo na Slovensku v XVII. a XVIIII. storoci," in the Album of th,e Trnavia University 163&-177f71, 'l'r,nava, 1'935. ZeUiger A.: "Egyhazi ir6k csarnoka," Nagysz,ombat, 1893; "Pantheon 1 1 Ty.rnav iense bibliographicam continens recens ionem operum typis Tyrnaviensibus aa1578-1930 editorum iconibus nonnullis i llustratum," Tyrnaviae, 1'931. RED C~ECH eX:perts, including experts on police and espionage ma't'ters, arie in Oulba to heip Fidel Oastro in his fight ag-aii,nst Amer.i.can imperialism, a·ccording to reports. The head of a Cuban delegation, which arrived in Prague in July of this year, was headed by A. N. Jliiminez, who wa·s promptly awa,rded 'I1he Order of the Wlhite Lion, t he highest Czech decoraltion. Raul Castro, attending the Spartacus Games in J uly, was also given the award. 'l'he Czech Reds haive granted Cuba vredits of $20,000,000 and have undertaken to build eight factories worth $3'2,000,000. A<nd to think of it, the United States was respons1ble for t he esta'blishmenlt of CzechoSlov-a kia back in 191,8! 1 plied. La&t year 20 were aUowed to take lllP studies for the priesth ood. The NITRA diocese. in 1960, lost 15 priests by death, re'tlirement, and "other reasons"; O!llil.y one priest was ordained in that year. The 'I1R!NAVtA diocese is short 240 pniests. In 1961 only eleven priests were ordained for the whdle of Slovak'ia. The Czech Reds of Prague corut'inue their systematic persecution of the Catholic Ohurich in Slovakia. )Jg )Jg )Jg THE "PRAVDA" of Bratislava (Sept. 26, 1'9611) tr•a1msl-ated a column by Drew Pearson and pulblis'hed it in Sloviak. It had appeared in the NIEW YORIK MiIRlRO!R and d'e alt wit·h the "Berliin issue." )Jg )Jg )Jg The Pravda article was tiitled "Cas THE BRATISLAVA SEMINARY a uda,l osti su proti USA." (Time was allowed to accept 15 applicants and Events Are Against 11he USA). even though 80 young men had ap- Obviously it suited the Reds.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language Description An account of the resource Dr. John Rekem Slovakia, Vol. 12, No. 1 (35), March-June 1962 pp. 1-17 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Rekem, Ján, 1917-1989 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March-June 1962 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/eeac60f2645d6fd4024c8b94e87a5c20.pdf 9da186ea972f17e9cda4964274cf3fdd PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 47 SLOVAK LITERATURE AND NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS BEF10RE ANTON BERNOLAK (1762-1813) JOHN REKEM, S.T.D. AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE There is much misunderst•anding in the Anglo-Saxon world about the Slovak literature before Bernolak (1762-1813). Under the influence of some Czech literary historians as Jaroslav Vlcek, A. Prazak, V. Chaloupecky and some others, statements have been repeated that Slovaks till the publishing of Bernolak's "Dissertatio Philologico crititca de literis Slavorum" - 1787, did not have their own literature and literary language, that they wrote in "Czechoslovak linguistic union" and Bernolak only separated SlovaJks from Czechs in literature and founded Slovak literary language in the form of a Trnava dialect. The late P.A. Hrobak (1904-1964) repeatedly showed that these Czechisizing tendencies of the above and some other authors were false and unfounded. He refuted their conclusions by profound analysis of their own works and by analysis of historical facts. 1 J.M. Kirschbaum, in a similar way in his works showed the discrepancies and lack of truth of some of these literary historians, who in their work were more led by fervor and expedience of the political tendencies of a "unified Czechoslovak nation" than by historical facts and strict scientific methods. 2 Kirschbaum showed that the most recent Czech literary historical school3, compelled by historical evidence abandoned the fictions of the older Czech literary historians about the domination of Czech or "Czechoslovak" language in Slovakia, and this new school acknowledged that: "Slovak language, whose development goes back to ancient times, was established as a literary language in connection with the formation of the Slovaks into a nation ... the establishment of the lite:rary Slovak language can in no way be viewed as a separation from the literary Czech language, but only as a long, slow development towards a literary language" .... 4 The author of this study a,,lready in his previous work: "The Origin and development of the Slovak language" 5 �48 SLOVAKIA put forward arguments for the existence of an independent Slovak language, literature and Slovak national feeling long before Bernolak. He followed the existence of independent Slovak consciousness from the oldest Cyrilomethodian literary memoirs and fragments up to the so called "Jesuit Slovak language" of the 17th and the 18th centuries before Bernolak's codification of Slovak. In this study we will deal with other pre-Bernolak representatives of Slovak literature or of Latin writers of Slov:ak descent, who even if they did not write in Slovak\ by their Latin works they kindled, strengthened the Slovak consciousness or defended the Sloviak nation and its cultural and political rights. We show the existence of grammars codifying the Slovak literary language before Bernolak, the existence of translation of Holy Writ into Slovak long before the "Separatist" move of Bernoliak in 1787. 1 Translation of the Holy Writ into Slovak before Bernolak The German Christian missions to the Slovaks at the end of the 8th and the beginning of the 9th century left their vestiges in the Slovak language, in a special way in religious terminology and in the basic most important prayers6, like "Our Father" etc .... It is certain that in their sermons and religious teaching the German missionaries used single paragraphs from The Holy Writ translated into the hnguage understandable to the Slovaks. Whether they progressed so far as to being able to translate at least the New Testament or even the Old Testament into Slovak we do not know. We hold this was quite unlikely but we can not give this negiative answer with certainty. It is known that many historical manusripts and writings were produced but have not yet been found or were lost and destroyed. This does not mean that they did not exist. More recently some manuscripts were found which put in a new light some periods of history -and changed the meaning of historical epochs. It will be necessary to do a great deal of research in the Benedictine monasteries of Austria and Bavaria, where t he sons of the Slovak noblemen studied for priesthood and prepared themselves for missionary work •a mong their countrymen. It was a great misfortune for the Slovak cultural history that the Abbey of St. Hyppolite on Zobor near �SLOVAKIA 4!:i Nitra was destroyed with all its manuscripts and cultural tre asures. This Benedictine Abbey, whose origins date from pre-Cyrilomethodian times would answer many a literary and historical problem of the Slovak past. It was not until the 9th century that the Slovaks obtained translation of The Holy Writ. This translation endured the ravages of time but is still today in some changed forms accessible. The translation was begun by [;t. Cyril and Methodius and was finished in Slovakia or Gre8.t Moravia by the disciples of Methodius, bishop Gorazd and his group, on the feast of St. Demetrius. 7 In what language was this transl•a tion of The Holy Writ written? Macedonio - Bulgarian dialect or Great Moravia Slovak? Many Slavists consider this translation a MacedonioBulgarian language with distinct lexical slovakisms and pure Slovak words. Some others, as professor G. Y. Shevelov cf Columbia U1I1iversity, through an analysis of the Kyjev ma:nuscripts, maintains that the original language of this translation is not a Macedonio- Bulgarian dialect, but a Moravian-Slovak dialect with Macedonian infiltrations.8 Prof. J. Stanislav of Bratislava is of similar views, 9 and so was before him J. Skultety.10 Even if the }anguage of this translation was not the coUoquial Slovak of that period, it was accepted by the Slovaks of Great Moravia and Pannonia as their own, it was used by them through the following centuries and it formed the cultural and literary basis for their national survival. The Slovaks included the cyrilomethodian literature into their cultural and literary heritage from the very beginning. This cyrolomethodian literature, including The Holy Writ, became the basis of the Slovak culture and became so deeply rooted in the Slovak nation that even when the Latin language was forced by king Svatopluk on his subjects and when the archbishop Gorazd and other St. Methodius disciples were exiled, this literature could not be suppressed, and lived in the nation and the nation lived by it. And after Svatopluk's death the strong influence of this living literature was the basis for the return and the revival of the old Slovak liturgy. Even after the final defeat of the Glagolitic Slovak Western rite liturgy in the 13th century, the cyrilomethodian literature lived in the 1 �50 SLOVAKIA homes of the people. The CM translation of the Holy Writ was read, copied, adapted to the changing and developing language and so were in a similar way other manuscripts from the 9th century, as we see f. e. from "Cyrilo-Methodiam. fragments of Spis" from the 12th or 13th century.U Not only that the Slovaks of the Latin rite used through centuries this translation of Scriptures in their homes, but that part which is attached to the Byzantine rite has kept the old Slovak in the liturgical services up to now and still reads in its liturgy pericops and excerpts of Holy Writ in the Old Church-Slova:k. Even when by the progress of history the colloquial Slovak sta'rted to differ more and more from the old literary Slovak, the old cyrilomethodian translation remained as teacher for Slovak nation transcribed in Latin letters and accomodated to the changing tongue till next complete new camaldul translation in 18th century. 12 In the 17th century after the foundation of the Trnava University in 1635 by Cardinal Peter Pazmanyi, the Slovak religious literary life started to unfold more and more. Many secular and jesuit priests of Slovak descent concentrated their literary efforts around the Trnava University and by their bodks and writings intended to intensify the Catholic religious life and by polemic and apologetic literature to defend Catholic teaching and convert non-Catholic· reformators to their faith. The scope of this Pazmanyi circle 13 was wide, and it prepared its members for their task very methodically. In their work for renewal of religious life they needed new liturgical books new translations, and multifarious literary publications. To have them properly and purposefully written they required in the first place a new translation of the Holy Writ. And that was not a small task. They knew that such a complete translation means that it not only in spiritual direction but as well as linguistical will be influencing the life of the nation maybe for a century, or even more centuries. And fundaments in this case were the basic linguistical norms which should be observed by translators and writers and that way stabilize and codify the literary la:nguage, to be an able instrument of instruction and religious edification. So in 1648 a dictionary was published in T r n a v a : "Vocabularium Hungarico-Latino-Sla vonicum" �SLOVAKIA 51 not mentioning the others. In the Pazmanyi Slovak creative circle they stabilized the norms of Slovak they were using and literary historians designated this as " Jesuit Slovak". 14 What followed and what was produced in this language was no more just single attempts of loose individuals but that was a collective manifestation of a generation of translators and writers from the clergy and later even from laymen professsions. The example of Jesuits and of secular clergy in the Slovak literary field gave impetus to the numerous members of the Fraciscan order to ,a more dynamic literary activity. The members of the Paulinist15a and Piarist religious orders gave also their helpful hand to the building of Slovak r eligious culture and literature. But what is most surprising is the fact that one of the strictest and from outside world segregated orders, so called "mute monks" as they were till last times called in Nitra region even centuries after their expulsion-the Camaldus, Cistercians15 , were connected in translating, writing and linguistic w c- rk in Slovak language and about Slovak language. From this fact that the Slovak literary movement reached behind the double walls of Camaldule cells we can see how strong that movement was at the end of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th centuries. Two kinds of literary schools at that time cultivated and were giving impetus to the creation in SloV'ak for cultural and religious enlightment of Slovaks: Pazmanyi Circle and Camaldule Circle. Both these literary schools were preparing themselves according to their plans and purposes for speedy and satisfactorily completion of liturg"ical books: Hymnal "Cantus Catholici" 1655 (written in Spisska Kapitula, published at Trnava University), Ritual, Trnava 1715, then pericops, apologetic, polemic, hagiographic literature in Slovak vernacular. All this served as •a preparation for the translation of the Holy Writ in New Slovak. There is still a question how far the Pazmanyi Circle <:oopernted with the Camaldule Circle which succeeded in translating the whole Holy Scripture into New Slovak. This circle appeared a little later on the Slovak literary stage, but its significance and endeavours were rivaling with the older Pazmanyi Circle. We know the Camaldulcs continued in the work of the preceding Pazmanyi Cir cle but �52 SLOVAKIA Cantos Catholici - Pysne katholicke, Trnava 1655. Copy from the Bibliothek of the Piarist convent, which Czech communists confiscated and turned into a Concentration camp for priests and religious brothers �SLOVAKIA 53 whether they worked independently , or they were commissioned to do the translation of the Holy Writ by the Pazmanyi Circle we are not certain. All the Cistercian convents are in ruins and their ample libraries with precious manuscripts were sold by weight to second hand dealers. Only fragments were saved, mostly by chance, here and there and found in the recent decades. Thus "Syllabus dictionarij latino-slavoni cus'' of 176316 was found in 1929. The author of this "Syllabus" is a cistercian monk Romuald Hadbavny from Michalovce of Spis, a scribe of convent chapters, domestic historian of his order and probably the main realizator of Sloviak literary and cultural efforts in the Camaldule community. 17 This "Syllabus" is of great importance for the history of the Slovak language and literature for two reasons: (a) for interesting and perfect orthographic rules from the point of the Sloviak language of today: (b) for its connections with the first Camaldule tran!'llation of the Holy Writ into Slovak, which follows the linguistic norms prescribed in this "Syllabus" as professor Eugen Pauliny proved. 18 In the introduction to "Syllabus" its author R. Hadbavny mentions a "Little Grammar for a Slovak student". This "Little Grammar" means a couple pages of orthographical norms in which he got more ahead than later Bernolak himself. 19 So instead of "au" he commanded to write "u", he prefers to write "G" for the sound "J", however he tolerates writing "aj" or "ay"; for "r" he20 categorically commands "r" for "u" - "6" or "ii"; as for the use of "y", he created his own complicated norms which do not correspond to the literary tradition or the linguistical status of his day. But most important is the effort to create some norms, some stabilization of language in syntax and lexicon in order to give the Slovaks an efficient cutural instrument.21 Even when there was known the testimony of R. Hadbavny about the existence of new Slovak translations of Holy Writ of that time 22 , and some of Bernolak's colleagues mentioned it too, we did not know anything closer about this translation, and its copies. Only when professor Vendelin Jankovic found it and described it in the literary review "Verbum" 1946 we got closer knowledge of this literary effort of the beginning of 18th century. V. Jankovic �SLOVAKIA 54 lf~tl'~a ;~ ~~JII'~ :,:; r:,~~r··,J'c;>e_; ~/47:l~.,:~~ t l ~ . . •.• STLL\lffl DlttIOMt\lliJ/ R. Hadvabny's Syllabus dictionarij manuscript from 1763. From the suppressed Lechnica Camaldul Convent library �SLOVAKIA 55 places its origm into the first half of 18th century. The manuscript started to be transcribed as final edition and that of the New Testament first on May 6th, 1756. This manuscript was finished on March 10th, 1759. Accor ding to Jankovic this translation is by a Camaldule monk either from Nitra or Nitra's vicinity. This manuscript according to him was written probably in Cerveny Klastor (Red Cloister). He supports this view by the following evidence: (1) The Camaldule convent on Mount Zobor near Nitra had in its large library a rich biblicistic literature, while the Camaldul cloister in Lechnica had a copious dictionary literature and lexicographic literature. (2) The l•anguage of this translation is similar to the dialect of Nitra valley. On the other side, professor E. Pauliny in his previously mentioned study about this translation, tried to prove that character of this Holy Writ language in its basic texture was pre-Bernolak "Jesuit Slovak" and some dialecticisms in it place it more to the North of Slovakia to the Polish-Slovak linguistical frontiers. According to Pauliny the translator was probably a monk from Cerveny Klastor. The question of author of this whole translation is still open. But it is significant that E. Pauliny showed that although Hadbavny's "Syllabus" is from 1763 and there is a copy of the Holy Writ dating already from 1756-1759, this translation was done according to the norms of "Syllabus". From this it can be concluded that if the author of the "Syllabus", was not also the author of the translation, he must have been •a t least a member of the circle which cooperated on this translation of. The Holy Writ. The 17th and the 18th centuries in Europe and in Slovakia were a period of religious controversies and conflicts between two reformations: protestant and catholic. Each of these movements tried to use all the means of communications and all cultural tools for the victory of its ideas. But while in most parts of Europe the Protestant reformation gave impulse to the awakening and formation of national and vernacular movements, in Slovakia the opposite occurred. Quite a number of protestant clergy s tudied in Bohemia and the backbone of protestantism in Slovakia was Bohemian, The Czech protestant exiles, who came to Slov,akia before and especially after the battle of White Mounta:n in 1618 tried to establish the Czech Biblical Ian- �56 SLOVAKIA guage as a liturgical and a literary language of their group and thus attempted to halt the basic strong Slovak national trend which was gradually growing among the Slovaks. But this tide couJd not be stopped even by the obstacles imposed by Hussites, Czech exils, and the protestant reformatio n imported to Slovakia. Some Slovak protestants succumbed to this bohemizing or Czechisizing tendency, some stopped confused, half-way. It took considerabl e time before the Evangelica l protestant representat ives in Slovakia escaped from their confused illusions and complicated artificial constructions (Czechoslovak, Czecho-Slaw, Panslavisti c) and accepted a natural and positive attitude toward Slovak national individuali ty and cultural independence. Even then this new attitude was influenced more by the philosophie s of enlightmen t, utiliterianis m and romanticism than by historico-political trends. 23 On the contrary the attitude of Slovak Catholics was more favorable to the developmen t of a geographic ally conceived nationalism and to the creation of the national consciousn ess and individualit y. The Catholics accepted the Slovak historical continuity of the cyrilometho dian heritage and of the heritage of Great Moravia24 throughout all the phases of the Hungarian feudal statehood. They built on this continuity and developed it. And this different political and cultural orientation grounded their awakening national consciousne ss, so that this consciousne ss from the beginning was by this group more concrete, more real. The Slovak Catholics, the majority of the population, from the their liturgical and extra-liturg ical very beginning in works (prayer books, hymnals, hagiograph ical, •apologetic, polemical literature, Holy Writ translation s) were mor-e consistent in using their vernacular, which was more and more oriented to the Central Slovak dialect and which later was codified as literary language. It was Recatholiza tion which designated the translation of Holy Writ in the new Slovak as a zenith of religious and cultural efforts in order to give Slovaks not only a symbol of their own individualit y, but also in order to unify their nation on the way to the eternal end. This translation however required a linguistic normalization and codification. For this purpose it was necessary to produce in advance or simultaneo usly the works and �SLOVAKIA 57 books dealing with the stabilizing and codifying of the modern Slovak tongue and thus it came not only to stabilizing of the sacral, liturgical literary style of the language, but even to the cristalization of the Slovak language and Slovak culture. And this was realized quite a long time before Bernolak's linguistical reform, even before the birth of Bernolak in 1762. Valid is then the thesis that the origin of the literary Slovak as a cultural and literary instrument, and indirectly the national awakening of Slovakia, was caused and speeded by recatholization. The last and almost concealed branch of recatholization is Bernolak's mo 1vement. And it is its branch in that sense that this movement systemizes (and on this word, "systemizes" is the objective emphasis) as its religious winnings as well as its national cultural gains. From what has been said above we see how unfound-ed is the legend about the Bernolak's separation of Slovak and Cwch union, which has been repeated so often by some Czech or by literary histori<ans influenced by Czechs. This false legend was put before the world public explaining the origin of the Slovak nation and Slovak language first when BernolaJc's study was published: Dissertatio philologico criti<la de litteris Slavorum (Bratislava 1787). As we showed :~n this chapter Bernolak's systematizing work was only a culmination and completion of that one which was cultivated and prepared by generations of writers and translators on the field of religious as well as secular literature before Bernolak. The pre-Bernolak t r anslation of The Holy Writ into new Slovak, being prepared with such a careful linguistical reform and consolidations, is an obvious proof, not counting many other numerous literary creations in Jesuit Slovak, of an independent Slovak language, literature and of national consciousness long before Bernolak. Samuel Timon (1675-1736) defender of the idea of Slovak independent nation. In the development of Slovak national consciousness before Bernolak movement, has, beside others, a lion share a Latin writer and historian, Slovak jesuit father from Trencianska Turna, Samuel Timon, S.J. 25 In the mosaic of the �58 SLOVAKIA evolution of national consciousness of Slovak Catholic inteligentsia this writer and historian, known at that time in the whole of Central Europe, occupies an important and leading part. Of utmost influence in the awakening of the Slovaks to their national consciousness and revival was the Cyrilomethodian heritage connected with the idea of Slovak independence during the time of Great Moravian kingdom in the ninth century. Slovak historians long before Bernolak, especially the Pazmany circle around the Trnava University (1635-1777) turned their eyes towards the history of their country in the period preceeding the arrival of Magyars into the Central European valley. They started to delve deeper into the historical facts of Slovakia during the Great Moravian period and they showed how the Slovak element influenced religiously and culturally their neighbours, especially the Magyars, at the ti.me of their conversion to Christianity. They proved how the Slovak administrative apparatus helped to organize the beginnings of the Hungarian State, where Slovakia had its own autonomous position in the form of Ni t r a dauphine principality (Nitrianske udelne kniezatstvo) for a long t ime even after the disappearence of the Slovak Kingdom. The historians of Slovak origin (S. Timon, M. Szenti!vanyi, M Bel, J. B. Magin) accepted the historical Slovak continuity from Great Moravia through all phases of the feudal Hll!Ilgarian State, made it a basis of their research and developed it. On this basis they deduced, some quite discretly (Timon, Bel) , others mor e openly and vociferously (Magin), the original right of the Slovaks to their own country, with all the connected natural rights, even the right to autonomy, independence and freedom of the Slovak language. !Samuel Timon was born in Trenc. Turna in 1675 from a noble (zeman) family. His father was Jan Timon a,nd mother Barbara Hrabovsika. Already from the family environment and from elementary school he had a strong national consciousness. We saw him in Trencin secondary school (Gymnasium) always registered as, "Slovak" (Pannonus, Slavus). In 1682, when only seven years old, he was enrolled in the first grade of the Jesuit gymnasium26 as Samuel Timon �SLOVAKIA 59 Nobilis Pannon Turnensis Catholicu Anno 7. Primi anni; Samuel Timon, nobleman, Slovak of Turna, Catholic, 7 years of age, grade one. He is similarly identified in the followmg year, 1683, in grade two, and also in the year 1685, except the name "Parmonus" is replaced by "Slavus". His nationality is similarly described in the class of 1687 and 1688. Upon graduating from gymnasium he entered the Jesuit Order in Bratislava in 1693. When he completed there his courses in philosophy and theology, he became a professor. First he taught in Trnava, together 14 years, then for 18 years he continued teaching at the Jesuit Academy at Kosice, also an institute with university standing. Huitory was his main subject of interest but although he devoted his time mainly to historical research, he also was active in pastoral work in parishes. His historical works written in Latin were in such demand that they had to be reprinted in many editions and became textbooks in the Catholic gymnaziums and colleges of contemporary Hungary. His work "Purpura Pannonica" which presents the biographies and works of the cardinals of the Hungarian Crown appeared in several editions. The "Imago antiquae et novae Hungariae" which was the most read work on Hungarian history was published in Kosice in 1733, 1745, 1766 1766 and in Vienna in 1754. In this work, which gained acclaim in the whole of Europe, Timon strives to prove, on linguistic grounds, that the Central-Danubian regions of the early history were occupied by Slovaks-Pannoni and the origin of "Panonus" he derives from the Slovak word "Pan" (which is equivalent to Latin - "Dominus"). He considers the Slovaks as direct successors of the "Slavic tribes" of Markomani, Kvadi, Sarmati. He deals with the empire of Samo and his successors - Maravod, Svatos, Barut, etc. With deep attachment he presents the great epochs of Greater Moravia, and devotes them most of his work. He deals with almost all Slovak princes of that period: Mojmir, Pribina, Rastislav, Svatopluk. He writes about St. Cyrill and Methodius as "The ,apostles of Slovaks". The historian A. A. Banik appropriately writes about Timon: "He is not satisfied with plain historical facts when narrating these events, but �60 SLOVAKIA frequently he gives way to his Slovak sentiments using an elaborate style to describe the outstanding details of the Slovak history and by taking predilection in branding into the hi'story of other Slav nations.'' This sentiment is apparent in the chronicle describing the armies of Svatopluk crossing the Danube in 885 into Pannonia, which took them a complete day, and how they subsequently, for a prolonged period, engaged in destroying the power of Arnulf. 27 We can see the same feeling in the writings about the son of Svatopluk, Svatoborgius or Svatocopius who went to live ;n sPc1usion on Zobor near Nitra, died as a saint and was buried in the church of St. Emeramus in Nitra. 28 A similar national attachment and pride is apparent in other parts of Timon's works. Another work of Timon, which is of great importance for the history of Slovakia and which shows Timon's Slovak national feelings is: "Synopsis novae chronologicale regnorum Hungariae, Croatiae, Dalmatiae ..... " pars. I III. 29 His Slovak national consciousness is apparent in that he was the first historian who when presenting the history of the Hungarian Crown devoted a special attention to the Slovaks and he was in this distinct from other historiographers of contemporary Hungary, such as Turocius, Bonfini and Istvanfy. Wherever he can, he reminds his countrymen, and the enemies of his nation, of the great epoch of St. Cyrill and Methodius30 , of the authorisation of the Slovak liturgy by the Holy See31 and wherever he is able to indicate that a person was of Slovak origin and was of some importance in the history of Hungary, he does not omit to stress this. His work also shows much of his local-patriotism, since whereever, he can, he mentions Trencin and in many places he intertwines the history of Trencin into the general history of Hungary. There is no wonder, in view of his Slovak patriotic tone in his works, that even his Jesuit brothers teased him, as one who would make even a Jupiter into a Slovak. In his work "Series serum Hungaricarum" 32 as in the works already mentioned, he especially reminds us of the grandeur of Greater Moravia, of the power of king Svatopluk and of other SloV'ak princes. He emphasizes the Slovak origin of the names of cities, towns, villages, rivErs, mountains in the Slovak regions of Hungary and derives from �SLOVAKIA 61 this the historical rights of the Slovaks to their territory and to a certain extent also their political rights within the Hungarian Crown. By putting a special emphasis on the work of St. Cyrill and Methodius in Slovakia he preserves the continuity of the St. Cyrill and Methodius tradition and thus awakens a Slovak national consciousness in the Slovak intellingentsia, (who read and spoke in Latin) as well as in his students at gymnaziums and colleges especially at Trnava. He was an organic link in the chain of the St. Cyrill and Methodius tradition, which, through his influence, is presented in the works of Papanek and in the Bernolak movement as a philosophy of history of the Slovak nation. 33 We are able to show there was a distinct Slovak linguistic and national tradition, long before Bernolak, which had very little in common with the Czechs. If this tradition lacked a linguistic and national unity it nevertheless gravitated towards the unity. This is demonstrable by: The Camaldul translation of the Holy Scriptures into Slovak in 1723, the historical patriotic consciousness of Timon, the Slovak polernic writings of Stefan Dubnicay (1675-1725), the assertion of the political rights of Slovaks in 1728 by Jan B. Magin (1682-1735), the subsequent liturgical books, edited in Slovak by the University of Trnava as well as nonliturgical works; then "Cantus Catholici" edited iirl 1665 with a Slovak patriotic introduction by B. Szobosi-Rybnicky; The linguistic reform of the Pazmany and Camaldul circles; the "Syllabus dictionarii latino-Slavonicus" of 1763. These works show how futile it is to denounce Bernolak (1762-1813) as one who separated the Slovaks from the Czechs, as the alleged unity with the Czechs never existed, except only through the descendants of the protestant exiles who settled in Slovakia. The Catholic population, which then was in clear majority, was oriented towards national independence in the frame of the Hungarian state and endeavoured to preserve the historical continuity of Greater Moravia as well as of St. Cyrill and Methodius tradition which it accepted as the philosophy of Slovak history. Bernolak and his movement only nurtured, enlarged in scope and completed what had been gradually developed and formulated through centuries by many generations of Slovak people and what manifested itself so remarkably in the Jesuit Slovak in the years 1635 up to the y ear 1787 �62 SLOVAKIA w,hen Bernolak published his: "Dissertatio philologico critica de literis Slavorum". 34 St.efan Dubnicay (1675-1725) - a Slovak Polem.ist and Historian.35 The polemical literature of the 17th and 18th centuries in Slovakia was very prolific and colourful through the contributions both of Catholics and of Protestants. The leaders on both sides were aware of the importance of the printed word and endeavoured to apply it in support of their faith. Polemics were written in many languages, most of them in Latin, then in Slovak, in Hungarian, in German. Printing houses were establi!hed even in small towns of Slovakia and became prosperous. On the Catholic side the University of Trnava (1635-1777) provided a new vigor to the polemical authors and during its life published 79 polemical-apologetic books in Latin, 14 in Slovak, 12 in German and 20 in Hungarian. 36 Amongst Catholics the most successful in the work of religious conversion by written word was Rev. Stefan Dubnicay, a parish priest in Trencianska Tepla. According to J. Vlcek he made out of Tepla a "literary counter-reformation centre" 37 and according to A. A. Banik "an active recatholisation centre". 38 In the words of Vlcek the Catholic parish in Tepla was for several decades a similar counter-reformation literary centre, as was for some time Zilina and as was to a greater extent and for a longer period Trnava and Bratislava. The polemical-apologetic books written by Dubnicay would form a small library. 39 And the result of his literary work and endeavours? In his own parish of Tepla he had 908 converts40 whose names he entered into the Register with his own hand41 and in the archidiaconate of Trencin and Hradna the Catholic doctrine was accepted by 28,687 adult Protestant, as the result of his work, in the period between the end of the Rakoczy uprising and the year 1722. The following are the polemical-apologetic literary works of Dubnicay: 1. Primitiae Deo et Agno - Prwotiny Bohu a Berankowi. Apoc. III. Tog.est: Prawdiwe Wylozeny ze Swatostni Beranek, - nelen w samem Uziwany, ale y pod, a pomimo uplneho pozjwany prawe zustawa (Trnava, 1716) �SLOVAKIA 63 2. "Orthodoxa propugnatio Patrio - Legalis Formulae Juramenti - To gest Kraticke Katolicke dokazany ... " Published in 1717. 3. "Manna Absconditum Apoc. 2. Manna Skryta, to gest: Prediwne a Nepochopitelne Tagemstwi Manny Zakona Nowego." Published in 1718. 4. "Congruum Colloquium. 2. Mach. 14. Prjslussne Rosmluwanj Farare Katolickeho s Troma Nowo-Ewangeliky Farniky swymi." Published in 1719. 5. "Panis Quotidianus, Parvulorum. Chleb W ezdegssj Malickych." Published in 1721. From the Pretestant point of view, these wor ks were assailed by: 1. Jan Blazy (Blasius) Senior, a pastor of Trencin who wrote against Dubnicay in Czech: "Brime uvalene na Hospodina, aneb obrana proti falesnemu obvineni Stepana Dubniczay, Goliase tohoto vojska Boziho Hanejicyho."4-2 This work remained in manuscript. 2. In 1718 Daniel Krman, an evangelical superintendent wrote, under an anonym: "Anti Dubnicay. Man-Hu? Co jest to za Mannu skrytou, ktorou Dubniczay Pleban Teplansky, no svetlo vydal." 43 Dubnicay replied Krman in 1721 in an extensive work: "Eductus coluber tortuosus-Wywedeny Tocliwy had. 44 Out of Dubnicay historic-al works, we should mention his numerous historical introductions in his general works, his short entries in the parish chronicles in Tr. Tepla and especially his voluminous manuscript: "Metamorphosis fidei orthordoxae de Bono in Malum et vicissim in Comitatu Trenchiniensi ac vel maxime in Privilegi'a to Oppido Solna ab a nno 1600." 45 This work, with minor changes in the title and in the contents was edited five times after the death of Dubnicay. In 1737 it was published by Martin Sigismundi. And in the same year it was put into print by Ondrey Tzibere and by the canon of Jager, Daniel Kilian. In 1759 the Kilian edition was published again under the name: "Vicissitudo Orthodoxa religionis." About the polemics, we should note this was a period of religious controversies and not of religious dialogue. �64 ~'LOVAKIA Irony and satire were frequently used on both sides, the attacks were vehement in the name of truth and frequently without Christian love. But we are interested in Dubnicay mainly because of his linguistic •a chievement and because of his position in Slovak literature. Dr. A. A. Banik, a friend of mine who is an expert on that period and who thoroughly analyzed the work of Dubnicay and of Magin, in one of his letters to me described Dubnicay as "fearless defender of the fuith, a skillful apolog:.ist and an esteemed worker for the nation. He is a milestone between two epochs of Slovak national life as through his religious-polemic works he concludes a two-hundredyear-long period of religious quarrels, just when Magin, his neighbour of Dubnicoa, through his nationally-apologetic efforts begins to spread new and nationally oriented ideas. Both were graduates of Pazmaneum of Vienna, personal friends, neighbours in the pastoral work, but so much apart in their position in the evolution of the SloV'ak culture. The Slovak literary historians consider the work of Dubnicay as a milestone in Slovak literature." 46 The Hungarian literary historians included Dubnicay in Hungarian literature but did not ommit to state he wrote in Slovak. 47 Only the Czech literary historians tore him out of the Slovak literature and placed him into the Czech one. J. Vlcek omits Dubnicay in his history of Slovak literature but in his history of Czech literature he devotes him four pages. Albert Prazak48 places him in Slovak literature, but when referring to his "Eductus Coluber tortuosus" states he wrote in Czech, in some instances using "f". This statement cannot be supported by any factual evidence. I had the privilege, through the kindness of the archbishop K. Kmetko, to borrow the work. "Eductus coluber tortuosus" from the Diocesan library in Nitra and was able to peruse it for two years. During my study of the work, I was unable to locate a single "r" in this work of Dubnicay. Similar way I can testify about the manuscripts of Dubnicay accessible in Tr. Tepla Parish archives. In my previous thesis, I showed that the language of Dubnicay was the Western Slovak dialect, which has cer- �SLOVAKIA 65 tain similarities with the Czech language in view of the geological closeness to the Moravian boundaries. The language of Dubnicay is not Czech; but Slovak and Dubnicay in many places of his work draws difference between Czechs and Slovaks. Thus in his "Eductus coluber tortuosus" p. 225 when pointing out to where Krman copied his arguments (against him) states this was from "Czeska knizka Theologie Wittemberska" - (Czech book of Wittemberg Theology). He does not refer to it as a Czechoslovak book, but as a Czech one, distinguishing it from Slovak books. That Dubnicay was proud of being a Slovak, in spite of the fact that his books were read in Bohemia, Moravia, Silezia, is evident from a letter (June 27th, 1719) of L. Tempes, the bishop of Breslau (Wr6claw). The bishop, who was no doubt aware of Dubnicay's nationial feeling, did not -0mit to praise the Slovak nation and language in the letter in which he thanked Dubnicay, for his books, which had such a beneficial influence in his diocese. Although the Silezians of the Polish territories were able to read and to understand Dubnicay's works, it never occurred to the Poles to include Dubnicay in Polish literature. They recognized him as a Slovak and even considered Slovak language as a mother language of the daughter provinces of Moravia, Silesia, and Bohemia. Thus according to L. Tempes, Hungary was the mother .country of the Slovak language (linguae Slavicae) and Moravia, Silesia, and Bohemia were daughter provinces of the Slovak tongue. 49 There were no compact Czech settlements in Hungary and the Czech language was not spoken there in this sense. If one talks about "lingua Slavica" in Hungary this can only refer to Slovaks and to their language. 50 Since 1936 I have been searching through the archives and examining the documents rubout the families of Dubnieay, Dubnicky. I searched the· archives of the county of Trencin, the parish archives of Trencin, Tepla, Dubnica, Orechove, Suca and I found documents written in Latin and in Slovak. 51 I found not only the histories of the Dubnicay and Dubnicky families but also many others and if these were not written in Latin, they were written in a Slovak dialect 'of their location. In none of these sources I �66 SLOVAKIA came across the letter "f" (rz) which is typical of the -Czech language. This also shows how false are the theories about a 300 year rule of Czech language in Slovakia before Bernolak as held by some Czech literary historians. It shows further how far from truth are these Slavists in the Western world, who, without being able to study the first hand sources; ,accepted · these · identical theories. . - . J.B. Magin - a Latin Writer and Defender . of Slovak Rights (1682-1735) . M. Bencsik of Trnava published in 1722, a book about the last session· of the Bratislava Parliament under the title: The last sessio~ ~f his Majesty the King of the Lords and Estates of the Glorious Kingdom of Hungary and of the lands ·attached to it. 52 In this wo_rk he unfa:vqrably deals with the position of the Slovaks in Hungary. He maintains that the Slovaks· lost their rights when the king Svatopluk sold the Slovak lands for a white horse. This iegend was created in the 14th cen~ tury qy ·a Hungarian ·chronicler. - J. Thomoczy and without being supported by any historical evidence, in the 18th century it became the basis for negation of Slovak rights in Hungary. J. B. Magin refutes this legend in his work and demands for the Slovaks in Hungary the same rights as were enjoyed by other nationalities. · · It is necessary to point out that while Latin was still used in the 17th century as an official language in the parlamentary sessions, and also as a tongue of intelligentsia of an otherwise multilingual Hungary, the individual nationalities were becoming more and more conscious of their national identity and were demanding . their proper . poiitical rights. Thus the question arose, which language would become an official language should :Catin be abandoned. This was the ,p eriod when Latin started to lose its prestige among the families of noblemen, who until now considered it their colloquial tongue. This caused linguistic and political tensions among the intelligentsia. The Slovaks who inhabited Slovakia, also referred to as upper Hungary, moved as colonist into the Lower Hungary (Hungary proper) and f_o rmed there compact settlements--after the population in these lands was ·decimated _by the Turkish armies. The Slovaks at that time �SLOVAKIA J. B. Magin, Murices sive Apologia, Piichov 1723 67 �68 SLOVAKIA were in many respects the predominant nationality. Their position was also strengthened by the fact that the Slovak language was understandable to Croats, Slovenes and Serbs who were other Slavic members of the Habsburg monarchy. The Slovak language was much closer to them than German or Hungarian. Already during the reign of the Empresse Maria Teresia, her counsellor Adam Kollar advised her to install Slovak as an official language over all parts of Hungary, as this language was understandable to two thirds of the population including not only Slovaks, Slovenes, Chroats and Serbs, but also Poles and Ukrainians of Galicia and the Ruthenes of SUibkarpatian Ukraina. The attacks of Bencsik against the Slovaks became of special interest to the noblemen of the county of Trencin. They resolved to reply and asked Rev. J. B. Magin, the priest of Dubnica, to prepare a scholarly defense of the Slovak Nobility and of the Slovak nation. These noblemen were: Jan Frideoky, Mikulas Illeshazy, Jozef Illeshazy, Ondrej Dubnicky, Peter Rajman, Kristof Ugronovic, Juraj Terstiansky, Stefan Nozdrovicky, etc. J. B. Magin lists their names and writes how deep was their devotion to the Slovak nation. 53 J. B. Magin accepted this role and wrote the book: "Murices Nobillissimae et Novissimae Dietae Posoniensis Scriptori sparsi Sive Apologia Pro Inclyto Comitatu Trenchiniensi ... " (The thorns directed against the author of the work dealing with the last session of the Bratislava parliament or the defense of the esteemed county of Trencin). Several copies of this work were found in the parish house of Orechova. The one I was able to peruse and study (in 1941) bore the year of printing - 1723 - in Puchov. Dr. A. A. Banik in his study about J.B. Magin shows why the year 1723 should be considered as a printing error and the year 1728 as the correct year of the publication . These views of Dr. Banik are now generally accepted by literary historians. In Magin's work we find the ideas, which on a smaller scale also appear in the works of other contemporary patriotic writers. The study of history does not only provide the basis for the national awakening but also the basis �SLOVAKIA 69 of the demands for political· and cultural rights. It was argued on historical grounds, that the Slovaks - the autochtonous inhabitants of !Slovakia since Great Moravia were entitled to equal rights with other nationalities. The spark of national consciousness grew larger through the works of such writers as Martin Szentivany, Peter Schez, Mikulas Miris, Samuel Timon, Benedik Sz616si-Rybnicky. But this spark became a beacon in the work of Magin. Here it is no longer a sentimental vision, but rather a lighthouse, a guide to practical ,policy. Magill's work is a culmination of the developments toward the Slovak national consciousness before Bernolak. It embodies ideas of full Slovak participation in the administrative fields on all levels, municipal, county, and state. The finding of Magin's work as well as the discoveries of the "Syllabus" of Hadbavny and of the Camaldul translation of the Holy Scriptures throws a completely new light on the pre-Bernolak period. When we study these works together with the works of other authors mentioned here previously, we see this was not a period of darkness, an empty period where nothing Slovak was produced as has been maintained ,b y some Czech Literary historians. They ignore the Slovak Catholic literature, often present it in a false content to minimize Slovak achievements and to justify the fiction of a three-hundred-year rule of Czech language in Slovakia before Bernolak. Contrary to this we see this was a period of active and industrious work in literature, linguistics, religion, history, and in practical policies patriotically oriented. This is not only a period of a.wakening but also of practical and purposeful activity in the cultural, political, and religious spheres. And it is very significant that this activity differs from the Czech, Polish, Hungarian trends in the same fields. While the Slovaks mantained close contacts and cooperation with these neighbouring nations they did not lose their individuality which had its roots in the cyrilomethodian era and in the era of Great Moravia of the 9th century. Magin and Dubnicay are the most significant representatives of this process and their work presents clear evidence of its Slovak character. Magin puts forward the Slovak demands for equal political and cultural rights. Dubnicay in �70 SLOVAKIA his prolific works acquaints the outside world with the trends in Slovakia and we see through the recognition he and his works received that even abroad the Slovaks were recognized as a nation different from the Czechs, from the Silesians and Slovakia was even considered as a heart of the Slavic nation or especially as a "mother house" of the Western Slavs. Against this patriotic feeling of the Slovak Catholics which was rooted in the history and in the Slovak soil, we have the claims about the rule of the Czech language over Slovakia, the liturgical language of the Slovak protestant. This was a language brought into Slovakia and as s ::ion .as it cros3ed the boarder it was subjected to the influences of its new environment. This language was introduced as a Protestant liturgical language at the Zilina synod in 1610. But the Protestants who were to a large extent descendants of Czech religious exiles, reinforced by successive waves of Czech emigration,·· were not able to prevent the influences of the Slovak environment on this new language. The Czech language never became a language of daily usage in Slovakia and even in liturgy it was subjected to modifications. There were very few· pastors who were willing to use and to pronounce the Czech "R". They pr onounced it as a Slovak "R". Slovak tenns and idioms gradually penetrated even into the liturgical or "biblical" language and it became dead language evien more so · than the Latin as Latin was a language of daily use of the intelligentsia and of the noblemen until the first half of the 19th century. Within a large ma_iority of the Slovak Catholics the spirit of national consciousness grew stronger and stronger and nourished by the historical background it gradually developed strong concrete forms. It also fitted into the public and state affairs of the Hungarian crown as in: the period which Latin was an official language Hungary still respected the enthnic rights of the individual nationalities. The persecution of the non-Hungarian nationalities came about one hundred years later, after Hungarian replaced Latin as an official language. 54 In the periods described above, the recatholisation supported and speeded-up the development of the Slovak literary language and of individual Slovak literature and cul- �SLOVAKIA 71 ture generally. The Bernolak movement, with its codification of the literary language can be considered as a culmination of this process of Slovakisation of literature which started with recatholisation. The literary school of Kohut which was grouped around "Literarne listy" held this view but had not yet on hand the evidence which is available now to us to confirm these conclusions. 55 REFERENCES 1. P. A. Hroba.k: "Wais Czech the vehicle of Slovak literaiture?", Slovakia, 19'60, V. 10. No. 6. P. 36-49. 2. J . Kirscbbaum: Contempwary tendencies in Slovak Philology, Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. IV, No. 3-4, Montreal, 1960. Also published as off- print. Idem: Slovakia, Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, Speller New York 1959. p.36 sqq.-ldem: Misconcepttons of American Slavlsts on th~ Slovak language, Slovakia, 1962, Vol. XII. No. 1 p.25-49. 3. Cf. Prof. A. Dostrul: Nastin Dejfn slovenskeho a ceskeho jazyka, Prague, 1954. 4. J. 1M. Kirschbaum: Contemporary tendencies . . . p. 200-201. 5. Dr. · John Rekem: · Slovak.i a, 1962, Vol' XII. No. 1. p. 1-17. Also separate off-print, at Middletown, Pa. USA 1962. 6. Linguistical analysis of these prayers and of ,t he liturgical ndmenclature with the proof of their before a cyrillomethodian ongm gives prof. H. Bartek in his work: Krest:anstvo a slovencina, Nadej vfCruzna, Scramton, Pa. 1947, str. 24i-268. 7. Cf. J . Piistenyi: Pamiatka 1056 vyrocia smrti sv. Metoua. Kultlira, IX. 19'3'7, 81. 1935, 148. Jan IStanislav: Slovienska liturgia na Slovensku a sidlo Metodovo a Gorruz.dovo, Histor,l ca S•l ovaca, I-II. 1940-41. 5.-43. · About archbishop Gorazd: Dr. A. A. Banik: Apostol Gorazd, prvy v dejinach spominany slovensky kiiaz, spisovater a svatec, Kultura IX, 1937, 81. Dr. V. Pogorielov: Sv. Cyril, Sv. Metod i Gorazd, !ch cinnose a povod, Sbornfk Literarno-vedeckeho odboru Spolku sv. Vojtecha, III, Trnava 1936. Apostoll Slovienov, Sbornik stlidii, k 1,100 vyrociu prichodu sv. Cyrila a Metoda na Vel'ku Moravu. SSV. Trnava-Bratislava. 1963. Ferust of St. Demetrius of Thessalonike-Solun is on Oct. 26. To e mphasize the Cyrilomethodian traditions of Slovak Republic, the Prime minister Tiso and Slovak Parliament d ecided the election of the presid ent of 'Slovak 'Republic 1939 to be done on this memorial day of Great Morava - Slovakia. 8. Trbt type groups and the problem of Moravian components in Old Church Slavonic and East European Review, XXXV. London 1957, p. 392. 9. J. Stanislav: 0 prehodnotenie Vel'komoravskych prvkov v cyrilometodskej literature, Sbornik v cesC na AleXander Teodorov B.alan, Sofija, 1955, p. 357-363. More about this qu esti on : 111. Lacko. S.J ., H.E.D. Ph.D. The Cyrillomethodian Mission and Slovakia, Slovak Studies I. Historica I, Slovak Institute, Rome 1961, p. 23~49. J. Rekem: Origin and deve_lopment of Slovak language, pp 4-5. �SLOVAKIA 72 Alojz M!skovl<: : Llterar.na clnnost'. Kon s tanUnova a Metodova, Apo~toll Slovi enov, SSV. Trnava-Bratislava 1963 P. 89 sequ . . . 10. J. ~kultety : Sketches from Slovak history, Middletown, Pa., 1936. 11. A . Miskovic : Spisske cyr!lske ulomky XU, a XIII. storocia. Ich nalez. Bratislava LI'I . 1929 80-81. V. Pogor!elov: Spiss·ke cyr!lske \1lomky XU. a Xil'II. storocia II. !ch pop!s rozbor a otlsk, lb. ·81-87 . O biskupovl staroslovlenskeho jazyka na spisi za Krara Ondreja III. koncom 13. storocla cf. ~tefan Hyros: Zamok Lykava a Jozef ~p!rko: Zac!atky Spisskeho b!skupstva v Mons St. 'Martini. Ruzomberok 1947. 12. Joz.ef Kutn!k ~malov : Zastoj katolfckej hierarchie v slovenskom narodnom zlvote - The task or Catholic Hierarchy in Slovak national Hfe - , Mons St! Martini, Ruzomberok, 19 47, p. 99 . 13. Ct. •S. B. Peter Pazmany! a slovenska literatli.ra, L!terarno historlcky Sbornlk Matice Slovenskej U ..-IIII. 1945/6, 159-198. 14. This adjective to this historical phase of literary Slovak gave J . Kohut, member of the old !Slovak l!terary-his•t orical school in this basic study : Jezu!,t ska slovencina v knizkach In L lt e ra rne Llsty 1891, str. 52. 'More about the Jesuit Slovak er. Rekem's: The origin and development of Slovak language, p. 9 sq .. . 15. Camaldul convents at that time in -Slovakia were at this placee : Zobor at Nltra, Red Cloister at Dunajec, Lech.nica, an<l Ro ck o! r efage at Slovak Paradise. 1'5a More about the Paulln!st contribution to Pre•Bernolak lltenture c!. J . Rekem: Teplanske duchovne p!esne, Trencln 1943, p. 35- 37 and J. Rekem : Z neznameho rukop!su slovenskeho baroka, K1ULTURA, XII, c. 7-8, p . 274-8. Trnava. 16. Information about this Syllabus from Dr. H iador Sztr!pszky see In Slovenske Nov!ny, Budapest, 1929, No. 13-15. 17. V. Jankov!c : Prvy slov-e nsky preklad ... , p. 29. 18. E. Paul!ny : Na okraj kamaldulskeho Plsma, Verbum I . 1946, p. 272-276. 19. Henrich Bartek: Bernolakov pravop!sny system, Slovenska rec, Roe. V. 1913•6, p. 246- 260. 20. By the influence of Czech Immigrant printers In some books appeared st!ll t. And R . Hadbavny had In mind some protestant writers, who used stil the Czech in their religious writings. 21. J . K. ~m!Uov. O. C. 100. 22. Alojz Miskovic: Dejiny slovenskej literatury. Bratislava, 1941, p . '66. 23 . J. K. gmalov : 0 . c. p. 64. 2-4. Cf. following chapters about S. Timon and J. B. Magin. 25. J . Rekem : Z kulturnych dejln Trencianskeho Povazia {From the cultural hist ory of Trencln Wag Valley). Chapter S . Timon. Trencln 1943. Dr. A. A. Banik: Novs!e udaje na poznan!e Jana Baltaza ra Mag!na jeho diela i doby. Spolok Sv. Vojtecha, Trnava 1937, str. 119. 26. Matrica Scholasticae Juventutis R. M. Gymnasi! Trench!n!ensis ab. a 1655 inchoata usque 1775 cont!nuata 20. Archives of St. Albert Society (SSV) , Trnava. In the records of Turna Parish I can not flnd anything about this Samuel Timon, because present records started �SLOVAKIA 73 only from 1690. The previous ones were burnt. But there is a baptismal record of a different one Samuel Timon born later "1719 , die 3. Septembrls baptlsatus est infans nomine Samuel de parent!bus P. ac P. Domino Stephano Thymon matre vero P. ac. P . Domina Susanna Birovsky ex Turna. Patrin!: Illustr. Dominus Baro Stephanus Ruthkay cum Illustr. filla sua Virgine !Magdalena." 27. Banik: 0 . c. p. 308. 28. Banik: 0. c. p. 343-4. 29. Tyrnavia 1714. This books were in Parish library of Trencin. And in them were precious old margin notes about S. Timon and his life. And on the last pages was handwritten history of city of Trencin. 30. Timon: 0. c. II, p. 89. 31. Timon: 0 . c. I, p. 22. 32. Trnava, 1714-5. In Trencin Parish library too, AD. 1945. 33. About more Timon's books and literary works cf. Rlzner: Bibllografia, (BPS), VI. 27-28, and Lombardini in Slovenske Pohfady 1887, t . 6. Posonii - Bratislava, 1787. From Literature about St. Dubnicay: J. Rekem: Z diela o zlvote St. Dubnicaya polemickeho spisovatera, Trencin, 194 4. J. Rekem: Slovenske narodne povedomie v diele St. Dubnicaya, Trenc!n, 1943. 1-dem: St. Dubnicay a jeho doba, Trenctn 1944. Idem: Z kulturnych dejin Trencianskeho povazia. Trencin 19-43. Pavol Rekem: Strucne dejiny obce Tr. Tepla, Monografia Tr. Teplej, !lava 1936. 36. St. Dubravec: Apologetika a kontroverzistika na byvalej katolickej univerzite v Trnave. Sbornik LVO' 'SSV. Trnava 1935, roe. II. sv. 2. str. 195. 37. J. Vlcek: Dejiny ceske literatury III. di!. II. vyd. 1931. Praha 34. 35. p. 38-39. 38. A. A. Banik: Novsie udaj e ... p. 68. 39. Vlcek: DCL p. ·3·9. 40. Manuscript: Visitatio Ecclesiae Teplensis p. 21-24. Parish ar- chives of Tr. Tepla. 41. Manuscript: Liber matricularis r ecompactus a D. 1828. Thnt are Parish records beginning from AD 1680, which were later rebound with the later time records AD 1828. In this records we find the datums, notices, texts of foundations and accounts written by S. Dubnicay and his successors. Texts are in Latin and Slovak. 42. Literarne Listy r . 1892, p. 77. Slovenske Pohl'ady, 1887, p. 42. This manuscript was in the archives of The Czech national Museum in Prague. 43. Dr. J. Durovic in his: Evanjelicka literatura do tolerancie (Evangelical literature till Tolerance patent) Turc. Sv. Martin, 1940, p. 193 showed some doubts about the Krrnan's authorship of Anti Dubnicczay. Therefore in my book: Stefan Dubnicay a jeho doba I dedicated a chapter to this question: "Personality of Anti-Dubnicay, antagonist of Dubnicay, where I proved the authorship of Krman of this book. p. 35-38. 44. Cf. J6zsef Vagner in Magyar Sion, Tomus XIX, ordine XXXVHI, Budae, Anno 1806. cites edition ECT from 1729. - Szinnei J6zs ef in Magyar frok elete es munkai. Bw.dapest 1893 cites ECT Trnava edition �74 SLOVAKIA from 1729. The same A. Zellinger in his Pantheon Tyrnaviense, 1931, p. 84. 45. Manuscript was in the Archives of Archepiscopal library of Esztergom, Hungary. By courtesy of Msgr. J . Posteny director of St. Adalbert Society Library and Archives, Trnava I had chance to study this manuscript couple months, till it was returned to Esztergom. 46. Dr. A. A. Banik in the letter addres,s ed to J. Rekem from Sept. 30. 1942. Cf J. Rekem: St. Dubnicay, p. 8, p. 51. 47. Of Szinnei J6zsef: Magyar irok elete es munkai, Budapest 1893: T6t szovegii hitvitazz6munka .. ." 48. A. Prazak: Dejiny spisovne slovenstiny po dobu Sturovu, Praha 1922, p. 111-2. 49. Latin Letter of L. Tempes, the ordinary of Wr6claw is in Introduction to Eductus Coluber tortuosus p. 15-17. I would just cite here short pertinent part of that letter: "sed et alias multiplices polemicas materias, velut alter aevi noster Bellarminus, patria nobis lingua edere valeat: quale praetactum idem de permanentia Eucharistiae edidit in emolumentum multorum milium, non modo in Hungaria, verum et in adjacentibus, ad maternam velut domum Slavicae linguae filialibus Provinciis, Moravia (ubi etiam adhuc in montibus malum idem gliscit), Silesia (ubi pleno velut alveo Hydra haec pestillentissima toxicum suum effedisse visa est· hoc decennio): denique et in Bohemia" . . . 50. When Bernolak was giving new orthograpy to the Slovak language he used in Latin expression Slav!, Slavica lingua, or Slavonica linguae; The old and newer Rituals edited for territory of Slovakia before Slovak text had this headline: Slavice; Papanek writing Slov:i.k history in Latin gave it inscription: Historia Gentis Slavae, etc . . . 51. Cf. Extractus protocollorum Comitatus Trenchinlensis circa pub• licatas Armales ab anno 1571. County archives Trencin, p. 178 seq . . . Series Gremialium Nobilium N-us 3-us. Ibidem. Matricula Ecclesiae Dubniczensis sub Patrocinio Divi Apostoli Jacobi erectae et Fundatao Curata per me Andream Toltt sumptibus Ecclesiae anno 1667. Dubnica Parish archives, etc. 52. M. Bencsik: Novissima Dieta Nobilissima Principis Statuumque, et Ordinum Inclyti Regni Hunga riae, Partiumque Eidem Annexarum. Tyrnaviae, 1722. 53. J . B. Magin : Murices ... part III, p. 94, 109. The names are the same which are mentioned and praised in the preface of Dubnicay's ECT. Magin in about mentioned place said about those nobles that "they every time honored and esteemed the Slovak Nation". From the Latin and Slovak manuscripts in Dubnica archives we see the very close cooperation between these two friends Dubnicay and Magin in various fields. J. B. Magin was the one who wrote the epitaph in Latin on the tumb of dead St. Dubnicay. This epitaph and latin biography of Dubnicay is in manuscript: Visitatio Ecclesiae Teplensis. Parish archives in Tr. Tepla. Dubnicay was hurried in the church of Dubnica under the altar, which he paid to be build in this church. He was then hurried under this altar cf: Epitaph: Hane a s e structam Stephanus Dubniczay ad Aram Conditus est testans cum pietate Fidem: Sicut enim vivens caeli quaesivit Honorem Sic colit in Templo post sua fata Deum. �SLOVAKIA 75 Et verbo et scripto b ellum torquebat in Hostem Haeresim, an Chris ti non fuit ille Pu gill? Justitiae idcirco jam possidet ille Coronam, Quam Justus Jud ex reddidit Ipse Deus. 54 . Even if there were differences in opinions and polemics, as ,e. g, between Benc,z ik and Mag;in, generally spea;kiug ther-e was a remarkable peace between the individual nationalities of the "Marian Kingdom" during the Latin era and until the Hungarian chauvinism disrupted Hungary. Concerning the de tails about Magin's and Dubnicay's donations to relegious and charitable institutions we may read more in a manuscript in the parish house of Dubnica "Historia Parochiae Oppidi Dubnicza" pod titulom "Parochus ,Septimus" "Maginus hie Parochus" etc. This gives details of his legacies and foundations for Masses and other -good works ... 55 . J. Kohut - Literarne listy, 1895. II BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1) Manuscripts: ~tractus protocollorum Comiltrutus Trendhin:iensis oirca publicatas Armales ab anno 1'571. Archiv of ,the County Trencin. Series Gremialium Nobilium N-us 3-us. New archive of rthe Trencin County. Matricula Ecclesiae Dubnic2iensis sub Patrocinio Div,i Jacobi Apostoli Ereotae et Fundwtae Curata per me Andre-am Tho,l tt Su.mptibus Ecclesiae Anno 1667. Parish archive DubnJca. Matrica Schdlas.ticae Jnven:tutis R. M. Gymnasii Tr,e nchiniensis ab Anno 1655 i1nchoata usque 1775 continuruta 2. Archive of SSV-St. Adalbertus Society, Trnava. Liber maitricUJ!aris recompaotus A. 1828. Pairish archive, Trencianska Tepla. Metamo,rphosis 1lidei Orthodoxae de Bono in Malum e,t vicissim irn Comitaitu Trenchiniensi, ac vel maxime in privilegiato Oppido Solna rub anno 1600. Archie,pisco-pal library. Esztergo!Ill. A. Gymii: Revolutio Rak6czyana. Parish archive. Tren<iin. J. B. Magin: Processus .. .. Parish archive Dubnica. Dubnicay Helenra: Oswiceny, Welomozny.... Parish Archive, Dubnica. Ga nyze podepsana Helena DubnJcay.... Parish Archive, Dubnica. M. Illeshazy's l~tter from June 24 1719 to Rev. St. Dubnicay. PaTish archive, Dubnica. His,toria Domus Also Szucsensis, dein 'Tepleusis, Parish archive, Tr. Tep.la. Histotia Parochiae Oppidi Dubnica, Paaish archive, Dubnica. Resetka: Register. Parish archive Su.ca. Rezikius: Gymnasiologia, sive his,toria schol,a rum et rectorum. Diocesan Hbrary, Nitra. R~tarides M.: Autorum et Scriptorum Hungariae praecipuorum Cathalogus. Diocesan Hbrary, Nitra. ProtocoHum vetus Parochiae Dubnicensis, Parich archive, Dubnica. Processus InquisitiOlrnis formatus a Nuntiatura Apos,tolica Vienensi super vita et mOll'ibus Illm.i et Revmi Dni Ladislai Adami Comitis Erdody. Diocesan library, Nitra. Rabcek A. Dr.: III part of of historical manuscripts' collections. Diocesan libramy, Nitra. �76 SLOVAKIA 2) Printed sources: M. Bencsik: Novissima Diena No'b ilissima Principis Statuumque, et Ordinum Inolyti Regn,i Hunga.riae, Partiumque Eidem Annexarum, Tyrnaviae, 1722. Dubnicay St.: Eductus coluber tort.uosus. Tyrnaviae 1729. Magin J. B.: Murices N0tbiliss,i mae et Novissimae Diactae Posoniensis Scriptori Sp·a rsi Sive Apologia pro Inclyto ComHatu TrencWniensi. ... Puchovii, 1723. Tamassy M.: Prawa Katolic-k a Rucny knyzka, Trnava 1691. Timon S.: Imago ·a ntiquae et Novae Hungariae, Kosice 1733. Synopsis novae chrooologicae reg,norum Hungariae, Croatiae, Dalmatiae pars I.-III. Tyrnaviae, 1714. Series rerum Hungaricarurm, Tyrnaviae, 1714-15. Robik J.: Wllozeni o uzltku a potrebe katechismusa. W Trnawe 1764. Szentivwnyi M: Magnum Chaos, Tyrnaviiae 1704. Tu•rris Babel. Tyrnaviae 1731. 3) Literature: APOSTOL! SLOVIENOV. Sbornik s.tu<l.H, SSV TRNAVA, 1964. Banik A. A.: Jan Ba1tazar Magin a jeho politicka narodna. i kulturna obrana Slovakov rdku 1728. Sbo-rnik LVO SSV. Vol. III. 1-2. Trnava 1936. Novsie udaje na poznanie J ana Baltazara Magilna, jeho diela a doby. Sb. LVO SSV. V. IV. 1. Trnava 1937. Rekem J.: Stefan Du•bnicay a jeho doba. Trencin, 1944. Slovenske na.rodne povedomie v dlele St. Dubnicaya. Tren<\in, 1943. Dubnicayova pastoracna. cinnose v Tr. Teplej, Tren:cin, 1943. The origin and development of rt:he Slovak language, Middletown, Pa. 1962. Bibliogl'afia trenoianskych tlacr a vydanL Tirencin 1945. Z kul,turnych deji.n Trencianskeho Povazia. Trencin, 1943. Teplanske Duchovne pi-e sne. Zo starsiej eschatologickej poez!e Povazia. Trencin 1943. Articles in Ducho'Viny Pastier, Trnava, 1942 - . Articles in Trencan, Trencin, 1942 - . Artioles in Kultfua, Trnava, 1938 - . Rekem Pavo! dr.: Strucne dejiny obce Tr. Tepla. v Monografii Tr. Te,p lej, Ilava, 1936. Dubravec St. dr.: Apologetika korutroverz.istirka na byv, katol. univerzite v Trnave. Trnava 1935. Vlcek J.: Dej!ny slovenskej ILteratury, III vyd. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1933 .. Dejiny ceske literatury II vyd. III. dil Praha 1931. Prazak Albert: Dejiny spisovne s1ovenstiny po dobu Sturovu. Praha 1922. Slovenske Pohl'ady: 1887 - . Literarne L isty, II, 1895. Magyar Sion 1806 --. Stransky A.: Deji<ny biskupstva nttrianskeho. Trnava, 1933. Szimonidesz.Adamovic: Proces s Danielom Krmanom, L. Sv. Mikulas, 1940. Trnovski K.: K recovej otazke Slovakov, Trnava, 1937. Kacka J. : Dejiny literrutfuy slovenskej. Ruzomberok 1921. Miskovic-Pisut: Dejiny sloven•s kej literatury. Bratislava 1941. �SLOVAKIA 77 Smalov Kut•1ik J.: .t,a,stoJ katolfckei hierarchie v Slovenskom narodnvm a ku-Lt.imom zivote. Mons Sancti o\llart:ni, Ruzvmberok 1947. Verbum, 1946, I,. Slov•e nske noviny, Budapese, 1929. Rizner L.: Bibliografia slovenskeho pisomnfotv,a, T. Sv. Martin. 19291934. Bujnak P.: S'1ovensky naucny slovnfk I - III. Braltislava, 1932. Czwittinger D.: Spe'Cimen Hungariae litteratae, Francofurrti, 1711. Petrik G.: Magya.ro-rszag BiblQgrphiaja 1712- 1860. Budapest, 1888. Nemethy L.: Serie Parochorum et Parochorum Archidiocesis Strigoniensis. Striganii, 1794. Szinnei J.: Magyar [rok. Bud·a pest 1893. Sommervogel C.: Dictionatres cles orrage-s Anouynes et Pseudonymes publie par des religioux de 1a Campagnie de Jesus, Paris, 1884. Vallasky P.: Conspectus rei publicae Litterariae in Hungaria. Budae, 1808. ZeHinger A.: Paruthe<m Ty,ruaviense. Tyrnaviae. 1931. Hrobak P. A.: Was Czech the vehicle of Slovak literature? Slovakia Vol. X. Middletown, 1960. Kirschbaum J. M.: Contemporary tendencies in Slovak Philology. Offprint. MorutreaJ 1960. Slovakia, Nation a1t the crossroads o'f Cerutral Europe, New York, 1960, p. XIX, 329. Misconceptions of American Siavists on the Slovak Language. S'1ovakia, Vol. XII, 1962. Middletown, Pa. p. 25-49. La place du slovaque P ARMI LES LANGUES SLAVES, an Offprint from Etudes Slaves, VIII, 3-4, Universite de Montreal, 1963. Oddo Gilibert: Slovakia and i,t s People, New York, 1960. Porubsky J.: K stemu vy,rociu li:terarnej slovenciny. Scranton,Pa.1945. Slavik J.: Dejiny sloV'enskeho evanj. a. v. bratstva a senioratu. Banska StiaV'nica, 1921. f>urovic J.: Slovenska evanjeiicka literatura do tolerancie. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1940. Slovakia, I -XII, published by the Slovak League of Amerika, Middletown, Ba. 1950 - 1962. Lepacek C.: Fran,tiskani v slovenskej literature pred Bernolakom. Kultura, Trnava, 1937. Lacko M. S. J.: The Cyrilomethodian mission and Slovakia, Slovak Studies, I, Histo rica 1. Slovak Institute, Rome. 1961, p. 23-49. G. Shevelov. : Tr,t type Groups and the Problem o'f Moravian components in Old Church Slavonic. The Slavonic and East European Reviiew, XXXV, London 1957, p,p. 379 - 398. J . Stanislav: Slovienska liturgia na Slovensku a s[dlo Metodovo a Gorazdovo. Historika S-Iovaca, I-II, 1940-41, 5-43. 0 pre-hodno,tenJ.e vel'komoravskych prvkov v cyrilometodejskej literature, Sborntk v cese 111a Aleksander Teodorov- Balan, Sofija, 1955, PP. 35-7-363. Dejny &lovenskeho jazyka, Voll. I. chapter XII. Kuitu.my jazyk na Vefkej Morave, v Bannonii a na starom Slovensku, pp. 213-241. Bratislava, 1958. M. Pisut-Misianik-Petrus-Gregorec-Stevcek: Dejiny slovenskej literatury, Bratislava, 1962. � SLOVAKIA 47 SLOVAK LITERATURE AND NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS BEF10RE ANTON BERNOLAK (1762-1813) JOHN REKEM, S.T.D. AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE There is much misunderst•anding in the Anglo-Saxon world about the Slovak literature before Bernolak (1762-1813). Under the influence of some Czech literary historians as Jaroslav Vlcek, A. Prazak, V. Chaloupecky and some others, statements have been repeated that Slovaks till the publishing of Bernolak's "Dissertatio Philologico crititca de literis Slavorum" - 1787, did not have their own literature and literary language, that they wrote in "Czechoslovak linguistic union" and Bernolak only separated SlovaJks from Czechs in literature and founded Slovak literary language in the form of a Trnava dialect. The late P.A. Hrobak (1904-1964) repeatedly showed that these Czechisizing tendencies of the above and some other authors were false and unfounded. He refuted their conclusions by profound analysis of their own works and by analysis of historical facts. 1 J.M. Kirschbaum, in a similar way in his works showed the discrepancies and lack of truth of some of these literary historians, who in their work were more led by fervor and expedience of the political tendencies of a "unified Czechoslovak nation" than by historical facts and strict scientific methods. 2 Kirschbaum showed that the most recent Czech literary historical school3, compelled by historical evidence abandoned the fictions of the older Czech literary historians about the domination of Czech or "Czechoslovak" language in Slovakia, and this new school acknowledged that: "Slovak language, whose development goes back to ancient times, was established as a literary language in connection with the formation of the Slovaks into a nation ... the establishment of the lite:rary Slovak language can in no way be viewed as a separation from the literary Czech language, but only as a long, slow development towards a literary language" .... 4 The author of this study a,,lready in his previous work: "The Origin and development of the Slovak language" 5 �48 SLOVAKIA put forward arguments for the existence of an independent Slovak language, literature and Slovak national feeling long before Bernolak. He followed the existence of independent Slovak consciousness from the oldest Cyrilomethodian literary memoirs and fragments up to the so called "Jesuit Slovak language" of the 17th and the 18th centuries before Bernolak's codification of Slovak. In this study we will deal with other pre-Bernolak representatives of Slovak literature or of Latin writers of Slov:ak descent, who even if they did not write in Slovak\ by their Latin works they kindled, strengthened the Slovak consciousness or defended the Sloviak nation and its cultural and political rights. We show the existence of grammars codifying the Slovak literary language before Bernolak, the existence of translation of Holy Writ into Slovak long before the "Separatist" move of Bernoliak in 1787. 1 Translation of the Holy Writ into Slovak before Bernolak The German Christian missions to the Slovaks at the end of the 8th and the beginning of the 9th century left their vestiges in the Slovak language, in a special way in religious terminology and in the basic most important prayers6, like "Our Father" etc .... It is certain that in their sermons and religious teaching the German missionaries used single paragraphs from The Holy Writ translated into the hnguage understandable to the Slovaks. Whether they progressed so far as to being able to translate at least the New Testament or even the Old Testament into Slovak we do not know. We hold this was quite unlikely but we can not give this negiative answer with certainty. It is known that many historical manusripts and writings were produced but have not yet been found or were lost and destroyed. This does not mean that they did not exist. More recently some manuscripts were found which put in a new light some periods of history -and changed the meaning of historical epochs. It will be necessary to do a great deal of research in the Benedictine monasteries of Austria and Bavaria, where t he sons of the Slovak noblemen studied for priesthood and prepared themselves for missionary work •a mong their countrymen. It was a great misfortune for the Slovak cultural history that the Abbey of St. Hyppolite on Zobor near �SLOVAKIA 4!:i Nitra was destroyed with all its manuscripts and cultural tre asures. This Benedictine Abbey, whose origins date from pre-Cyrilomethodian times would answer many a literary and historical problem of the Slovak past. It was not until the 9th century that the Slovaks obtained translation of The Holy Writ. This translation endured the ravages of time but is still today in some changed forms accessible. The translation was begun by [;t. Cyril and Methodius and was finished in Slovakia or Gre8.t Moravia by the disciples of Methodius, bishop Gorazd and his group, on the feast of St. Demetrius. 7 In what language was this transl•a tion of The Holy Writ written? Macedonio - Bulgarian dialect or Great Moravia Slovak? Many Slavists consider this translation a MacedonioBulgarian language with distinct lexical slovakisms and pure Slovak words. Some others, as professor G. Y. Shevelov cf Columbia U1I1iversity, through an analysis of the Kyjev ma:nuscripts, maintains that the original language of this translation is not a Macedonio- Bulgarian dialect, but a Moravian-Slovak dialect with Macedonian infiltrations.8 Prof. J. Stanislav of Bratislava is of similar views, 9 and so was before him J. Skultety.10 Even if the }anguage of this translation was not the coUoquial Slovak of that period, it was accepted by the Slovaks of Great Moravia and Pannonia as their own, it was used by them through the following centuries and it formed the cultural and literary basis for their national survival. The Slovaks included the cyrilomethodian literature into their cultural and literary heritage from the very beginning. This cyrolomethodian literature, including The Holy Writ, became the basis of the Slovak culture and became so deeply rooted in the Slovak nation that even when the Latin language was forced by king Svatopluk on his subjects and when the archbishop Gorazd and other St. Methodius disciples were exiled, this literature could not be suppressed, and lived in the nation and the nation lived by it. And after Svatopluk's death the strong influence of this living literature was the basis for the return and the revival of the old Slovak liturgy. Even after the final defeat of the Glagolitic Slovak Western rite liturgy in the 13th century, the cyrilomethodian literature lived in the 1 �50 SLOVAKIA homes of the people. The CM translation of the Holy Writ was read, copied, adapted to the changing and developing language and so were in a similar way other manuscripts from the 9th century, as we see f. e. from "Cyrilo-Methodiam. fragments of Spis" from the 12th or 13th century.U Not only that the Slovaks of the Latin rite used through centuries this translation of Scriptures in their homes, but that part which is attached to the Byzantine rite has kept the old Slovak in the liturgical services up to now and still reads in its liturgy pericops and excerpts of Holy Writ in the Old Church-Slova:k. Even when by the progress of history the colloquial Slovak sta'rted to differ more and more from the old literary Slovak, the old cyrilomethodian translation remained as teacher for Slovak nation transcribed in Latin letters and accomodated to the changing tongue till next complete new camaldul translation in 18th century. 12 In the 17th century after the foundation of the Trnava University in 1635 by Cardinal Peter Pazmanyi, the Slovak religious literary life started to unfold more and more. Many secular and jesuit priests of Slovak descent concentrated their literary efforts around the Trnava University and by their bodks and writings intended to intensify the Catholic religious life and by polemic and apologetic literature to defend Catholic teaching and convert non-Catholic· reformators to their faith. The scope of this Pazmanyi circle 13 was wide, and it prepared its members for their task very methodically. In their work for renewal of religious life they needed new liturgical books new translations, and multifarious literary publications. To have them properly and purposefully written they required in the first place a new translation of the Holy Writ. And that was not a small task. They knew that such a complete translation means that it not only in spiritual direction but as well as linguistical will be influencing the life of the nation maybe for a century, or even more centuries. And fundaments in this case were the basic linguistical norms which should be observed by translators and writers and that way stabilize and codify the literary la:nguage, to be an able instrument of instruction and religious edification. So in 1648 a dictionary was published in T r n a v a : "Vocabularium Hungarico-Latino-Sla vonicum" �SLOVAKIA 51 not mentioning the others. In the Pazmanyi Slovak creative circle they stabilized the norms of Slovak they were using and literary historians designated this as " Jesuit Slovak". 14 What followed and what was produced in this language was no more just single attempts of loose individuals but that was a collective manifestation of a generation of translators and writers from the clergy and later even from laymen professsions. The example of Jesuits and of secular clergy in the Slovak literary field gave impetus to the numerous members of the Fraciscan order to ,a more dynamic literary activity. The members of the Paulinist15a and Piarist religious orders gave also their helpful hand to the building of Slovak r eligious culture and literature. But what is most surprising is the fact that one of the strictest and from outside world segregated orders, so called "mute monks" as they were till last times called in Nitra region even centuries after their expulsion-the Camaldus, Cistercians15 , were connected in translating, writing and linguistic w c- rk in Slovak language and about Slovak language. From this fact that the Slovak literary movement reached behind the double walls of Camaldule cells we can see how strong that movement was at the end of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th centuries. Two kinds of literary schools at that time cultivated and were giving impetus to the creation in SloV'ak for cultural and religious enlightment of Slovaks: Pazmanyi Circle and Camaldule Circle. Both these literary schools were preparing themselves according to their plans and purposes for speedy and satisfactorily completion of liturg"ical books: Hymnal "Cantus Catholici" 1655 (written in Spisska Kapitula, published at Trnava University), Ritual, Trnava 1715, then pericops, apologetic, polemic, hagiographic literature in Slovak vernacular. All this served as •a preparation for the translation of the Holy Writ in New Slovak. There is still a question how far the Pazmanyi Circle <:oopernted with the Camaldule Circle which succeeded in translating the whole Holy Scripture into New Slovak. This circle appeared a little later on the Slovak literary stage, but its significance and endeavours were rivaling with the older Pazmanyi Circle. We know the Camaldulcs continued in the work of the preceding Pazmanyi Cir cle but �52 SLOVAKIA Cantos Catholici - Pysne katholicke, Trnava 1655. Copy from the Bibliothek of the Piarist convent, which Czech communists confiscated and turned into a Concentration camp for priests and religious brothers �SLOVAKIA 53 whether they worked independently , or they were commissioned to do the translation of the Holy Writ by the Pazmanyi Circle we are not certain. All the Cistercian convents are in ruins and their ample libraries with precious manuscripts were sold by weight to second hand dealers. Only fragments were saved, mostly by chance, here and there and found in the recent decades. Thus "Syllabus dictionarij latino-slavoni cus'' of 176316 was found in 1929. The author of this "Syllabus" is a cistercian monk Romuald Hadbavny from Michalovce of Spis, a scribe of convent chapters, domestic historian of his order and probably the main realizator of Sloviak literary and cultural efforts in the Camaldule community. 17 This "Syllabus" is of great importance for the history of the Slovak language and literature for two reasons: (a) for interesting and perfect orthographic rules from the point of the Sloviak language of today: (b) for its connections with the first Camaldule tran!'llation of the Holy Writ into Slovak, which follows the linguistic norms prescribed in this "Syllabus" as professor Eugen Pauliny proved. 18 In the introduction to "Syllabus" its author R. Hadbavny mentions a "Little Grammar for a Slovak student". This "Little Grammar" means a couple pages of orthographical norms in which he got more ahead than later Bernolak himself. 19 So instead of "au" he commanded to write "u", he prefers to write "G" for the sound "J", however he tolerates writing "aj" or "ay"; for "r" he20 categorically commands "r" for "u" - "6" or "ii"; as for the use of "y", he created his own complicated norms which do not correspond to the literary tradition or the linguistical status of his day. But most important is the effort to create some norms, some stabilization of language in syntax and lexicon in order to give the Slovaks an efficient cutural instrument.21 Even when there was known the testimony of R. Hadbavny about the existence of new Slovak translations of Holy Writ of that time 22 , and some of Bernolak's colleagues mentioned it too, we did not know anything closer about this translation, and its copies. Only when professor Vendelin Jankovic found it and described it in the literary review "Verbum" 1946 we got closer knowledge of this literary effort of the beginning of 18th century. V. Jankovic �SLOVAKIA 54 lf~tl'~a ;~ ~~JII'~ :,:; r:,~~r··,J'c;>e_; ~/47:l~.,:~~ t l ~ . . •.• STLL\lffl DlttIOMt\lliJ/ R. Hadvabny's Syllabus dictionarij manuscript from 1763. From the suppressed Lechnica Camaldul Convent library �SLOVAKIA 55 places its origm into the first half of 18th century. The manuscript started to be transcribed as final edition and that of the New Testament first on May 6th, 1756. This manuscript was finished on March 10th, 1759. Accor ding to Jankovic this translation is by a Camaldule monk either from Nitra or Nitra's vicinity. This manuscript according to him was written probably in Cerveny Klastor (Red Cloister). He supports this view by the following evidence: (1) The Camaldule convent on Mount Zobor near Nitra had in its large library a rich biblicistic literature, while the Camaldul cloister in Lechnica had a copious dictionary literature and lexicographic literature. (2) The l•anguage of this translation is similar to the dialect of Nitra valley. On the other side, professor E. Pauliny in his previously mentioned study about this translation, tried to prove that character of this Holy Writ language in its basic texture was pre-Bernolak "Jesuit Slovak" and some dialecticisms in it place it more to the North of Slovakia to the Polish-Slovak linguistical frontiers. According to Pauliny the translator was probably a monk from Cerveny Klastor. The question of author of this whole translation is still open. But it is significant that E. Pauliny showed that although Hadbavny's "Syllabus" is from 1763 and there is a copy of the Holy Writ dating already from 1756-1759, this translation was done according to the norms of "Syllabus". From this it can be concluded that if the author of the "Syllabus", was not also the author of the translation, he must have been •a t least a member of the circle which cooperated on this translation of. The Holy Writ. The 17th and the 18th centuries in Europe and in Slovakia were a period of religious controversies and conflicts between two reformations: protestant and catholic. Each of these movements tried to use all the means of communications and all cultural tools for the victory of its ideas. But while in most parts of Europe the Protestant reformation gave impulse to the awakening and formation of national and vernacular movements, in Slovakia the opposite occurred. Quite a number of protestant clergy s tudied in Bohemia and the backbone of protestantism in Slovakia was Bohemian, The Czech protestant exiles, who came to Slov,akia before and especially after the battle of White Mounta:n in 1618 tried to establish the Czech Biblical Ian- �56 SLOVAKIA guage as a liturgical and a literary language of their group and thus attempted to halt the basic strong Slovak national trend which was gradually growing among the Slovaks. But this tide couJd not be stopped even by the obstacles imposed by Hussites, Czech exils, and the protestant reformatio n imported to Slovakia. Some Slovak protestants succumbed to this bohemizing or Czechisizing tendency, some stopped confused, half-way. It took considerabl e time before the Evangelica l protestant representat ives in Slovakia escaped from their confused illusions and complicated artificial constructions (Czechoslovak, Czecho-Slaw, Panslavisti c) and accepted a natural and positive attitude toward Slovak national individuali ty and cultural independence. Even then this new attitude was influenced more by the philosophie s of enlightmen t, utiliterianis m and romanticism than by historico-political trends. 23 On the contrary the attitude of Slovak Catholics was more favorable to the developmen t of a geographic ally conceived nationalism and to the creation of the national consciousn ess and individualit y. The Catholics accepted the Slovak historical continuity of the cyrilometho dian heritage and of the heritage of Great Moravia24 throughout all the phases of the Hungarian feudal statehood. They built on this continuity and developed it. And this different political and cultural orientation grounded their awakening national consciousne ss, so that this consciousne ss from the beginning was by this group more concrete, more real. The Slovak Catholics, the majority of the population, from the their liturgical and extra-liturg ical very beginning in works (prayer books, hymnals, hagiograph ical, •apologetic, polemical literature, Holy Writ translation s) were mor-e consistent in using their vernacular, which was more and more oriented to the Central Slovak dialect and which later was codified as literary language. It was Recatholiza tion which designated the translation of Holy Writ in the new Slovak as a zenith of religious and cultural efforts in order to give Slovaks not only a symbol of their own individualit y, but also in order to unify their nation on the way to the eternal end. This translation however required a linguistic normalization and codification. For this purpose it was necessary to produce in advance or simultaneo usly the works and �SLOVAKIA 57 books dealing with the stabilizing and codifying of the modern Slovak tongue and thus it came not only to stabilizing of the sacral, liturgical literary style of the language, but even to the cristalization of the Slovak language and Slovak culture. And this was realized quite a long time before Bernolak's linguistical reform, even before the birth of Bernolak in 1762. Valid is then the thesis that the origin of the literary Slovak as a cultural and literary instrument, and indirectly the national awakening of Slovakia, was caused and speeded by recatholization. The last and almost concealed branch of recatholization is Bernolak's mo 1vement. And it is its branch in that sense that this movement systemizes (and on this word, "systemizes" is the objective emphasis) as its religious winnings as well as its national cultural gains. From what has been said above we see how unfound-ed is the legend about the Bernolak's separation of Slovak and Cwch union, which has been repeated so often by some Czech or by literary histori<ans influenced by Czechs. This false legend was put before the world public explaining the origin of the Slovak nation and Slovak language first when BernolaJc's study was published: Dissertatio philologico criti<la de litteris Slavorum (Bratislava 1787). As we showed :~n this chapter Bernolak's systematizing work was only a culmination and completion of that one which was cultivated and prepared by generations of writers and translators on the field of religious as well as secular literature before Bernolak. The pre-Bernolak t r anslation of The Holy Writ into new Slovak, being prepared with such a careful linguistical reform and consolidations, is an obvious proof, not counting many other numerous literary creations in Jesuit Slovak, of an independent Slovak language, literature and of national consciousness long before Bernolak. Samuel Timon (1675-1736) defender of the idea of Slovak independent nation. In the development of Slovak national consciousness before Bernolak movement, has, beside others, a lion share a Latin writer and historian, Slovak jesuit father from Trencianska Turna, Samuel Timon, S.J. 25 In the mosaic of the �58 SLOVAKIA evolution of national consciousness of Slovak Catholic inteligentsia this writer and historian, known at that time in the whole of Central Europe, occupies an important and leading part. Of utmost influence in the awakening of the Slovaks to their national consciousness and revival was the Cyrilomethodian heritage connected with the idea of Slovak independence during the time of Great Moravian kingdom in the ninth century. Slovak historians long before Bernolak, especially the Pazmany circle around the Trnava University (1635-1777) turned their eyes towards the history of their country in the period preceeding the arrival of Magyars into the Central European valley. They started to delve deeper into the historical facts of Slovakia during the Great Moravian period and they showed how the Slovak element influenced religiously and culturally their neighbours, especially the Magyars, at the ti.me of their conversion to Christianity. They proved how the Slovak administrative apparatus helped to organize the beginnings of the Hungarian State, where Slovakia had its own autonomous position in the form of Ni t r a dauphine principality (Nitrianske udelne kniezatstvo) for a long t ime even after the disappearence of the Slovak Kingdom. The historians of Slovak origin (S. Timon, M. Szenti!vanyi, M Bel, J. B. Magin) accepted the historical Slovak continuity from Great Moravia through all phases of the feudal Hll!Ilgarian State, made it a basis of their research and developed it. On this basis they deduced, some quite discretly (Timon, Bel) , others mor e openly and vociferously (Magin), the original right of the Slovaks to their own country, with all the connected natural rights, even the right to autonomy, independence and freedom of the Slovak language. !Samuel Timon was born in Trenc. Turna in 1675 from a noble (zeman) family. His father was Jan Timon a,nd mother Barbara Hrabovsika. Already from the family environment and from elementary school he had a strong national consciousness. We saw him in Trencin secondary school (Gymnasium) always registered as, "Slovak" (Pannonus, Slavus). In 1682, when only seven years old, he was enrolled in the first grade of the Jesuit gymnasium26 as Samuel Timon �SLOVAKIA 59 Nobilis Pannon Turnensis Catholicu Anno 7. Primi anni; Samuel Timon, nobleman, Slovak of Turna, Catholic, 7 years of age, grade one. He is similarly identified in the followmg year, 1683, in grade two, and also in the year 1685, except the name "Parmonus" is replaced by "Slavus". His nationality is similarly described in the class of 1687 and 1688. Upon graduating from gymnasium he entered the Jesuit Order in Bratislava in 1693. When he completed there his courses in philosophy and theology, he became a professor. First he taught in Trnava, together 14 years, then for 18 years he continued teaching at the Jesuit Academy at Kosice, also an institute with university standing. Huitory was his main subject of interest but although he devoted his time mainly to historical research, he also was active in pastoral work in parishes. His historical works written in Latin were in such demand that they had to be reprinted in many editions and became textbooks in the Catholic gymnaziums and colleges of contemporary Hungary. His work "Purpura Pannonica" which presents the biographies and works of the cardinals of the Hungarian Crown appeared in several editions. The "Imago antiquae et novae Hungariae" which was the most read work on Hungarian history was published in Kosice in 1733, 1745, 1766 1766 and in Vienna in 1754. In this work, which gained acclaim in the whole of Europe, Timon strives to prove, on linguistic grounds, that the Central-Danubian regions of the early history were occupied by Slovaks-Pannoni and the origin of "Panonus" he derives from the Slovak word "Pan" (which is equivalent to Latin - "Dominus"). He considers the Slovaks as direct successors of the "Slavic tribes" of Markomani, Kvadi, Sarmati. He deals with the empire of Samo and his successors - Maravod, Svatos, Barut, etc. With deep attachment he presents the great epochs of Greater Moravia, and devotes them most of his work. He deals with almost all Slovak princes of that period: Mojmir, Pribina, Rastislav, Svatopluk. He writes about St. Cyrill and Methodius as "The ,apostles of Slovaks". The historian A. A. Banik appropriately writes about Timon: "He is not satisfied with plain historical facts when narrating these events, but �60 SLOVAKIA frequently he gives way to his Slovak sentiments using an elaborate style to describe the outstanding details of the Slovak history and by taking predilection in branding into the hi'story of other Slav nations.'' This sentiment is apparent in the chronicle describing the armies of Svatopluk crossing the Danube in 885 into Pannonia, which took them a complete day, and how they subsequently, for a prolonged period, engaged in destroying the power of Arnulf. 27 We can see the same feeling in the writings about the son of Svatopluk, Svatoborgius or Svatocopius who went to live ;n sPc1usion on Zobor near Nitra, died as a saint and was buried in the church of St. Emeramus in Nitra. 28 A similar national attachment and pride is apparent in other parts of Timon's works. Another work of Timon, which is of great importance for the history of Slovakia and which shows Timon's Slovak national feelings is: "Synopsis novae chronologicale regnorum Hungariae, Croatiae, Dalmatiae ..... " pars. I III. 29 His Slovak national consciousness is apparent in that he was the first historian who when presenting the history of the Hungarian Crown devoted a special attention to the Slovaks and he was in this distinct from other historiographers of contemporary Hungary, such as Turocius, Bonfini and Istvanfy. Wherever he can, he reminds his countrymen, and the enemies of his nation, of the great epoch of St. Cyrill and Methodius30 , of the authorisation of the Slovak liturgy by the Holy See31 and wherever he is able to indicate that a person was of Slovak origin and was of some importance in the history of Hungary, he does not omit to stress this. His work also shows much of his local-patriotism, since whereever, he can, he mentions Trencin and in many places he intertwines the history of Trencin into the general history of Hungary. There is no wonder, in view of his Slovak patriotic tone in his works, that even his Jesuit brothers teased him, as one who would make even a Jupiter into a Slovak. In his work "Series serum Hungaricarum" 32 as in the works already mentioned, he especially reminds us of the grandeur of Greater Moravia, of the power of king Svatopluk and of other SloV'ak princes. He emphasizes the Slovak origin of the names of cities, towns, villages, rivErs, mountains in the Slovak regions of Hungary and derives from �SLOVAKIA 61 this the historical rights of the Slovaks to their territory and to a certain extent also their political rights within the Hungarian Crown. By putting a special emphasis on the work of St. Cyrill and Methodius in Slovakia he preserves the continuity of the St. Cyrill and Methodius tradition and thus awakens a Slovak national consciousness in the Slovak intellingentsia, (who read and spoke in Latin) as well as in his students at gymnaziums and colleges especially at Trnava. He was an organic link in the chain of the St. Cyrill and Methodius tradition, which, through his influence, is presented in the works of Papanek and in the Bernolak movement as a philosophy of history of the Slovak nation. 33 We are able to show there was a distinct Slovak linguistic and national tradition, long before Bernolak, which had very little in common with the Czechs. If this tradition lacked a linguistic and national unity it nevertheless gravitated towards the unity. This is demonstrable by: The Camaldul translation of the Holy Scriptures into Slovak in 1723, the historical patriotic consciousness of Timon, the Slovak polernic writings of Stefan Dubnicay (1675-1725), the assertion of the political rights of Slovaks in 1728 by Jan B. Magin (1682-1735), the subsequent liturgical books, edited in Slovak by the University of Trnava as well as nonliturgical works; then "Cantus Catholici" edited iirl 1665 with a Slovak patriotic introduction by B. Szobosi-Rybnicky; The linguistic reform of the Pazmany and Camaldul circles; the "Syllabus dictionarii latino-Slavonicus" of 1763. These works show how futile it is to denounce Bernolak (1762-1813) as one who separated the Slovaks from the Czechs, as the alleged unity with the Czechs never existed, except only through the descendants of the protestant exiles who settled in Slovakia. The Catholic population, which then was in clear majority, was oriented towards national independence in the frame of the Hungarian state and endeavoured to preserve the historical continuity of Greater Moravia as well as of St. Cyrill and Methodius tradition which it accepted as the philosophy of Slovak history. Bernolak and his movement only nurtured, enlarged in scope and completed what had been gradually developed and formulated through centuries by many generations of Slovak people and what manifested itself so remarkably in the Jesuit Slovak in the years 1635 up to the y ear 1787 �62 SLOVAKIA w,hen Bernolak published his: "Dissertatio philologico critica de literis Slavorum". 34 St.efan Dubnicay (1675-1725) - a Slovak Polem.ist and Historian.35 The polemical literature of the 17th and 18th centuries in Slovakia was very prolific and colourful through the contributions both of Catholics and of Protestants. The leaders on both sides were aware of the importance of the printed word and endeavoured to apply it in support of their faith. Polemics were written in many languages, most of them in Latin, then in Slovak, in Hungarian, in German. Printing houses were establi!hed even in small towns of Slovakia and became prosperous. On the Catholic side the University of Trnava (1635-1777) provided a new vigor to the polemical authors and during its life published 79 polemical-apologetic books in Latin, 14 in Slovak, 12 in German and 20 in Hungarian. 36 Amongst Catholics the most successful in the work of religious conversion by written word was Rev. Stefan Dubnicay, a parish priest in Trencianska Tepla. According to J. Vlcek he made out of Tepla a "literary counter-reformation centre" 37 and according to A. A. Banik "an active recatholisation centre". 38 In the words of Vlcek the Catholic parish in Tepla was for several decades a similar counter-reformation literary centre, as was for some time Zilina and as was to a greater extent and for a longer period Trnava and Bratislava. The polemical-apologetic books written by Dubnicay would form a small library. 39 And the result of his literary work and endeavours? In his own parish of Tepla he had 908 converts40 whose names he entered into the Register with his own hand41 and in the archidiaconate of Trencin and Hradna the Catholic doctrine was accepted by 28,687 adult Protestant, as the result of his work, in the period between the end of the Rakoczy uprising and the year 1722. The following are the polemical-apologetic literary works of Dubnicay: 1. Primitiae Deo et Agno - Prwotiny Bohu a Berankowi. Apoc. III. Tog.est: Prawdiwe Wylozeny ze Swatostni Beranek, - nelen w samem Uziwany, ale y pod, a pomimo uplneho pozjwany prawe zustawa (Trnava, 1716) �SLOVAKIA 63 2. "Orthodoxa propugnatio Patrio - Legalis Formulae Juramenti - To gest Kraticke Katolicke dokazany ... " Published in 1717. 3. "Manna Absconditum Apoc. 2. Manna Skryta, to gest: Prediwne a Nepochopitelne Tagemstwi Manny Zakona Nowego." Published in 1718. 4. "Congruum Colloquium. 2. Mach. 14. Prjslussne Rosmluwanj Farare Katolickeho s Troma Nowo-Ewangeliky Farniky swymi." Published in 1719. 5. "Panis Quotidianus, Parvulorum. Chleb W ezdegssj Malickych." Published in 1721. From the Pretestant point of view, these wor ks were assailed by: 1. Jan Blazy (Blasius) Senior, a pastor of Trencin who wrote against Dubnicay in Czech: "Brime uvalene na Hospodina, aneb obrana proti falesnemu obvineni Stepana Dubniczay, Goliase tohoto vojska Boziho Hanejicyho."4-2 This work remained in manuscript. 2. In 1718 Daniel Krman, an evangelical superintendent wrote, under an anonym: "Anti Dubnicay. Man-Hu? Co jest to za Mannu skrytou, ktorou Dubniczay Pleban Teplansky, no svetlo vydal." 43 Dubnicay replied Krman in 1721 in an extensive work: "Eductus coluber tortuosus-Wywedeny Tocliwy had. 44 Out of Dubnicay historic-al works, we should mention his numerous historical introductions in his general works, his short entries in the parish chronicles in Tr. Tepla and especially his voluminous manuscript: "Metamorphosis fidei orthordoxae de Bono in Malum et vicissim in Comitatu Trenchiniensi ac vel maxime in Privilegi'a to Oppido Solna ab a nno 1600." 45 This work, with minor changes in the title and in the contents was edited five times after the death of Dubnicay. In 1737 it was published by Martin Sigismundi. And in the same year it was put into print by Ondrey Tzibere and by the canon of Jager, Daniel Kilian. In 1759 the Kilian edition was published again under the name: "Vicissitudo Orthodoxa religionis." About the polemics, we should note this was a period of religious controversies and not of religious dialogue. �64 ~'LOVAKIA Irony and satire were frequently used on both sides, the attacks were vehement in the name of truth and frequently without Christian love. But we are interested in Dubnicay mainly because of his linguistic •a chievement and because of his position in Slovak literature. Dr. A. A. Banik, a friend of mine who is an expert on that period and who thoroughly analyzed the work of Dubnicay and of Magin, in one of his letters to me described Dubnicay as "fearless defender of the fuith, a skillful apolog:.ist and an esteemed worker for the nation. He is a milestone between two epochs of Slovak national life as through his religious-polemic works he concludes a two-hundredyear-long period of religious quarrels, just when Magin, his neighbour of Dubnicoa, through his nationally-apologetic efforts begins to spread new and nationally oriented ideas. Both were graduates of Pazmaneum of Vienna, personal friends, neighbours in the pastoral work, but so much apart in their position in the evolution of the SloV'ak culture. The Slovak literary historians consider the work of Dubnicay as a milestone in Slovak literature." 46 The Hungarian literary historians included Dubnicay in Hungarian literature but did not ommit to state he wrote in Slovak. 47 Only the Czech literary historians tore him out of the Slovak literature and placed him into the Czech one. J. Vlcek omits Dubnicay in his history of Slovak literature but in his history of Czech literature he devotes him four pages. Albert Prazak48 places him in Slovak literature, but when referring to his "Eductus Coluber tortuosus" states he wrote in Czech, in some instances using "f". This statement cannot be supported by any factual evidence. I had the privilege, through the kindness of the archbishop K. Kmetko, to borrow the work. "Eductus coluber tortuosus" from the Diocesan library in Nitra and was able to peruse it for two years. During my study of the work, I was unable to locate a single "r" in this work of Dubnicay. Similar way I can testify about the manuscripts of Dubnicay accessible in Tr. Tepla Parish archives. In my previous thesis, I showed that the language of Dubnicay was the Western Slovak dialect, which has cer- �SLOVAKIA 65 tain similarities with the Czech language in view of the geological closeness to the Moravian boundaries. The language of Dubnicay is not Czech; but Slovak and Dubnicay in many places of his work draws difference between Czechs and Slovaks. Thus in his "Eductus coluber tortuosus" p. 225 when pointing out to where Krman copied his arguments (against him) states this was from "Czeska knizka Theologie Wittemberska" - (Czech book of Wittemberg Theology). He does not refer to it as a Czechoslovak book, but as a Czech one, distinguishing it from Slovak books. That Dubnicay was proud of being a Slovak, in spite of the fact that his books were read in Bohemia, Moravia, Silezia, is evident from a letter (June 27th, 1719) of L. Tempes, the bishop of Breslau (Wr6claw). The bishop, who was no doubt aware of Dubnicay's nationial feeling, did not -0mit to praise the Slovak nation and language in the letter in which he thanked Dubnicay, for his books, which had such a beneficial influence in his diocese. Although the Silezians of the Polish territories were able to read and to understand Dubnicay's works, it never occurred to the Poles to include Dubnicay in Polish literature. They recognized him as a Slovak and even considered Slovak language as a mother language of the daughter provinces of Moravia, Silesia, and Bohemia. Thus according to L. Tempes, Hungary was the mother .country of the Slovak language (linguae Slavicae) and Moravia, Silesia, and Bohemia were daughter provinces of the Slovak tongue. 49 There were no compact Czech settlements in Hungary and the Czech language was not spoken there in this sense. If one talks about "lingua Slavica" in Hungary this can only refer to Slovaks and to their language. 50 Since 1936 I have been searching through the archives and examining the documents rubout the families of Dubnieay, Dubnicky. I searched the· archives of the county of Trencin, the parish archives of Trencin, Tepla, Dubnica, Orechove, Suca and I found documents written in Latin and in Slovak. 51 I found not only the histories of the Dubnicay and Dubnicky families but also many others and if these were not written in Latin, they were written in a Slovak dialect 'of their location. In none of these sources I �66 SLOVAKIA came across the letter "f" (rz) which is typical of the -Czech language. This also shows how false are the theories about a 300 year rule of Czech language in Slovakia before Bernolak as held by some Czech literary historians. It shows further how far from truth are these Slavists in the Western world, who, without being able to study the first hand sources; ,accepted · these · identical theories. . - . J.B. Magin - a Latin Writer and Defender . of Slovak Rights (1682-1735) . M. Bencsik of Trnava published in 1722, a book about the last session· of the Bratislava Parliament under the title: The last sessio~ ~f his Majesty the King of the Lords and Estates of the Glorious Kingdom of Hungary and of the lands ·attached to it. 52 In this wo_rk he unfa:vqrably deals with the position of the Slovaks in Hungary. He maintains that the Slovaks· lost their rights when the king Svatopluk sold the Slovak lands for a white horse. This iegend was created in the 14th cen~ tury qy ·a Hungarian ·chronicler. - J. Thomoczy and without being supported by any historical evidence, in the 18th century it became the basis for negation of Slovak rights in Hungary. J. B. Magin refutes this legend in his work and demands for the Slovaks in Hungary the same rights as were enjoyed by other nationalities. · · It is necessary to point out that while Latin was still used in the 17th century as an official language in the parlamentary sessions, and also as a tongue of intelligentsia of an otherwise multilingual Hungary, the individual nationalities were becoming more and more conscious of their national identity and were demanding . their proper . poiitical rights. Thus the question arose, which language would become an official language should :Catin be abandoned. This was the ,p eriod when Latin started to lose its prestige among the families of noblemen, who until now considered it their colloquial tongue. This caused linguistic and political tensions among the intelligentsia. The Slovaks who inhabited Slovakia, also referred to as upper Hungary, moved as colonist into the Lower Hungary (Hungary proper) and f_o rmed there compact settlements--after the population in these lands was ·decimated _by the Turkish armies. The Slovaks at that time �SLOVAKIA J. B. Magin, Murices sive Apologia, Piichov 1723 67 �68 SLOVAKIA were in many respects the predominant nationality. Their position was also strengthened by the fact that the Slovak language was understandable to Croats, Slovenes and Serbs who were other Slavic members of the Habsburg monarchy. The Slovak language was much closer to them than German or Hungarian. Already during the reign of the Empresse Maria Teresia, her counsellor Adam Kollar advised her to install Slovak as an official language over all parts of Hungary, as this language was understandable to two thirds of the population including not only Slovaks, Slovenes, Chroats and Serbs, but also Poles and Ukrainians of Galicia and the Ruthenes of SUibkarpatian Ukraina. The attacks of Bencsik against the Slovaks became of special interest to the noblemen of the county of Trencin. They resolved to reply and asked Rev. J. B. Magin, the priest of Dubnica, to prepare a scholarly defense of the Slovak Nobility and of the Slovak nation. These noblemen were: Jan Frideoky, Mikulas Illeshazy, Jozef Illeshazy, Ondrej Dubnicky, Peter Rajman, Kristof Ugronovic, Juraj Terstiansky, Stefan Nozdrovicky, etc. J. B. Magin lists their names and writes how deep was their devotion to the Slovak nation. 53 J. B. Magin accepted this role and wrote the book: "Murices Nobillissimae et Novissimae Dietae Posoniensis Scriptori sparsi Sive Apologia Pro Inclyto Comitatu Trenchiniensi ... " (The thorns directed against the author of the work dealing with the last session of the Bratislava parliament or the defense of the esteemed county of Trencin). Several copies of this work were found in the parish house of Orechova. The one I was able to peruse and study (in 1941) bore the year of printing - 1723 - in Puchov. Dr. A. A. Banik in his study about J.B. Magin shows why the year 1723 should be considered as a printing error and the year 1728 as the correct year of the publication . These views of Dr. Banik are now generally accepted by literary historians. In Magin's work we find the ideas, which on a smaller scale also appear in the works of other contemporary patriotic writers. The study of history does not only provide the basis for the national awakening but also the basis �SLOVAKIA 69 of the demands for political· and cultural rights. It was argued on historical grounds, that the Slovaks - the autochtonous inhabitants of !Slovakia since Great Moravia were entitled to equal rights with other nationalities. The spark of national consciousness grew larger through the works of such writers as Martin Szentivany, Peter Schez, Mikulas Miris, Samuel Timon, Benedik Sz616si-Rybnicky. But this spark became a beacon in the work of Magin. Here it is no longer a sentimental vision, but rather a lighthouse, a guide to practical ,policy. Magill's work is a culmination of the developments toward the Slovak national consciousness before Bernolak. It embodies ideas of full Slovak participation in the administrative fields on all levels, municipal, county, and state. The finding of Magin's work as well as the discoveries of the "Syllabus" of Hadbavny and of the Camaldul translation of the Holy Scriptures throws a completely new light on the pre-Bernolak period. When we study these works together with the works of other authors mentioned here previously, we see this was not a period of darkness, an empty period where nothing Slovak was produced as has been maintained ,b y some Czech Literary historians. They ignore the Slovak Catholic literature, often present it in a false content to minimize Slovak achievements and to justify the fiction of a three-hundred-year rule of Czech language in Slovakia before Bernolak. Contrary to this we see this was a period of active and industrious work in literature, linguistics, religion, history, and in practical policies patriotically oriented. This is not only a period of a.wakening but also of practical and purposeful activity in the cultural, political, and religious spheres. And it is very significant that this activity differs from the Czech, Polish, Hungarian trends in the same fields. While the Slovaks mantained close contacts and cooperation with these neighbouring nations they did not lose their individuality which had its roots in the cyrilomethodian era and in the era of Great Moravia of the 9th century. Magin and Dubnicay are the most significant representatives of this process and their work presents clear evidence of its Slovak character. Magin puts forward the Slovak demands for equal political and cultural rights. Dubnicay in �70 SLOVAKIA his prolific works acquaints the outside world with the trends in Slovakia and we see through the recognition he and his works received that even abroad the Slovaks were recognized as a nation different from the Czechs, from the Silesians and Slovakia was even considered as a heart of the Slavic nation or especially as a "mother house" of the Western Slavs. Against this patriotic feeling of the Slovak Catholics which was rooted in the history and in the Slovak soil, we have the claims about the rule of the Czech language over Slovakia, the liturgical language of the Slovak protestant. This was a language brought into Slovakia and as s ::ion .as it cros3ed the boarder it was subjected to the influences of its new environment. This language was introduced as a Protestant liturgical language at the Zilina synod in 1610. But the Protestants who were to a large extent descendants of Czech religious exiles, reinforced by successive waves of Czech emigration,·· were not able to prevent the influences of the Slovak environment on this new language. The Czech language never became a language of daily usage in Slovakia and even in liturgy it was subjected to modifications. There were very few· pastors who were willing to use and to pronounce the Czech "R". They pr onounced it as a Slovak "R". Slovak tenns and idioms gradually penetrated even into the liturgical or "biblical" language and it became dead language evien more so · than the Latin as Latin was a language of daily use of the intelligentsia and of the noblemen until the first half of the 19th century. Within a large ma_iority of the Slovak Catholics the spirit of national consciousness grew stronger and stronger and nourished by the historical background it gradually developed strong concrete forms. It also fitted into the public and state affairs of the Hungarian crown as in: the period which Latin was an official language Hungary still respected the enthnic rights of the individual nationalities. The persecution of the non-Hungarian nationalities came about one hundred years later, after Hungarian replaced Latin as an official language. 54 In the periods described above, the recatholisation supported and speeded-up the development of the Slovak literary language and of individual Slovak literature and cul- �SLOVAKIA 71 ture generally. The Bernolak movement, with its codification of the literary language can be considered as a culmination of this process of Slovakisation of literature which started with recatholisation. The literary school of Kohut which was grouped around "Literarne listy" held this view but had not yet on hand the evidence which is available now to us to confirm these conclusions. 55 REFERENCES 1. P. A. Hroba.k: "Wais Czech the vehicle of Slovak literaiture?", Slovakia, 19'60, V. 10. No. 6. P. 36-49. 2. J . Kirscbbaum: Contempwary tendencies in Slovak Philology, Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. IV, No. 3-4, Montreal, 1960. Also published as off- print. Idem: Slovakia, Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, Speller New York 1959. p.36 sqq.-ldem: Misconcepttons of American Slavlsts on th~ Slovak language, Slovakia, 1962, Vol. XII. No. 1 p.25-49. 3. Cf. Prof. A. Dostrul: Nastin Dejfn slovenskeho a ceskeho jazyka, Prague, 1954. 4. J. 1M. Kirschbaum: Contemporary tendencies . . . p. 200-201. 5. Dr. · John Rekem: · Slovak.i a, 1962, Vol' XII. No. 1. p. 1-17. Also separate off-print, at Middletown, Pa. USA 1962. 6. Linguistical analysis of these prayers and of ,t he liturgical ndmenclature with the proof of their before a cyrillomethodian ongm gives prof. H. Bartek in his work: Krest:anstvo a slovencina, Nadej vfCruzna, Scramton, Pa. 1947, str. 24i-268. 7. Cf. J . Piistenyi: Pamiatka 1056 vyrocia smrti sv. Metoua. Kultlira, IX. 19'3'7, 81. 1935, 148. Jan IStanislav: Slovienska liturgia na Slovensku a sidlo Metodovo a Gorruz.dovo, Histor,l ca S•l ovaca, I-II. 1940-41. 5.-43. · About archbishop Gorazd: Dr. A. A. Banik: Apostol Gorazd, prvy v dejinach spominany slovensky kiiaz, spisovater a svatec, Kultura IX, 1937, 81. Dr. V. Pogorielov: Sv. Cyril, Sv. Metod i Gorazd, !ch cinnose a povod, Sbornfk Literarno-vedeckeho odboru Spolku sv. Vojtecha, III, Trnava 1936. Apostoll Slovienov, Sbornik stlidii, k 1,100 vyrociu prichodu sv. Cyrila a Metoda na Vel'ku Moravu. SSV. Trnava-Bratislava. 1963. Ferust of St. Demetrius of Thessalonike-Solun is on Oct. 26. To e mphasize the Cyrilomethodian traditions of Slovak Republic, the Prime minister Tiso and Slovak Parliament d ecided the election of the presid ent of 'Slovak 'Republic 1939 to be done on this memorial day of Great Morava - Slovakia. 8. Trbt type groups and the problem of Moravian components in Old Church Slavonic and East European Review, XXXV. London 1957, p. 392. 9. J. Stanislav: 0 prehodnotenie Vel'komoravskych prvkov v cyrilometodskej literature, Sbornik v cesC na AleXander Teodorov B.alan, Sofija, 1955, p. 357-363. More about this qu esti on : 111. Lacko. S.J ., H.E.D. Ph.D. The Cyrillomethodian Mission and Slovakia, Slovak Studies I. Historica I, Slovak Institute, Rome 1961, p. 23~49. J. Rekem: Origin and deve_lopment of Slovak language, pp 4-5. �SLOVAKIA 72 Alojz M!skovl<: : Llterar.na clnnost'. Kon s tanUnova a Metodova, Apo~toll Slovi enov, SSV. Trnava-Bratislava 1963 P. 89 sequ . . . 10. J. ~kultety : Sketches from Slovak history, Middletown, Pa., 1936. 11. A . Miskovic : Spisske cyr!lske ulomky XU, a XIII. storocia. Ich nalez. Bratislava LI'I . 1929 80-81. V. Pogor!elov: Spiss·ke cyr!lske \1lomky XU. a Xil'II. storocia II. !ch pop!s rozbor a otlsk, lb. ·81-87 . O biskupovl staroslovlenskeho jazyka na spisi za Krara Ondreja III. koncom 13. storocla cf. ~tefan Hyros: Zamok Lykava a Jozef ~p!rko: Zac!atky Spisskeho b!skupstva v Mons St. 'Martini. Ruzomberok 1947. 12. Joz.ef Kutn!k ~malov : Zastoj katolfckej hierarchie v slovenskom narodnom zlvote - The task or Catholic Hierarchy in Slovak national Hfe - , Mons St! Martini, Ruzomberok, 19 47, p. 99 . 13. Ct. •S. B. Peter Pazmany! a slovenska literatli.ra, L!terarno historlcky Sbornlk Matice Slovenskej U ..-IIII. 1945/6, 159-198. 14. This adjective to this historical phase of literary Slovak gave J . Kohut, member of the old !Slovak l!terary-his•t orical school in this basic study : Jezu!,t ska slovencina v knizkach In L lt e ra rne Llsty 1891, str. 52. 'More about the Jesuit Slovak er. Rekem's: The origin and development of Slovak language, p. 9 sq .. . 15. Camaldul convents at that time in -Slovakia were at this placee : Zobor at Nltra, Red Cloister at Dunajec, Lech.nica, an<l Ro ck o! r efage at Slovak Paradise. 1'5a More about the Paulln!st contribution to Pre•Bernolak lltenture c!. J . Rekem: Teplanske duchovne p!esne, Trencln 1943, p. 35- 37 and J. Rekem : Z neznameho rukop!su slovenskeho baroka, K1ULTURA, XII, c. 7-8, p . 274-8. Trnava. 16. Information about this Syllabus from Dr. H iador Sztr!pszky see In Slovenske Nov!ny, Budapest, 1929, No. 13-15. 17. V. Jankov!c : Prvy slov-e nsky preklad ... , p. 29. 18. E. Paul!ny : Na okraj kamaldulskeho Plsma, Verbum I . 1946, p. 272-276. 19. Henrich Bartek: Bernolakov pravop!sny system, Slovenska rec, Roe. V. 1913•6, p. 246- 260. 20. By the influence of Czech Immigrant printers In some books appeared st!ll t. And R . Hadbavny had In mind some protestant writers, who used stil the Czech in their religious writings. 21. J . K. ~m!Uov. O. C. 100. 22. Alojz Miskovic: Dejiny slovenskej literatury. Bratislava, 1941, p . '66. 23 . J. K. gmalov : 0 . c. p. 64. 2-4. Cf. following chapters about S. Timon and J. B. Magin. 25. J . Rekem : Z kulturnych dejln Trencianskeho Povazia {From the cultural hist ory of Trencln Wag Valley). Chapter S . Timon. Trencln 1943. Dr. A. A. Banik: Novs!e udaje na poznan!e Jana Baltaza ra Mag!na jeho diela i doby. Spolok Sv. Vojtecha, Trnava 1937, str. 119. 26. Matrica Scholasticae Juventutis R. M. Gymnasi! Trench!n!ensis ab. a 1655 inchoata usque 1775 cont!nuata 20. Archives of St. Albert Society (SSV) , Trnava. In the records of Turna Parish I can not flnd anything about this Samuel Timon, because present records started �SLOVAKIA 73 only from 1690. The previous ones were burnt. But there is a baptismal record of a different one Samuel Timon born later "1719 , die 3. Septembrls baptlsatus est infans nomine Samuel de parent!bus P. ac P. Domino Stephano Thymon matre vero P. ac. P . Domina Susanna Birovsky ex Turna. Patrin!: Illustr. Dominus Baro Stephanus Ruthkay cum Illustr. filla sua Virgine !Magdalena." 27. Banik: 0 . c. p. 308. 28. Banik: 0. c. p. 343-4. 29. Tyrnavia 1714. This books were in Parish library of Trencin. And in them were precious old margin notes about S. Timon and his life. And on the last pages was handwritten history of city of Trencin. 30. Timon: 0. c. II, p. 89. 31. Timon: 0 . c. I, p. 22. 32. Trnava, 1714-5. In Trencin Parish library too, AD. 1945. 33. About more Timon's books and literary works cf. Rlzner: Bibllografia, (BPS), VI. 27-28, and Lombardini in Slovenske Pohfady 1887, t . 6. Posonii - Bratislava, 1787. From Literature about St. Dubnicay: J. Rekem: Z diela o zlvote St. Dubnicaya polemickeho spisovatera, Trencin, 194 4. J. Rekem: Slovenske narodne povedomie v diele St. Dubnicaya, Trenc!n, 1943. 1-dem: St. Dubnicay a jeho doba, Trenctn 1944. Idem: Z kulturnych dejin Trencianskeho povazia. Trencin 19-43. Pavol Rekem: Strucne dejiny obce Tr. Tepla, Monografia Tr. Teplej, !lava 1936. 36. St. Dubravec: Apologetika a kontroverzistika na byvalej katolickej univerzite v Trnave. Sbornik LVO' 'SSV. Trnava 1935, roe. II. sv. 2. str. 195. 37. J. Vlcek: Dejiny ceske literatury III. di!. II. vyd. 1931. Praha 34. 35. p. 38-39. 38. A. A. Banik: Novsie udaj e ... p. 68. 39. Vlcek: DCL p. ·3·9. 40. Manuscript: Visitatio Ecclesiae Teplensis p. 21-24. Parish ar- chives of Tr. Tepla. 41. Manuscript: Liber matricularis r ecompactus a D. 1828. Thnt are Parish records beginning from AD 1680, which were later rebound with the later time records AD 1828. In this records we find the datums, notices, texts of foundations and accounts written by S. Dubnicay and his successors. Texts are in Latin and Slovak. 42. Literarne Listy r . 1892, p. 77. Slovenske Pohl'ady, 1887, p. 42. This manuscript was in the archives of The Czech national Museum in Prague. 43. Dr. J. Durovic in his: Evanjelicka literatura do tolerancie (Evangelical literature till Tolerance patent) Turc. Sv. Martin, 1940, p. 193 showed some doubts about the Krrnan's authorship of Anti Dubnicczay. Therefore in my book: Stefan Dubnicay a jeho doba I dedicated a chapter to this question: "Personality of Anti-Dubnicay, antagonist of Dubnicay, where I proved the authorship of Krman of this book. p. 35-38. 44. Cf. J6zsef Vagner in Magyar Sion, Tomus XIX, ordine XXXVHI, Budae, Anno 1806. cites edition ECT from 1729. - Szinnei J6zs ef in Magyar frok elete es munkai. Bw.dapest 1893 cites ECT Trnava edition �74 SLOVAKIA from 1729. The same A. Zellinger in his Pantheon Tyrnaviense, 1931, p. 84. 45. Manuscript was in the Archives of Archepiscopal library of Esztergom, Hungary. By courtesy of Msgr. J . Posteny director of St. Adalbert Society Library and Archives, Trnava I had chance to study this manuscript couple months, till it was returned to Esztergom. 46. Dr. A. A. Banik in the letter addres,s ed to J. Rekem from Sept. 30. 1942. Cf J. Rekem: St. Dubnicay, p. 8, p. 51. 47. Of Szinnei J6zsef: Magyar irok elete es munkai, Budapest 1893: T6t szovegii hitvitazz6munka .. ." 48. A. Prazak: Dejiny spisovne slovenstiny po dobu Sturovu, Praha 1922, p. 111-2. 49. Latin Letter of L. Tempes, the ordinary of Wr6claw is in Introduction to Eductus Coluber tortuosus p. 15-17. I would just cite here short pertinent part of that letter: "sed et alias multiplices polemicas materias, velut alter aevi noster Bellarminus, patria nobis lingua edere valeat: quale praetactum idem de permanentia Eucharistiae edidit in emolumentum multorum milium, non modo in Hungaria, verum et in adjacentibus, ad maternam velut domum Slavicae linguae filialibus Provinciis, Moravia (ubi etiam adhuc in montibus malum idem gliscit), Silesia (ubi pleno velut alveo Hydra haec pestillentissima toxicum suum effedisse visa est· hoc decennio): denique et in Bohemia" . . . 50. When Bernolak was giving new orthograpy to the Slovak language he used in Latin expression Slav!, Slavica lingua, or Slavonica linguae; The old and newer Rituals edited for territory of Slovakia before Slovak text had this headline: Slavice; Papanek writing Slov:i.k history in Latin gave it inscription: Historia Gentis Slavae, etc . . . 51. Cf. Extractus protocollorum Comitatus Trenchinlensis circa pub• licatas Armales ab anno 1571. County archives Trencin, p. 178 seq . . . Series Gremialium Nobilium N-us 3-us. Ibidem. Matricula Ecclesiae Dubniczensis sub Patrocinio Divi Apostoli Jacobi erectae et Fundatao Curata per me Andream Toltt sumptibus Ecclesiae anno 1667. Dubnica Parish archives, etc. 52. M. Bencsik: Novissima Dieta Nobilissima Principis Statuumque, et Ordinum Inclyti Regni Hunga riae, Partiumque Eidem Annexarum. Tyrnaviae, 1722. 53. J . B. Magin : Murices ... part III, p. 94, 109. The names are the same which are mentioned and praised in the preface of Dubnicay's ECT. Magin in about mentioned place said about those nobles that "they every time honored and esteemed the Slovak Nation". From the Latin and Slovak manuscripts in Dubnica archives we see the very close cooperation between these two friends Dubnicay and Magin in various fields. J. B. Magin was the one who wrote the epitaph in Latin on the tumb of dead St. Dubnicay. This epitaph and latin biography of Dubnicay is in manuscript: Visitatio Ecclesiae Teplensis. Parish archives in Tr. Tepla. Dubnicay was hurried in the church of Dubnica under the altar, which he paid to be build in this church. He was then hurried under this altar cf: Epitaph: Hane a s e structam Stephanus Dubniczay ad Aram Conditus est testans cum pietate Fidem: Sicut enim vivens caeli quaesivit Honorem Sic colit in Templo post sua fata Deum. �SLOVAKIA 75 Et verbo et scripto b ellum torquebat in Hostem Haeresim, an Chris ti non fuit ille Pu gill? Justitiae idcirco jam possidet ille Coronam, Quam Justus Jud ex reddidit Ipse Deus. 54 . Even if there were differences in opinions and polemics, as ,e. g, between Benc,z ik and Mag;in, generally spea;kiug ther-e was a remarkable peace between the individual nationalities of the "Marian Kingdom" during the Latin era and until the Hungarian chauvinism disrupted Hungary. Concerning the de tails about Magin's and Dubnicay's donations to relegious and charitable institutions we may read more in a manuscript in the parish house of Dubnica "Historia Parochiae Oppidi Dubnicza" pod titulom "Parochus ,Septimus" "Maginus hie Parochus" etc. This gives details of his legacies and foundations for Masses and other -good works ... 55 . J. Kohut - Literarne listy, 1895. II BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1) Manuscripts: ~tractus protocollorum Comiltrutus Trendhin:iensis oirca publicatas Armales ab anno 1'571. Archiv of ,the County Trencin. Series Gremialium Nobilium N-us 3-us. New archive of rthe Trencin County. Matricula Ecclesiae Dubnic2iensis sub Patrocinio Div,i Jacobi Apostoli Ereotae et Fundwtae Curata per me Andre-am Tho,l tt Su.mptibus Ecclesiae Anno 1667. Parish archive DubnJca. Matrica Schdlas.ticae Jnven:tutis R. M. Gymnasii Tr,e nchiniensis ab Anno 1655 i1nchoata usque 1775 continuruta 2. Archive of SSV-St. Adalbertus Society, Trnava. Liber maitricUJ!aris recompaotus A. 1828. Pairish archive, Trencianska Tepla. Metamo,rphosis 1lidei Orthodoxae de Bono in Malum e,t vicissim irn Comitaitu Trenchiniensi, ac vel maxime in privilegiato Oppido Solna rub anno 1600. Archie,pisco-pal library. Esztergo!Ill. A. Gymii: Revolutio Rak6czyana. Parish archive. Tren<iin. J. B. Magin: Processus .. .. Parish archive Dubnica. Dubnicay Helenra: Oswiceny, Welomozny.... Parish Archive, Dubnica. Ga nyze podepsana Helena DubnJcay.... Parish Archive, Dubnica. M. Illeshazy's l~tter from June 24 1719 to Rev. St. Dubnicay. PaTish archive, Dubnica. His,toria Domus Also Szucsensis, dein 'Tepleusis, Parish archive, Tr. Tep.la. Histotia Parochiae Oppidi Dubnica, Paaish archive, Dubnica. Resetka: Register. Parish archive Su.ca. Rezikius: Gymnasiologia, sive his,toria schol,a rum et rectorum. Diocesan Hbrary, Nitra. R~tarides M.: Autorum et Scriptorum Hungariae praecipuorum Cathalogus. Diocesan Hbrary, Nitra. ProtocoHum vetus Parochiae Dubnicensis, Parich archive, Dubnica. Processus InquisitiOlrnis formatus a Nuntiatura Apos,tolica Vienensi super vita et mOll'ibus Illm.i et Revmi Dni Ladislai Adami Comitis Erdody. Diocesan library, Nitra. Rabcek A. Dr.: III part of of historical manuscripts' collections. Diocesan libramy, Nitra. �76 SLOVAKIA 2) Printed sources: M. Bencsik: Novissima Diena No'b ilissima Principis Statuumque, et Ordinum Inolyti Regn,i Hunga.riae, Partiumque Eidem Annexarum, Tyrnaviae, 1722. Dubnicay St.: Eductus coluber tort.uosus. Tyrnaviae 1729. Magin J. B.: Murices N0tbiliss,i mae et Novissimae Diactae Posoniensis Scriptori Sp·a rsi Sive Apologia pro Inclyto ComHatu TrencWniensi. ... Puchovii, 1723. Tamassy M.: Prawa Katolic-k a Rucny knyzka, Trnava 1691. Timon S.: Imago ·a ntiquae et Novae Hungariae, Kosice 1733. Synopsis novae chrooologicae reg,norum Hungariae, Croatiae, Dalmatiae pars I.-III. Tyrnaviae, 1714. Series rerum Hungaricarurm, Tyrnaviae, 1714-15. Robik J.: Wllozeni o uzltku a potrebe katechismusa. W Trnawe 1764. Szentivwnyi M: Magnum Chaos, Tyrnaviiae 1704. Tu•rris Babel. Tyrnaviae 1731. 3) Literature: APOSTOL! SLOVIENOV. Sbornik s.tu<l.H, SSV TRNAVA, 1964. Banik A. A.: Jan Ba1tazar Magin a jeho politicka narodna. i kulturna obrana Slovakov rdku 1728. Sbo-rnik LVO SSV. Vol. III. 1-2. Trnava 1936. Novsie udaje na poznanie J ana Baltazara Magilna, jeho diela a doby. Sb. LVO SSV. V. IV. 1. Trnava 1937. Rekem J.: Stefan Du•bnicay a jeho doba. Trencin, 1944. Slovenske na.rodne povedomie v dlele St. Dubnicaya. Tren<\in, 1943. Dubnicayova pastoracna. cinnose v Tr. Teplej, Tren:cin, 1943. The origin and development of rt:he Slovak language, Middletown, Pa. 1962. Bibliogl'afia trenoianskych tlacr a vydanL Tirencin 1945. Z kul,turnych deji.n Trencianskeho Povazia. Trencin, 1943. Teplanske Duchovne pi-e sne. Zo starsiej eschatologickej poez!e Povazia. Trencin 1943. Articles in Ducho'Viny Pastier, Trnava, 1942 - . Articles in Trencan, Trencin, 1942 - . Artioles in Kultfua, Trnava, 1938 - . Rekem Pavo! dr.: Strucne dejiny obce Tr. Tepla. v Monografii Tr. Te,p lej, Ilava, 1936. Dubravec St. dr.: Apologetika korutroverz.istirka na byv, katol. univerzite v Trnave. Trnava 1935. Vlcek J.: Dej!ny slovenskej ILteratury, III vyd. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1933 .. Dejiny ceske literatury II vyd. III. dil Praha 1931. Prazak Albert: Dejiny spisovne s1ovenstiny po dobu Sturovu. Praha 1922. Slovenske Pohl'ady: 1887 - . Literarne L isty, II, 1895. Magyar Sion 1806 --. Stransky A.: Deji<ny biskupstva nttrianskeho. Trnava, 1933. Szimonidesz.Adamovic: Proces s Danielom Krmanom, L. Sv. Mikulas, 1940. Trnovski K.: K recovej otazke Slovakov, Trnava, 1937. Kacka J. : Dejiny literrutfuy slovenskej. Ruzomberok 1921. Miskovic-Pisut: Dejiny sloven•s kej literatury. Bratislava 1941. �SLOVAKIA 77 Smalov Kut•1ik J.: .t,a,stoJ katolfckei hierarchie v Slovenskom narodnvm a ku-Lt.imom zivote. Mons Sancti o\llart:ni, Ruzvmberok 1947. Verbum, 1946, I,. Slov•e nske noviny, Budapese, 1929. Rizner L.: Bibliografia slovenskeho pisomnfotv,a, T. Sv. Martin. 19291934. Bujnak P.: S'1ovensky naucny slovnfk I - III. Braltislava, 1932. Czwittinger D.: Spe'Cimen Hungariae litteratae, Francofurrti, 1711. Petrik G.: Magya.ro-rszag BiblQgrphiaja 1712- 1860. Budapest, 1888. Nemethy L.: Serie Parochorum et Parochorum Archidiocesis Strigoniensis. Striganii, 1794. Szinnei J.: Magyar [rok. Bud·a pest 1893. Sommervogel C.: Dictionatres cles orrage-s Anouynes et Pseudonymes publie par des religioux de 1a Campagnie de Jesus, Paris, 1884. Vallasky P.: Conspectus rei publicae Litterariae in Hungaria. Budae, 1808. ZeHinger A.: Paruthe<m Ty,ruaviense. Tyrnaviae. 1931. Hrobak P. A.: Was Czech the vehicle of Slovak literature? Slovakia Vol. X. Middletown, 1960. Kirschbaum J. M.: Contemporary tendencies in Slovak Philology. Offprint. MorutreaJ 1960. Slovakia, Nation a1t the crossroads o'f Cerutral Europe, New York, 1960, p. XIX, 329. Misconceptions of American Siavists on the Slovak Language. S'1ovakia, Vol. XII, 1962. Middletown, Pa. p. 25-49. La place du slovaque P ARMI LES LANGUES SLAVES, an Offprint from Etudes Slaves, VIII, 3-4, Universite de Montreal, 1963. Oddo Gilibert: Slovakia and i,t s People, New York, 1960. Porubsky J.: K stemu vy,rociu li:terarnej slovenciny. Scranton,Pa.1945. Slavik J.: Dejiny sloV'enskeho evanj. a. v. bratstva a senioratu. Banska StiaV'nica, 1921. f>urovic J.: Slovenska evanjeiicka literatura do tolerancie. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1940. Slovakia, I -XII, published by the Slovak League of Amerika, Middletown, Ba. 1950 - 1962. Lepacek C.: Fran,tiskani v slovenskej literature pred Bernolakom. Kultura, Trnava, 1937. Lacko M. S. J.: The Cyrilomethodian mission and Slovakia, Slovak Studies, I, Histo rica 1. Slovak Institute, Rome. 1961, p. 23-49. G. Shevelov. : Tr,t type Groups and the Problem o'f Moravian components in Old Church Slavonic. The Slavonic and East European Reviiew, XXXV, London 1957, p,p. 379 - 398. J . Stanislav: Slovienska liturgia na Slovensku a s[dlo Metodovo a Gorazdovo. Historika S-Iovaca, I-II, 1940-41, 5-43. 0 pre-hodno,tenJ.e vel'komoravskych prvkov v cyrilometodejskej literature, Sborntk v cese 111a Aleksander Teodorov- Balan, Sofija, 1955, PP. 35-7-363. Dejny &lovenskeho jazyka, Voll. I. chapter XII. Kuitu.my jazyk na Vefkej Morave, v Bannonii a na starom Slovensku, pp. 213-241. Bratislava, 1958. M. Pisut-Misianik-Petrus-Gregorec-Stevcek: Dejiny slovenskej literatury, Bratislava, 1962. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1964, Vol. 14 Description An account of the resource Vol. 14 (No. 37), 1964. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1964 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 47 SLOVAK LITERATURE AND NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS BEF10RE ANTON BERNOLAK (1762-1813) JOHN REKEM, S.T.D. AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE There is much misunderst•anding in the Anglo-Saxon world about the Slovak literature before Bernolak (1762-1813). Under the influence of some Czech literary historians as Jaroslav Vlcek, A. Prazak, V. Chaloupecky and some others, statements have been repeated that Slovaks till the publishing of Bernolak's "Dissertatio Philologico crititca de literis Slavorum" - 1787, did not have their own literature and literary language, that they wrote in "Czechoslovak linguistic union" and Bernolak only separated SlovaJks from Czechs in literature and founded Slovak literary language in the form of a Trnava dialect. The late P.A. Hrobak (1904-1964) repeatedly showed that these Czechisizing tendencies of the above and some other authors were false and unfounded. He refuted their conclusions by profound analysis of their own works and by analysis of historical facts. 1 J.M. Kirschbaum, in a similar way in his works showed the discrepancies and lack of truth of some of these literary historians, who in their work were more led by fervor and expedience of the political tendencies of a "unified Czechoslovak nation" than by historical facts and strict scientific methods. 2 Kirschbaum showed that the most recent Czech literary historical school3, compelled by historical evidence abandoned the fictions of the older Czech literary historians about the domination of Czech or "Czechoslovak" language in Slovakia, and this new school acknowledged that: "Slovak language, whose development goes back to ancient times, was established as a literary language in connection with the formation of the Slovaks into a nation ... the establishment of the lite:rary Slovak language can in no way be viewed as a separation from the literary Czech language, but only as a long, slow development towards a literary language" .... 4 The author of this study a,,lready in his previous work: "The Origin and development of the Slovak language" 5 48 SLOVAKIA put forward arguments for the existence of an independent Slovak language, literature and Slovak national feeling long before Bernolak. He followed the existence of independent Slovak consciousness from the oldest Cyrilomethodian literary memoirs and fragments up to the so called "Jesuit Slovak language" of the 17th and the 18th centuries before Bernolak's codification of Slovak. In this study we will deal with other pre-Bernolak representatives of Slovak literature or of Latin writers of Slov:ak descent, who even if they did not write in Slovak\ by their Latin works they kindled, strengthened the Slovak consciousness or defended the Sloviak nation and its cultural and political rights. We show the existence of grammars codifying the Slovak literary language before Bernolak, the existence of translation of Holy Writ into Slovak long before the "Separatist" move of Bernoliak in 1787. 1 Translation of the Holy Writ into Slovak before Bernolak The German Christian missions to the Slovaks at the end of the 8th and the beginning of the 9th century left their vestiges in the Slovak language, in a special way in religious terminology and in the basic most important prayers6, like "Our Father" etc .... It is certain that in their sermons and religious teaching the German missionaries used single paragraphs from The Holy Writ translated into the hnguage understandable to the Slovaks. Whether they progressed so far as to being able to translate at least the New Testament or even the Old Testament into Slovak we do not know. We hold this was quite unlikely but we can not give this negiative answer with certainty. It is known that many historical manusripts and writings were produced but have not yet been found or were lost and destroyed. This does not mean that they did not exist. More recently some manuscripts were found which put in a new light some periods of history -and changed the meaning of historical epochs. It will be necessary to do a great deal of research in the Benedictine monasteries of Austria and Bavaria, where t he sons of the Slovak noblemen studied for priesthood and prepared themselves for missionary work •a mong their countrymen. It was a great misfortune for the Slovak cultural history that the Abbey of St. Hyppolite on Zobor near SLOVAKIA 4!:i Nitra was destroyed with all its manuscripts and cultural tre asures. This Benedictine Abbey, whose origins date from pre-Cyrilomethodian times would answer many a literary and historical problem of the Slovak past. It was not until the 9th century that the Slovaks obtained translation of The Holy Writ. This translation endured the ravages of time but is still today in some changed forms accessible. The translation was begun by [;t. Cyril and Methodius and was finished in Slovakia or Gre8.t Moravia by the disciples of Methodius, bishop Gorazd and his group, on the feast of St. Demetrius. 7 In what language was this transl•a tion of The Holy Writ written? Macedonio - Bulgarian dialect or Great Moravia Slovak? Many Slavists consider this translation a MacedonioBulgarian language with distinct lexical slovakisms and pure Slovak words. Some others, as professor G. Y. Shevelov cf Columbia U1I1iversity, through an analysis of the Kyjev ma:nuscripts, maintains that the original language of this translation is not a Macedonio- Bulgarian dialect, but a Moravian-Slovak dialect with Macedonian infiltrations.8 Prof. J. Stanislav of Bratislava is of similar views, 9 and so was before him J. Skultety.10 Even if the }anguage of this translation was not the coUoquial Slovak of that period, it was accepted by the Slovaks of Great Moravia and Pannonia as their own, it was used by them through the following centuries and it formed the cultural and literary basis for their national survival. The Slovaks included the cyrilomethodian literature into their cultural and literary heritage from the very beginning. This cyrolomethodian literature, including The Holy Writ, became the basis of the Slovak culture and became so deeply rooted in the Slovak nation that even when the Latin language was forced by king Svatopluk on his subjects and when the archbishop Gorazd and other St. Methodius disciples were exiled, this literature could not be suppressed, and lived in the nation and the nation lived by it. And after Svatopluk's death the strong influence of this living literature was the basis for the return and the revival of the old Slovak liturgy. Even after the final defeat of the Glagolitic Slovak Western rite liturgy in the 13th century, the cyrilomethodian literature lived in the 1 50 SLOVAKIA homes of the people. The CM translation of the Holy Writ was read, copied, adapted to the changing and developing language and so were in a similar way other manuscripts from the 9th century, as we see f. e. from "Cyrilo-Methodiam. fragments of Spis" from the 12th or 13th century.U Not only that the Slovaks of the Latin rite used through centuries this translation of Scriptures in their homes, but that part which is attached to the Byzantine rite has kept the old Slovak in the liturgical services up to now and still reads in its liturgy pericops and excerpts of Holy Writ in the Old Church-Slova:k. Even when by the progress of history the colloquial Slovak sta'rted to differ more and more from the old literary Slovak, the old cyrilomethodian translation remained as teacher for Slovak nation transcribed in Latin letters and accomodated to the changing tongue till next complete new camaldul translation in 18th century. 12 In the 17th century after the foundation of the Trnava University in 1635 by Cardinal Peter Pazmanyi, the Slovak religious literary life started to unfold more and more. Many secular and jesuit priests of Slovak descent concentrated their literary efforts around the Trnava University and by their bodks and writings intended to intensify the Catholic religious life and by polemic and apologetic literature to defend Catholic teaching and convert non-Catholic· reformators to their faith. The scope of this Pazmanyi circle 13 was wide, and it prepared its members for their task very methodically. In their work for renewal of religious life they needed new liturgical books new translations, and multifarious literary publications. To have them properly and purposefully written they required in the first place a new translation of the Holy Writ. And that was not a small task. They knew that such a complete translation means that it not only in spiritual direction but as well as linguistical will be influencing the life of the nation maybe for a century, or even more centuries. And fundaments in this case were the basic linguistical norms which should be observed by translators and writers and that way stabilize and codify the literary la:nguage, to be an able instrument of instruction and religious edification. So in 1648 a dictionary was published in T r n a v a : "Vocabularium Hungarico-Latino-Sla vonicum" SLOVAKIA 51 not mentioning the others. In the Pazmanyi Slovak creative circle they stabilized the norms of Slovak they were using and literary historians designated this as " Jesuit Slovak". 14 What followed and what was produced in this language was no more just single attempts of loose individuals but that was a collective manifestation of a generation of translators and writers from the clergy and later even from laymen professsions. The example of Jesuits and of secular clergy in the Slovak literary field gave impetus to the numerous members of the Fraciscan order to ,a more dynamic literary activity. The members of the Paulinist15a and Piarist religious orders gave also their helpful hand to the building of Slovak r eligious culture and literature. But what is most surprising is the fact that one of the strictest and from outside world segregated orders, so called "mute monks" as they were till last times called in Nitra region even centuries after their expulsion-the Camaldus, Cistercians15 , were connected in translating, writing and linguistic w c- rk in Slovak language and about Slovak language. From this fact that the Slovak literary movement reached behind the double walls of Camaldule cells we can see how strong that movement was at the end of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th centuries. Two kinds of literary schools at that time cultivated and were giving impetus to the creation in SloV'ak for cultural and religious enlightment of Slovaks: Pazmanyi Circle and Camaldule Circle. Both these literary schools were preparing themselves according to their plans and purposes for speedy and satisfactorily completion of liturg"ical books: Hymnal "Cantus Catholici" 1655 (written in Spisska Kapitula, published at Trnava University), Ritual, Trnava 1715, then pericops, apologetic, polemic, hagiographic literature in Slovak vernacular. All this served as •a preparation for the translation of the Holy Writ in New Slovak. There is still a question how far the Pazmanyi Circle <:oopernted with the Camaldule Circle which succeeded in translating the whole Holy Scripture into New Slovak. This circle appeared a little later on the Slovak literary stage, but its significance and endeavours were rivaling with the older Pazmanyi Circle. We know the Camaldulcs continued in the work of the preceding Pazmanyi Cir cle but 52 SLOVAKIA Cantos Catholici - Pysne katholicke, Trnava 1655. Copy from the Bibliothek of the Piarist convent, which Czech communists confiscated and turned into a Concentration camp for priests and religious brothers SLOVAKIA 53 whether they worked independently , or they were commissioned to do the translation of the Holy Writ by the Pazmanyi Circle we are not certain. All the Cistercian convents are in ruins and their ample libraries with precious manuscripts were sold by weight to second hand dealers. Only fragments were saved, mostly by chance, here and there and found in the recent decades. Thus "Syllabus dictionarij latino-slavoni cus'' of 176316 was found in 1929. The author of this "Syllabus" is a cistercian monk Romuald Hadbavny from Michalovce of Spis, a scribe of convent chapters, domestic historian of his order and probably the main realizator of Sloviak literary and cultural efforts in the Camaldule community. 17 This "Syllabus" is of great importance for the history of the Slovak language and literature for two reasons: (a) for interesting and perfect orthographic rules from the point of the Sloviak language of today: (b) for its connections with the first Camaldule tran!'llation of the Holy Writ into Slovak, which follows the linguistic norms prescribed in this "Syllabus" as professor Eugen Pauliny proved. 18 In the introduction to "Syllabus" its author R. Hadbavny mentions a "Little Grammar for a Slovak student". This "Little Grammar" means a couple pages of orthographical norms in which he got more ahead than later Bernolak himself. 19 So instead of "au" he commanded to write "u", he prefers to write "G" for the sound "J", however he tolerates writing "aj" or "ay"; for "r" he20 categorically commands "r" for "u" - "6" or "ii"; as for the use of "y", he created his own complicated norms which do not correspond to the literary tradition or the linguistical status of his day. But most important is the effort to create some norms, some stabilization of language in syntax and lexicon in order to give the Slovaks an efficient cutural instrument.21 Even when there was known the testimony of R. Hadbavny about the existence of new Slovak translations of Holy Writ of that time 22 , and some of Bernolak's colleagues mentioned it too, we did not know anything closer about this translation, and its copies. Only when professor Vendelin Jankovic found it and described it in the literary review "Verbum" 1946 we got closer knowledge of this literary effort of the beginning of 18th century. V. Jankovic SLOVAKIA 54 lf~tl'~a ;~ ~~JII'~ :,:; r:,~~r··,J'c;>e_; ~/47:l~.,:~~ t l ~ . . •.• STLL\lffl DlttIOMt\lliJ/ R. Hadvabny's Syllabus dictionarij manuscript from 1763. From the suppressed Lechnica Camaldul Convent library SLOVAKIA 55 places its origm into the first half of 18th century. The manuscript started to be transcribed as final edition and that of the New Testament first on May 6th, 1756. This manuscript was finished on March 10th, 1759. Accor ding to Jankovic this translation is by a Camaldule monk either from Nitra or Nitra's vicinity. This manuscript according to him was written probably in Cerveny Klastor (Red Cloister). He supports this view by the following evidence: (1) The Camaldule convent on Mount Zobor near Nitra had in its large library a rich biblicistic literature, while the Camaldul cloister in Lechnica had a copious dictionary literature and lexicographic literature. (2) The l•anguage of this translation is similar to the dialect of Nitra valley. On the other side, professor E. Pauliny in his previously mentioned study about this translation, tried to prove that character of this Holy Writ language in its basic texture was pre-Bernolak "Jesuit Slovak" and some dialecticisms in it place it more to the North of Slovakia to the Polish-Slovak linguistical frontiers. According to Pauliny the translator was probably a monk from Cerveny Klastor. The question of author of this whole translation is still open. But it is significant that E. Pauliny showed that although Hadbavny's "Syllabus" is from 1763 and there is a copy of the Holy Writ dating already from 1756-1759, this translation was done according to the norms of "Syllabus". From this it can be concluded that if the author of the "Syllabus", was not also the author of the translation, he must have been •a t least a member of the circle which cooperated on this translation of. The Holy Writ. The 17th and the 18th centuries in Europe and in Slovakia were a period of religious controversies and conflicts between two reformations: protestant and catholic. Each of these movements tried to use all the means of communications and all cultural tools for the victory of its ideas. But while in most parts of Europe the Protestant reformation gave impulse to the awakening and formation of national and vernacular movements, in Slovakia the opposite occurred. Quite a number of protestant clergy s tudied in Bohemia and the backbone of protestantism in Slovakia was Bohemian, The Czech protestant exiles, who came to Slov,akia before and especially after the battle of White Mounta:n in 1618 tried to establish the Czech Biblical Ian- 56 SLOVAKIA guage as a liturgical and a literary language of their group and thus attempted to halt the basic strong Slovak national trend which was gradually growing among the Slovaks. But this tide couJd not be stopped even by the obstacles imposed by Hussites, Czech exils, and the protestant reformatio n imported to Slovakia. Some Slovak protestants succumbed to this bohemizing or Czechisizing tendency, some stopped confused, half-way. It took considerabl e time before the Evangelica l protestant representat ives in Slovakia escaped from their confused illusions and complicated artificial constructions (Czechoslovak, Czecho-Slaw, Panslavisti c) and accepted a natural and positive attitude toward Slovak national individuali ty and cultural independence. Even then this new attitude was influenced more by the philosophie s of enlightmen t, utiliterianis m and romanticism than by historico-political trends. 23 On the contrary the attitude of Slovak Catholics was more favorable to the developmen t of a geographic ally conceived nationalism and to the creation of the national consciousn ess and individualit y. The Catholics accepted the Slovak historical continuity of the cyrilometho dian heritage and of the heritage of Great Moravia24 throughout all the phases of the Hungarian feudal statehood. They built on this continuity and developed it. And this different political and cultural orientation grounded their awakening national consciousne ss, so that this consciousne ss from the beginning was by this group more concrete, more real. The Slovak Catholics, the majority of the population, from the their liturgical and extra-liturg ical very beginning in works (prayer books, hymnals, hagiograph ical, •apologetic, polemical literature, Holy Writ translation s) were mor-e consistent in using their vernacular, which was more and more oriented to the Central Slovak dialect and which later was codified as literary language. It was Recatholiza tion which designated the translation of Holy Writ in the new Slovak as a zenith of religious and cultural efforts in order to give Slovaks not only a symbol of their own individualit y, but also in order to unify their nation on the way to the eternal end. This translation however required a linguistic normalization and codification. For this purpose it was necessary to produce in advance or simultaneo usly the works and SLOVAKIA 57 books dealing with the stabilizing and codifying of the modern Slovak tongue and thus it came not only to stabilizing of the sacral, liturgical literary style of the language, but even to the cristalization of the Slovak language and Slovak culture. And this was realized quite a long time before Bernolak's linguistical reform, even before the birth of Bernolak in 1762. Valid is then the thesis that the origin of the literary Slovak as a cultural and literary instrument, and indirectly the national awakening of Slovakia, was caused and speeded by recatholization. The last and almost concealed branch of recatholization is Bernolak's mo 1vement. And it is its branch in that sense that this movement systemizes (and on this word, "systemizes" is the objective emphasis) as its religious winnings as well as its national cultural gains. From what has been said above we see how unfound-ed is the legend about the Bernolak's separation of Slovak and Cwch union, which has been repeated so often by some Czech or by literary histori<ans influenced by Czechs. This false legend was put before the world public explaining the origin of the Slovak nation and Slovak language first when BernolaJc's study was published: Dissertatio philologico criti<la de litteris Slavorum (Bratislava 1787). As we showed :~n this chapter Bernolak's systematizing work was only a culmination and completion of that one which was cultivated and prepared by generations of writers and translators on the field of religious as well as secular literature before Bernolak. The pre-Bernolak t r anslation of The Holy Writ into new Slovak, being prepared with such a careful linguistical reform and consolidations, is an obvious proof, not counting many other numerous literary creations in Jesuit Slovak, of an independent Slovak language, literature and of national consciousness long before Bernolak. Samuel Timon (1675-1736) defender of the idea of Slovak independent nation. In the development of Slovak national consciousness before Bernolak movement, has, beside others, a lion share a Latin writer and historian, Slovak jesuit father from Trencianska Turna, Samuel Timon, S.J. 25 In the mosaic of the 58 SLOVAKIA evolution of national consciousness of Slovak Catholic inteligentsia this writer and historian, known at that time in the whole of Central Europe, occupies an important and leading part. Of utmost influence in the awakening of the Slovaks to their national consciousness and revival was the Cyrilomethodian heritage connected with the idea of Slovak independence during the time of Great Moravian kingdom in the ninth century. Slovak historians long before Bernolak, especially the Pazmany circle around the Trnava University (1635-1777) turned their eyes towards the history of their country in the period preceeding the arrival of Magyars into the Central European valley. They started to delve deeper into the historical facts of Slovakia during the Great Moravian period and they showed how the Slovak element influenced religiously and culturally their neighbours, especially the Magyars, at the ti.me of their conversion to Christianity. They proved how the Slovak administrative apparatus helped to organize the beginnings of the Hungarian State, where Slovakia had its own autonomous position in the form of Ni t r a dauphine principality (Nitrianske udelne kniezatstvo) for a long t ime even after the disappearence of the Slovak Kingdom. The historians of Slovak origin (S. Timon, M. Szenti!vanyi, M Bel, J. B. Magin) accepted the historical Slovak continuity from Great Moravia through all phases of the feudal Hll!Ilgarian State, made it a basis of their research and developed it. On this basis they deduced, some quite discretly (Timon, Bel) , others mor e openly and vociferously (Magin), the original right of the Slovaks to their own country, with all the connected natural rights, even the right to autonomy, independence and freedom of the Slovak language. !Samuel Timon was born in Trenc. Turna in 1675 from a noble (zeman) family. His father was Jan Timon a,nd mother Barbara Hrabovsika. Already from the family environment and from elementary school he had a strong national consciousness. We saw him in Trencin secondary school (Gymnasium) always registered as, "Slovak" (Pannonus, Slavus). In 1682, when only seven years old, he was enrolled in the first grade of the Jesuit gymnasium26 as Samuel Timon SLOVAKIA 59 Nobilis Pannon Turnensis Catholicu Anno 7. Primi anni; Samuel Timon, nobleman, Slovak of Turna, Catholic, 7 years of age, grade one. He is similarly identified in the followmg year, 1683, in grade two, and also in the year 1685, except the name "Parmonus" is replaced by "Slavus". His nationality is similarly described in the class of 1687 and 1688. Upon graduating from gymnasium he entered the Jesuit Order in Bratislava in 1693. When he completed there his courses in philosophy and theology, he became a professor. First he taught in Trnava, together 14 years, then for 18 years he continued teaching at the Jesuit Academy at Kosice, also an institute with university standing. Huitory was his main subject of interest but although he devoted his time mainly to historical research, he also was active in pastoral work in parishes. His historical works written in Latin were in such demand that they had to be reprinted in many editions and became textbooks in the Catholic gymnaziums and colleges of contemporary Hungary. His work "Purpura Pannonica" which presents the biographies and works of the cardinals of the Hungarian Crown appeared in several editions. The "Imago antiquae et novae Hungariae" which was the most read work on Hungarian history was published in Kosice in 1733, 1745, 1766 1766 and in Vienna in 1754. In this work, which gained acclaim in the whole of Europe, Timon strives to prove, on linguistic grounds, that the Central-Danubian regions of the early history were occupied by Slovaks-Pannoni and the origin of "Panonus" he derives from the Slovak word "Pan" (which is equivalent to Latin - "Dominus"). He considers the Slovaks as direct successors of the "Slavic tribes" of Markomani, Kvadi, Sarmati. He deals with the empire of Samo and his successors - Maravod, Svatos, Barut, etc. With deep attachment he presents the great epochs of Greater Moravia, and devotes them most of his work. He deals with almost all Slovak princes of that period: Mojmir, Pribina, Rastislav, Svatopluk. He writes about St. Cyrill and Methodius as "The ,apostles of Slovaks". The historian A. A. Banik appropriately writes about Timon: "He is not satisfied with plain historical facts when narrating these events, but 60 SLOVAKIA frequently he gives way to his Slovak sentiments using an elaborate style to describe the outstanding details of the Slovak history and by taking predilection in branding into the hi'story of other Slav nations.'' This sentiment is apparent in the chronicle describing the armies of Svatopluk crossing the Danube in 885 into Pannonia, which took them a complete day, and how they subsequently, for a prolonged period, engaged in destroying the power of Arnulf. 27 We can see the same feeling in the writings about the son of Svatopluk, Svatoborgius or Svatocopius who went to live ;n sPc1usion on Zobor near Nitra, died as a saint and was buried in the church of St. Emeramus in Nitra. 28 A similar national attachment and pride is apparent in other parts of Timon's works. Another work of Timon, which is of great importance for the history of Slovakia and which shows Timon's Slovak national feelings is: "Synopsis novae chronologicale regnorum Hungariae, Croatiae, Dalmatiae ..... " pars. I III. 29 His Slovak national consciousness is apparent in that he was the first historian who when presenting the history of the Hungarian Crown devoted a special attention to the Slovaks and he was in this distinct from other historiographers of contemporary Hungary, such as Turocius, Bonfini and Istvanfy. Wherever he can, he reminds his countrymen, and the enemies of his nation, of the great epoch of St. Cyrill and Methodius30 , of the authorisation of the Slovak liturgy by the Holy See31 and wherever he is able to indicate that a person was of Slovak origin and was of some importance in the history of Hungary, he does not omit to stress this. His work also shows much of his local-patriotism, since whereever, he can, he mentions Trencin and in many places he intertwines the history of Trencin into the general history of Hungary. There is no wonder, in view of his Slovak patriotic tone in his works, that even his Jesuit brothers teased him, as one who would make even a Jupiter into a Slovak. In his work "Series serum Hungaricarum" 32 as in the works already mentioned, he especially reminds us of the grandeur of Greater Moravia, of the power of king Svatopluk and of other SloV'ak princes. He emphasizes the Slovak origin of the names of cities, towns, villages, rivErs, mountains in the Slovak regions of Hungary and derives from SLOVAKIA 61 this the historical rights of the Slovaks to their territory and to a certain extent also their political rights within the Hungarian Crown. By putting a special emphasis on the work of St. Cyrill and Methodius in Slovakia he preserves the continuity of the St. Cyrill and Methodius tradition and thus awakens a Slovak national consciousness in the Slovak intellingentsia, (who read and spoke in Latin) as well as in his students at gymnaziums and colleges especially at Trnava. He was an organic link in the chain of the St. Cyrill and Methodius tradition, which, through his influence, is presented in the works of Papanek and in the Bernolak movement as a philosophy of history of the Slovak nation. 33 We are able to show there was a distinct Slovak linguistic and national tradition, long before Bernolak, which had very little in common with the Czechs. If this tradition lacked a linguistic and national unity it nevertheless gravitated towards the unity. This is demonstrable by: The Camaldul translation of the Holy Scriptures into Slovak in 1723, the historical patriotic consciousness of Timon, the Slovak polernic writings of Stefan Dubnicay (1675-1725), the assertion of the political rights of Slovaks in 1728 by Jan B. Magin (1682-1735), the subsequent liturgical books, edited in Slovak by the University of Trnava as well as nonliturgical works; then "Cantus Catholici" edited iirl 1665 with a Slovak patriotic introduction by B. Szobosi-Rybnicky; The linguistic reform of the Pazmany and Camaldul circles; the "Syllabus dictionarii latino-Slavonicus" of 1763. These works show how futile it is to denounce Bernolak (1762-1813) as one who separated the Slovaks from the Czechs, as the alleged unity with the Czechs never existed, except only through the descendants of the protestant exiles who settled in Slovakia. The Catholic population, which then was in clear majority, was oriented towards national independence in the frame of the Hungarian state and endeavoured to preserve the historical continuity of Greater Moravia as well as of St. Cyrill and Methodius tradition which it accepted as the philosophy of Slovak history. Bernolak and his movement only nurtured, enlarged in scope and completed what had been gradually developed and formulated through centuries by many generations of Slovak people and what manifested itself so remarkably in the Jesuit Slovak in the years 1635 up to the y ear 1787 62 SLOVAKIA w,hen Bernolak published his: "Dissertatio philologico critica de literis Slavorum". 34 St.efan Dubnicay (1675-1725) - a Slovak Polem.ist and Historian.35 The polemical literature of the 17th and 18th centuries in Slovakia was very prolific and colourful through the contributions both of Catholics and of Protestants. The leaders on both sides were aware of the importance of the printed word and endeavoured to apply it in support of their faith. Polemics were written in many languages, most of them in Latin, then in Slovak, in Hungarian, in German. Printing houses were establi!hed even in small towns of Slovakia and became prosperous. On the Catholic side the University of Trnava (1635-1777) provided a new vigor to the polemical authors and during its life published 79 polemical-apologetic books in Latin, 14 in Slovak, 12 in German and 20 in Hungarian. 36 Amongst Catholics the most successful in the work of religious conversion by written word was Rev. Stefan Dubnicay, a parish priest in Trencianska Tepla. According to J. Vlcek he made out of Tepla a "literary counter-reformation centre" 37 and according to A. A. Banik "an active recatholisation centre". 38 In the words of Vlcek the Catholic parish in Tepla was for several decades a similar counter-reformation literary centre, as was for some time Zilina and as was to a greater extent and for a longer period Trnava and Bratislava. The polemical-apologetic books written by Dubnicay would form a small library. 39 And the result of his literary work and endeavours? In his own parish of Tepla he had 908 converts40 whose names he entered into the Register with his own hand41 and in the archidiaconate of Trencin and Hradna the Catholic doctrine was accepted by 28,687 adult Protestant, as the result of his work, in the period between the end of the Rakoczy uprising and the year 1722. The following are the polemical-apologetic literary works of Dubnicay: 1. Primitiae Deo et Agno - Prwotiny Bohu a Berankowi. Apoc. III. Tog.est: Prawdiwe Wylozeny ze Swatostni Beranek, - nelen w samem Uziwany, ale y pod, a pomimo uplneho pozjwany prawe zustawa (Trnava, 1716) SLOVAKIA 63 2. "Orthodoxa propugnatio Patrio - Legalis Formulae Juramenti - To gest Kraticke Katolicke dokazany ... " Published in 1717. 3. "Manna Absconditum Apoc. 2. Manna Skryta, to gest: Prediwne a Nepochopitelne Tagemstwi Manny Zakona Nowego." Published in 1718. 4. "Congruum Colloquium. 2. Mach. 14. Prjslussne Rosmluwanj Farare Katolickeho s Troma Nowo-Ewangeliky Farniky swymi." Published in 1719. 5. "Panis Quotidianus, Parvulorum. Chleb W ezdegssj Malickych." Published in 1721. From the Pretestant point of view, these wor ks were assailed by: 1. Jan Blazy (Blasius) Senior, a pastor of Trencin who wrote against Dubnicay in Czech: "Brime uvalene na Hospodina, aneb obrana proti falesnemu obvineni Stepana Dubniczay, Goliase tohoto vojska Boziho Hanejicyho."4-2 This work remained in manuscript. 2. In 1718 Daniel Krman, an evangelical superintendent wrote, under an anonym: "Anti Dubnicay. Man-Hu? Co jest to za Mannu skrytou, ktorou Dubniczay Pleban Teplansky, no svetlo vydal." 43 Dubnicay replied Krman in 1721 in an extensive work: "Eductus coluber tortuosus-Wywedeny Tocliwy had. 44 Out of Dubnicay historic-al works, we should mention his numerous historical introductions in his general works, his short entries in the parish chronicles in Tr. Tepla and especially his voluminous manuscript: "Metamorphosis fidei orthordoxae de Bono in Malum et vicissim in Comitatu Trenchiniensi ac vel maxime in Privilegi'a to Oppido Solna ab a nno 1600." 45 This work, with minor changes in the title and in the contents was edited five times after the death of Dubnicay. In 1737 it was published by Martin Sigismundi. And in the same year it was put into print by Ondrey Tzibere and by the canon of Jager, Daniel Kilian. In 1759 the Kilian edition was published again under the name: "Vicissitudo Orthodoxa religionis." About the polemics, we should note this was a period of religious controversies and not of religious dialogue. 64 ~'LOVAKIA Irony and satire were frequently used on both sides, the attacks were vehement in the name of truth and frequently without Christian love. But we are interested in Dubnicay mainly because of his linguistic •a chievement and because of his position in Slovak literature. Dr. A. A. Banik, a friend of mine who is an expert on that period and who thoroughly analyzed the work of Dubnicay and of Magin, in one of his letters to me described Dubnicay as "fearless defender of the fuith, a skillful apolog:.ist and an esteemed worker for the nation. He is a milestone between two epochs of Slovak national life as through his religious-polemic works he concludes a two-hundredyear-long period of religious quarrels, just when Magin, his neighbour of Dubnicoa, through his nationally-apologetic efforts begins to spread new and nationally oriented ideas. Both were graduates of Pazmaneum of Vienna, personal friends, neighbours in the pastoral work, but so much apart in their position in the evolution of the SloV'ak culture. The Slovak literary historians consider the work of Dubnicay as a milestone in Slovak literature." 46 The Hungarian literary historians included Dubnicay in Hungarian literature but did not ommit to state he wrote in Slovak. 47 Only the Czech literary historians tore him out of the Slovak literature and placed him into the Czech one. J. Vlcek omits Dubnicay in his history of Slovak literature but in his history of Czech literature he devotes him four pages. Albert Prazak48 places him in Slovak literature, but when referring to his "Eductus Coluber tortuosus" states he wrote in Czech, in some instances using "f". This statement cannot be supported by any factual evidence. I had the privilege, through the kindness of the archbishop K. Kmetko, to borrow the work. "Eductus coluber tortuosus" from the Diocesan library in Nitra and was able to peruse it for two years. During my study of the work, I was unable to locate a single "r" in this work of Dubnicay. Similar way I can testify about the manuscripts of Dubnicay accessible in Tr. Tepla Parish archives. In my previous thesis, I showed that the language of Dubnicay was the Western Slovak dialect, which has cer- SLOVAKIA 65 tain similarities with the Czech language in view of the geological closeness to the Moravian boundaries. The language of Dubnicay is not Czech; but Slovak and Dubnicay in many places of his work draws difference between Czechs and Slovaks. Thus in his "Eductus coluber tortuosus" p. 225 when pointing out to where Krman copied his arguments (against him) states this was from "Czeska knizka Theologie Wittemberska" - (Czech book of Wittemberg Theology). He does not refer to it as a Czechoslovak book, but as a Czech one, distinguishing it from Slovak books. That Dubnicay was proud of being a Slovak, in spite of the fact that his books were read in Bohemia, Moravia, Silezia, is evident from a letter (June 27th, 1719) of L. Tempes, the bishop of Breslau (Wr6claw). The bishop, who was no doubt aware of Dubnicay's nationial feeling, did not -0mit to praise the Slovak nation and language in the letter in which he thanked Dubnicay, for his books, which had such a beneficial influence in his diocese. Although the Silezians of the Polish territories were able to read and to understand Dubnicay's works, it never occurred to the Poles to include Dubnicay in Polish literature. They recognized him as a Slovak and even considered Slovak language as a mother language of the daughter provinces of Moravia, Silesia, and Bohemia. Thus according to L. Tempes, Hungary was the mother .country of the Slovak language (linguae Slavicae) and Moravia, Silesia, and Bohemia were daughter provinces of the Slovak tongue. 49 There were no compact Czech settlements in Hungary and the Czech language was not spoken there in this sense. If one talks about "lingua Slavica" in Hungary this can only refer to Slovaks and to their language. 50 Since 1936 I have been searching through the archives and examining the documents rubout the families of Dubnieay, Dubnicky. I searched the· archives of the county of Trencin, the parish archives of Trencin, Tepla, Dubnica, Orechove, Suca and I found documents written in Latin and in Slovak. 51 I found not only the histories of the Dubnicay and Dubnicky families but also many others and if these were not written in Latin, they were written in a Slovak dialect 'of their location. In none of these sources I 66 SLOVAKIA came across the letter "f" (rz) which is typical of the -Czech language. This also shows how false are the theories about a 300 year rule of Czech language in Slovakia before Bernolak as held by some Czech literary historians. It shows further how far from truth are these Slavists in the Western world, who, without being able to study the first hand sources; ,accepted · these · identical theories. . - . J.B. Magin - a Latin Writer and Defender . of Slovak Rights (1682-1735) . M. Bencsik of Trnava published in 1722, a book about the last session· of the Bratislava Parliament under the title: The last sessio~ ~f his Majesty the King of the Lords and Estates of the Glorious Kingdom of Hungary and of the lands ·attached to it. 52 In this wo_rk he unfa:vqrably deals with the position of the Slovaks in Hungary. He maintains that the Slovaks· lost their rights when the king Svatopluk sold the Slovak lands for a white horse. This iegend was created in the 14th cen~ tury qy ·a Hungarian ·chronicler. - J. Thomoczy and without being supported by any historical evidence, in the 18th century it became the basis for negation of Slovak rights in Hungary. J. B. Magin refutes this legend in his work and demands for the Slovaks in Hungary the same rights as were enjoyed by other nationalities. · · It is necessary to point out that while Latin was still used in the 17th century as an official language in the parlamentary sessions, and also as a tongue of intelligentsia of an otherwise multilingual Hungary, the individual nationalities were becoming more and more conscious of their national identity and were demanding . their proper . poiitical rights. Thus the question arose, which language would become an official language should :Catin be abandoned. This was the ,p eriod when Latin started to lose its prestige among the families of noblemen, who until now considered it their colloquial tongue. This caused linguistic and political tensions among the intelligentsia. The Slovaks who inhabited Slovakia, also referred to as upper Hungary, moved as colonist into the Lower Hungary (Hungary proper) and f_o rmed there compact settlements--after the population in these lands was ·decimated _by the Turkish armies. The Slovaks at that time SLOVAKIA J. B. Magin, Murices sive Apologia, Piichov 1723 67 68 SLOVAKIA were in many respects the predominant nationality. Their position was also strengthened by the fact that the Slovak language was understandable to Croats, Slovenes and Serbs who were other Slavic members of the Habsburg monarchy. The Slovak language was much closer to them than German or Hungarian. Already during the reign of the Empresse Maria Teresia, her counsellor Adam Kollar advised her to install Slovak as an official language over all parts of Hungary, as this language was understandable to two thirds of the population including not only Slovaks, Slovenes, Chroats and Serbs, but also Poles and Ukrainians of Galicia and the Ruthenes of SUibkarpatian Ukraina. The attacks of Bencsik against the Slovaks became of special interest to the noblemen of the county of Trencin. They resolved to reply and asked Rev. J. B. Magin, the priest of Dubnica, to prepare a scholarly defense of the Slovak Nobility and of the Slovak nation. These noblemen were: Jan Frideoky, Mikulas Illeshazy, Jozef Illeshazy, Ondrej Dubnicky, Peter Rajman, Kristof Ugronovic, Juraj Terstiansky, Stefan Nozdrovicky, etc. J. B. Magin lists their names and writes how deep was their devotion to the Slovak nation. 53 J. B. Magin accepted this role and wrote the book: "Murices Nobillissimae et Novissimae Dietae Posoniensis Scriptori sparsi Sive Apologia Pro Inclyto Comitatu Trenchiniensi ... " (The thorns directed against the author of the work dealing with the last session of the Bratislava parliament or the defense of the esteemed county of Trencin). Several copies of this work were found in the parish house of Orechova. The one I was able to peruse and study (in 1941) bore the year of printing - 1723 - in Puchov. Dr. A. A. Banik in his study about J.B. Magin shows why the year 1723 should be considered as a printing error and the year 1728 as the correct year of the publication . These views of Dr. Banik are now generally accepted by literary historians. In Magin's work we find the ideas, which on a smaller scale also appear in the works of other contemporary patriotic writers. The study of history does not only provide the basis for the national awakening but also the basis SLOVAKIA 69 of the demands for political· and cultural rights. It was argued on historical grounds, that the Slovaks - the autochtonous inhabitants of !Slovakia since Great Moravia were entitled to equal rights with other nationalities. The spark of national consciousness grew larger through the works of such writers as Martin Szentivany, Peter Schez, Mikulas Miris, Samuel Timon, Benedik Sz616si-Rybnicky. But this spark became a beacon in the work of Magin. Here it is no longer a sentimental vision, but rather a lighthouse, a guide to practical ,policy. Magill's work is a culmination of the developments toward the Slovak national consciousness before Bernolak. It embodies ideas of full Slovak participation in the administrative fields on all levels, municipal, county, and state. The finding of Magin's work as well as the discoveries of the "Syllabus" of Hadbavny and of the Camaldul translation of the Holy Scriptures throws a completely new light on the pre-Bernolak period. When we study these works together with the works of other authors mentioned here previously, we see this was not a period of darkness, an empty period where nothing Slovak was produced as has been maintained ,b y some Czech Literary historians. They ignore the Slovak Catholic literature, often present it in a false content to minimize Slovak achievements and to justify the fiction of a three-hundred-year rule of Czech language in Slovakia before Bernolak. Contrary to this we see this was a period of active and industrious work in literature, linguistics, religion, history, and in practical policies patriotically oriented. This is not only a period of a.wakening but also of practical and purposeful activity in the cultural, political, and religious spheres. And it is very significant that this activity differs from the Czech, Polish, Hungarian trends in the same fields. While the Slovaks mantained close contacts and cooperation with these neighbouring nations they did not lose their individuality which had its roots in the cyrilomethodian era and in the era of Great Moravia of the 9th century. Magin and Dubnicay are the most significant representatives of this process and their work presents clear evidence of its Slovak character. Magin puts forward the Slovak demands for equal political and cultural rights. Dubnicay in 70 SLOVAKIA his prolific works acquaints the outside world with the trends in Slovakia and we see through the recognition he and his works received that even abroad the Slovaks were recognized as a nation different from the Czechs, from the Silesians and Slovakia was even considered as a heart of the Slavic nation or especially as a "mother house" of the Western Slavs. Against this patriotic feeling of the Slovak Catholics which was rooted in the history and in the Slovak soil, we have the claims about the rule of the Czech language over Slovakia, the liturgical language of the Slovak protestant. This was a language brought into Slovakia and as s ::ion .as it cros3ed the boarder it was subjected to the influences of its new environment. This language was introduced as a Protestant liturgical language at the Zilina synod in 1610. But the Protestants who were to a large extent descendants of Czech religious exiles, reinforced by successive waves of Czech emigration,·· were not able to prevent the influences of the Slovak environment on this new language. The Czech language never became a language of daily usage in Slovakia and even in liturgy it was subjected to modifications. There were very few· pastors who were willing to use and to pronounce the Czech "R". They pr onounced it as a Slovak "R". Slovak tenns and idioms gradually penetrated even into the liturgical or "biblical" language and it became dead language evien more so · than the Latin as Latin was a language of daily use of the intelligentsia and of the noblemen until the first half of the 19th century. Within a large ma_iority of the Slovak Catholics the spirit of national consciousness grew stronger and stronger and nourished by the historical background it gradually developed strong concrete forms. It also fitted into the public and state affairs of the Hungarian crown as in: the period which Latin was an official language Hungary still respected the enthnic rights of the individual nationalities. The persecution of the non-Hungarian nationalities came about one hundred years later, after Hungarian replaced Latin as an official language. 54 In the periods described above, the recatholisation supported and speeded-up the development of the Slovak literary language and of individual Slovak literature and cul- SLOVAKIA 71 ture generally. The Bernolak movement, with its codification of the literary language can be considered as a culmination of this process of Slovakisation of literature which started with recatholisation. The literary school of Kohut which was grouped around "Literarne listy" held this view but had not yet on hand the evidence which is available now to us to confirm these conclusions. 55 REFERENCES 1. P. A. Hroba.k: "Wais Czech the vehicle of Slovak literaiture?", Slovakia, 19'60, V. 10. No. 6. P. 36-49. 2. J . Kirscbbaum: Contempwary tendencies in Slovak Philology, Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. IV, No. 3-4, Montreal, 1960. Also published as off- print. Idem: Slovakia, Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, Speller New York 1959. p.36 sqq.-ldem: Misconcepttons of American Slavlsts on th~ Slovak language, Slovakia, 1962, Vol. XII. No. 1 p.25-49. 3. Cf. Prof. A. Dostrul: Nastin Dejfn slovenskeho a ceskeho jazyka, Prague, 1954. 4. J. 1M. Kirschbaum: Contemporary tendencies . . . p. 200-201. 5. Dr. · John Rekem: · Slovak.i a, 1962, Vol' XII. No. 1. p. 1-17. Also separate off-print, at Middletown, Pa. USA 1962. 6. Linguistical analysis of these prayers and of ,t he liturgical ndmenclature with the proof of their before a cyrillomethodian ongm gives prof. H. Bartek in his work: Krest:anstvo a slovencina, Nadej vfCruzna, Scramton, Pa. 1947, str. 24i-268. 7. Cf. J . Piistenyi: Pamiatka 1056 vyrocia smrti sv. Metoua. Kultlira, IX. 19'3'7, 81. 1935, 148. Jan IStanislav: Slovienska liturgia na Slovensku a sidlo Metodovo a Gorruz.dovo, Histor,l ca S•l ovaca, I-II. 1940-41. 5.-43. · About archbishop Gorazd: Dr. A. A. Banik: Apostol Gorazd, prvy v dejinach spominany slovensky kiiaz, spisovater a svatec, Kultura IX, 1937, 81. Dr. V. Pogorielov: Sv. Cyril, Sv. Metod i Gorazd, !ch cinnose a povod, Sbornfk Literarno-vedeckeho odboru Spolku sv. Vojtecha, III, Trnava 1936. Apostoll Slovienov, Sbornik stlidii, k 1,100 vyrociu prichodu sv. Cyrila a Metoda na Vel'ku Moravu. SSV. Trnava-Bratislava. 1963. Ferust of St. Demetrius of Thessalonike-Solun is on Oct. 26. To e mphasize the Cyrilomethodian traditions of Slovak Republic, the Prime minister Tiso and Slovak Parliament d ecided the election of the presid ent of 'Slovak 'Republic 1939 to be done on this memorial day of Great Morava - Slovakia. 8. Trbt type groups and the problem of Moravian components in Old Church Slavonic and East European Review, XXXV. London 1957, p. 392. 9. J. Stanislav: 0 prehodnotenie Vel'komoravskych prvkov v cyrilometodskej literature, Sbornik v cesC na AleXander Teodorov B.alan, Sofija, 1955, p. 357-363. More about this qu esti on : 111. Lacko. S.J ., H.E.D. Ph.D. The Cyrillomethodian Mission and Slovakia, Slovak Studies I. Historica I, Slovak Institute, Rome 1961, p. 23~49. J. Rekem: Origin and deve_lopment of Slovak language, pp 4-5. SLOVAKIA 72 Alojz M!skovl<: : Llterar.na clnnost'. Kon s tanUnova a Metodova, Apo~toll Slovi enov, SSV. Trnava-Bratislava 1963 P. 89 sequ . . . 10. J. ~kultety : Sketches from Slovak history, Middletown, Pa., 1936. 11. A . Miskovic : Spisske cyr!lske ulomky XU, a XIII. storocia. Ich nalez. Bratislava LI'I . 1929 80-81. V. Pogor!elov: Spiss·ke cyr!lske \1lomky XU. a Xil'II. storocia II. !ch pop!s rozbor a otlsk, lb. ·81-87 . O biskupovl staroslovlenskeho jazyka na spisi za Krara Ondreja III. koncom 13. storocla cf. ~tefan Hyros: Zamok Lykava a Jozef ~p!rko: Zac!atky Spisskeho b!skupstva v Mons St. 'Martini. Ruzomberok 1947. 12. Joz.ef Kutn!k ~malov : Zastoj katolfckej hierarchie v slovenskom narodnom zlvote - The task or Catholic Hierarchy in Slovak national Hfe - , Mons St! Martini, Ruzomberok, 19 47, p. 99 . 13. Ct. •S. B. Peter Pazmany! a slovenska literatli.ra, L!terarno historlcky Sbornlk Matice Slovenskej U ..-IIII. 1945/6, 159-198. 14. This adjective to this historical phase of literary Slovak gave J . Kohut, member of the old !Slovak l!terary-his•t orical school in this basic study : Jezu!,t ska slovencina v knizkach In L lt e ra rne Llsty 1891, str. 52. 'More about the Jesuit Slovak er. Rekem's: The origin and development of Slovak language, p. 9 sq .. . 15. Camaldul convents at that time in -Slovakia were at this placee : Zobor at Nltra, Red Cloister at Dunajec, Lech.nica, an<l Ro ck o! r efage at Slovak Paradise. 1'5a More about the Paulln!st contribution to Pre•Bernolak lltenture c!. J . Rekem: Teplanske duchovne p!esne, Trencln 1943, p. 35- 37 and J. Rekem : Z neznameho rukop!su slovenskeho baroka, K1ULTURA, XII, c. 7-8, p . 274-8. Trnava. 16. Information about this Syllabus from Dr. H iador Sztr!pszky see In Slovenske Nov!ny, Budapest, 1929, No. 13-15. 17. V. Jankov!c : Prvy slov-e nsky preklad ... , p. 29. 18. E. Paul!ny : Na okraj kamaldulskeho Plsma, Verbum I . 1946, p. 272-276. 19. Henrich Bartek: Bernolakov pravop!sny system, Slovenska rec, Roe. V. 1913•6, p. 246- 260. 20. By the influence of Czech Immigrant printers In some books appeared st!ll t. And R . Hadbavny had In mind some protestant writers, who used stil the Czech in their religious writings. 21. J . K. ~m!Uov. O. C. 100. 22. Alojz Miskovic: Dejiny slovenskej literatury. Bratislava, 1941, p . '66. 23 . J. K. gmalov : 0 . c. p. 64. 2-4. Cf. following chapters about S. Timon and J. B. Magin. 25. J . Rekem : Z kulturnych dejln Trencianskeho Povazia {From the cultural hist ory of Trencln Wag Valley). Chapter S . Timon. Trencln 1943. Dr. A. A. Banik: Novs!e udaje na poznan!e Jana Baltaza ra Mag!na jeho diela i doby. Spolok Sv. Vojtecha, Trnava 1937, str. 119. 26. Matrica Scholasticae Juventutis R. M. Gymnasi! Trench!n!ensis ab. a 1655 inchoata usque 1775 cont!nuata 20. Archives of St. Albert Society (SSV) , Trnava. In the records of Turna Parish I can not flnd anything about this Samuel Timon, because present records started SLOVAKIA 73 only from 1690. The previous ones were burnt. But there is a baptismal record of a different one Samuel Timon born later "1719 , die 3. Septembrls baptlsatus est infans nomine Samuel de parent!bus P. ac P. Domino Stephano Thymon matre vero P. ac. P . Domina Susanna Birovsky ex Turna. Patrin!: Illustr. Dominus Baro Stephanus Ruthkay cum Illustr. filla sua Virgine !Magdalena." 27. Banik: 0 . c. p. 308. 28. Banik: 0. c. p. 343-4. 29. Tyrnavia 1714. This books were in Parish library of Trencin. And in them were precious old margin notes about S. Timon and his life. And on the last pages was handwritten history of city of Trencin. 30. Timon: 0. c. II, p. 89. 31. Timon: 0 . c. I, p. 22. 32. Trnava, 1714-5. In Trencin Parish library too, AD. 1945. 33. About more Timon's books and literary works cf. Rlzner: Bibllografia, (BPS), VI. 27-28, and Lombardini in Slovenske Pohfady 1887, t . 6. Posonii - Bratislava, 1787. From Literature about St. Dubnicay: J. Rekem: Z diela o zlvote St. Dubnicaya polemickeho spisovatera, Trencin, 194 4. J. Rekem: Slovenske narodne povedomie v diele St. Dubnicaya, Trenc!n, 1943. 1-dem: St. Dubnicay a jeho doba, Trenctn 1944. Idem: Z kulturnych dejin Trencianskeho povazia. Trencin 19-43. Pavol Rekem: Strucne dejiny obce Tr. Tepla, Monografia Tr. Teplej, !lava 1936. 36. St. Dubravec: Apologetika a kontroverzistika na byvalej katolickej univerzite v Trnave. Sbornik LVO' 'SSV. Trnava 1935, roe. II. sv. 2. str. 195. 37. J. Vlcek: Dejiny ceske literatury III. di!. II. vyd. 1931. Praha 34. 35. p. 38-39. 38. A. A. Banik: Novsie udaj e ... p. 68. 39. Vlcek: DCL p. ·3·9. 40. Manuscript: Visitatio Ecclesiae Teplensis p. 21-24. Parish ar- chives of Tr. Tepla. 41. Manuscript: Liber matricularis r ecompactus a D. 1828. Thnt are Parish records beginning from AD 1680, which were later rebound with the later time records AD 1828. In this records we find the datums, notices, texts of foundations and accounts written by S. Dubnicay and his successors. Texts are in Latin and Slovak. 42. Literarne Listy r . 1892, p. 77. Slovenske Pohl'ady, 1887, p. 42. This manuscript was in the archives of The Czech national Museum in Prague. 43. Dr. J. Durovic in his: Evanjelicka literatura do tolerancie (Evangelical literature till Tolerance patent) Turc. Sv. Martin, 1940, p. 193 showed some doubts about the Krrnan's authorship of Anti Dubnicczay. Therefore in my book: Stefan Dubnicay a jeho doba I dedicated a chapter to this question: "Personality of Anti-Dubnicay, antagonist of Dubnicay, where I proved the authorship of Krman of this book. p. 35-38. 44. Cf. J6zsef Vagner in Magyar Sion, Tomus XIX, ordine XXXVHI, Budae, Anno 1806. cites edition ECT from 1729. - Szinnei J6zs ef in Magyar frok elete es munkai. Bw.dapest 1893 cites ECT Trnava edition 74 SLOVAKIA from 1729. The same A. Zellinger in his Pantheon Tyrnaviense, 1931, p. 84. 45. Manuscript was in the Archives of Archepiscopal library of Esztergom, Hungary. By courtesy of Msgr. J . Posteny director of St. Adalbert Society Library and Archives, Trnava I had chance to study this manuscript couple months, till it was returned to Esztergom. 46. Dr. A. A. Banik in the letter addres,s ed to J. Rekem from Sept. 30. 1942. Cf J. Rekem: St. Dubnicay, p. 8, p. 51. 47. Of Szinnei J6zsef: Magyar irok elete es munkai, Budapest 1893: T6t szovegii hitvitazz6munka .. ." 48. A. Prazak: Dejiny spisovne slovenstiny po dobu Sturovu, Praha 1922, p. 111-2. 49. Latin Letter of L. Tempes, the ordinary of Wr6claw is in Introduction to Eductus Coluber tortuosus p. 15-17. I would just cite here short pertinent part of that letter: "sed et alias multiplices polemicas materias, velut alter aevi noster Bellarminus, patria nobis lingua edere valeat: quale praetactum idem de permanentia Eucharistiae edidit in emolumentum multorum milium, non modo in Hungaria, verum et in adjacentibus, ad maternam velut domum Slavicae linguae filialibus Provinciis, Moravia (ubi etiam adhuc in montibus malum idem gliscit), Silesia (ubi pleno velut alveo Hydra haec pestillentissima toxicum suum effedisse visa est· hoc decennio): denique et in Bohemia" . . . 50. When Bernolak was giving new orthograpy to the Slovak language he used in Latin expression Slav!, Slavica lingua, or Slavonica linguae; The old and newer Rituals edited for territory of Slovakia before Slovak text had this headline: Slavice; Papanek writing Slov:i.k history in Latin gave it inscription: Historia Gentis Slavae, etc . . . 51. Cf. Extractus protocollorum Comitatus Trenchinlensis circa pub• licatas Armales ab anno 1571. County archives Trencin, p. 178 seq . . . Series Gremialium Nobilium N-us 3-us. Ibidem. Matricula Ecclesiae Dubniczensis sub Patrocinio Divi Apostoli Jacobi erectae et Fundatao Curata per me Andream Toltt sumptibus Ecclesiae anno 1667. Dubnica Parish archives, etc. 52. M. Bencsik: Novissima Dieta Nobilissima Principis Statuumque, et Ordinum Inclyti Regni Hunga riae, Partiumque Eidem Annexarum. Tyrnaviae, 1722. 53. J . B. Magin : Murices ... part III, p. 94, 109. The names are the same which are mentioned and praised in the preface of Dubnicay's ECT. Magin in about mentioned place said about those nobles that "they every time honored and esteemed the Slovak Nation". From the Latin and Slovak manuscripts in Dubnica archives we see the very close cooperation between these two friends Dubnicay and Magin in various fields. J. B. Magin was the one who wrote the epitaph in Latin on the tumb of dead St. Dubnicay. This epitaph and latin biography of Dubnicay is in manuscript: Visitatio Ecclesiae Teplensis. Parish archives in Tr. Tepla. Dubnicay was hurried in the church of Dubnica under the altar, which he paid to be build in this church. He was then hurried under this altar cf: Epitaph: Hane a s e structam Stephanus Dubniczay ad Aram Conditus est testans cum pietate Fidem: Sicut enim vivens caeli quaesivit Honorem Sic colit in Templo post sua fata Deum. SLOVAKIA 75 Et verbo et scripto b ellum torquebat in Hostem Haeresim, an Chris ti non fuit ille Pu gill? Justitiae idcirco jam possidet ille Coronam, Quam Justus Jud ex reddidit Ipse Deus. 54 . Even if there were differences in opinions and polemics, as ,e. g, between Benc,z ik and Mag;in, generally spea;kiug ther-e was a remarkable peace between the individual nationalities of the "Marian Kingdom" during the Latin era and until the Hungarian chauvinism disrupted Hungary. Concerning the de tails about Magin's and Dubnicay's donations to relegious and charitable institutions we may read more in a manuscript in the parish house of Dubnica "Historia Parochiae Oppidi Dubnicza" pod titulom "Parochus ,Septimus" "Maginus hie Parochus" etc. This gives details of his legacies and foundations for Masses and other -good works ... 55 . J. Kohut - Literarne listy, 1895. II BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1) Manuscripts: ~tractus protocollorum Comiltrutus Trendhin:iensis oirca publicatas Armales ab anno 1'571. Archiv of ,the County Trencin. Series Gremialium Nobilium N-us 3-us. New archive of rthe Trencin County. Matricula Ecclesiae Dubnic2iensis sub Patrocinio Div,i Jacobi Apostoli Ereotae et Fundwtae Curata per me Andre-am Tho,l tt Su.mptibus Ecclesiae Anno 1667. Parish archive DubnJca. Matrica Schdlas.ticae Jnven:tutis R. M. Gymnasii Tr,e nchiniensis ab Anno 1655 i1nchoata usque 1775 continuruta 2. Archive of SSV-St. Adalbertus Society, Trnava. Liber maitricUJ!aris recompaotus A. 1828. Pairish archive, Trencianska Tepla. Metamo,rphosis 1lidei Orthodoxae de Bono in Malum e,t vicissim irn Comitaitu Trenchiniensi, ac vel maxime in privilegiato Oppido Solna rub anno 1600. Archie,pisco-pal library. Esztergo!Ill. A. Gymii: Revolutio Rak6czyana. Parish archive. Tren<iin. J. B. Magin: Processus .. .. Parish archive Dubnica. Dubnicay Helenra: Oswiceny, Welomozny.... Parish Archive, Dubnica. Ga nyze podepsana Helena DubnJcay.... Parish Archive, Dubnica. M. Illeshazy's l~tter from June 24 1719 to Rev. St. Dubnicay. PaTish archive, Dubnica. His,toria Domus Also Szucsensis, dein 'Tepleusis, Parish archive, Tr. Tep.la. Histotia Parochiae Oppidi Dubnica, Paaish archive, Dubnica. Resetka: Register. Parish archive Su.ca. Rezikius: Gymnasiologia, sive his,toria schol,a rum et rectorum. Diocesan Hbrary, Nitra. R~tarides M.: Autorum et Scriptorum Hungariae praecipuorum Cathalogus. Diocesan Hbrary, Nitra. ProtocoHum vetus Parochiae Dubnicensis, Parich archive, Dubnica. Processus InquisitiOlrnis formatus a Nuntiatura Apos,tolica Vienensi super vita et mOll'ibus Illm.i et Revmi Dni Ladislai Adami Comitis Erdody. Diocesan library, Nitra. Rabcek A. Dr.: III part of of historical manuscripts' collections. Diocesan libramy, Nitra. 76 SLOVAKIA 2) Printed sources: M. Bencsik: Novissima Diena No'b ilissima Principis Statuumque, et Ordinum Inolyti Regn,i Hunga.riae, Partiumque Eidem Annexarum, Tyrnaviae, 1722. Dubnicay St.: Eductus coluber tort.uosus. Tyrnaviae 1729. Magin J. B.: Murices N0tbiliss,i mae et Novissimae Diactae Posoniensis Scriptori Sp·a rsi Sive Apologia pro Inclyto ComHatu TrencWniensi. ... Puchovii, 1723. Tamassy M.: Prawa Katolic-k a Rucny knyzka, Trnava 1691. Timon S.: Imago ·a ntiquae et Novae Hungariae, Kosice 1733. Synopsis novae chrooologicae reg,norum Hungariae, Croatiae, Dalmatiae pars I.-III. Tyrnaviae, 1714. Series rerum Hungaricarurm, Tyrnaviae, 1714-15. Robik J.: Wllozeni o uzltku a potrebe katechismusa. W Trnawe 1764. Szentivwnyi M: Magnum Chaos, Tyrnaviiae 1704. Tu•rris Babel. Tyrnaviae 1731. 3) Literature: APOSTOL! SLOVIENOV. Sbornik s.tu<l.H, SSV TRNAVA, 1964. Banik A. A.: Jan Ba1tazar Magin a jeho politicka narodna. i kulturna obrana Slovakov rdku 1728. Sbo-rnik LVO SSV. Vol. III. 1-2. Trnava 1936. Novsie udaje na poznanie J ana Baltazara Magilna, jeho diela a doby. Sb. LVO SSV. V. IV. 1. Trnava 1937. Rekem J.: Stefan Du•bnicay a jeho doba. Trencin, 1944. Slovenske na.rodne povedomie v dlele St. Dubnicaya. Tren<\in, 1943. Dubnicayova pastoracna. cinnose v Tr. Teplej, Tren:cin, 1943. The origin and development of rt:he Slovak language, Middletown, Pa. 1962. Bibliogl'afia trenoianskych tlacr a vydanL Tirencin 1945. Z kul,turnych deji.n Trencianskeho Povazia. Trencin, 1943. Teplanske Duchovne pi-e sne. Zo starsiej eschatologickej poez!e Povazia. Trencin 1943. Articles in Ducho'Viny Pastier, Trnava, 1942 - . Articles in Trencan, Trencin, 1942 - . Artioles in Kultfua, Trnava, 1938 - . Rekem Pavo! dr.: Strucne dejiny obce Tr. Tepla. v Monografii Tr. Te,p lej, Ilava, 1936. Dubravec St. dr.: Apologetika korutroverz.istirka na byv, katol. univerzite v Trnave. Trnava 1935. Vlcek J.: Dej!ny slovenskej ILteratury, III vyd. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1933 .. Dejiny ceske literatury II vyd. III. dil Praha 1931. Prazak Albert: Dejiny spisovne s1ovenstiny po dobu Sturovu. Praha 1922. Slovenske Pohl'ady: 1887 - . Literarne L isty, II, 1895. Magyar Sion 1806 --. Stransky A.: Deji<ny biskupstva nttrianskeho. Trnava, 1933. Szimonidesz.Adamovic: Proces s Danielom Krmanom, L. Sv. Mikulas, 1940. Trnovski K.: K recovej otazke Slovakov, Trnava, 1937. Kacka J. : Dejiny literrutfuy slovenskej. Ruzomberok 1921. Miskovic-Pisut: Dejiny sloven•s kej literatury. Bratislava 1941. SLOVAKIA 77 Smalov Kut•1ik J.: .t,a,stoJ katolfckei hierarchie v Slovenskom narodnvm a ku-Lt.imom zivote. Mons Sancti o\llart:ni, Ruzvmberok 1947. Verbum, 1946, I,. Slov•e nske noviny, Budapese, 1929. Rizner L.: Bibliografia slovenskeho pisomnfotv,a, T. Sv. Martin. 19291934. Bujnak P.: S'1ovensky naucny slovnfk I - III. Braltislava, 1932. Czwittinger D.: Spe'Cimen Hungariae litteratae, Francofurrti, 1711. Petrik G.: Magya.ro-rszag BiblQgrphiaja 1712- 1860. Budapest, 1888. Nemethy L.: Serie Parochorum et Parochorum Archidiocesis Strigoniensis. Striganii, 1794. Szinnei J.: Magyar [rok. Bud·a pest 1893. Sommervogel C.: Dictionatres cles orrage-s Anouynes et Pseudonymes publie par des religioux de 1a Campagnie de Jesus, Paris, 1884. Vallasky P.: Conspectus rei publicae Litterariae in Hungaria. Budae, 1808. ZeHinger A.: Paruthe<m Ty,ruaviense. Tyrnaviae. 1931. Hrobak P. A.: Was Czech the vehicle of Slovak literature? Slovakia Vol. X. Middletown, 1960. Kirschbaum J. M.: Contemporary tendencies in Slovak Philology. Offprint. MorutreaJ 1960. Slovakia, Nation a1t the crossroads o'f Cerutral Europe, New York, 1960, p. XIX, 329. Misconceptions of American Siavists on the Slovak Language. S'1ovakia, Vol. XII, 1962. Middletown, Pa. p. 25-49. La place du slovaque P ARMI LES LANGUES SLAVES, an Offprint from Etudes Slaves, VIII, 3-4, Universite de Montreal, 1963. Oddo Gilibert: Slovakia and i,t s People, New York, 1960. Porubsky J.: K stemu vy,rociu li:terarnej slovenciny. Scranton,Pa.1945. Slavik J.: Dejiny sloV'enskeho evanj. a. v. bratstva a senioratu. Banska StiaV'nica, 1921. f>urovic J.: Slovenska evanjeiicka literatura do tolerancie. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1940. Slovakia, I -XII, published by the Slovak League of Amerika, Middletown, Ba. 1950 - 1962. Lepacek C.: Fran,tiskani v slovenskej literature pred Bernolakom. Kultura, Trnava, 1937. Lacko M. S. J.: The Cyrilomethodian mission and Slovakia, Slovak Studies, I, Histo rica 1. Slovak Institute, Rome. 1961, p. 23-49. G. Shevelov. : Tr,t type Groups and the Problem o'f Moravian components in Old Church Slavonic. The Slavonic and East European Reviiew, XXXV, London 1957, p,p. 379 - 398. J . Stanislav: Slovienska liturgia na Slovensku a s[dlo Metodovo a Gorazdovo. Historika S-Iovaca, I-II, 1940-41, 5-43. 0 pre-hodno,tenJ.e vel'komoravskych prvkov v cyrilometodejskej literature, Sborntk v cese 111a Aleksander Teodorov- Balan, Sofija, 1955, PP. 35-7-363. Dejny &lovenskeho jazyka, Voll. I. chapter XII. Kuitu.my jazyk na Vefkej Morave, v Bannonii a na starom Slovensku, pp. 213-241. Bratislava, 1958. M. Pisut-Misianik-Petrus-Gregorec-Stevcek: Dejiny slovenskej literatury, Bratislava, 1962.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Literature and National Consciousness Before Anton Bernolák (1762-1813) Description An account of the resource John Rekem, S.T.D. Slovakia, Vol. 14 (No. 37), 1964 pp. 47-77 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Rekem, Ján, 1917-1989 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1964 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/adf8fc0cc0e4ac0070b8246305efb9af.pdf 20e1dd0a422ba59d9ba8b7ce36e3c7f5 PDF Text Text 116 SLOVAKIA MARTIN SZENTIVANYI, S.J. (1633-1705 ) SLOVAK PHILOSOPHER, POLEMICIST, HISTORIAN B y Dr. John Rekem In previous English studies on the pre-Bernolak period 1 of the Slovak literature, I devoted considerable attention to the Slovak authors, writing either in Latin or Slovak, whose aim it was to arouse and sustain the spirit of Slovak nationalism. Included in these studies were the works of Romuald Hadbavny (Syllabus dictionarii Latino-Slavonicus 1763; Translation of Holy Scriptures into Slovak, 1756-1759) In my analysis of the voluminous publications of the historian, Samuel Timon (1675-1736) special attention was directed to the Slovak nationalism underlying his comprehensive works, his grasp of Slovak history, and specifically the period of the Great Moravian empire. I noted that even his accounts of the Cyril-Methodian era se·r ved to revivify Slovak national consciousness. I pointed out the eminent position of Stephen Dubnicay in religious history and Slovak literature. This author, writing both in Slovak and in Latin, won recognition far beyond the boundaries of Slovakia. His books were read and appreciated not only at home, but in Bohemia and Poland as well, and his work is proof that already in the early 18th century unprejudiced foreigners recognized the Slovaks as an independent national entity, distinct from the Czechs, the Poles, the Moravians and the Silesians. Finally, I analyzed the Apologia of John Balthasar Magin (1682-1735) written by him at the request of the Trencin nobility in defense of the Slovak nation and its political, social, and cultural rights in the territory of Hungary. Furthermore, I singled out for consideration other outstanding Slovak writers, members of the Pazmany Circle of the University of Trnava and of the Camaldolese Society. Both of these organizations were tireless in their efforts to augment Slovak inteUectual life, on both the religious and the national levels. To this select group belonged the Jesuit, Martin Szen- �SLOVAKIA 117 tivanyi (1633-1705) who is rightly considered not only the most prolific, but also the most learned and versatile writer of his time. M. Szentivanyi came from a family of the landed gentry (lower nobility) in Liptov, a family which originally bore the Slovak name of Svatojansky. When the Magyar regime issued orders compelling notaries and registrars to magyarize the names of non-magyar lesser gentry (Madocansky-Madocsanyi, Kubinsky-Kubinyi, Dubnicky-Dubniczay) the name of Svatojansky2 was changed to Szentivanyi, for some families the change of name meant also a reversal in national allegiance. However, in many cases also the original Slovak spirit endured despite the change in name. This is evident in the works of certain authors, among whom Martin Svatojansky-Szentivanyi was outstanding. The name may have been magyarized, but the Slovak spirit remained unbeaten, unsubdued. Martin studied at universities in Vienna and TrnaV1a, both of which exercised a favorable influence upon the national spirit of Slovak students. The Pazmaneum in Vienna reared the finest of Slovak patriots, beginning with Dubnicay and Magin all the way down to the President of the Slovak Republic, Msgr. Joseph Tiso, the diplomat Francis Tiso, etc. In the atmosphere of the University of Trnava (16351777) Szentivanyi's Slovak patriotism was intensified. Later, as teacher and writer, he was to have a great influence on the attitudes and national aspirations of others at the University, notably, S. Timon, S. Dubnicay, J. B. Magin, and others. In the history of Slovak literature and culture, M. Szentivanyi played a threefold role: that of philosopher, historian, and religious controversial writer. 3 He was professor of philosophy and polemics at the Universities in Kosice, Styrsky Hradec (Steier Graz) and Vienna. For a time he was director of the University of Trnava. After 1688 he became the chief censor of books in Hungary. The basic framework of Szentivanyi's philosophical theories was a moderate realism. The universe is a reflection of the ideas of God, which, concretized in creation, were brought into existence for the glory of God. Among the vary- �118 SLOVAKIA ing degrees of creatures on earth man holds the prime position because of his spiritual faculties of intellect and free will, and from these two divine qualities man derives his great natural dignity, which is enhanced by his escalation to the eminently superior dignity of adoption as a child of God. From this basic concept of the dignity of man in the plan of God and in the order of supernatural religion flows that deep appreciation and love of Christ's teachings, which Szentivanyi defended so effectively in his religious literature. In the fiield of natural philosophy also he is a follower of scholasticism. He examines in all its myriad aspects and seeks to probe its meaning. He does not ignore or isolate himself from the world, but takes note of ev•e rything in it and carefully studies the natural sciences. He informs hrimself on the most modern methods of scientific research (systematization, experimentation) , studies the outstanding later philosophers, like Francis Bacon, and does not rest content only with experimentation and the verification of dry facts, but here also, according to speculative Thomistic thought, he delves down deep to the roots of things. He directs his thoughts to the philosophic grasp and underlaying meaning of motion, the transfer of activity from one mode of being to another, the philosophic grasp of corporeal substance, the delineation of living organisms, from vegetative and sensient life to human life and its mysteries. It is necessary to mention that like the majority of his contemporaries he was opposed to the heliocentric theory. As to his vi,ews on human society, one might say that he was thoroughly familiar with Aquinas' teaching on the political community. Like Aquinas he is an advocate of responsible government which directs its efforts toward the common good. He treats various political theories of government, including democracy, however assigning his preference to the monarchy as being the most suitable, and by his view shows himself a child of his age.4 As a speculative theologian, Martin Szentivanyi utilized his theological knowledge for the spreading and stabilizing of God's kingdom in the chaotic y.ears of the Reformation. Using four languages - Latin, Slovak, Magyar, German he preached and wrote in defense of the Catholic faith. His publications comprised a whole library of polemical and apo- �SLOVAKIA 119 logetic works, which achieved great popularity. Even after his death they appeared in repeated editions either as monographs or collectively under the title Opuscula Polemica (Trnava I, 1718; II, 1730; Turris Babel, 1731 ... ) A polemical book of his on Christian dogma, published in Trnava in 1700, was written in Slovak and entitled Cztyri a Dwadcet Pochybovanij. (Twenty-four Hypotheses). It may well be said that in his polemical writings he covered the entire range of Catholic dogma as it was drawn up in the Council of Trent and he endeavored to boil it down to the small coins of simple language for easier comprehension and acceptance by his read,ers. In his work one often encounters evidence that Catholics and non-Catholics followed liturgical practices current today in certain Christian denominations. For example, from his work Lutheranicum, Nihil ad rem, Nihil ad Propositum,5 it is evident that the modern movement of some Protestant denominations to allow women to act as ministers is not so new after all, because, according to Szentivanyi, Lutheran women in various places acted as readers of Holy Scripture in church. He refers to a case in Levoca, where a certain Lutheran woman, who later became a convert to Catholicism, delivered a sermon and celebrated the "Eucharist", or, as she regarded it, "the Lord's Supper". M. Szentivanyi has performed an invaluable service as a historian by furnishing incidental information on Slovakia for Slovak Oatholic scholars. In his Miscellanea he makes frequent references to the topography of Slovakia and presents Slovak history as an integral part of the history of Hungary.6 Thus several references to the exploits of Svatopluk in Great Moravia ,a ppears in his Miscellanea (Decade I. 3. p. x3a. Decade II. 3. p. 265, 277-9). Furthermore, he makes frequent allusions and references to the activities of SS. Cyril and Methodius among the Slovaks (Decade I. 3. p.Hh3a, Decade II. p. 277. Decade III. 1. p. 152, 178.). According to A. A. Banik, it was Szentivanyi who proposed the first known theory in literature about the origin of the Slovaks. This versatile and learned scholar maintains that the Slovak inhabitants of northern Hungary sprang from the ancient Jazygs. He bases his assertion on the geographical boundaries of both nations as well as on the apparently com- �120 SLOVAKIA mon etymological identity of their name: Jazyk (tongue), rec (speech), slovo (word). Moreover, from the fact that the Germans also refer to the Slovaks as Vinden or Venden (e.g. in the names of places: Windirsh Prona, Windschacht, Windschendorf, etc.) Szentivanyi was inclined to believe that the reference was to the descendants of the ancient Slavic Vandals. 7 Concerning the interrelationship between the various Slavic languages and their diffusion throughout the world, he accepts the observation of P. Rewa, namely, that of all languages the Slavic idiom is today the most widespread, inasmuch as in its various branches its use extends from the Adriatic Sea to the Arctic Ocean and that it is spoken by the Istrians, Dalmatians, Croatians, Czechs, Silesians, Lusatians, Poles, Latvfans, Prussians, the inhabitants of Scandinavia, the Russians throughout their vast territory, the Bulgarians and other neighboring countries as far as Constantinople ... 8 In regard to the earliest inhabitants of Hungary, M. Szentivanyi held that the first historically identifiable nation to inhabit the territory of Hungary were a people known as the Pannonians, who spoke the Slovak language. Following the Roman occupation, this territory was again inhabited by Slovaks, the descendants of the Vandali, the Goths, and the Jazygs. 9 Because of the recognized authority of Szentivanyi, subsequent Slovak and Latin historians of Slovak origin accepted his views and often quoted him in their works. For example, J. B. Magin in his Apologia - Defense of the Slovak nation. 10 How could the students have remained immune to their enthusiasm and influence under the capable Jesuit instructors, who imbued them with a keen appreciation of the glorious history of Slovakia and the vast extent of the Slavic world and its culture? Quite the contrary, for gradually and steadily the teachings of M. Szentivanyi and S. Timon fanned into life, a latent national consciousness among their students, and notably among the clerics, which eventually found an outlet in the famous Bernolak movement. It 1-ed the Slovaks to assert themselves and to identify their national individuality in the framework of the Slavic nations. Boldly and without fear of contradiction one is led to assert that the real initiators of the Bernolak movement were �SLOVAKIA 121 Jesuit professors, scholars, and writers. The Bernolak movement received its impetus directly and indirectly from the immense intellectual, moral and cultural resources of the Jesuit scholars of the Universities of Trnava, and to a lesser degree, of Kosice. The following observations will confirm this: 1. Only in its final stages was the education of the rising Bernolak generation received at the general Seminary in Bratislava. The formativ,e years of their training were spent in Trnava, in the Vienna Pazmaneum and at the University of Kosice. This in itself linked them with a powerful Jesuit tradition. 11 2. When they emerged, the Bernolakians already manifested a well-developed tradition of Slovak nationalism. They clung steadfastly to a sense of history, identifying themselves with its cultural rhythm and accepting its logical course. 3. The Bernolakians revived the Cyril-Methodian tradition, impregnating all their activities with it. 4. After the suppression of the Jesuit Order in 1773, many ex-Jesuits extended their sphere of influence by undertaking pastoral duties in Slovak parishes and registering for membership in the Bernolak Association. The Bernolak movement was not in a position at that time openly and expressly to acknowledge any direct affiliation with the Jesuit tradition and its efforts to arouse the Slovaks to national consciousness. Prudenoe and tact would not allow it. The prevailing spirit of Josephinism was strongly prejudiced against the Jesuits and there was danger that such an admission would have been detrimental to the activity of the Bemolak Association. Wisely, therefore, the members decided to remain silent, while they unobtrusively went on developing it: that is, they carried on the work initiated by the Jesuits in the heart and bloodstream of the Slovak nation. FOOTNOTES 1. J. Rekem, The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language. Middletown, Pa. 1962. Slovak Literature and National Consciousness before Bernol<ik (1762-1813). Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1964. 2. Joseph Skultety, Sketches from Slovak History. FCSU, Middletown, Pa., 1930. 99p. �122 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. SLOVAKIA Stanislav Jurovsky, The Philosophy of Martin Szentivanyi. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1944. His views on philosophy, nature, and history are incorporated in his encyclopedic masterpiece, which was issued in Trnava in the decades from 1689 to 1709 under the title ,Curiosaria et Selectiora Variarum Scientiarum Miscellanea, Tyrnaviae, 1689-1709. (Curiosities Compiled from Various Scientific Sources) Trnava, 1703, p. 212. Cf. A. A. Banik, Jan Magin, 1936, p. 251. Miscellanea, Decadis secundae pars prima, 1691, Trnava, p. 344: "Slavos" Qui Vagum et Carpaticorum montium radices incolunt, existimo eundem esse populum, quos antiqui Jazyges Medanastas vocabant, nam et eosdem terminos et limites habent, quos Strabo et veteres Geographi, Jazygitis Metanastis adscribunt. Et utramque nationem Sarmatiae populum fuisse constat. Sarmatici autem populi omnes comprehendebantur sub Slavorum genere. Sed et denominationis ·utriusque idem est fundamentum . Jazyges enim denominabantur a Jazek hoc est lingua, et Slavi a Slovo, hoc est verbum, quod nimirum Slavicorum idioma, et facile pronunciatu sit, et eloqui possit, et ingentem habent copiam verborum, et nullum magis idioma per orbem diffusum sit. Idem sentio de Jazibus, tractum inter Tibiscum et Danubium incolentibus, nam et hos, ex Jazygum Medanastarum gentibus fuisse Geographi testantur, et habuisse proprium idioma, ab Hungarico plane diversum, quod utique aliud non erat, quam Slavonicum. Reliquos vero Slavos, per Hungariam dispersos verisimile est, esse Vandalorum reliquias; nemini enim dubium esse potest, Vandalos Slavonici generis fuisse ... " P. Rewa: De Monarchia et Sacra Corona Regni Hungariae Centuriae Septem . . . quas emendatas et auctas publicabat Comes Franciscus de Nadasd. 1659. Francofurti. The seventh century, p. 146-7: " ... . ac lingua Slavonica seu Illyrica, hodie omnium latissime patet, utpote quae a mari Adriatico, ad Oceanum usque ad Septemtrionalem se extendere videatur: nam ea utuntur lstrii, Dalmatae, Croatae, Bosnenses, Bohemi, Silesii, Lusatii, Polonii, Lithuani, Prutenti, Scandinaviae incolae, et Russi longe lateque imperantes, Bulgari item et multae aliae vicinae regiones, Constantinopolim fere usque : adeo ut toto orbe terrarum sit lingua Slavica qua plurimas gentes alloqui, mutatis tantum dialectis, ob vicinitatem aliorum populorum aliquid peregrini habentibus, licet, ut sit linguarum gloria ab usu, familiaritate et latitudine petenda esset, ipsa Slavonica cum Latina caeteris palmarium eriperet, cujus adminiculo, prope dimidia Europae pars, nonnulla etiam Asiae peragrari potest ... " Miscellanea. First book of the 3rd Decade. Trnava, 1699., p. 204, 206, 234-5. J . B. Magin, Murices , Puchov, 1728., p. 15, 68, etc. J . K. Smalov, Mons. Sti. Martini. Ruzomberok, 1947., p. 66. BIBLIOGRAPHY A. A. Banik, Jan Baltazar Magin a jeho politicka, narodna i kulturna obrana Slovakov roku 1728. SSV., Trnava, 1936. �SLOVAKIA 123 Novsie udaje na poznanie Jana Baltazara Magina, jeho diela a doby, LVO, SSV, Trnava, 1937. J. M. Kirschbaum, Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. New York, 1960. J . Kutnik-Smalov, Zastoj katolickej hierarchie v slovenskom narodnom a kulturnom zivote, in Mons Sti. Martini, Ruzomberok, 1947. J . B. Magin, Murices Nobilissimae et Novissimae Diaetae Posoniensis Scriptori sparsi Sive Apologia pro Inclyto Comitatu Trenchiniensi ... , Puchovii, 1728. J . Rekem, Stefan Dubnicay a jeho doba. Trencin, 1944. Z kulturnych dejin trencianskeho Povazia, Trencin, 1943. The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language. Middletown, Pa., 1962. Slovak Literature and National Consciou.sness Before Anton Bernolak (1762-1813) , Cleveland, Ohio, 1964. 1675-1725, Stefan Dubnicay, slovensky polemik a historik - a Slovak Polemist and Historian - polemiste et historien slovaque, Middletown, Pa. 1966. Chronological Table of Bishops of the Diocese of Nitra, Slovakia, Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1966. P. Rewa, De Monarchia et Sacra Corona Regni Hungariae Centuriae Septem . . . quas emendatas et auctas publicabat Comes Franciscus de Nadasd. 1659. Francofurti. Sommervogel C., Dictionaires des orages Anonymes et pseudonymes publie par des religieux de la Campagnie de Jesus. Paris, 1884. Szentivanyi M., Cztyri a Dwadcet Pochibowanj. Tyrnaviae, 1700. Curiosiora et selectiora Variarum Scientiarum Miscellanea. Tyrnaviae, 1689-1709. Lutheranicum Nihil ad Rem Nihil ad Propositum, Tyrnaviae, 1703. Fii.nfzig Ursachen und Bewegungen. Tyrnau, 1702. Dissertatio haeresiologico polemica. Tyrnaviae, 1701. Lutheranicum numquam et nusquam. Tyrnaviae, 1702. .Solutiones non solutiones cujusdam pastoris augustani viginti quatuor dubiorum Catholicorum. Tyrnaviae, 1703. Privata et amica disceptatio. Tyrnaviae, 1704. Forum scrutarium antiquarum haeresum. Tyrnaviae, 1707. Dissertatio theologico polemica. Tyrnaviae, 1730. Motiva Quinguaginta ad praedicandam Romano-Catholicam Religionem. Agriae, 1756. Magnum Chaos, Tyrnaviae, 1704. Turris Babel, Tyrnaviae, 1731. S. Jurovsky, Filozofia Martina Szentivanyiho. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1944. Slovenskej literatury dejiny. Osveta, Bratislava, 1962. Joseph Skultety, Sketches from Slovak History , Middletown, Pa., 1930. A. Zellinger, Pantheon Tyrnaviense, Tyrnaviae, 1931. � 116 SLOVAKIA MARTIN SZENTIVANYI, S.J. (1633-1705 ) SLOVAK PHILOSOPHER, POLEMICIST, HISTORIAN B y Dr. John Rekem In previous English studies on the pre-Bernolak period 1 of the Slovak literature, I devoted considerable attention to the Slovak authors, writing either in Latin or Slovak, whose aim it was to arouse and sustain the spirit of Slovak nationalism. Included in these studies were the works of Romuald Hadbavny (Syllabus dictionarii Latino-Slavonicus 1763; Translation of Holy Scriptures into Slovak, 1756-1759) In my analysis of the voluminous publications of the historian, Samuel Timon (1675-1736) special attention was directed to the Slovak nationalism underlying his comprehensive works, his grasp of Slovak history, and specifically the period of the Great Moravian empire. I noted that even his accounts of the Cyril-Methodian era se·r ved to revivify Slovak national consciousness. I pointed out the eminent position of Stephen Dubnicay in religious history and Slovak literature. This author, writing both in Slovak and in Latin, won recognition far beyond the boundaries of Slovakia. His books were read and appreciated not only at home, but in Bohemia and Poland as well, and his work is proof that already in the early 18th century unprejudiced foreigners recognized the Slovaks as an independent national entity, distinct from the Czechs, the Poles, the Moravians and the Silesians. Finally, I analyzed the Apologia of John Balthasar Magin (1682-1735) written by him at the request of the Trencin nobility in defense of the Slovak nation and its political, social, and cultural rights in the territory of Hungary. Furthermore, I singled out for consideration other outstanding Slovak writers, members of the Pazmany Circle of the University of Trnava and of the Camaldolese Society. Both of these organizations were tireless in their efforts to augment Slovak inteUectual life, on both the religious and the national levels. To this select group belonged the Jesuit, Martin Szen- �SLOVAKIA 117 tivanyi (1633-1705) who is rightly considered not only the most prolific, but also the most learned and versatile writer of his time. M. Szentivanyi came from a family of the landed gentry (lower nobility) in Liptov, a family which originally bore the Slovak name of Svatojansky. When the Magyar regime issued orders compelling notaries and registrars to magyarize the names of non-magyar lesser gentry (Madocansky-Madocsanyi, Kubinsky-Kubinyi, Dubnicky-Dubniczay) the name of Svatojansky2 was changed to Szentivanyi, for some families the change of name meant also a reversal in national allegiance. However, in many cases also the original Slovak spirit endured despite the change in name. This is evident in the works of certain authors, among whom Martin Svatojansky-Szentivanyi was outstanding. The name may have been magyarized, but the Slovak spirit remained unbeaten, unsubdued. Martin studied at universities in Vienna and TrnaV1a, both of which exercised a favorable influence upon the national spirit of Slovak students. The Pazmaneum in Vienna reared the finest of Slovak patriots, beginning with Dubnicay and Magin all the way down to the President of the Slovak Republic, Msgr. Joseph Tiso, the diplomat Francis Tiso, etc. In the atmosphere of the University of Trnava (16351777) Szentivanyi's Slovak patriotism was intensified. Later, as teacher and writer, he was to have a great influence on the attitudes and national aspirations of others at the University, notably, S. Timon, S. Dubnicay, J. B. Magin, and others. In the history of Slovak literature and culture, M. Szentivanyi played a threefold role: that of philosopher, historian, and religious controversial writer. 3 He was professor of philosophy and polemics at the Universities in Kosice, Styrsky Hradec (Steier Graz) and Vienna. For a time he was director of the University of Trnava. After 1688 he became the chief censor of books in Hungary. The basic framework of Szentivanyi's philosophical theories was a moderate realism. The universe is a reflection of the ideas of God, which, concretized in creation, were brought into existence for the glory of God. Among the vary- �118 SLOVAKIA ing degrees of creatures on earth man holds the prime position because of his spiritual faculties of intellect and free will, and from these two divine qualities man derives his great natural dignity, which is enhanced by his escalation to the eminently superior dignity of adoption as a child of God. From this basic concept of the dignity of man in the plan of God and in the order of supernatural religion flows that deep appreciation and love of Christ's teachings, which Szentivanyi defended so effectively in his religious literature. In the fiield of natural philosophy also he is a follower of scholasticism. He examines in all its myriad aspects and seeks to probe its meaning. He does not ignore or isolate himself from the world, but takes note of ev•e rything in it and carefully studies the natural sciences. He informs hrimself on the most modern methods of scientific research (systematization, experimentation) , studies the outstanding later philosophers, like Francis Bacon, and does not rest content only with experimentation and the verification of dry facts, but here also, according to speculative Thomistic thought, he delves down deep to the roots of things. He directs his thoughts to the philosophic grasp and underlaying meaning of motion, the transfer of activity from one mode of being to another, the philosophic grasp of corporeal substance, the delineation of living organisms, from vegetative and sensient life to human life and its mysteries. It is necessary to mention that like the majority of his contemporaries he was opposed to the heliocentric theory. As to his vi,ews on human society, one might say that he was thoroughly familiar with Aquinas' teaching on the political community. Like Aquinas he is an advocate of responsible government which directs its efforts toward the common good. He treats various political theories of government, including democracy, however assigning his preference to the monarchy as being the most suitable, and by his view shows himself a child of his age.4 As a speculative theologian, Martin Szentivanyi utilized his theological knowledge for the spreading and stabilizing of God's kingdom in the chaotic y.ears of the Reformation. Using four languages - Latin, Slovak, Magyar, German he preached and wrote in defense of the Catholic faith. His publications comprised a whole library of polemical and apo- �SLOVAKIA 119 logetic works, which achieved great popularity. Even after his death they appeared in repeated editions either as monographs or collectively under the title Opuscula Polemica (Trnava I, 1718; II, 1730; Turris Babel, 1731 ... ) A polemical book of his on Christian dogma, published in Trnava in 1700, was written in Slovak and entitled Cztyri a Dwadcet Pochybovanij. (Twenty-four Hypotheses). It may well be said that in his polemical writings he covered the entire range of Catholic dogma as it was drawn up in the Council of Trent and he endeavored to boil it down to the small coins of simple language for easier comprehension and acceptance by his read,ers. In his work one often encounters evidence that Catholics and non-Catholics followed liturgical practices current today in certain Christian denominations. For example, from his work Lutheranicum, Nihil ad rem, Nihil ad Propositum,5 it is evident that the modern movement of some Protestant denominations to allow women to act as ministers is not so new after all, because, according to Szentivanyi, Lutheran women in various places acted as readers of Holy Scripture in church. He refers to a case in Levoca, where a certain Lutheran woman, who later became a convert to Catholicism, delivered a sermon and celebrated the "Eucharist", or, as she regarded it, "the Lord's Supper". M. Szentivanyi has performed an invaluable service as a historian by furnishing incidental information on Slovakia for Slovak Oatholic scholars. In his Miscellanea he makes frequent references to the topography of Slovakia and presents Slovak history as an integral part of the history of Hungary.6 Thus several references to the exploits of Svatopluk in Great Moravia ,a ppears in his Miscellanea (Decade I. 3. p. x3a. Decade II. 3. p. 265, 277-9). Furthermore, he makes frequent allusions and references to the activities of SS. Cyril and Methodius among the Slovaks (Decade I. 3. p.Hh3a, Decade II. p. 277. Decade III. 1. p. 152, 178.). According to A. A. Banik, it was Szentivanyi who proposed the first known theory in literature about the origin of the Slovaks. This versatile and learned scholar maintains that the Slovak inhabitants of northern Hungary sprang from the ancient Jazygs. He bases his assertion on the geographical boundaries of both nations as well as on the apparently com- �120 SLOVAKIA mon etymological identity of their name: Jazyk (tongue), rec (speech), slovo (word). Moreover, from the fact that the Germans also refer to the Slovaks as Vinden or Venden (e.g. in the names of places: Windirsh Prona, Windschacht, Windschendorf, etc.) Szentivanyi was inclined to believe that the reference was to the descendants of the ancient Slavic Vandals. 7 Concerning the interrelationship between the various Slavic languages and their diffusion throughout the world, he accepts the observation of P. Rewa, namely, that of all languages the Slavic idiom is today the most widespread, inasmuch as in its various branches its use extends from the Adriatic Sea to the Arctic Ocean and that it is spoken by the Istrians, Dalmatians, Croatians, Czechs, Silesians, Lusatians, Poles, Latvfans, Prussians, the inhabitants of Scandinavia, the Russians throughout their vast territory, the Bulgarians and other neighboring countries as far as Constantinople ... 8 In regard to the earliest inhabitants of Hungary, M. Szentivanyi held that the first historically identifiable nation to inhabit the territory of Hungary were a people known as the Pannonians, who spoke the Slovak language. Following the Roman occupation, this territory was again inhabited by Slovaks, the descendants of the Vandali, the Goths, and the Jazygs. 9 Because of the recognized authority of Szentivanyi, subsequent Slovak and Latin historians of Slovak origin accepted his views and often quoted him in their works. For example, J. B. Magin in his Apologia - Defense of the Slovak nation. 10 How could the students have remained immune to their enthusiasm and influence under the capable Jesuit instructors, who imbued them with a keen appreciation of the glorious history of Slovakia and the vast extent of the Slavic world and its culture? Quite the contrary, for gradually and steadily the teachings of M. Szentivanyi and S. Timon fanned into life, a latent national consciousness among their students, and notably among the clerics, which eventually found an outlet in the famous Bernolak movement. It 1-ed the Slovaks to assert themselves and to identify their national individuality in the framework of the Slavic nations. Boldly and without fear of contradiction one is led to assert that the real initiators of the Bernolak movement were �SLOVAKIA 121 Jesuit professors, scholars, and writers. The Bernolak movement received its impetus directly and indirectly from the immense intellectual, moral and cultural resources of the Jesuit scholars of the Universities of Trnava, and to a lesser degree, of Kosice. The following observations will confirm this: 1. Only in its final stages was the education of the rising Bernolak generation received at the general Seminary in Bratislava. The formativ,e years of their training were spent in Trnava, in the Vienna Pazmaneum and at the University of Kosice. This in itself linked them with a powerful Jesuit tradition. 11 2. When they emerged, the Bernolakians already manifested a well-developed tradition of Slovak nationalism. They clung steadfastly to a sense of history, identifying themselves with its cultural rhythm and accepting its logical course. 3. The Bernolakians revived the Cyril-Methodian tradition, impregnating all their activities with it. 4. After the suppression of the Jesuit Order in 1773, many ex-Jesuits extended their sphere of influence by undertaking pastoral duties in Slovak parishes and registering for membership in the Bernolak Association. The Bernolak movement was not in a position at that time openly and expressly to acknowledge any direct affiliation with the Jesuit tradition and its efforts to arouse the Slovaks to national consciousness. Prudenoe and tact would not allow it. The prevailing spirit of Josephinism was strongly prejudiced against the Jesuits and there was danger that such an admission would have been detrimental to the activity of the Bemolak Association. Wisely, therefore, the members decided to remain silent, while they unobtrusively went on developing it: that is, they carried on the work initiated by the Jesuits in the heart and bloodstream of the Slovak nation. FOOTNOTES 1. J. Rekem, The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language. Middletown, Pa. 1962. Slovak Literature and National Consciousness before Bernol<ik (1762-1813). Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1964. 2. Joseph Skultety, Sketches from Slovak History. FCSU, Middletown, Pa., 1930. 99p. �122 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. SLOVAKIA Stanislav Jurovsky, The Philosophy of Martin Szentivanyi. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1944. His views on philosophy, nature, and history are incorporated in his encyclopedic masterpiece, which was issued in Trnava in the decades from 1689 to 1709 under the title ,Curiosaria et Selectiora Variarum Scientiarum Miscellanea, Tyrnaviae, 1689-1709. (Curiosities Compiled from Various Scientific Sources) Trnava, 1703, p. 212. Cf. A. A. Banik, Jan Magin, 1936, p. 251. Miscellanea, Decadis secundae pars prima, 1691, Trnava, p. 344: "Slavos" Qui Vagum et Carpaticorum montium radices incolunt, existimo eundem esse populum, quos antiqui Jazyges Medanastas vocabant, nam et eosdem terminos et limites habent, quos Strabo et veteres Geographi, Jazygitis Metanastis adscribunt. Et utramque nationem Sarmatiae populum fuisse constat. Sarmatici autem populi omnes comprehendebantur sub Slavorum genere. Sed et denominationis ·utriusque idem est fundamentum . Jazyges enim denominabantur a Jazek hoc est lingua, et Slavi a Slovo, hoc est verbum, quod nimirum Slavicorum idioma, et facile pronunciatu sit, et eloqui possit, et ingentem habent copiam verborum, et nullum magis idioma per orbem diffusum sit. Idem sentio de Jazibus, tractum inter Tibiscum et Danubium incolentibus, nam et hos, ex Jazygum Medanastarum gentibus fuisse Geographi testantur, et habuisse proprium idioma, ab Hungarico plane diversum, quod utique aliud non erat, quam Slavonicum. Reliquos vero Slavos, per Hungariam dispersos verisimile est, esse Vandalorum reliquias; nemini enim dubium esse potest, Vandalos Slavonici generis fuisse ... " P. Rewa: De Monarchia et Sacra Corona Regni Hungariae Centuriae Septem . . . quas emendatas et auctas publicabat Comes Franciscus de Nadasd. 1659. Francofurti. The seventh century, p. 146-7: " ... . ac lingua Slavonica seu Illyrica, hodie omnium latissime patet, utpote quae a mari Adriatico, ad Oceanum usque ad Septemtrionalem se extendere videatur: nam ea utuntur lstrii, Dalmatae, Croatae, Bosnenses, Bohemi, Silesii, Lusatii, Polonii, Lithuani, Prutenti, Scandinaviae incolae, et Russi longe lateque imperantes, Bulgari item et multae aliae vicinae regiones, Constantinopolim fere usque : adeo ut toto orbe terrarum sit lingua Slavica qua plurimas gentes alloqui, mutatis tantum dialectis, ob vicinitatem aliorum populorum aliquid peregrini habentibus, licet, ut sit linguarum gloria ab usu, familiaritate et latitudine petenda esset, ipsa Slavonica cum Latina caeteris palmarium eriperet, cujus adminiculo, prope dimidia Europae pars, nonnulla etiam Asiae peragrari potest ... " Miscellanea. First book of the 3rd Decade. Trnava, 1699., p. 204, 206, 234-5. J . B. Magin, Murices , Puchov, 1728., p. 15, 68, etc. J . K. Smalov, Mons. Sti. Martini. Ruzomberok, 1947., p. 66. BIBLIOGRAPHY A. A. Banik, Jan Baltazar Magin a jeho politicka, narodna i kulturna obrana Slovakov roku 1728. SSV., Trnava, 1936. �SLOVAKIA 123 Novsie udaje na poznanie Jana Baltazara Magina, jeho diela a doby, LVO, SSV, Trnava, 1937. J. M. Kirschbaum, Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. New York, 1960. J . Kutnik-Smalov, Zastoj katolickej hierarchie v slovenskom narodnom a kulturnom zivote, in Mons Sti. Martini, Ruzomberok, 1947. J . B. Magin, Murices Nobilissimae et Novissimae Diaetae Posoniensis Scriptori sparsi Sive Apologia pro Inclyto Comitatu Trenchiniensi ... , Puchovii, 1728. J . Rekem, Stefan Dubnicay a jeho doba. Trencin, 1944. Z kulturnych dejin trencianskeho Povazia, Trencin, 1943. The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language. Middletown, Pa., 1962. Slovak Literature and National Consciou.sness Before Anton Bernolak (1762-1813) , Cleveland, Ohio, 1964. 1675-1725, Stefan Dubnicay, slovensky polemik a historik - a Slovak Polemist and Historian - polemiste et historien slovaque, Middletown, Pa. 1966. Chronological Table of Bishops of the Diocese of Nitra, Slovakia, Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1966. P. Rewa, De Monarchia et Sacra Corona Regni Hungariae Centuriae Septem . . . quas emendatas et auctas publicabat Comes Franciscus de Nadasd. 1659. Francofurti. Sommervogel C., Dictionaires des orages Anonymes et pseudonymes publie par des religieux de la Campagnie de Jesus. Paris, 1884. Szentivanyi M., Cztyri a Dwadcet Pochibowanj. Tyrnaviae, 1700. Curiosiora et selectiora Variarum Scientiarum Miscellanea. Tyrnaviae, 1689-1709. Lutheranicum Nihil ad Rem Nihil ad Propositum, Tyrnaviae, 1703. Fii.nfzig Ursachen und Bewegungen. Tyrnau, 1702. Dissertatio haeresiologico polemica. Tyrnaviae, 1701. Lutheranicum numquam et nusquam. Tyrnaviae, 1702. .Solutiones non solutiones cujusdam pastoris augustani viginti quatuor dubiorum Catholicorum. Tyrnaviae, 1703. Privata et amica disceptatio. Tyrnaviae, 1704. Forum scrutarium antiquarum haeresum. Tyrnaviae, 1707. Dissertatio theologico polemica. Tyrnaviae, 1730. Motiva Quinguaginta ad praedicandam Romano-Catholicam Religionem. Agriae, 1756. Magnum Chaos, Tyrnaviae, 1704. Turris Babel, Tyrnaviae, 1731. S. Jurovsky, Filozofia Martina Szentivanyiho. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1944. Slovenskej literatury dejiny. Osveta, Bratislava, 1962. Joseph Skultety, Sketches from Slovak History , Middletown, Pa., 1930. A. Zellinger, Pantheon Tyrnaviense, Tyrnaviae, 1931. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1966, Vol. 16 Description An account of the resource Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 116 SLOVAKIA MARTIN SZENTIVANYI, S.J. (1633-1705 ) SLOVAK PHILOSOPHER, POLEMICIST, HISTORIAN B y Dr. John Rekem In previous English studies on the pre-Bernolak period 1 of the Slovak literature, I devoted considerable attention to the Slovak authors, writing either in Latin or Slovak, whose aim it was to arouse and sustain the spirit of Slovak nationalism. Included in these studies were the works of Romuald Hadbavny (Syllabus dictionarii Latino-Slavonicus 1763; Translation of Holy Scriptures into Slovak, 1756-1759) In my analysis of the voluminous publications of the historian, Samuel Timon (1675-1736) special attention was directed to the Slovak nationalism underlying his comprehensive works, his grasp of Slovak history, and specifically the period of the Great Moravian empire. I noted that even his accounts of the Cyril-Methodian era se·r ved to revivify Slovak national consciousness. I pointed out the eminent position of Stephen Dubnicay in religious history and Slovak literature. This author, writing both in Slovak and in Latin, won recognition far beyond the boundaries of Slovakia. His books were read and appreciated not only at home, but in Bohemia and Poland as well, and his work is proof that already in the early 18th century unprejudiced foreigners recognized the Slovaks as an independent national entity, distinct from the Czechs, the Poles, the Moravians and the Silesians. Finally, I analyzed the Apologia of John Balthasar Magin (1682-1735) written by him at the request of the Trencin nobility in defense of the Slovak nation and its political, social, and cultural rights in the territory of Hungary. Furthermore, I singled out for consideration other outstanding Slovak writers, members of the Pazmany Circle of the University of Trnava and of the Camaldolese Society. Both of these organizations were tireless in their efforts to augment Slovak inteUectual life, on both the religious and the national levels. To this select group belonged the Jesuit, Martin Szen- SLOVAKIA 117 tivanyi (1633-1705) who is rightly considered not only the most prolific, but also the most learned and versatile writer of his time. M. Szentivanyi came from a family of the landed gentry (lower nobility) in Liptov, a family which originally bore the Slovak name of Svatojansky. When the Magyar regime issued orders compelling notaries and registrars to magyarize the names of non-magyar lesser gentry (Madocansky-Madocsanyi, Kubinsky-Kubinyi, Dubnicky-Dubniczay) the name of Svatojansky2 was changed to Szentivanyi, for some families the change of name meant also a reversal in national allegiance. However, in many cases also the original Slovak spirit endured despite the change in name. This is evident in the works of certain authors, among whom Martin Svatojansky-Szentivanyi was outstanding. The name may have been magyarized, but the Slovak spirit remained unbeaten, unsubdued. Martin studied at universities in Vienna and TrnaV1a, both of which exercised a favorable influence upon the national spirit of Slovak students. The Pazmaneum in Vienna reared the finest of Slovak patriots, beginning with Dubnicay and Magin all the way down to the President of the Slovak Republic, Msgr. Joseph Tiso, the diplomat Francis Tiso, etc. In the atmosphere of the University of Trnava (16351777) Szentivanyi's Slovak patriotism was intensified. Later, as teacher and writer, he was to have a great influence on the attitudes and national aspirations of others at the University, notably, S. Timon, S. Dubnicay, J. B. Magin, and others. In the history of Slovak literature and culture, M. Szentivanyi played a threefold role: that of philosopher, historian, and religious controversial writer. 3 He was professor of philosophy and polemics at the Universities in Kosice, Styrsky Hradec (Steier Graz) and Vienna. For a time he was director of the University of Trnava. After 1688 he became the chief censor of books in Hungary. The basic framework of Szentivanyi's philosophical theories was a moderate realism. The universe is a reflection of the ideas of God, which, concretized in creation, were brought into existence for the glory of God. Among the vary- 118 SLOVAKIA ing degrees of creatures on earth man holds the prime position because of his spiritual faculties of intellect and free will, and from these two divine qualities man derives his great natural dignity, which is enhanced by his escalation to the eminently superior dignity of adoption as a child of God. From this basic concept of the dignity of man in the plan of God and in the order of supernatural religion flows that deep appreciation and love of Christ's teachings, which Szentivanyi defended so effectively in his religious literature. In the fiield of natural philosophy also he is a follower of scholasticism. He examines in all its myriad aspects and seeks to probe its meaning. He does not ignore or isolate himself from the world, but takes note of ev•e rything in it and carefully studies the natural sciences. He informs hrimself on the most modern methods of scientific research (systematization, experimentation) , studies the outstanding later philosophers, like Francis Bacon, and does not rest content only with experimentation and the verification of dry facts, but here also, according to speculative Thomistic thought, he delves down deep to the roots of things. He directs his thoughts to the philosophic grasp and underlaying meaning of motion, the transfer of activity from one mode of being to another, the philosophic grasp of corporeal substance, the delineation of living organisms, from vegetative and sensient life to human life and its mysteries. It is necessary to mention that like the majority of his contemporaries he was opposed to the heliocentric theory. As to his vi,ews on human society, one might say that he was thoroughly familiar with Aquinas' teaching on the political community. Like Aquinas he is an advocate of responsible government which directs its efforts toward the common good. He treats various political theories of government, including democracy, however assigning his preference to the monarchy as being the most suitable, and by his view shows himself a child of his age.4 As a speculative theologian, Martin Szentivanyi utilized his theological knowledge for the spreading and stabilizing of God's kingdom in the chaotic y.ears of the Reformation. Using four languages - Latin, Slovak, Magyar, German he preached and wrote in defense of the Catholic faith. His publications comprised a whole library of polemical and apo- SLOVAKIA 119 logetic works, which achieved great popularity. Even after his death they appeared in repeated editions either as monographs or collectively under the title Opuscula Polemica (Trnava I, 1718; II, 1730; Turris Babel, 1731 ... ) A polemical book of his on Christian dogma, published in Trnava in 1700, was written in Slovak and entitled Cztyri a Dwadcet Pochybovanij. (Twenty-four Hypotheses). It may well be said that in his polemical writings he covered the entire range of Catholic dogma as it was drawn up in the Council of Trent and he endeavored to boil it down to the small coins of simple language for easier comprehension and acceptance by his read,ers. In his work one often encounters evidence that Catholics and non-Catholics followed liturgical practices current today in certain Christian denominations. For example, from his work Lutheranicum, Nihil ad rem, Nihil ad Propositum,5 it is evident that the modern movement of some Protestant denominations to allow women to act as ministers is not so new after all, because, according to Szentivanyi, Lutheran women in various places acted as readers of Holy Scripture in church. He refers to a case in Levoca, where a certain Lutheran woman, who later became a convert to Catholicism, delivered a sermon and celebrated the "Eucharist", or, as she regarded it, "the Lord's Supper". M. Szentivanyi has performed an invaluable service as a historian by furnishing incidental information on Slovakia for Slovak Oatholic scholars. In his Miscellanea he makes frequent references to the topography of Slovakia and presents Slovak history as an integral part of the history of Hungary.6 Thus several references to the exploits of Svatopluk in Great Moravia ,a ppears in his Miscellanea (Decade I. 3. p. x3a. Decade II. 3. p. 265, 277-9). Furthermore, he makes frequent allusions and references to the activities of SS. Cyril and Methodius among the Slovaks (Decade I. 3. p.Hh3a, Decade II. p. 277. Decade III. 1. p. 152, 178.). According to A. A. Banik, it was Szentivanyi who proposed the first known theory in literature about the origin of the Slovaks. This versatile and learned scholar maintains that the Slovak inhabitants of northern Hungary sprang from the ancient Jazygs. He bases his assertion on the geographical boundaries of both nations as well as on the apparently com- 120 SLOVAKIA mon etymological identity of their name: Jazyk (tongue), rec (speech), slovo (word). Moreover, from the fact that the Germans also refer to the Slovaks as Vinden or Venden (e.g. in the names of places: Windirsh Prona, Windschacht, Windschendorf, etc.) Szentivanyi was inclined to believe that the reference was to the descendants of the ancient Slavic Vandals. 7 Concerning the interrelationship between the various Slavic languages and their diffusion throughout the world, he accepts the observation of P. Rewa, namely, that of all languages the Slavic idiom is today the most widespread, inasmuch as in its various branches its use extends from the Adriatic Sea to the Arctic Ocean and that it is spoken by the Istrians, Dalmatians, Croatians, Czechs, Silesians, Lusatians, Poles, Latvfans, Prussians, the inhabitants of Scandinavia, the Russians throughout their vast territory, the Bulgarians and other neighboring countries as far as Constantinople ... 8 In regard to the earliest inhabitants of Hungary, M. Szentivanyi held that the first historically identifiable nation to inhabit the territory of Hungary were a people known as the Pannonians, who spoke the Slovak language. Following the Roman occupation, this territory was again inhabited by Slovaks, the descendants of the Vandali, the Goths, and the Jazygs. 9 Because of the recognized authority of Szentivanyi, subsequent Slovak and Latin historians of Slovak origin accepted his views and often quoted him in their works. For example, J. B. Magin in his Apologia - Defense of the Slovak nation. 10 How could the students have remained immune to their enthusiasm and influence under the capable Jesuit instructors, who imbued them with a keen appreciation of the glorious history of Slovakia and the vast extent of the Slavic world and its culture? Quite the contrary, for gradually and steadily the teachings of M. Szentivanyi and S. Timon fanned into life, a latent national consciousness among their students, and notably among the clerics, which eventually found an outlet in the famous Bernolak movement. It 1-ed the Slovaks to assert themselves and to identify their national individuality in the framework of the Slavic nations. Boldly and without fear of contradiction one is led to assert that the real initiators of the Bernolak movement were SLOVAKIA 121 Jesuit professors, scholars, and writers. The Bernolak movement received its impetus directly and indirectly from the immense intellectual, moral and cultural resources of the Jesuit scholars of the Universities of Trnava, and to a lesser degree, of Kosice. The following observations will confirm this: 1. Only in its final stages was the education of the rising Bernolak generation received at the general Seminary in Bratislava. The formativ,e years of their training were spent in Trnava, in the Vienna Pazmaneum and at the University of Kosice. This in itself linked them with a powerful Jesuit tradition. 11 2. When they emerged, the Bernolakians already manifested a well-developed tradition of Slovak nationalism. They clung steadfastly to a sense of history, identifying themselves with its cultural rhythm and accepting its logical course. 3. The Bernolakians revived the Cyril-Methodian tradition, impregnating all their activities with it. 4. After the suppression of the Jesuit Order in 1773, many ex-Jesuits extended their sphere of influence by undertaking pastoral duties in Slovak parishes and registering for membership in the Bernolak Association. The Bernolak movement was not in a position at that time openly and expressly to acknowledge any direct affiliation with the Jesuit tradition and its efforts to arouse the Slovaks to national consciousness. Prudenoe and tact would not allow it. The prevailing spirit of Josephinism was strongly prejudiced against the Jesuits and there was danger that such an admission would have been detrimental to the activity of the Bemolak Association. Wisely, therefore, the members decided to remain silent, while they unobtrusively went on developing it: that is, they carried on the work initiated by the Jesuits in the heart and bloodstream of the Slovak nation. FOOTNOTES 1. J. Rekem, The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language. Middletown, Pa. 1962. Slovak Literature and National Consciousness before Bernol<ik (1762-1813). Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1964. 2. Joseph Skultety, Sketches from Slovak History. FCSU, Middletown, Pa., 1930. 99p. 122 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. SLOVAKIA Stanislav Jurovsky, The Philosophy of Martin Szentivanyi. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1944. His views on philosophy, nature, and history are incorporated in his encyclopedic masterpiece, which was issued in Trnava in the decades from 1689 to 1709 under the title ,Curiosaria et Selectiora Variarum Scientiarum Miscellanea, Tyrnaviae, 1689-1709. (Curiosities Compiled from Various Scientific Sources) Trnava, 1703, p. 212. Cf. A. A. Banik, Jan Magin, 1936, p. 251. Miscellanea, Decadis secundae pars prima, 1691, Trnava, p. 344: "Slavos" Qui Vagum et Carpaticorum montium radices incolunt, existimo eundem esse populum, quos antiqui Jazyges Medanastas vocabant, nam et eosdem terminos et limites habent, quos Strabo et veteres Geographi, Jazygitis Metanastis adscribunt. Et utramque nationem Sarmatiae populum fuisse constat. Sarmatici autem populi omnes comprehendebantur sub Slavorum genere. Sed et denominationis ·utriusque idem est fundamentum . Jazyges enim denominabantur a Jazek hoc est lingua, et Slavi a Slovo, hoc est verbum, quod nimirum Slavicorum idioma, et facile pronunciatu sit, et eloqui possit, et ingentem habent copiam verborum, et nullum magis idioma per orbem diffusum sit. Idem sentio de Jazibus, tractum inter Tibiscum et Danubium incolentibus, nam et hos, ex Jazygum Medanastarum gentibus fuisse Geographi testantur, et habuisse proprium idioma, ab Hungarico plane diversum, quod utique aliud non erat, quam Slavonicum. Reliquos vero Slavos, per Hungariam dispersos verisimile est, esse Vandalorum reliquias; nemini enim dubium esse potest, Vandalos Slavonici generis fuisse ... " P. Rewa: De Monarchia et Sacra Corona Regni Hungariae Centuriae Septem . . . quas emendatas et auctas publicabat Comes Franciscus de Nadasd. 1659. Francofurti. The seventh century, p. 146-7: " ... . ac lingua Slavonica seu Illyrica, hodie omnium latissime patet, utpote quae a mari Adriatico, ad Oceanum usque ad Septemtrionalem se extendere videatur: nam ea utuntur lstrii, Dalmatae, Croatae, Bosnenses, Bohemi, Silesii, Lusatii, Polonii, Lithuani, Prutenti, Scandinaviae incolae, et Russi longe lateque imperantes, Bulgari item et multae aliae vicinae regiones, Constantinopolim fere usque : adeo ut toto orbe terrarum sit lingua Slavica qua plurimas gentes alloqui, mutatis tantum dialectis, ob vicinitatem aliorum populorum aliquid peregrini habentibus, licet, ut sit linguarum gloria ab usu, familiaritate et latitudine petenda esset, ipsa Slavonica cum Latina caeteris palmarium eriperet, cujus adminiculo, prope dimidia Europae pars, nonnulla etiam Asiae peragrari potest ... " Miscellanea. First book of the 3rd Decade. Trnava, 1699., p. 204, 206, 234-5. J . B. Magin, Murices , Puchov, 1728., p. 15, 68, etc. J . K. Smalov, Mons. Sti. Martini. Ruzomberok, 1947., p. 66. BIBLIOGRAPHY A. A. Banik, Jan Baltazar Magin a jeho politicka, narodna i kulturna obrana Slovakov roku 1728. SSV., Trnava, 1936. SLOVAKIA 123 Novsie udaje na poznanie Jana Baltazara Magina, jeho diela a doby, LVO, SSV, Trnava, 1937. J. M. Kirschbaum, Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. New York, 1960. J . Kutnik-Smalov, Zastoj katolickej hierarchie v slovenskom narodnom a kulturnom zivote, in Mons Sti. Martini, Ruzomberok, 1947. J . B. Magin, Murices Nobilissimae et Novissimae Diaetae Posoniensis Scriptori sparsi Sive Apologia pro Inclyto Comitatu Trenchiniensi ... , Puchovii, 1728. J . Rekem, Stefan Dubnicay a jeho doba. Trencin, 1944. Z kulturnych dejin trencianskeho Povazia, Trencin, 1943. The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language. Middletown, Pa., 1962. Slovak Literature and National Consciou.sness Before Anton Bernolak (1762-1813) , Cleveland, Ohio, 1964. 1675-1725, Stefan Dubnicay, slovensky polemik a historik - a Slovak Polemist and Historian - polemiste et historien slovaque, Middletown, Pa. 1966. Chronological Table of Bishops of the Diocese of Nitra, Slovakia, Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1966. P. Rewa, De Monarchia et Sacra Corona Regni Hungariae Centuriae Septem . . . quas emendatas et auctas publicabat Comes Franciscus de Nadasd. 1659. Francofurti. Sommervogel C., Dictionaires des orages Anonymes et pseudonymes publie par des religieux de la Campagnie de Jesus. Paris, 1884. Szentivanyi M., Cztyri a Dwadcet Pochibowanj. Tyrnaviae, 1700. Curiosiora et selectiora Variarum Scientiarum Miscellanea. Tyrnaviae, 1689-1709. Lutheranicum Nihil ad Rem Nihil ad Propositum, Tyrnaviae, 1703. Fii.nfzig Ursachen und Bewegungen. Tyrnau, 1702. Dissertatio haeresiologico polemica. Tyrnaviae, 1701. Lutheranicum numquam et nusquam. Tyrnaviae, 1702. .Solutiones non solutiones cujusdam pastoris augustani viginti quatuor dubiorum Catholicorum. Tyrnaviae, 1703. Privata et amica disceptatio. Tyrnaviae, 1704. Forum scrutarium antiquarum haeresum. Tyrnaviae, 1707. Dissertatio theologico polemica. Tyrnaviae, 1730. Motiva Quinguaginta ad praedicandam Romano-Catholicam Religionem. Agriae, 1756. Magnum Chaos, Tyrnaviae, 1704. Turris Babel, Tyrnaviae, 1731. S. Jurovsky, Filozofia Martina Szentivanyiho. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1944. Slovenskej literatury dejiny. Osveta, Bratislava, 1962. Joseph Skultety, Sketches from Slovak History , Middletown, Pa., 1930. A. Zellinger, Pantheon Tyrnaviense, Tyrnaviae, 1931.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Martin Szentiványi, S.J. (1633-1705): Slovak Philosopher, Polemicist, Historian Description An account of the resource Dr. John Rekem Slovakia, Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966 pp. 116-123 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Rekem, Ján, 1917-1989 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/8551ab5435f9dd199dfbb961c9ab1d10.pdf 6d13c72011732b268a7d45c0a7db8ecc PDF Text Text FICTION ��SLOVAKIA 93 Reminiscences of a Slovak Miner GEORGE P. RESICK What has been and what is now the environment of the rough , tough , and hard-working ' 'man of the earth' '? How did he live in the 1800s and early 1900s, lifting himself by his very bootstraps by means of his miner's union in his earnest desire to make his life better and to become accepted at least as a middle-class American? He came from nearly every ethnic group possible - the Welsh, Irish , Slovaks , Scots , Poles , Hungarians , Italians, Blacks and others. He was often referred to as a dumb "Hunky," Dago , Griener, Johnny Bull and other names which caused many verbal and physical battles . Although the modern Black man rightly feels the injustice of discrimination , a member of these other ethnic groups , too, had to come through many a heartbreak as to " what side of town " he could live in, what games he could participate in, and in what section of the school room he could be seated. Even when he came to the mines his ethnic background determined the section of the mine he was to be assigned to and the classification of the work within this area. This period of discrimination was shortened by inter-marriages between ethnic groups and the desire by individuals in all ethnic groups to achieve success in their work. Athletics served as a social elevator for many , since work and athletics were the center of community activities. Before too long, it was discovered that the word " dumb, " as related to the miner and his family , was in essence a lack of education rather than intelligence . The processes of increased educational opportunities and greater social acceptance were extremely slow. Few sons or daughters of miners finished high school prior to 1930. Education ended for them the day they obtained their ' 'working papers. ' ' The sons went to the mines and the daughters to factories, stores or to domestic service. In the entire community of three thousand in which the author was born and reared there were probably less than six miners ' children who went to college prior to 1932. Only one teacher in this same community was college-educated. In retrospect, it is heart-rending to recall how few of the ethnicgroup parents could either read or write in any language, let alone English. Many could not even sign for their pay checks but simply marked an X for their signatures . Because of this, they were open game �94 SLOVAKIA for the "con" artist who took advantage of the uneducated. Letters were written for them and read to them until their own children obtained the minimal education to perform this function. These brave, strong people migrated to this country for the expressed purpose of ''the right to work as a free individual'' and to have the right to worship God in the way they choose. Although history records great people and movements, it must be pointed out that a vital part of the growth of this nation was due to groups such as miners , farmers, etc. who became the backbone of the industrial complex. The brave miner has played his part in bringing this nation to its leadership position in the world today. The road to recognition was not a rosy one for the miner and his family when one recalls his early environment: the rows of company houses or the so-called "patch," some of which still exist; the traditional little outhouse (two-seater) in the backyard; the two chimneys for the cooking and heating stoves; the place behind one of these stoves for the Saturday night bath in a galvanized tub; the two or three beds where a family of five to ten was "accommodated" - three to a bed; the backyard garden of nearly every family which became a necessity for summer existence and for preserving some food stuff for winter or when ''work was slow''; the coal shed and chicken coop or pig sty in the backyard; the many ingenious ideas for survival, such as picking berries, wild-roots, chestnuts and other free foods. The " company house " was part of the vicious circle by which the coal company completely controlled the life of the miner. These houses were unpainted clapboard of the cheapest construction, all identical. It wasn 't unusual for a drunken miner to enter the wrong house since the only difference was his house's position in the row . The more fortunate had water in the kitchen but practically none of them had sanitary facilities. The company rarely repaired the houses and, since the miner didn 't own them, maintenance was always minimal. These homes were often inhabited by rats, mice, roaches, ants and flies , which destroyed some of the food badly needed by the family. These facts were brought out clearly in recent years when the coal companies sold these houses to the miners. A dramatic change took ~lace and the houses immediately improved immeasurably . _ A picture of the miner's environment wouldn 't be complete without comment on the special row of company houses for the mine administrators , which included the superintendent (super), the pit boss and the fire boss. These men were the "elite" of the mining camps , and their houses the envy of . the miners since they included indoor toilets, indoor baths and a central furnace (they usually were furnished �SLOVAKIA 95 free coal). The residents of these homes dressed well and didn't have to resort to placing cardboard in the soles of their shoes to protect their feet. Even a more integral part of the vicious circle was the company store. Its only parallel in modem society is the loan shark business. If ever a story were written by a company store manager it would be as startling as any in the country's history. The coal company store surely must be given recognition as one of the initiators of the credit card system. To this day many ~odem coal miners absolutely forbid their wives to have credit cards or establish credit at legitimate stores because of their memories of the company store. There were numerous families who lived in virtual slavery due to the fact that they lived in the company house, shopped at the company store and worked in the company mine. If the coal company had a store, the miner was forced to shop at the store or seek employment elsewhere . The coal company used "scrip," a written order for the amount of the miner's earnings for the day. The man's wife could then go to the store to purchase the bare necessities to keep the family alive. The prices at the company store were always much higher than the independent stores in the area. The company store stocked every item possible to keep the miner from finding an excuse to visit any other local merchant, except the town saloon. This latter precaution was unnecessary since the miner rarely got any of his salary in cash, except for a required monetary remuneration which usually amounted to one dollar. The company store never needed to advertise or have "sales." It had a ' 'captive'' clientele which allowed the store manager to raise prices beyond normal to show management an increased profit. As the miner's union became stronger in the early 1930s, it slowly brought the demise of one of the most vicious of the '' free enterprise ' ' systems in the history of this nation. Even then it was a slow death, as mine officials would remind the miner that he must buy something at the company store. The miner usually agreed to purchase some furniture or appliance from the company store and to have a minimum of $10 taken from his earnings each payday. Slowly, however, the company store died out since it could not compete with the open market. What a vicious circle had been the lot of the entrapped miner: no job unless he bought at the store; usually no cash left on payday which meant he couldn't move; the mine operator making the profits on his productive work, his store purchases and the rental of his home. The miner was virtually a captive in a free society. If the "Union " never accomplished another thing, it certainly lifted the "yoke of indebtedness" from the shoulders of the miner by �96 SLOVAKIA combatting the effects of the company store on his life. These disgraceful conditions still exist in some small mining communities where the coal company owns all the property, including the stores and gas stations. They literally "own the town." However, in most mining communities now, many stores are operated by individuals in open competition with company stores. Try to imagine, if you can, the plight of a coal miner's family of four to fourteen children, all of them dependent upon the wages of the father-miner. Imagine the impossibility of providing a proper diet on the father's wages of from $1.50 to $3.50 per day. To do this he even went into the mines on days that the mine was not in operation. He would stock (store) coal and take up the bottom or top rock to permit him to lay his new track. He performed all this so that he might be ready to load coal on work days and keep up with the alloted number of mine cars assigned to him. He would walk into the mines several hours before starting time (7 a.m.) on workdays to hand pump (or remove with a bucket) the water that had accumulated in his place of work. He did this without pay. How did the miner and his family manage? Without a doubt, it wasn 't easy, and in some cases he didn 't manage. Many of the miners' families died before they reached the age of ·50, although life expectancy was much higher in this country. The only way they survived even to that age was that the typical mother would make certain, by one means or another, that a bag of flour, a bag of potatoes, some cabbage, beans, cornmeal and a few other staples were on hand. These mothers were masters of ingenuity on how to make cabbage, beans and flour into mouth-watering delicacies for their children . But they had to serve the same foods so often that, in later years, the children detested the very sight of these foods. In these present times one reads of poverty, relief, food stamps, etc. but in all the years since the author 's boyhood there has been no poverty that could in any way compare to that of the early days in the mining community. How did these people survive? Those that did had outside food sources such as a few chickens , a pig or cow. On the days the mines were idle, the miner became a gardener ~d raised fresh vegetables. He spent many hours planting, weeding, reII].oving ii?-sects (insecticides were not in use then). Some of those garde_n s would have compared favorably with the experimental gardens run by the Department of Agriculture . The miner also became a hunter and a fisherman, not for the sport itself, but for the food it provided for his family. This did not reduce in way the pleasures of the activity. In some critical periods the father-miner and his sons became thieves, visiting local farms at night �SLOVAKIA 97 and stealing chickens, com and fruit in order to survive. Some of them were caught, beaten or jailed, and then their families were in deep difficulty since they (those caught) could not earn the pittance available to them. What type of man is this who lived through the conditions described above, and still today goes deep into the bowels of the earth to earn his living? The aver~ge coal miner was and is hardworking, tough talking, sometimes hard drinking, and many times a deliberate braggard . He can load a tremendous tonnage of coal and later stand at his favorite bar with his mining buddies. In fact, sometimes it seemed as though the coal dust was ankle-deep near the bar. In the '' cross-cut dinner hole ' ' of the mines, he brags about his tremendous conquests of women. This is depicted in his graffiti drawn with white chalk upon the black coal or rock walls or roof. He is direct rather than devious and obscure. This point is well illustrated by the comment of a young miner, who, when discussing his relationship with women, said that upon meeting a woman in whom he was interested he immediately asked her if she " screwed." When asked if he didn't get his face slapped, he replied "often, but on the other hand you'd be surprised how often I got a positive answer ." He may better be described by the poem entitled ' 'Lust.' ' He grabbed me round my slender neck I could not call or scream. He dragged me to this dingy room Where we would not be seen. He tore away my flimsy wrap and looked upon my form. I was so cold and damp and scared, While he was hot and warm. He drained me of my very self, I could not make him stop . His feverish lips he pressed to mine; I gave him every drop . He made me what I am today, That's why you find me here , A broken bottle thrown away That was once full of beer. Anon. This author has been employed as a coal miner, mine official, mine inspector and coal operator for more than 44 years and cannot help but �98 SLOVAKIA feel that the American public has had a mistaken image of the coal miner. This may be due to reports and articles written by writers who lack insight and experience in the mining industry. A true story may illustrate this point. A coal miner's son met and became interested in a New York banker's daughter while attending the same college. Eventually the banker invited the family to visit them in New York. Upon seeing the coal miner, one of the banker's first remarks was ''You aren't at all what I expected!" What had he expected? Did he expect a dirty, uncouth and stupid individual often portrayed in the media? In reality the average miner is a hard worker; he is honest with a sharp and inventive mind; he is cooperative and, in most instances, religious. He is probably cleaner than many white or blue collar workers since he is forced to bathe everyday. Unfortunately his lack of opportunity for education has been confused with the lack of motivation for an education. This is now changed and the educational level among the miners has risen drastically in the last score of years. His higher salary scale now enables him to live at the middle-class level of society . In the early days of mining, in order to eke out a living, many a miner did not hesitate to get up as early as 3 a.m., walk into the mine with only water in his dinner pail, and begin his preliminary work. He, at times, shifted as many as ten loaded coal cars in order to get the one empty car left from the previous day's work. If there were no empty cars available for loading, he performed many time-consuming tasks known as "dead work" since it was done without pay. These tasks included taking up the bottom rock for additional height, laying the track, setting the safety timbers, removing water from the work area, cleaning slate and impurities from the coal to be loaded, and even piling coal in areas to permit more rapid loading, since the only thing that counted, and for which he was paid, was the actual coal he loaded into the cars . All this preliminary work w~s done so that he would "have the jump on his fellow miners" when the day's work actually started . When one considers all this so-called "dead work ," isn't it natural that the miner demanded more, or at least some pay , for his "dead work"? This is one of the underlying reasons that the miner formed and supported his union . Many of these early miners did more free (dead work) before the starting time of 7 a.m. than do many of the modern miners at their hourly rate of six and seven dollars per hour. At times an unexpected rockfall would consume most of his working day and this had an immediate effect on his family since it was directly connected with the food purchases for that day. �SLOVAKIA 99 The wife and mother, .too, got up at this time (or earlier) to see that her husband had his break{ast if food was available , and to pack the lunch pail when food was plentiful. After her husband left for work, she began a back-breaking day of kneading and baking bread, washing clothes and wringing them out by hand to be hung out to dry. After an hour or two she would awaken the children and supervise their preparation for school which included the everlasting job of mending to hold the threads of their garments together. Her work continued until she was ready for her trip to the weigh-scales to obtain a slip for the coal her husband loaded that day. This slip would determine how much food would be available for the family that night and the next day. On the days the rock fell to interfere with the loading of coal, the soup was thinner and the dish of beans and meat was mostly beans. The best time of her day was when the children came from school and the closing whistle sounded from the mines. The worst times in her life were when the mine whistle blew before the regular quitting time. This meant that there was trouble in the mines , and a shiver went down the collective spines of all the wives in the community. It usually meant an injury, with a loss of earning power, or that at least one or more of the women would be widows with a family to rear. One of the saddest sights in the world is a gatheimg of the babushka-headed wives in their vigil during the period that their husbands are entombed by an explosion or cavein. An ode of songs was written about Floyd Collins, a cave explorer, who was caught in a cave fall-in, but no such ode or song was ever written about the Joe Slowboski's who, while pinned under a rock fall, have their still live flesh eaten by the rats which inhabit the mines. A description of the early coal miner's apparel seems to be in order here . His wearing apparel has and will continue to change almost as frequently as the equipment and machinery with which he labors. The well-dressed miner wore the very conventional bib-overalls (now in style with the teenagers) , a cloth or canvas cap with a leather frontal attachment for his carbide lamp, soft-toed miner's boots, a pair of gauntlet gloves , and a denim jacket with at least four pockets so he could carry his carbide-cader (container), blasting caps, blasting powder, squibs (a predecessor of the blasting cap), lamp cleaning tools, and his ever-present " railroad type" watch attached to a chain and placed carefully in the left breast pocket. However, the poor miner was not dressed in this fashion . He wore a pair of his old suit pants , patched or re-patched many times. His shirt was probably one of his discarded hunting shirts, and his shoes were discarded dress shoes repaired by tacking pieces of leather or rubber on the soles and heels . He didn 't wear gloves , but had, instead, a pair of well-calloused hands complete �100 SLOVAKIA with bruised knuckles and fingers . He couldn't afford a watch and he carried all the equipment described above in a 25 pound sugar sack. A new miner (a "greenie" ) was rapidly spotted by his unmarked apparel and the appearance of his hands . The dress of the modern miner is quite different. If the weather is cold he will be wearing insulated underwear, a matched shirt and trouser outfit , hard-toed shoes or boots (with steel plates for safety) a pair of denim cover-alls, wrist-cuff gloves , special leg bands to keep the trouser legs from contacting moving chains or ropes, a special strong plastic hard-hat with an attachment clip for his battery-powered headlamp, a wide leather belt with attachments for his lamp batter, self rescue kit and a few tools. For a time-piece he wears a shock-proof wrist watch. He is provided with a dust respirator that aids in keeping him from getting his lungs loaded with fine dust particles. In certain periods he must wear a dust counter to show the fine <lush count surrounding his work area. When fully dressed with all this special equipment, he is carrying an additional weight of about fifteen pounds. The mine official or mine inspector will be carrying, in addition , a flame safety , a methane detector, an anenometer, a roof testing stick. This additional equipment weighs about twenty-five pounds above that of the clothing. An eight-hour shift with that equipment is fatiguing without any actual work . The early miner was a pick and shovel miner and the "low coal" miner will be depicted here since the author's early experiences were in the low coal field. The mine can best be described as an underground city with the main mine entries as the city's boulevards. The mine's butt, or cross entries, are compared with a city's side streets and the mine ' s crosscuts as the city's narrow streets or alley ways. Along the main entries , side entries and cross cuts are located the pump stations, sub-stations , supply houses , dispatcher 's room and foreman's office. These stimulate the stores and business houses on the surface. As in the city , transportation is an important part of life in the mines . The mine tracks, locomotives , strings of coal cars, powered trolley feeder lines , telephone lines, walkie-talkie equi}iment all play a vital role in this function. Even the rush of the currents 'Of air passing continuously along the entries reminds one of standing on a comer in Pittsburgh , Columbus or Chicago on a breezy March morning. When one adds the waterlines, airlines, rock-dust boreholes and other accommodations , one has the complete " Bowel City, U.S.A. " However, in order to understand fully the miner 's environment one must concentrate on the underground streets , side streets and alleys. These were usually 12 to 18 feet wide and ranged from 28 inches to 10 feet in height. It is within �SLOVAKIA 101 this locale that the miner must perform his assigned duties. In the low coal seruns (under 50 inches) the miner spent most of his workshift of eight hours on his knees or in a crouched position. He could only stretch out by lying down or going out to the main heading (entry) where additional height permitted standing room for at least the shorter miners. Miners in the high-seruned coal mines could work in the standing position. In all coal mines, the miner worked under an immediate cover of various types of slate, shale, sand rock or other rock formations such as one might observe in a "rock cut" along a modern highway. The lowcoal miner, working within a height of less than 50 inches, did most of his work with a dual-pointed pick and a broad, flat shovel. He had the srune feel for his own pick and shovel as does the concert violinist for his own bow. He made his work area safer by placing props (sawed-off trees) between the floor and roof. These were made tight by a wooden wedge driven along the roof which served as a cap on the prop. These roof supports were placed at distances determined by safety laws and the wishes of the mine officials. Although the purpose of these props was to keep the roof from caving in and falling upon him, many miners did not put up these supports if they interfered with their loading operation. The pick-miner would dig down all the loose coal from the front and side walls of the coal seam. He would then lie on the mine floor, many times in small pools of water, to undermine the "face of the coal seam'' to a depth of three, four or five feet. This undercut near the face was about twelve to fifteen inches in height to permit the head, arms and shoulders to intrude underneath the undercut coal. This undercut extended the entire width of the entry, room or corridor which, as explained earlier, was from ten to eighteen feet. The miner then drilled holes to the depth of the undercut with a long drill called an auger. It resembles a cork screw and crune in lengths from five to eight feet. These holes were packed with black powder or dynamite and ignited with either a lighted squab (a fireworks type of lighter) or a blasting cap ignited by an electric charge. When the coal was blasted loose, the miner would break up the larger lumps (if any remained) and then shovel the coal into a mine car that he had pushed into his place (room) by hand . On occasion the car was pulled into his area by mules or horses. The above method of work continued every day. The miner spent most of his time in the crouched position or on his knees. He was the recipient of many bruises, cuts, scars, swellings and soreness. If the average citizen went through one such week , he would appreciate the �102 SLOVAKIA position of the miner when he fought for a union, and then utilized the union by means of strikes and walk-outs to achieve his goal of a decent wage for his efforts . Even into the 1930s coal miners went into the mines before daybreak and returned after dark. In a six-day week the only time the miner saw daylight was on Sunday. He had to work these long hours to provide food and clothing for his family. For these efforts he received 25 cents per hour and less than 25 cents per ton of loaded coal. Few miners made the sum of $5.00 per day. In those days, a father, uncle or brother took on the task of "breaking in " a new miner. If a boy entered the mine for training under a stranger, he got his identification check number on a "boycar '' basis which was generally every third mine car loaded. There also was an established custom whereby a companydesignated "weigh boss" (who was generally a " master " at "shortweighing" or "losing" car checks for the convenience of mine management) was employed as an official. He had the added crude duty of giving a miner a " dirty coal" slip. This indicated a loaded minecar of coal would be deducted, lost, or the workman would be given a day off for "loading dirty coal," or possibly discharged from his employment. One can readily see how easily it could become convenient to lay off or discharge a miner who was pro-union or an "agitator" at any given time. In a number of cases, the mine worker made a side agreement with the officials whereby he would be given some preferences as to the number of mine cars allotted to him or the ''privilege'' to work on days the mine was not scheduled for work. The mine foreman or his assistant thus became involved in many situations not of their own choosing. Is it any wonder that in a mine foreman examination, as recently as 1971, the question was asked as to what qualifications, other than those required by mining laws, a mine foreman should possess? One applicant, apparently of the old school, actually wrote, "He has to be a liar and a thief." (This was not the proper answer for the examination.) The physical conditions under which .t he pre-1920 coal miner had to perform his assigned duties were nothing short of atrocious. There was a poor, or the absolute minimum, supply of available timber to support the mine roof, and mine ventilation ·and direction of air to the working places of the miner was far below the minimum legally required standards of even that time . There were days on which a mine ventilating fan was in operation only part of the day when miners were �SLOVAKIA 103 actually in the mine. There were stoppings (walls) in crosscuts built to force air to work areas made of bone coal (impure) . These stoppages leaked like sieves which defeated the purpose of the stopping. There were areas where wprkmen had to fan the explosive smoke with their coats or coal shovels so tha\ they could see well enough to load their mine cars. There were situations where men used open-type carbide lamps that could ignite explosive gas . There were other situations where unsafe and open-type mining machinery was used, and where requirements for clearances along locomotives, mine cars and mine entries were abused or ignored. In other situations workmen were permitted to use black blasting powder for blasting coal and rock. The blasting shots fired in the work area resembled a " Fourth of July" celebration . There were cases where mine officials visited the mine workmen only once a week , once a year or when the mine inspector was in the area. Other times they visited the work areas only after an emergency or accident . The miners thought of as dumb "Hunkies," " Dagos ," or "Polacks " we re treated as an expendable commodity. When expended , it was only necessary to send to the old country for another boat-load of greenhorns. In those early days of mining when one walked down the main entry and heard the voices of the workers, one could envision the Tower of Babel or a gathering at the United Nations. From room to room the language shifted from Polish to Slovak, from German to Welsh , from Serbian to German, from Croatian to Italian, and sometimes to English, but usually a broken variety. One could spend a month in the mines without hearing one proper English sentence. Mining terminology took on ethnic overtones such as " hunky wedge," "scotch block ," "dago dolly," and "hunky pump ." In addition to this, coal mining terms, or language , varied (still does) from one mining area to another. For instance , the low-coal men in Pennsylvania call a temporary roof support a "prop" while the high-coal miners in the same state call it a ' 'post,' ' though their meaning and purpose are synonymous. This type of terminology was accepted by members of all ethnic groups in that locale . These expressions in the mines sound like another language , and any man from the street or from the news media would be fortunate to recognize ten percent of them . There are several terms which denote the quality of the atmosphere in the mines. Few people outside the mines could interpret the expression, " we need air," for the request to improve the ventilation of the work area by extending the line brattice (temporary wall) or canvas check curtain to force air into a required area . Similarly the �104 SLOVAKIA term "I found gas" in a miner's language means that he noted some evidence of methane on his flame safety lamp or on the methane detector. A third term, ' ' black damp,'' denotes a high content of carbon dioxide or a deficiency of oxygen (usually less than 15 percent). The term "hunky wedge" was derived from a patient workman who tapered a short piece of wood to fit over a mine post (prop) to make it secure and aid in controlling the mine roof. At a later date these wooden wedges were known as cap pieces, and were prepared by the sawmill and brought to the worker ready for use. The pressure of the earth and rock above the coal seam squeezes this coal seam until it breaks up and crumbles, especially when there are large spaces of unsupported roof. As the different rooms ran their ultimate distance as determined by good mining practices or limits of (mineral) rights, the "ribs" of coal left between the rooms were finally removed. The removal of these ribs or stumps was an art with the early pick-coal men. They brought the roof pressure to bear upon a block of coal which eliminated the hard pick work. The expressions for this operation were "easy coal" or "push coal." The miners who performed this operation were called "stump men." Althouh the work was easier in this area and the pay better, it was also more dangerous since there was the constant danger of being trapped or crushed by the falling rocks from the roof. A good "stump man" controlled the caving for his own safety. The term "dago-dolly" was used to describe a device which was invented to move the heavy steel rails into their positions in the mine track. Initially, the miner pulled the rail with his hands or his pick. Some miner developed a two-wheeled conveyance with attached handle and grip on the rail. This reduced the back-breaking work of pulling rails into place. The "hunky pump " was a horizontal-stoked pump that had to be operated manually to remove the water from the working place so that the miner could lay on the mine floor to dig the undercut in his coal. In many cases, the miner would go into the mines by 5 a.m. and begin pumping the water out of his place so that he could begin mining coal at 7 a.m. with the other miners . Again, this work of pumping was done without pay. \ There are many " holes " in mining terniinology_and they caused confusion to those outside the mining community. " Dog hole " was a mine operated into the hillside. It had poor ventilation ; was poorly maintained and usually employed those workers nobody else would hire . They were run on a shoe-string and usually produced coal for home use . " Man hole " is synonymous with a shelter hole or a hole in �105 SLOVAKIA the rib of coal. Aftimes, tbe miner, walking along the entry way, was faced with on-coming (or koing) traffic or locomotive and coal cars , either empty or loaded. Since these entry ways were narrow and the cars rolled, a hole was cut into the entry wall or rib to accommodate from one to three miners . Since these were spaced at specified distances, at the sound of the trip (string) of cars , the miner would seek out the nearest man hole. Incidently, the word locomotive was rarely used . The machine used to pull cars was simply referred to as •'the motor." The "dinner-hole" was generally a main side track off the main entry or so-called cross-cut. At this area men gathered to eat their lunches and there they hung their favorite pin-ups (obtained from calendars) or drew their own nudes with white chalk on the coal surface. This art resembles that found in public toilets today. The name •'tickle-back'' was given to those low-seamed coal mines that were less than 36 inches in height. Some were. as low as 28 to 29 inches . It wasn 't any wonder than the miner had numerous sores covering his back where he hit the uneven places on the mine roof. The unusual expression "to set a crib" has nothing to do with preparing a bed for the baby. It was one of most effective means of supporting the roof by erecting a framework of 5" x5"x30" wooden blocks at strategic places in a grill-work fashion. The term was also used when the individual miner filled in one side of his emptied work place with rock, slate and dirty coal and cribbed the ends to build up a wall like appearance. This was also called the • gob '' pile . The miner's light in the evaluation of mining has had a number of terms . The pit lamp, bug lamp , carbide lamp and cap lamp are examples of these. The pit and carbide lamps are practically extinct and will shortly be found only in the museums of mining. The battery powered light has completely taken over. The term "shooting off the solid" was an illegal and unsafe practice employed by some miners who wished to avoid the timeconsuming and back-breaking work of under-cutting the coal in preparation for blasting. The process was simply that of drilling holes in the solid coal near the roof or floor and blasting it loose with explosives. The danger in this process was that since the coal had no place to move, at times the pressure of the concussion broke the slate or rock of the roof and made it unsafe for the miner. The term hand me the persuader'' was not referring to a whip for animals or humans but a sledge hammer used by the so-called mechanics who were in a hurry. They used them to drive shafts , gears , etc. into their proper alignment. Such a sight would have caused the 1 11 �106 SLOVAKIA inventor of that machine to tum over in his grave. The sledge was the answer to all difficult problems. The term "yellow boy" was and is used in conjunction with iron pyrites found in the mine water. It clogs the pipe lines and sump areas and is a nemesis to the present environmentalist. The '' go devil'' is the apparatus which is used to ream this material out of the pipes. It may be a simple rod, wire or spring or it may be attached to a motor which turns it in a boring fashion . The term "black damp" was explained earlier. The term was taken from the ancient term " damp of darkness " and means a condition where there is less than 15 percent oxygen or where carbon dioxide exists in heavy concentrations in the mine atmosphere. It probably got its name by ''putting someone's lights out.'' In contrast to this, the term "white damp" was a name for carbon monoxide and "stink damp " was the presence of hydrogen sulphide. As any high school chemistry student knows, this latter material had the odor of rotten eggs. " Bug dust" has nothing to do with insecticides. This dust is the result of machine mining and the breaking up of the coal seam into fine particles. After machine mining this fine dust must be removed from the undercut of coal. This permits the explosive to work more effectively by blasting the coal away from the mine roof. Some of the terms heard about the mine had meanings related to mining but not to the actual work of the mines. One such term was the " hoot-owl" shift from 11 p .m. to 7 a.m., or midnight to 8 a.m. Miners usually rotated shifts and this was the one disliked by most since it was impossible to become acclimated to a change in sleeping hours every three weeks. The expression, " today the eagle shifts, " was a wellknown expression for payday in the mines. Also , on his way home he might "stop at the grab, " which meant to stop at the company store. The name was derived from the fact that the company store grabbed all they earned. While at the store they bought "dog meat" for the lunch pails . This was the cheapest form of ground meat, a form of bologna. In addition to the terms above the miners had some descriptive nicknames for each other. It was not unusu~l to meet "Cadillac Joe ," " Quick-Steps, " "Moose, " or " Shorty, " as ope walked along a " mantrip" which was ready to enter the mines. Only the cowboys of the old West had such descriptive names for each other. Thus, it is evident that the coal miners actually do have a language which only other miners understand. I believe it would be appropriate for the media to become conversant with the language of the mines , especially when describing a mine disaster. � FICTION ��SLOVAKIA 93 Reminiscences of a Slovak Miner GEORGE P. RESICK What has been and what is now the environment of the rough , tough , and hard-working ' 'man of the earth' '? How did he live in the 1800s and early 1900s, lifting himself by his very bootstraps by means of his miner's union in his earnest desire to make his life better and to become accepted at least as a middle-class American? He came from nearly every ethnic group possible - the Welsh, Irish , Slovaks , Scots , Poles , Hungarians , Italians, Blacks and others. He was often referred to as a dumb "Hunky," Dago , Griener, Johnny Bull and other names which caused many verbal and physical battles . Although the modern Black man rightly feels the injustice of discrimination , a member of these other ethnic groups , too, had to come through many a heartbreak as to " what side of town " he could live in, what games he could participate in, and in what section of the school room he could be seated. Even when he came to the mines his ethnic background determined the section of the mine he was to be assigned to and the classification of the work within this area. This period of discrimination was shortened by inter-marriages between ethnic groups and the desire by individuals in all ethnic groups to achieve success in their work. Athletics served as a social elevator for many , since work and athletics were the center of community activities. Before too long, it was discovered that the word " dumb, " as related to the miner and his family , was in essence a lack of education rather than intelligence . The processes of increased educational opportunities and greater social acceptance were extremely slow. Few sons or daughters of miners finished high school prior to 1930. Education ended for them the day they obtained their ' 'working papers. ' ' The sons went to the mines and the daughters to factories, stores or to domestic service. In the entire community of three thousand in which the author was born and reared there were probably less than six miners ' children who went to college prior to 1932. Only one teacher in this same community was college-educated. In retrospect, it is heart-rending to recall how few of the ethnicgroup parents could either read or write in any language, let alone English. Many could not even sign for their pay checks but simply marked an X for their signatures . Because of this, they were open game �94 SLOVAKIA for the "con" artist who took advantage of the uneducated. Letters were written for them and read to them until their own children obtained the minimal education to perform this function. These brave, strong people migrated to this country for the expressed purpose of ''the right to work as a free individual'' and to have the right to worship God in the way they choose. Although history records great people and movements, it must be pointed out that a vital part of the growth of this nation was due to groups such as miners , farmers, etc. who became the backbone of the industrial complex. The brave miner has played his part in bringing this nation to its leadership position in the world today. The road to recognition was not a rosy one for the miner and his family when one recalls his early environment: the rows of company houses or the so-called "patch," some of which still exist; the traditional little outhouse (two-seater) in the backyard; the two chimneys for the cooking and heating stoves; the place behind one of these stoves for the Saturday night bath in a galvanized tub; the two or three beds where a family of five to ten was "accommodated" - three to a bed; the backyard garden of nearly every family which became a necessity for summer existence and for preserving some food stuff for winter or when ''work was slow''; the coal shed and chicken coop or pig sty in the backyard; the many ingenious ideas for survival, such as picking berries, wild-roots, chestnuts and other free foods. The " company house " was part of the vicious circle by which the coal company completely controlled the life of the miner. These houses were unpainted clapboard of the cheapest construction, all identical. It wasn 't unusual for a drunken miner to enter the wrong house since the only difference was his house's position in the row . The more fortunate had water in the kitchen but practically none of them had sanitary facilities. The company rarely repaired the houses and, since the miner didn 't own them, maintenance was always minimal. These homes were often inhabited by rats, mice, roaches, ants and flies , which destroyed some of the food badly needed by the family. These facts were brought out clearly in recent years when the coal companies sold these houses to the miners. A dramatic change took ~lace and the houses immediately improved immeasurably . _ A picture of the miner's environment wouldn 't be complete without comment on the special row of company houses for the mine administrators , which included the superintendent (super), the pit boss and the fire boss. These men were the "elite" of the mining camps , and their houses the envy of . the miners since they included indoor toilets, indoor baths and a central furnace (they usually were furnished �SLOVAKIA 95 free coal). The residents of these homes dressed well and didn't have to resort to placing cardboard in the soles of their shoes to protect their feet. Even a more integral part of the vicious circle was the company store. Its only parallel in modem society is the loan shark business. If ever a story were written by a company store manager it would be as startling as any in the country's history. The coal company store surely must be given recognition as one of the initiators of the credit card system. To this day many ~odem coal miners absolutely forbid their wives to have credit cards or establish credit at legitimate stores because of their memories of the company store. There were numerous families who lived in virtual slavery due to the fact that they lived in the company house, shopped at the company store and worked in the company mine. If the coal company had a store, the miner was forced to shop at the store or seek employment elsewhere . The coal company used "scrip," a written order for the amount of the miner's earnings for the day. The man's wife could then go to the store to purchase the bare necessities to keep the family alive. The prices at the company store were always much higher than the independent stores in the area. The company store stocked every item possible to keep the miner from finding an excuse to visit any other local merchant, except the town saloon. This latter precaution was unnecessary since the miner rarely got any of his salary in cash, except for a required monetary remuneration which usually amounted to one dollar. The company store never needed to advertise or have "sales." It had a ' 'captive'' clientele which allowed the store manager to raise prices beyond normal to show management an increased profit. As the miner's union became stronger in the early 1930s, it slowly brought the demise of one of the most vicious of the '' free enterprise ' ' systems in the history of this nation. Even then it was a slow death, as mine officials would remind the miner that he must buy something at the company store. The miner usually agreed to purchase some furniture or appliance from the company store and to have a minimum of $10 taken from his earnings each payday. Slowly, however, the company store died out since it could not compete with the open market. What a vicious circle had been the lot of the entrapped miner: no job unless he bought at the store; usually no cash left on payday which meant he couldn't move; the mine operator making the profits on his productive work, his store purchases and the rental of his home. The miner was virtually a captive in a free society. If the "Union " never accomplished another thing, it certainly lifted the "yoke of indebtedness" from the shoulders of the miner by �96 SLOVAKIA combatting the effects of the company store on his life. These disgraceful conditions still exist in some small mining communities where the coal company owns all the property, including the stores and gas stations. They literally "own the town." However, in most mining communities now, many stores are operated by individuals in open competition with company stores. Try to imagine, if you can, the plight of a coal miner's family of four to fourteen children, all of them dependent upon the wages of the father-miner. Imagine the impossibility of providing a proper diet on the father's wages of from $1.50 to $3.50 per day. To do this he even went into the mines on days that the mine was not in operation. He would stock (store) coal and take up the bottom or top rock to permit him to lay his new track. He performed all this so that he might be ready to load coal on work days and keep up with the alloted number of mine cars assigned to him. He would walk into the mines several hours before starting time (7 a.m.) on workdays to hand pump (or remove with a bucket) the water that had accumulated in his place of work. He did this without pay. How did the miner and his family manage? Without a doubt, it wasn 't easy, and in some cases he didn 't manage. Many of the miners' families died before they reached the age of ·50, although life expectancy was much higher in this country. The only way they survived even to that age was that the typical mother would make certain, by one means or another, that a bag of flour, a bag of potatoes, some cabbage, beans, cornmeal and a few other staples were on hand. These mothers were masters of ingenuity on how to make cabbage, beans and flour into mouth-watering delicacies for their children . But they had to serve the same foods so often that, in later years, the children detested the very sight of these foods. In these present times one reads of poverty, relief, food stamps, etc. but in all the years since the author 's boyhood there has been no poverty that could in any way compare to that of the early days in the mining community. How did these people survive? Those that did had outside food sources such as a few chickens , a pig or cow. On the days the mines were idle, the miner became a gardener ~d raised fresh vegetables. He spent many hours planting, weeding, reII].oving ii?-sects (insecticides were not in use then). Some of those garde_n s would have compared favorably with the experimental gardens run by the Department of Agriculture . The miner also became a hunter and a fisherman, not for the sport itself, but for the food it provided for his family. This did not reduce in way the pleasures of the activity. In some critical periods the father-miner and his sons became thieves, visiting local farms at night �SLOVAKIA 97 and stealing chickens, com and fruit in order to survive. Some of them were caught, beaten or jailed, and then their families were in deep difficulty since they (those caught) could not earn the pittance available to them. What type of man is this who lived through the conditions described above, and still today goes deep into the bowels of the earth to earn his living? The aver~ge coal miner was and is hardworking, tough talking, sometimes hard drinking, and many times a deliberate braggard . He can load a tremendous tonnage of coal and later stand at his favorite bar with his mining buddies. In fact, sometimes it seemed as though the coal dust was ankle-deep near the bar. In the '' cross-cut dinner hole ' ' of the mines, he brags about his tremendous conquests of women. This is depicted in his graffiti drawn with white chalk upon the black coal or rock walls or roof. He is direct rather than devious and obscure. This point is well illustrated by the comment of a young miner, who, when discussing his relationship with women, said that upon meeting a woman in whom he was interested he immediately asked her if she " screwed." When asked if he didn't get his face slapped, he replied "often, but on the other hand you'd be surprised how often I got a positive answer ." He may better be described by the poem entitled ' 'Lust.' ' He grabbed me round my slender neck I could not call or scream. He dragged me to this dingy room Where we would not be seen. He tore away my flimsy wrap and looked upon my form. I was so cold and damp and scared, While he was hot and warm. He drained me of my very self, I could not make him stop . His feverish lips he pressed to mine; I gave him every drop . He made me what I am today, That's why you find me here , A broken bottle thrown away That was once full of beer. Anon. This author has been employed as a coal miner, mine official, mine inspector and coal operator for more than 44 years and cannot help but �98 SLOVAKIA feel that the American public has had a mistaken image of the coal miner. This may be due to reports and articles written by writers who lack insight and experience in the mining industry. A true story may illustrate this point. A coal miner's son met and became interested in a New York banker's daughter while attending the same college. Eventually the banker invited the family to visit them in New York. Upon seeing the coal miner, one of the banker's first remarks was ''You aren't at all what I expected!" What had he expected? Did he expect a dirty, uncouth and stupid individual often portrayed in the media? In reality the average miner is a hard worker; he is honest with a sharp and inventive mind; he is cooperative and, in most instances, religious. He is probably cleaner than many white or blue collar workers since he is forced to bathe everyday. Unfortunately his lack of opportunity for education has been confused with the lack of motivation for an education. This is now changed and the educational level among the miners has risen drastically in the last score of years. His higher salary scale now enables him to live at the middle-class level of society . In the early days of mining, in order to eke out a living, many a miner did not hesitate to get up as early as 3 a.m., walk into the mine with only water in his dinner pail, and begin his preliminary work. He, at times, shifted as many as ten loaded coal cars in order to get the one empty car left from the previous day's work. If there were no empty cars available for loading, he performed many time-consuming tasks known as "dead work" since it was done without pay. These tasks included taking up the bottom rock for additional height, laying the track, setting the safety timbers, removing water from the work area, cleaning slate and impurities from the coal to be loaded, and even piling coal in areas to permit more rapid loading, since the only thing that counted, and for which he was paid, was the actual coal he loaded into the cars . All this preliminary work w~s done so that he would "have the jump on his fellow miners" when the day's work actually started . When one considers all this so-called "dead work ," isn't it natural that the miner demanded more, or at least some pay , for his "dead work"? This is one of the underlying reasons that the miner formed and supported his union . Many of these early miners did more free (dead work) before the starting time of 7 a.m. than do many of the modern miners at their hourly rate of six and seven dollars per hour. At times an unexpected rockfall would consume most of his working day and this had an immediate effect on his family since it was directly connected with the food purchases for that day. �SLOVAKIA 99 The wife and mother, .too, got up at this time (or earlier) to see that her husband had his break{ast if food was available , and to pack the lunch pail when food was plentiful. After her husband left for work, she began a back-breaking day of kneading and baking bread, washing clothes and wringing them out by hand to be hung out to dry. After an hour or two she would awaken the children and supervise their preparation for school which included the everlasting job of mending to hold the threads of their garments together. Her work continued until she was ready for her trip to the weigh-scales to obtain a slip for the coal her husband loaded that day. This slip would determine how much food would be available for the family that night and the next day. On the days the rock fell to interfere with the loading of coal, the soup was thinner and the dish of beans and meat was mostly beans. The best time of her day was when the children came from school and the closing whistle sounded from the mines. The worst times in her life were when the mine whistle blew before the regular quitting time. This meant that there was trouble in the mines , and a shiver went down the collective spines of all the wives in the community. It usually meant an injury, with a loss of earning power, or that at least one or more of the women would be widows with a family to rear. One of the saddest sights in the world is a gatheimg of the babushka-headed wives in their vigil during the period that their husbands are entombed by an explosion or cavein. An ode of songs was written about Floyd Collins, a cave explorer, who was caught in a cave fall-in, but no such ode or song was ever written about the Joe Slowboski's who, while pinned under a rock fall, have their still live flesh eaten by the rats which inhabit the mines. A description of the early coal miner's apparel seems to be in order here . His wearing apparel has and will continue to change almost as frequently as the equipment and machinery with which he labors. The well-dressed miner wore the very conventional bib-overalls (now in style with the teenagers) , a cloth or canvas cap with a leather frontal attachment for his carbide lamp, soft-toed miner's boots, a pair of gauntlet gloves , and a denim jacket with at least four pockets so he could carry his carbide-cader (container), blasting caps, blasting powder, squibs (a predecessor of the blasting cap), lamp cleaning tools, and his ever-present " railroad type" watch attached to a chain and placed carefully in the left breast pocket. However, the poor miner was not dressed in this fashion . He wore a pair of his old suit pants , patched or re-patched many times. His shirt was probably one of his discarded hunting shirts, and his shoes were discarded dress shoes repaired by tacking pieces of leather or rubber on the soles and heels . He didn 't wear gloves , but had, instead, a pair of well-calloused hands complete �100 SLOVAKIA with bruised knuckles and fingers . He couldn't afford a watch and he carried all the equipment described above in a 25 pound sugar sack. A new miner (a "greenie" ) was rapidly spotted by his unmarked apparel and the appearance of his hands . The dress of the modern miner is quite different. If the weather is cold he will be wearing insulated underwear, a matched shirt and trouser outfit , hard-toed shoes or boots (with steel plates for safety) a pair of denim cover-alls, wrist-cuff gloves , special leg bands to keep the trouser legs from contacting moving chains or ropes, a special strong plastic hard-hat with an attachment clip for his battery-powered headlamp, a wide leather belt with attachments for his lamp batter, self rescue kit and a few tools. For a time-piece he wears a shock-proof wrist watch. He is provided with a dust respirator that aids in keeping him from getting his lungs loaded with fine dust particles. In certain periods he must wear a dust counter to show the fine <lush count surrounding his work area. When fully dressed with all this special equipment, he is carrying an additional weight of about fifteen pounds. The mine official or mine inspector will be carrying, in addition , a flame safety , a methane detector, an anenometer, a roof testing stick. This additional equipment weighs about twenty-five pounds above that of the clothing. An eight-hour shift with that equipment is fatiguing without any actual work . The early miner was a pick and shovel miner and the "low coal" miner will be depicted here since the author's early experiences were in the low coal field. The mine can best be described as an underground city with the main mine entries as the city's boulevards. The mine's butt, or cross entries, are compared with a city's side streets and the mine ' s crosscuts as the city's narrow streets or alley ways. Along the main entries , side entries and cross cuts are located the pump stations, sub-stations , supply houses , dispatcher 's room and foreman's office. These stimulate the stores and business houses on the surface. As in the city , transportation is an important part of life in the mines . The mine tracks, locomotives , strings of coal cars, powered trolley feeder lines , telephone lines, walkie-talkie equi}iment all play a vital role in this function. Even the rush of the currents 'Of air passing continuously along the entries reminds one of standing on a comer in Pittsburgh , Columbus or Chicago on a breezy March morning. When one adds the waterlines, airlines, rock-dust boreholes and other accommodations , one has the complete " Bowel City, U.S.A. " However, in order to understand fully the miner 's environment one must concentrate on the underground streets , side streets and alleys. These were usually 12 to 18 feet wide and ranged from 28 inches to 10 feet in height. It is within �SLOVAKIA 101 this locale that the miner must perform his assigned duties. In the low coal seruns (under 50 inches) the miner spent most of his workshift of eight hours on his knees or in a crouched position. He could only stretch out by lying down or going out to the main heading (entry) where additional height permitted standing room for at least the shorter miners. Miners in the high-seruned coal mines could work in the standing position. In all coal mines, the miner worked under an immediate cover of various types of slate, shale, sand rock or other rock formations such as one might observe in a "rock cut" along a modern highway. The lowcoal miner, working within a height of less than 50 inches, did most of his work with a dual-pointed pick and a broad, flat shovel. He had the srune feel for his own pick and shovel as does the concert violinist for his own bow. He made his work area safer by placing props (sawed-off trees) between the floor and roof. These were made tight by a wooden wedge driven along the roof which served as a cap on the prop. These roof supports were placed at distances determined by safety laws and the wishes of the mine officials. Although the purpose of these props was to keep the roof from caving in and falling upon him, many miners did not put up these supports if they interfered with their loading operation. The pick-miner would dig down all the loose coal from the front and side walls of the coal seam. He would then lie on the mine floor, many times in small pools of water, to undermine the "face of the coal seam'' to a depth of three, four or five feet. This undercut near the face was about twelve to fifteen inches in height to permit the head, arms and shoulders to intrude underneath the undercut coal. This undercut extended the entire width of the entry, room or corridor which, as explained earlier, was from ten to eighteen feet. The miner then drilled holes to the depth of the undercut with a long drill called an auger. It resembles a cork screw and crune in lengths from five to eight feet. These holes were packed with black powder or dynamite and ignited with either a lighted squab (a fireworks type of lighter) or a blasting cap ignited by an electric charge. When the coal was blasted loose, the miner would break up the larger lumps (if any remained) and then shovel the coal into a mine car that he had pushed into his place (room) by hand . On occasion the car was pulled into his area by mules or horses. The above method of work continued every day. The miner spent most of his time in the crouched position or on his knees. He was the recipient of many bruises, cuts, scars, swellings and soreness. If the average citizen went through one such week , he would appreciate the �102 SLOVAKIA position of the miner when he fought for a union, and then utilized the union by means of strikes and walk-outs to achieve his goal of a decent wage for his efforts . Even into the 1930s coal miners went into the mines before daybreak and returned after dark. In a six-day week the only time the miner saw daylight was on Sunday. He had to work these long hours to provide food and clothing for his family. For these efforts he received 25 cents per hour and less than 25 cents per ton of loaded coal. Few miners made the sum of $5.00 per day. In those days, a father, uncle or brother took on the task of "breaking in " a new miner. If a boy entered the mine for training under a stranger, he got his identification check number on a "boycar '' basis which was generally every third mine car loaded. There also was an established custom whereby a companydesignated "weigh boss" (who was generally a " master " at "shortweighing" or "losing" car checks for the convenience of mine management) was employed as an official. He had the added crude duty of giving a miner a " dirty coal" slip. This indicated a loaded minecar of coal would be deducted, lost, or the workman would be given a day off for "loading dirty coal," or possibly discharged from his employment. One can readily see how easily it could become convenient to lay off or discharge a miner who was pro-union or an "agitator" at any given time. In a number of cases, the mine worker made a side agreement with the officials whereby he would be given some preferences as to the number of mine cars allotted to him or the ''privilege'' to work on days the mine was not scheduled for work. The mine foreman or his assistant thus became involved in many situations not of their own choosing. Is it any wonder that in a mine foreman examination, as recently as 1971, the question was asked as to what qualifications, other than those required by mining laws, a mine foreman should possess? One applicant, apparently of the old school, actually wrote, "He has to be a liar and a thief." (This was not the proper answer for the examination.) The physical conditions under which .t he pre-1920 coal miner had to perform his assigned duties were nothing short of atrocious. There was a poor, or the absolute minimum, supply of available timber to support the mine roof, and mine ventilation ·and direction of air to the working places of the miner was far below the minimum legally required standards of even that time . There were days on which a mine ventilating fan was in operation only part of the day when miners were �SLOVAKIA 103 actually in the mine. There were stoppings (walls) in crosscuts built to force air to work areas made of bone coal (impure) . These stoppages leaked like sieves which defeated the purpose of the stopping. There were areas where wprkmen had to fan the explosive smoke with their coats or coal shovels so tha\ they could see well enough to load their mine cars. There were situations where men used open-type carbide lamps that could ignite explosive gas . There were other situations where unsafe and open-type mining machinery was used, and where requirements for clearances along locomotives, mine cars and mine entries were abused or ignored. In other situations workmen were permitted to use black blasting powder for blasting coal and rock. The blasting shots fired in the work area resembled a " Fourth of July" celebration . There were cases where mine officials visited the mine workmen only once a week , once a year or when the mine inspector was in the area. Other times they visited the work areas only after an emergency or accident . The miners thought of as dumb "Hunkies," " Dagos ," or "Polacks " we re treated as an expendable commodity. When expended , it was only necessary to send to the old country for another boat-load of greenhorns. In those early days of mining when one walked down the main entry and heard the voices of the workers, one could envision the Tower of Babel or a gathering at the United Nations. From room to room the language shifted from Polish to Slovak, from German to Welsh , from Serbian to German, from Croatian to Italian, and sometimes to English, but usually a broken variety. One could spend a month in the mines without hearing one proper English sentence. Mining terminology took on ethnic overtones such as " hunky wedge," "scotch block ," "dago dolly," and "hunky pump ." In addition to this, coal mining terms, or language , varied (still does) from one mining area to another. For instance , the low-coal men in Pennsylvania call a temporary roof support a "prop" while the high-coal miners in the same state call it a ' 'post,' ' though their meaning and purpose are synonymous. This type of terminology was accepted by members of all ethnic groups in that locale . These expressions in the mines sound like another language , and any man from the street or from the news media would be fortunate to recognize ten percent of them . There are several terms which denote the quality of the atmosphere in the mines. Few people outside the mines could interpret the expression, " we need air," for the request to improve the ventilation of the work area by extending the line brattice (temporary wall) or canvas check curtain to force air into a required area . Similarly the �104 SLOVAKIA term "I found gas" in a miner's language means that he noted some evidence of methane on his flame safety lamp or on the methane detector. A third term, ' ' black damp,'' denotes a high content of carbon dioxide or a deficiency of oxygen (usually less than 15 percent). The term "hunky wedge" was derived from a patient workman who tapered a short piece of wood to fit over a mine post (prop) to make it secure and aid in controlling the mine roof. At a later date these wooden wedges were known as cap pieces, and were prepared by the sawmill and brought to the worker ready for use. The pressure of the earth and rock above the coal seam squeezes this coal seam until it breaks up and crumbles, especially when there are large spaces of unsupported roof. As the different rooms ran their ultimate distance as determined by good mining practices or limits of (mineral) rights, the "ribs" of coal left between the rooms were finally removed. The removal of these ribs or stumps was an art with the early pick-coal men. They brought the roof pressure to bear upon a block of coal which eliminated the hard pick work. The expressions for this operation were "easy coal" or "push coal." The miners who performed this operation were called "stump men." Althouh the work was easier in this area and the pay better, it was also more dangerous since there was the constant danger of being trapped or crushed by the falling rocks from the roof. A good "stump man" controlled the caving for his own safety. The term "dago-dolly" was used to describe a device which was invented to move the heavy steel rails into their positions in the mine track. Initially, the miner pulled the rail with his hands or his pick. Some miner developed a two-wheeled conveyance with attached handle and grip on the rail. This reduced the back-breaking work of pulling rails into place. The "hunky pump " was a horizontal-stoked pump that had to be operated manually to remove the water from the working place so that the miner could lay on the mine floor to dig the undercut in his coal. In many cases, the miner would go into the mines by 5 a.m. and begin pumping the water out of his place so that he could begin mining coal at 7 a.m. with the other miners . Again, this work of pumping was done without pay. \ There are many " holes " in mining terniinology_and they caused confusion to those outside the mining community. " Dog hole " was a mine operated into the hillside. It had poor ventilation ; was poorly maintained and usually employed those workers nobody else would hire . They were run on a shoe-string and usually produced coal for home use . " Man hole " is synonymous with a shelter hole or a hole in �105 SLOVAKIA the rib of coal. Aftimes, tbe miner, walking along the entry way, was faced with on-coming (or koing) traffic or locomotive and coal cars , either empty or loaded. Since these entry ways were narrow and the cars rolled, a hole was cut into the entry wall or rib to accommodate from one to three miners . Since these were spaced at specified distances, at the sound of the trip (string) of cars , the miner would seek out the nearest man hole. Incidently, the word locomotive was rarely used . The machine used to pull cars was simply referred to as •'the motor." The "dinner-hole" was generally a main side track off the main entry or so-called cross-cut. At this area men gathered to eat their lunches and there they hung their favorite pin-ups (obtained from calendars) or drew their own nudes with white chalk on the coal surface. This art resembles that found in public toilets today. The name •'tickle-back'' was given to those low-seamed coal mines that were less than 36 inches in height. Some were. as low as 28 to 29 inches . It wasn 't any wonder than the miner had numerous sores covering his back where he hit the uneven places on the mine roof. The unusual expression "to set a crib" has nothing to do with preparing a bed for the baby. It was one of most effective means of supporting the roof by erecting a framework of 5" x5"x30" wooden blocks at strategic places in a grill-work fashion. The term was also used when the individual miner filled in one side of his emptied work place with rock, slate and dirty coal and cribbed the ends to build up a wall like appearance. This was also called the • gob '' pile . The miner's light in the evaluation of mining has had a number of terms . The pit lamp, bug lamp , carbide lamp and cap lamp are examples of these. The pit and carbide lamps are practically extinct and will shortly be found only in the museums of mining. The battery powered light has completely taken over. The term "shooting off the solid" was an illegal and unsafe practice employed by some miners who wished to avoid the timeconsuming and back-breaking work of under-cutting the coal in preparation for blasting. The process was simply that of drilling holes in the solid coal near the roof or floor and blasting it loose with explosives. The danger in this process was that since the coal had no place to move, at times the pressure of the concussion broke the slate or rock of the roof and made it unsafe for the miner. The term hand me the persuader'' was not referring to a whip for animals or humans but a sledge hammer used by the so-called mechanics who were in a hurry. They used them to drive shafts , gears , etc. into their proper alignment. Such a sight would have caused the 1 11 �106 SLOVAKIA inventor of that machine to tum over in his grave. The sledge was the answer to all difficult problems. The term "yellow boy" was and is used in conjunction with iron pyrites found in the mine water. It clogs the pipe lines and sump areas and is a nemesis to the present environmentalist. The '' go devil'' is the apparatus which is used to ream this material out of the pipes. It may be a simple rod, wire or spring or it may be attached to a motor which turns it in a boring fashion . The term "black damp" was explained earlier. The term was taken from the ancient term " damp of darkness " and means a condition where there is less than 15 percent oxygen or where carbon dioxide exists in heavy concentrations in the mine atmosphere. It probably got its name by ''putting someone's lights out.'' In contrast to this, the term "white damp" was a name for carbon monoxide and "stink damp " was the presence of hydrogen sulphide. As any high school chemistry student knows, this latter material had the odor of rotten eggs. " Bug dust" has nothing to do with insecticides. This dust is the result of machine mining and the breaking up of the coal seam into fine particles. After machine mining this fine dust must be removed from the undercut of coal. This permits the explosive to work more effectively by blasting the coal away from the mine roof. Some of the terms heard about the mine had meanings related to mining but not to the actual work of the mines. One such term was the " hoot-owl" shift from 11 p .m. to 7 a.m., or midnight to 8 a.m. Miners usually rotated shifts and this was the one disliked by most since it was impossible to become acclimated to a change in sleeping hours every three weeks. The expression, " today the eagle shifts, " was a wellknown expression for payday in the mines. Also , on his way home he might "stop at the grab, " which meant to stop at the company store. The name was derived from the fact that the company store grabbed all they earned. While at the store they bought "dog meat" for the lunch pails . This was the cheapest form of ground meat, a form of bologna. In addition to the terms above the miners had some descriptive nicknames for each other. It was not unusu~l to meet "Cadillac Joe ," " Quick-Steps, " "Moose, " or " Shorty, " as ope walked along a " mantrip" which was ready to enter the mines. Only the cowboys of the old West had such descriptive names for each other. Thus, it is evident that the coal miners actually do have a language which only other miners understand. I believe it would be appropriate for the media to become conversant with the language of the mines , especially when describing a mine disaster. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1978-79, Vol. 28 Description An account of the resource Vol. 28 (No. 51-52), 1978-79. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1978-79 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document FICTION SLOVAKIA 93 Reminiscences of a Slovak Miner GEORGE P. RESICK What has been and what is now the environment of the rough , tough , and hard-working ' 'man of the earth' '? How did he live in the 1800s and early 1900s, lifting himself by his very bootstraps by means of his miner's union in his earnest desire to make his life better and to become accepted at least as a middle-class American? He came from nearly every ethnic group possible - the Welsh, Irish , Slovaks , Scots , Poles , Hungarians , Italians, Blacks and others. He was often referred to as a dumb "Hunky," Dago , Griener, Johnny Bull and other names which caused many verbal and physical battles . Although the modern Black man rightly feels the injustice of discrimination , a member of these other ethnic groups , too, had to come through many a heartbreak as to " what side of town " he could live in, what games he could participate in, and in what section of the school room he could be seated. Even when he came to the mines his ethnic background determined the section of the mine he was to be assigned to and the classification of the work within this area. This period of discrimination was shortened by inter-marriages between ethnic groups and the desire by individuals in all ethnic groups to achieve success in their work. Athletics served as a social elevator for many , since work and athletics were the center of community activities. Before too long, it was discovered that the word " dumb, " as related to the miner and his family , was in essence a lack of education rather than intelligence . The processes of increased educational opportunities and greater social acceptance were extremely slow. Few sons or daughters of miners finished high school prior to 1930. Education ended for them the day they obtained their ' 'working papers. ' ' The sons went to the mines and the daughters to factories, stores or to domestic service. In the entire community of three thousand in which the author was born and reared there were probably less than six miners ' children who went to college prior to 1932. Only one teacher in this same community was college-educated. In retrospect, it is heart-rending to recall how few of the ethnicgroup parents could either read or write in any language, let alone English. Many could not even sign for their pay checks but simply marked an X for their signatures . Because of this, they were open game 94 SLOVAKIA for the "con" artist who took advantage of the uneducated. Letters were written for them and read to them until their own children obtained the minimal education to perform this function. These brave, strong people migrated to this country for the expressed purpose of ''the right to work as a free individual'' and to have the right to worship God in the way they choose. Although history records great people and movements, it must be pointed out that a vital part of the growth of this nation was due to groups such as miners , farmers, etc. who became the backbone of the industrial complex. The brave miner has played his part in bringing this nation to its leadership position in the world today. The road to recognition was not a rosy one for the miner and his family when one recalls his early environment: the rows of company houses or the so-called "patch," some of which still exist; the traditional little outhouse (two-seater) in the backyard; the two chimneys for the cooking and heating stoves; the place behind one of these stoves for the Saturday night bath in a galvanized tub; the two or three beds where a family of five to ten was "accommodated" - three to a bed; the backyard garden of nearly every family which became a necessity for summer existence and for preserving some food stuff for winter or when ''work was slow''; the coal shed and chicken coop or pig sty in the backyard; the many ingenious ideas for survival, such as picking berries, wild-roots, chestnuts and other free foods. The " company house " was part of the vicious circle by which the coal company completely controlled the life of the miner. These houses were unpainted clapboard of the cheapest construction, all identical. It wasn 't unusual for a drunken miner to enter the wrong house since the only difference was his house's position in the row . The more fortunate had water in the kitchen but practically none of them had sanitary facilities. The company rarely repaired the houses and, since the miner didn 't own them, maintenance was always minimal. These homes were often inhabited by rats, mice, roaches, ants and flies , which destroyed some of the food badly needed by the family. These facts were brought out clearly in recent years when the coal companies sold these houses to the miners. A dramatic change took ~lace and the houses immediately improved immeasurably . _ A picture of the miner's environment wouldn 't be complete without comment on the special row of company houses for the mine administrators , which included the superintendent (super), the pit boss and the fire boss. These men were the "elite" of the mining camps , and their houses the envy of . the miners since they included indoor toilets, indoor baths and a central furnace (they usually were furnished SLOVAKIA 95 free coal). The residents of these homes dressed well and didn't have to resort to placing cardboard in the soles of their shoes to protect their feet. Even a more integral part of the vicious circle was the company store. Its only parallel in modem society is the loan shark business. If ever a story were written by a company store manager it would be as startling as any in the country's history. The coal company store surely must be given recognition as one of the initiators of the credit card system. To this day many ~odem coal miners absolutely forbid their wives to have credit cards or establish credit at legitimate stores because of their memories of the company store. There were numerous families who lived in virtual slavery due to the fact that they lived in the company house, shopped at the company store and worked in the company mine. If the coal company had a store, the miner was forced to shop at the store or seek employment elsewhere . The coal company used "scrip," a written order for the amount of the miner's earnings for the day. The man's wife could then go to the store to purchase the bare necessities to keep the family alive. The prices at the company store were always much higher than the independent stores in the area. The company store stocked every item possible to keep the miner from finding an excuse to visit any other local merchant, except the town saloon. This latter precaution was unnecessary since the miner rarely got any of his salary in cash, except for a required monetary remuneration which usually amounted to one dollar. The company store never needed to advertise or have "sales." It had a ' 'captive'' clientele which allowed the store manager to raise prices beyond normal to show management an increased profit. As the miner's union became stronger in the early 1930s, it slowly brought the demise of one of the most vicious of the '' free enterprise ' ' systems in the history of this nation. Even then it was a slow death, as mine officials would remind the miner that he must buy something at the company store. The miner usually agreed to purchase some furniture or appliance from the company store and to have a minimum of $10 taken from his earnings each payday. Slowly, however, the company store died out since it could not compete with the open market. What a vicious circle had been the lot of the entrapped miner: no job unless he bought at the store; usually no cash left on payday which meant he couldn't move; the mine operator making the profits on his productive work, his store purchases and the rental of his home. The miner was virtually a captive in a free society. If the "Union " never accomplished another thing, it certainly lifted the "yoke of indebtedness" from the shoulders of the miner by 96 SLOVAKIA combatting the effects of the company store on his life. These disgraceful conditions still exist in some small mining communities where the coal company owns all the property, including the stores and gas stations. They literally "own the town." However, in most mining communities now, many stores are operated by individuals in open competition with company stores. Try to imagine, if you can, the plight of a coal miner's family of four to fourteen children, all of them dependent upon the wages of the father-miner. Imagine the impossibility of providing a proper diet on the father's wages of from $1.50 to $3.50 per day. To do this he even went into the mines on days that the mine was not in operation. He would stock (store) coal and take up the bottom or top rock to permit him to lay his new track. He performed all this so that he might be ready to load coal on work days and keep up with the alloted number of mine cars assigned to him. He would walk into the mines several hours before starting time (7 a.m.) on workdays to hand pump (or remove with a bucket) the water that had accumulated in his place of work. He did this without pay. How did the miner and his family manage? Without a doubt, it wasn 't easy, and in some cases he didn 't manage. Many of the miners' families died before they reached the age of ·50, although life expectancy was much higher in this country. The only way they survived even to that age was that the typical mother would make certain, by one means or another, that a bag of flour, a bag of potatoes, some cabbage, beans, cornmeal and a few other staples were on hand. These mothers were masters of ingenuity on how to make cabbage, beans and flour into mouth-watering delicacies for their children . But they had to serve the same foods so often that, in later years, the children detested the very sight of these foods. In these present times one reads of poverty, relief, food stamps, etc. but in all the years since the author 's boyhood there has been no poverty that could in any way compare to that of the early days in the mining community. How did these people survive? Those that did had outside food sources such as a few chickens , a pig or cow. On the days the mines were idle, the miner became a gardener ~d raised fresh vegetables. He spent many hours planting, weeding, reII].oving ii?-sects (insecticides were not in use then). Some of those garde_n s would have compared favorably with the experimental gardens run by the Department of Agriculture . The miner also became a hunter and a fisherman, not for the sport itself, but for the food it provided for his family. This did not reduce in way the pleasures of the activity. In some critical periods the father-miner and his sons became thieves, visiting local farms at night SLOVAKIA 97 and stealing chickens, com and fruit in order to survive. Some of them were caught, beaten or jailed, and then their families were in deep difficulty since they (those caught) could not earn the pittance available to them. What type of man is this who lived through the conditions described above, and still today goes deep into the bowels of the earth to earn his living? The aver~ge coal miner was and is hardworking, tough talking, sometimes hard drinking, and many times a deliberate braggard . He can load a tremendous tonnage of coal and later stand at his favorite bar with his mining buddies. In fact, sometimes it seemed as though the coal dust was ankle-deep near the bar. In the '' cross-cut dinner hole ' ' of the mines, he brags about his tremendous conquests of women. This is depicted in his graffiti drawn with white chalk upon the black coal or rock walls or roof. He is direct rather than devious and obscure. This point is well illustrated by the comment of a young miner, who, when discussing his relationship with women, said that upon meeting a woman in whom he was interested he immediately asked her if she " screwed." When asked if he didn't get his face slapped, he replied "often, but on the other hand you'd be surprised how often I got a positive answer ." He may better be described by the poem entitled ' 'Lust.' ' He grabbed me round my slender neck I could not call or scream. He dragged me to this dingy room Where we would not be seen. He tore away my flimsy wrap and looked upon my form. I was so cold and damp and scared, While he was hot and warm. He drained me of my very self, I could not make him stop . His feverish lips he pressed to mine; I gave him every drop . He made me what I am today, That's why you find me here , A broken bottle thrown away That was once full of beer. Anon. This author has been employed as a coal miner, mine official, mine inspector and coal operator for more than 44 years and cannot help but 98 SLOVAKIA feel that the American public has had a mistaken image of the coal miner. This may be due to reports and articles written by writers who lack insight and experience in the mining industry. A true story may illustrate this point. A coal miner's son met and became interested in a New York banker's daughter while attending the same college. Eventually the banker invited the family to visit them in New York. Upon seeing the coal miner, one of the banker's first remarks was ''You aren't at all what I expected!" What had he expected? Did he expect a dirty, uncouth and stupid individual often portrayed in the media? In reality the average miner is a hard worker; he is honest with a sharp and inventive mind; he is cooperative and, in most instances, religious. He is probably cleaner than many white or blue collar workers since he is forced to bathe everyday. Unfortunately his lack of opportunity for education has been confused with the lack of motivation for an education. This is now changed and the educational level among the miners has risen drastically in the last score of years. His higher salary scale now enables him to live at the middle-class level of society . In the early days of mining, in order to eke out a living, many a miner did not hesitate to get up as early as 3 a.m., walk into the mine with only water in his dinner pail, and begin his preliminary work. He, at times, shifted as many as ten loaded coal cars in order to get the one empty car left from the previous day's work. If there were no empty cars available for loading, he performed many time-consuming tasks known as "dead work" since it was done without pay. These tasks included taking up the bottom rock for additional height, laying the track, setting the safety timbers, removing water from the work area, cleaning slate and impurities from the coal to be loaded, and even piling coal in areas to permit more rapid loading, since the only thing that counted, and for which he was paid, was the actual coal he loaded into the cars . All this preliminary work w~s done so that he would "have the jump on his fellow miners" when the day's work actually started . When one considers all this so-called "dead work ," isn't it natural that the miner demanded more, or at least some pay , for his "dead work"? This is one of the underlying reasons that the miner formed and supported his union . Many of these early miners did more free (dead work) before the starting time of 7 a.m. than do many of the modern miners at their hourly rate of six and seven dollars per hour. At times an unexpected rockfall would consume most of his working day and this had an immediate effect on his family since it was directly connected with the food purchases for that day. SLOVAKIA 99 The wife and mother, .too, got up at this time (or earlier) to see that her husband had his break{ast if food was available , and to pack the lunch pail when food was plentiful. After her husband left for work, she began a back-breaking day of kneading and baking bread, washing clothes and wringing them out by hand to be hung out to dry. After an hour or two she would awaken the children and supervise their preparation for school which included the everlasting job of mending to hold the threads of their garments together. Her work continued until she was ready for her trip to the weigh-scales to obtain a slip for the coal her husband loaded that day. This slip would determine how much food would be available for the family that night and the next day. On the days the rock fell to interfere with the loading of coal, the soup was thinner and the dish of beans and meat was mostly beans. The best time of her day was when the children came from school and the closing whistle sounded from the mines. The worst times in her life were when the mine whistle blew before the regular quitting time. This meant that there was trouble in the mines , and a shiver went down the collective spines of all the wives in the community. It usually meant an injury, with a loss of earning power, or that at least one or more of the women would be widows with a family to rear. One of the saddest sights in the world is a gatheimg of the babushka-headed wives in their vigil during the period that their husbands are entombed by an explosion or cavein. An ode of songs was written about Floyd Collins, a cave explorer, who was caught in a cave fall-in, but no such ode or song was ever written about the Joe Slowboski's who, while pinned under a rock fall, have their still live flesh eaten by the rats which inhabit the mines. A description of the early coal miner's apparel seems to be in order here . His wearing apparel has and will continue to change almost as frequently as the equipment and machinery with which he labors. The well-dressed miner wore the very conventional bib-overalls (now in style with the teenagers) , a cloth or canvas cap with a leather frontal attachment for his carbide lamp, soft-toed miner's boots, a pair of gauntlet gloves , and a denim jacket with at least four pockets so he could carry his carbide-cader (container), blasting caps, blasting powder, squibs (a predecessor of the blasting cap), lamp cleaning tools, and his ever-present " railroad type" watch attached to a chain and placed carefully in the left breast pocket. However, the poor miner was not dressed in this fashion . He wore a pair of his old suit pants , patched or re-patched many times. His shirt was probably one of his discarded hunting shirts, and his shoes were discarded dress shoes repaired by tacking pieces of leather or rubber on the soles and heels . He didn 't wear gloves , but had, instead, a pair of well-calloused hands complete 100 SLOVAKIA with bruised knuckles and fingers . He couldn't afford a watch and he carried all the equipment described above in a 25 pound sugar sack. A new miner (a "greenie" ) was rapidly spotted by his unmarked apparel and the appearance of his hands . The dress of the modern miner is quite different. If the weather is cold he will be wearing insulated underwear, a matched shirt and trouser outfit , hard-toed shoes or boots (with steel plates for safety) a pair of denim cover-alls, wrist-cuff gloves , special leg bands to keep the trouser legs from contacting moving chains or ropes, a special strong plastic hard-hat with an attachment clip for his battery-powered headlamp, a wide leather belt with attachments for his lamp batter, self rescue kit and a few tools. For a time-piece he wears a shock-proof wrist watch. He is provided with a dust respirator that aids in keeping him from getting his lungs loaded with fine dust particles. In certain periods he must wear a dust counter to show the fine <lush count surrounding his work area. When fully dressed with all this special equipment, he is carrying an additional weight of about fifteen pounds. The mine official or mine inspector will be carrying, in addition , a flame safety , a methane detector, an anenometer, a roof testing stick. This additional equipment weighs about twenty-five pounds above that of the clothing. An eight-hour shift with that equipment is fatiguing without any actual work . The early miner was a pick and shovel miner and the "low coal" miner will be depicted here since the author's early experiences were in the low coal field. The mine can best be described as an underground city with the main mine entries as the city's boulevards. The mine's butt, or cross entries, are compared with a city's side streets and the mine ' s crosscuts as the city's narrow streets or alley ways. Along the main entries , side entries and cross cuts are located the pump stations, sub-stations , supply houses , dispatcher 's room and foreman's office. These stimulate the stores and business houses on the surface. As in the city , transportation is an important part of life in the mines . The mine tracks, locomotives , strings of coal cars, powered trolley feeder lines , telephone lines, walkie-talkie equi}iment all play a vital role in this function. Even the rush of the currents 'Of air passing continuously along the entries reminds one of standing on a comer in Pittsburgh , Columbus or Chicago on a breezy March morning. When one adds the waterlines, airlines, rock-dust boreholes and other accommodations , one has the complete " Bowel City, U.S.A. " However, in order to understand fully the miner 's environment one must concentrate on the underground streets , side streets and alleys. These were usually 12 to 18 feet wide and ranged from 28 inches to 10 feet in height. It is within SLOVAKIA 101 this locale that the miner must perform his assigned duties. In the low coal seruns (under 50 inches) the miner spent most of his workshift of eight hours on his knees or in a crouched position. He could only stretch out by lying down or going out to the main heading (entry) where additional height permitted standing room for at least the shorter miners. Miners in the high-seruned coal mines could work in the standing position. In all coal mines, the miner worked under an immediate cover of various types of slate, shale, sand rock or other rock formations such as one might observe in a "rock cut" along a modern highway. The lowcoal miner, working within a height of less than 50 inches, did most of his work with a dual-pointed pick and a broad, flat shovel. He had the srune feel for his own pick and shovel as does the concert violinist for his own bow. He made his work area safer by placing props (sawed-off trees) between the floor and roof. These were made tight by a wooden wedge driven along the roof which served as a cap on the prop. These roof supports were placed at distances determined by safety laws and the wishes of the mine officials. Although the purpose of these props was to keep the roof from caving in and falling upon him, many miners did not put up these supports if they interfered with their loading operation. The pick-miner would dig down all the loose coal from the front and side walls of the coal seam. He would then lie on the mine floor, many times in small pools of water, to undermine the "face of the coal seam'' to a depth of three, four or five feet. This undercut near the face was about twelve to fifteen inches in height to permit the head, arms and shoulders to intrude underneath the undercut coal. This undercut extended the entire width of the entry, room or corridor which, as explained earlier, was from ten to eighteen feet. The miner then drilled holes to the depth of the undercut with a long drill called an auger. It resembles a cork screw and crune in lengths from five to eight feet. These holes were packed with black powder or dynamite and ignited with either a lighted squab (a fireworks type of lighter) or a blasting cap ignited by an electric charge. When the coal was blasted loose, the miner would break up the larger lumps (if any remained) and then shovel the coal into a mine car that he had pushed into his place (room) by hand . On occasion the car was pulled into his area by mules or horses. The above method of work continued every day. The miner spent most of his time in the crouched position or on his knees. He was the recipient of many bruises, cuts, scars, swellings and soreness. If the average citizen went through one such week , he would appreciate the 102 SLOVAKIA position of the miner when he fought for a union, and then utilized the union by means of strikes and walk-outs to achieve his goal of a decent wage for his efforts . Even into the 1930s coal miners went into the mines before daybreak and returned after dark. In a six-day week the only time the miner saw daylight was on Sunday. He had to work these long hours to provide food and clothing for his family. For these efforts he received 25 cents per hour and less than 25 cents per ton of loaded coal. Few miners made the sum of $5.00 per day. In those days, a father, uncle or brother took on the task of "breaking in " a new miner. If a boy entered the mine for training under a stranger, he got his identification check number on a "boycar '' basis which was generally every third mine car loaded. There also was an established custom whereby a companydesignated "weigh boss" (who was generally a " master " at "shortweighing" or "losing" car checks for the convenience of mine management) was employed as an official. He had the added crude duty of giving a miner a " dirty coal" slip. This indicated a loaded minecar of coal would be deducted, lost, or the workman would be given a day off for "loading dirty coal," or possibly discharged from his employment. One can readily see how easily it could become convenient to lay off or discharge a miner who was pro-union or an "agitator" at any given time. In a number of cases, the mine worker made a side agreement with the officials whereby he would be given some preferences as to the number of mine cars allotted to him or the ''privilege'' to work on days the mine was not scheduled for work. The mine foreman or his assistant thus became involved in many situations not of their own choosing. Is it any wonder that in a mine foreman examination, as recently as 1971, the question was asked as to what qualifications, other than those required by mining laws, a mine foreman should possess? One applicant, apparently of the old school, actually wrote, "He has to be a liar and a thief." (This was not the proper answer for the examination.) The physical conditions under which .t he pre-1920 coal miner had to perform his assigned duties were nothing short of atrocious. There was a poor, or the absolute minimum, supply of available timber to support the mine roof, and mine ventilation ·and direction of air to the working places of the miner was far below the minimum legally required standards of even that time . There were days on which a mine ventilating fan was in operation only part of the day when miners were SLOVAKIA 103 actually in the mine. There were stoppings (walls) in crosscuts built to force air to work areas made of bone coal (impure) . These stoppages leaked like sieves which defeated the purpose of the stopping. There were areas where wprkmen had to fan the explosive smoke with their coats or coal shovels so tha\ they could see well enough to load their mine cars. There were situations where men used open-type carbide lamps that could ignite explosive gas . There were other situations where unsafe and open-type mining machinery was used, and where requirements for clearances along locomotives, mine cars and mine entries were abused or ignored. In other situations workmen were permitted to use black blasting powder for blasting coal and rock. The blasting shots fired in the work area resembled a " Fourth of July" celebration . There were cases where mine officials visited the mine workmen only once a week , once a year or when the mine inspector was in the area. Other times they visited the work areas only after an emergency or accident . The miners thought of as dumb "Hunkies," " Dagos ," or "Polacks " we re treated as an expendable commodity. When expended , it was only necessary to send to the old country for another boat-load of greenhorns. In those early days of mining when one walked down the main entry and heard the voices of the workers, one could envision the Tower of Babel or a gathering at the United Nations. From room to room the language shifted from Polish to Slovak, from German to Welsh , from Serbian to German, from Croatian to Italian, and sometimes to English, but usually a broken variety. One could spend a month in the mines without hearing one proper English sentence. Mining terminology took on ethnic overtones such as " hunky wedge," "scotch block ," "dago dolly," and "hunky pump ." In addition to this, coal mining terms, or language , varied (still does) from one mining area to another. For instance , the low-coal men in Pennsylvania call a temporary roof support a "prop" while the high-coal miners in the same state call it a ' 'post,' ' though their meaning and purpose are synonymous. This type of terminology was accepted by members of all ethnic groups in that locale . These expressions in the mines sound like another language , and any man from the street or from the news media would be fortunate to recognize ten percent of them . There are several terms which denote the quality of the atmosphere in the mines. Few people outside the mines could interpret the expression, " we need air," for the request to improve the ventilation of the work area by extending the line brattice (temporary wall) or canvas check curtain to force air into a required area . Similarly the 104 SLOVAKIA term "I found gas" in a miner's language means that he noted some evidence of methane on his flame safety lamp or on the methane detector. A third term, ' ' black damp,'' denotes a high content of carbon dioxide or a deficiency of oxygen (usually less than 15 percent). The term "hunky wedge" was derived from a patient workman who tapered a short piece of wood to fit over a mine post (prop) to make it secure and aid in controlling the mine roof. At a later date these wooden wedges were known as cap pieces, and were prepared by the sawmill and brought to the worker ready for use. The pressure of the earth and rock above the coal seam squeezes this coal seam until it breaks up and crumbles, especially when there are large spaces of unsupported roof. As the different rooms ran their ultimate distance as determined by good mining practices or limits of (mineral) rights, the "ribs" of coal left between the rooms were finally removed. The removal of these ribs or stumps was an art with the early pick-coal men. They brought the roof pressure to bear upon a block of coal which eliminated the hard pick work. The expressions for this operation were "easy coal" or "push coal." The miners who performed this operation were called "stump men." Althouh the work was easier in this area and the pay better, it was also more dangerous since there was the constant danger of being trapped or crushed by the falling rocks from the roof. A good "stump man" controlled the caving for his own safety. The term "dago-dolly" was used to describe a device which was invented to move the heavy steel rails into their positions in the mine track. Initially, the miner pulled the rail with his hands or his pick. Some miner developed a two-wheeled conveyance with attached handle and grip on the rail. This reduced the back-breaking work of pulling rails into place. The "hunky pump " was a horizontal-stoked pump that had to be operated manually to remove the water from the working place so that the miner could lay on the mine floor to dig the undercut in his coal. In many cases, the miner would go into the mines by 5 a.m. and begin pumping the water out of his place so that he could begin mining coal at 7 a.m. with the other miners . Again, this work of pumping was done without pay. \ There are many " holes " in mining terniinology_and they caused confusion to those outside the mining community. " Dog hole " was a mine operated into the hillside. It had poor ventilation ; was poorly maintained and usually employed those workers nobody else would hire . They were run on a shoe-string and usually produced coal for home use . " Man hole " is synonymous with a shelter hole or a hole in 105 SLOVAKIA the rib of coal. Aftimes, tbe miner, walking along the entry way, was faced with on-coming (or koing) traffic or locomotive and coal cars , either empty or loaded. Since these entry ways were narrow and the cars rolled, a hole was cut into the entry wall or rib to accommodate from one to three miners . Since these were spaced at specified distances, at the sound of the trip (string) of cars , the miner would seek out the nearest man hole. Incidently, the word locomotive was rarely used . The machine used to pull cars was simply referred to as •'the motor." The "dinner-hole" was generally a main side track off the main entry or so-called cross-cut. At this area men gathered to eat their lunches and there they hung their favorite pin-ups (obtained from calendars) or drew their own nudes with white chalk on the coal surface. This art resembles that found in public toilets today. The name •'tickle-back'' was given to those low-seamed coal mines that were less than 36 inches in height. Some were. as low as 28 to 29 inches . It wasn 't any wonder than the miner had numerous sores covering his back where he hit the uneven places on the mine roof. The unusual expression "to set a crib" has nothing to do with preparing a bed for the baby. It was one of most effective means of supporting the roof by erecting a framework of 5" x5"x30" wooden blocks at strategic places in a grill-work fashion. The term was also used when the individual miner filled in one side of his emptied work place with rock, slate and dirty coal and cribbed the ends to build up a wall like appearance. This was also called the • gob '' pile . The miner's light in the evaluation of mining has had a number of terms . The pit lamp, bug lamp , carbide lamp and cap lamp are examples of these. The pit and carbide lamps are practically extinct and will shortly be found only in the museums of mining. The battery powered light has completely taken over. The term "shooting off the solid" was an illegal and unsafe practice employed by some miners who wished to avoid the timeconsuming and back-breaking work of under-cutting the coal in preparation for blasting. The process was simply that of drilling holes in the solid coal near the roof or floor and blasting it loose with explosives. The danger in this process was that since the coal had no place to move, at times the pressure of the concussion broke the slate or rock of the roof and made it unsafe for the miner. The term hand me the persuader'' was not referring to a whip for animals or humans but a sledge hammer used by the so-called mechanics who were in a hurry. They used them to drive shafts , gears , etc. into their proper alignment. Such a sight would have caused the 1 11 106 SLOVAKIA inventor of that machine to tum over in his grave. The sledge was the answer to all difficult problems. The term "yellow boy" was and is used in conjunction with iron pyrites found in the mine water. It clogs the pipe lines and sump areas and is a nemesis to the present environmentalist. The '' go devil'' is the apparatus which is used to ream this material out of the pipes. It may be a simple rod, wire or spring or it may be attached to a motor which turns it in a boring fashion . The term "black damp" was explained earlier. The term was taken from the ancient term " damp of darkness " and means a condition where there is less than 15 percent oxygen or where carbon dioxide exists in heavy concentrations in the mine atmosphere. It probably got its name by ''putting someone's lights out.'' In contrast to this, the term "white damp" was a name for carbon monoxide and "stink damp " was the presence of hydrogen sulphide. As any high school chemistry student knows, this latter material had the odor of rotten eggs. " Bug dust" has nothing to do with insecticides. This dust is the result of machine mining and the breaking up of the coal seam into fine particles. After machine mining this fine dust must be removed from the undercut of coal. This permits the explosive to work more effectively by blasting the coal away from the mine roof. Some of the terms heard about the mine had meanings related to mining but not to the actual work of the mines. One such term was the " hoot-owl" shift from 11 p .m. to 7 a.m., or midnight to 8 a.m. Miners usually rotated shifts and this was the one disliked by most since it was impossible to become acclimated to a change in sleeping hours every three weeks. The expression, " today the eagle shifts, " was a wellknown expression for payday in the mines. Also , on his way home he might "stop at the grab, " which meant to stop at the company store. The name was derived from the fact that the company store grabbed all they earned. While at the store they bought "dog meat" for the lunch pails . This was the cheapest form of ground meat, a form of bologna. In addition to the terms above the miners had some descriptive nicknames for each other. It was not unusu~l to meet "Cadillac Joe ," " Quick-Steps, " "Moose, " or " Shorty, " as ope walked along a " mantrip" which was ready to enter the mines. Only the cowboys of the old West had such descriptive names for each other. Thus, it is evident that the coal miners actually do have a language which only other miners understand. I believe it would be appropriate for the media to become conversant with the language of the mines , especially when describing a mine disaster.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Reminiscences of a Slovak Miner Description An account of the resource George P. Resick Slovakia, Vol. 28 (No. 51-52), 1978-79 pp. 93-106 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Resick, George P. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1978-79 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/270c93e3e60f065f6181d508cce0626e.pdf de49570fc8bc753fe01d7b451ec8e72a PDF Text Text 116 SLOVAKIA education were just as comprehensive. Its headquarters and branches arranged thousands of lectures, entertainments, and celebrations; giving numerous courses and about five thousand amateur theatrical performances every year. It has founded or helped to keep up local libraries in more than 3,500 towns and parishes. In all these activities, the Matica has always maintained friendly relations with other countries, particularly with the United States, where over one million Slovaks reside. Thus, Matica Slovenska has passed from its foundation in 1863 through a complicated evolution. It was the only state cultural association of the Slovaks in the years of national and social oppression which later evolved into a scientific and cultural institution and expanded widely its activity. After 1945, with the new divisions of tasks in Slovak national science and culture, Matica ceased to be an association and became a state scientific institution which was charged with the function of the national library and bibliographic institute. Although the history of the Matica Slovenska and especially its activity since 1945 was misinterpreted, the Matica Slovenska will always be remembered for the progressive task which it has played in the Slovak history. Joseph S. Kos t Our C_vrilo-)Iethodiau 1-Ieritagc ( Third Prize Award) "The heritage of our ancestors preserve for us O Lord" unites the Slovak's love of God and his love of the Slovak nation. This Cyrilo-Methodian invocation reflects the accomplishments of Saints Cyril and Methodius that have affected Slovak life from its beginnings in Slovak Great Moravia in the ninth century to the present twentieth century. The missionary endeavors of the Holy Brothers were significant not only in promoting the Catholic faith among Slovak forefathers; equally important were their accomplishments on behalf of the cultural and political �SLOVAKIA 117 heritage of Slovakia. The Cyrilo-Methodian tradition has helped to revitalize Slovak national consciousness and to inspire hope for a better future for the Slovaks. This hope and faith in the future can best be understood and appreciated by journeying back in time to Great Moravia under the leadership of Rastislav. This Slovak monarch was at that time, 860, already devoted to the Christian faith and realized fully Christianity's effect on the moral and cultural fibre of his people. But he also realized the danger of his country's falling under the complete domination of alien rule. He noted the influence of the Bavarian Church's organization and activities and the political strength of the Frankish empire. Therefore , Rastislav initiated his religious-political plan for establishing the foundation for the Slovak people to offset the Frankish-Bavarian coalition. In 862 Rastislav sent a special delegation to Byzantium requesting Emperor Michael III to send a bishop and teacher to the Slovak kingdom. He was not merely asking for regular missionary priests to aid his plan. And he was not, as is often stated, asking only for missionaries who spoke the Slovak language. German (Frankish) missionaries were already ministering to his people, and no doubt . some of them spoke Slavic. Furthermore, the Catholic faith was sufficiently widespread throughout his kingdom . What he really needed was a bishop who could carry out plans for a new religious-political system. Although he had first made this same request of Pope Nicholas in Rome, he has not turning from Rome in his special mission to Byzantium. The schism between Rome and the Byzantine world was not actually in effect at this time. The Byzantine Church was united with Rome and professed the same Catholic faith as well as allegiance to Rome. Acceding to Rastislav's request, Emperor Michael III sent the Holy Brothers, Cyril and Methodius of Thessalonica. In the ninth century this city was the center of a major Byzantine district and the second largest city in the Byzantine empire. There was a large Slav population around Thessalonica. Some authorities believe the family of Cyril and Methodius were "Graecized Slavs" . They were educated �118 SLOVA KIA in Greek school s and religio usly trained in the Byzant ine Rite of the Cathol ic Church accord ing to Byzant ine life and custom s. At any rate, these brothe rs of a socially disting uished family of the Byzant ine Imperi al Court spoke the Slavon ic tongue since the majori ty of inhabit ants in the outlyin g distric ts were Slavs. No better qualifi ed individ uals than tlley could have been chosen by Emper or Michae l III for the missio nary work among the Slovak s. Althou gh Cyril had prepar ed for missio nary work and the priesth ood, Method ius had prepar ed for law and politica l office in the service of the empero r. Method ius, tutored in law by his father in Thessa lonica, had been appoin ted by the empero r as admin istrato r of a certain distric t in the Byzant ine empire where the majori ty of inhabi tants were Slavs. The Life of Saint Method ius comme nts: "The Emper or appoin ted him admin istrato r of this distric t . . . as though he already foresaw that later he would send him to the Slavs as their teache r and first archbis hop." Here Method ius had an opport unity to learn all the custom s of the Slavs and to adapt himsel f to them. After ten years as govern or of this distric t, he sudden ly left politica l office to enter a monas tery on Mt. Olymp us. Here he studied theolog y, thf' scriptu res, paintin g, and later was ordain ed to the priesth ood. Cyril, on the other hand, devote d his life from its very beginn ing to acquiri ng wisdom by the study of philoso phy and theolog y. From his earlies t youth, he chose as his patron in studies the great Father of the Church , the belove d theolog ian, Saint Gregor y Nazian zen. After leaving his positio n as profes sor of philoso phy at the imperi al school in Consta ntinopl e, he remain ed in solitar y seclusi on and later joined Method ius on Mt. Olymp us, very likely as a guest at the monas tery, not as a monk. Realizi ng how import ant it is for missio naries to have the Sacred Scriptu res in the langua ge of the people to whom they were ministe ring, Cyril began to constru ct and organiz e a Slavon ic alphab et and to transla te and put into Slavon ic written form the essenti al liturgic al books. The alphab et which he devised (the Glagol itic) was based on the Greek alphab et and accoun ts for the use of Church Slavon ic in the liturgy of Easter n Rite church es, �SLOVAKIA 119 one numbering 150,000,000 faithful. This Glagolitic alphabet is the most important cultural achieveme nt of the brothers for, in one form or another, it has endured throughou t time and was one capital factor in maintainin g spiritual sustenance for large numbers of Slovaks. After their arrival in Slovak Great Moravia, Cyril envisioned the training of young Slavs for the priesthood as one of his major responsibil ities, for it would take a native clergy to perpetuate their work. For this task, he organized an educationa l program and school to train young Slovaks in their national culture as a preliminar y to advanced study. The Life of Saint Cyril reads: "Soon be translated the entire Ecclesiasti cal Order and taught them (his young disciples) Matins, the Little Hours, Vespers, Compline, and the Eucharisti c Liturgy. And the ears of the deaf were opened, according to the words of the prophet, to hear the words of Scripture, and the tongue of the stutterer was loosened." And Nestor in his Chronicle says: "When they arrived (in Great Moravia) they began to write with Slavonic letters and translated the 'Apostol' (Acts and Epistles of the Apostles) and the Gospel. And the Sloveni (Slovaks) rejoiced that they heard the praise of God in their own language." His teaching of these ritual texts and offices of th~ Byzantine Rite to the young men was so well organized that in only forty months the young disciples were prepared to be ordained. The Eulogy o t Saint Cyril says: "Having translated the entire liturgical ritual into Slavonic, he went to Rome, taking with him chosen ones of his flock for perfection (to be ordained ) and he ended his course (of life) with joy, because it pleased God that here (in Rome) his venerable body should rest." Following Cyril's death in 869, the newly consecrate d Bishop Methodius continued his missionary endeavors in Slovak Great Moravia and was later imprisoned by Bavarian bishops. They opposed the independe nt Slavonic hierarchy, responsible directly to Rome, that Saint Cyril and Methodius achieved along with the Slavonic liturgy. Although he was later released, Methodius ' suffering and humiliatio n for the sake of the independen ce of Slovaks has served as an inspiration for all suppressed Slovaks from the ninth century to the present twentieth century. �120 SLOVAKIA At the beginning of the twentieth century the political situation in Slovakia again suppressed any cultural and political activities aimed at keeping alive Slovak national consciousness and historical traditions. Budapest officialdom and Magyar nationalists viewed the Cyrilo-Methodian tradition as an anti-Hungarian and Pan-Slav conspiracy and often used oppressive and repressive measures to destroy cultural and political activities in Slovakia and even to thwart religious manifestations among the people. In spite of persecution and pressure, the dawning of the twentieth century brought a new generation of dedicated men who did not hesitate to accept at great personal cost and anguish the leading role of allegiance to their cultural heritage and Slovak national life. With the creation of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918, this spirit whetted the desire of Slovak patriots to serve their country as qualified statesmen and leaders and to prevent Czech shemers from asserting themselves as the ruling element of the Slovak nation. They were likewise determined not to permit the socialist government of Prague to impose foreign Czech traditions in place of cherished Slovak Cyrilo-Methodian and Catholic traditions. The first Slovak bishops in new Slovakia were consecrated in Nitra in 1921. The Slovak people at home and abroad viewed this great event as the fruit of devotion and patience which finally matured for them as the true heirs of the magnificent works of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The declaration of Slovakia's independence in 1939 by the Slovak Parliament was considered yet another revival of the first Slovak statehood of the ninth century. The Cyrilo-Methodian tradition was the keystone in the arch which the Slovak nation has built within the temple of its national life founded on authentic spiritual principles. Slovaks again under the cross of oppression since the 1968 August invasion of Czecho-Slovakia by the Soviets must again rely upon the Christian national past of Slovakia to support them through these dark days and to build anew their Slovak state in a happier time for which we fervently pray. The spirit of true religious freedom and the Slovak �SLOVAKIA 121 political and cultural autonomy established in the CyriloMethodian tradition cannot be lost sight of today. It is especially essential to all of us, Slovaks by birth and by ancestry, at this crucial time when Slovakia is threatened by godless and God-defiant Communists. Our vital and vitalizing tradition must become actively operative to promote a wise and intrepid manifestation of Slovak national consciousness both in Slovakia and in America. Saints Cyril and Methodius valiantly labored and heroically suffered for Slovak independence both in ecclesiastical and political spheres. They laid for us the foundations of our Catholic faith and national culture. United in love of God and our Slovak nation we humbly pray- "The heritage of our ancestors preserve for us 0 Lord!" Patricia Revetta BIBLIOGRAPHY Kirschbaum, Joseph. Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. New York, 1960. Kirschbaum, Joseph. "The Role of the Cyrilo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak National and Political Life," Slovak Studies, III (1963), 153-173. Lacko, Michael. "The Cyrilo-Methodian Origin of the Byzantine-Slavonic and the Roman-Slavonic Liturgy," Slovak Studies, m (1963), 79-89. Lacko, Michael. "The Cyrilo-Methodian Mission and Slovakia," Slovak Studies, I (1961) , 23-47. Oddo, Gilbert. Slovakia and Its People. New York, 1960. Palickar, Stephen. Slovakia: From Hungarian Despotism to Atheistic Czech Communism. Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1948. Skultety, Joseph. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown, Pennsylvania, 1930. Yurchak, Peter. The Slovaks: Their History and Traditions. Whiting, Indiana, 1947. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is interested primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the United States of America. � 116 SLOVAKIA education were just as comprehensive. Its headquarters and branches arranged thousands of lectures, entertainments, and celebrations; giving numerous courses and about five thousand amateur theatrical performances every year. It has founded or helped to keep up local libraries in more than 3,500 towns and parishes. In all these activities, the Matica has always maintained friendly relations with other countries, particularly with the United States, where over one million Slovaks reside. Thus, Matica Slovenska has passed from its foundation in 1863 through a complicated evolution. It was the only state cultural association of the Slovaks in the years of national and social oppression which later evolved into a scientific and cultural institution and expanded widely its activity. After 1945, with the new divisions of tasks in Slovak national science and culture, Matica ceased to be an association and became a state scientific institution which was charged with the function of the national library and bibliographic institute. Although the history of the Matica Slovenska and especially its activity since 1945 was misinterpreted, the Matica Slovenska will always be remembered for the progressive task which it has played in the Slovak history. Joseph S. Kos t Our C_vrilo-)Iethodiau 1-Ieritagc ( Third Prize Award) "The heritage of our ancestors preserve for us O Lord" unites the Slovak's love of God and his love of the Slovak nation. This Cyrilo-Methodian invocation reflects the accomplishments of Saints Cyril and Methodius that have affected Slovak life from its beginnings in Slovak Great Moravia in the ninth century to the present twentieth century. The missionary endeavors of the Holy Brothers were significant not only in promoting the Catholic faith among Slovak forefathers; equally important were their accomplishments on behalf of the cultural and political �SLOVAKIA 117 heritage of Slovakia. The Cyrilo-Methodian tradition has helped to revitalize Slovak national consciousness and to inspire hope for a better future for the Slovaks. This hope and faith in the future can best be understood and appreciated by journeying back in time to Great Moravia under the leadership of Rastislav. This Slovak monarch was at that time, 860, already devoted to the Christian faith and realized fully Christianity's effect on the moral and cultural fibre of his people. But he also realized the danger of his country's falling under the complete domination of alien rule. He noted the influence of the Bavarian Church's organization and activities and the political strength of the Frankish empire. Therefore , Rastislav initiated his religious-political plan for establishing the foundation for the Slovak people to offset the Frankish-Bavarian coalition. In 862 Rastislav sent a special delegation to Byzantium requesting Emperor Michael III to send a bishop and teacher to the Slovak kingdom. He was not merely asking for regular missionary priests to aid his plan. And he was not, as is often stated, asking only for missionaries who spoke the Slovak language. German (Frankish) missionaries were already ministering to his people, and no doubt . some of them spoke Slavic. Furthermore, the Catholic faith was sufficiently widespread throughout his kingdom . What he really needed was a bishop who could carry out plans for a new religious-political system. Although he had first made this same request of Pope Nicholas in Rome, he has not turning from Rome in his special mission to Byzantium. The schism between Rome and the Byzantine world was not actually in effect at this time. The Byzantine Church was united with Rome and professed the same Catholic faith as well as allegiance to Rome. Acceding to Rastislav's request, Emperor Michael III sent the Holy Brothers, Cyril and Methodius of Thessalonica. In the ninth century this city was the center of a major Byzantine district and the second largest city in the Byzantine empire. There was a large Slav population around Thessalonica. Some authorities believe the family of Cyril and Methodius were "Graecized Slavs" . They were educated �118 SLOVA KIA in Greek school s and religio usly trained in the Byzant ine Rite of the Cathol ic Church accord ing to Byzant ine life and custom s. At any rate, these brothe rs of a socially disting uished family of the Byzant ine Imperi al Court spoke the Slavon ic tongue since the majori ty of inhabit ants in the outlyin g distric ts were Slavs. No better qualifi ed individ uals than tlley could have been chosen by Emper or Michae l III for the missio nary work among the Slovak s. Althou gh Cyril had prepar ed for missio nary work and the priesth ood, Method ius had prepar ed for law and politica l office in the service of the empero r. Method ius, tutored in law by his father in Thessa lonica, had been appoin ted by the empero r as admin istrato r of a certain distric t in the Byzant ine empire where the majori ty of inhabi tants were Slavs. The Life of Saint Method ius comme nts: "The Emper or appoin ted him admin istrato r of this distric t . . . as though he already foresaw that later he would send him to the Slavs as their teache r and first archbis hop." Here Method ius had an opport unity to learn all the custom s of the Slavs and to adapt himsel f to them. After ten years as govern or of this distric t, he sudden ly left politica l office to enter a monas tery on Mt. Olymp us. Here he studied theolog y, thf' scriptu res, paintin g, and later was ordain ed to the priesth ood. Cyril, on the other hand, devote d his life from its very beginn ing to acquiri ng wisdom by the study of philoso phy and theolog y. From his earlies t youth, he chose as his patron in studies the great Father of the Church , the belove d theolog ian, Saint Gregor y Nazian zen. After leaving his positio n as profes sor of philoso phy at the imperi al school in Consta ntinopl e, he remain ed in solitar y seclusi on and later joined Method ius on Mt. Olymp us, very likely as a guest at the monas tery, not as a monk. Realizi ng how import ant it is for missio naries to have the Sacred Scriptu res in the langua ge of the people to whom they were ministe ring, Cyril began to constru ct and organiz e a Slavon ic alphab et and to transla te and put into Slavon ic written form the essenti al liturgic al books. The alphab et which he devised (the Glagol itic) was based on the Greek alphab et and accoun ts for the use of Church Slavon ic in the liturgy of Easter n Rite church es, �SLOVAKIA 119 one numbering 150,000,000 faithful. This Glagolitic alphabet is the most important cultural achieveme nt of the brothers for, in one form or another, it has endured throughou t time and was one capital factor in maintainin g spiritual sustenance for large numbers of Slovaks. After their arrival in Slovak Great Moravia, Cyril envisioned the training of young Slavs for the priesthood as one of his major responsibil ities, for it would take a native clergy to perpetuate their work. For this task, he organized an educationa l program and school to train young Slovaks in their national culture as a preliminar y to advanced study. The Life of Saint Cyril reads: "Soon be translated the entire Ecclesiasti cal Order and taught them (his young disciples) Matins, the Little Hours, Vespers, Compline, and the Eucharisti c Liturgy. And the ears of the deaf were opened, according to the words of the prophet, to hear the words of Scripture, and the tongue of the stutterer was loosened." And Nestor in his Chronicle says: "When they arrived (in Great Moravia) they began to write with Slavonic letters and translated the 'Apostol' (Acts and Epistles of the Apostles) and the Gospel. And the Sloveni (Slovaks) rejoiced that they heard the praise of God in their own language." His teaching of these ritual texts and offices of th~ Byzantine Rite to the young men was so well organized that in only forty months the young disciples were prepared to be ordained. The Eulogy o t Saint Cyril says: "Having translated the entire liturgical ritual into Slavonic, he went to Rome, taking with him chosen ones of his flock for perfection (to be ordained ) and he ended his course (of life) with joy, because it pleased God that here (in Rome) his venerable body should rest." Following Cyril's death in 869, the newly consecrate d Bishop Methodius continued his missionary endeavors in Slovak Great Moravia and was later imprisoned by Bavarian bishops. They opposed the independe nt Slavonic hierarchy, responsible directly to Rome, that Saint Cyril and Methodius achieved along with the Slavonic liturgy. Although he was later released, Methodius ' suffering and humiliatio n for the sake of the independen ce of Slovaks has served as an inspiration for all suppressed Slovaks from the ninth century to the present twentieth century. �120 SLOVAKIA At the beginning of the twentieth century the political situation in Slovakia again suppressed any cultural and political activities aimed at keeping alive Slovak national consciousness and historical traditions. Budapest officialdom and Magyar nationalists viewed the Cyrilo-Methodian tradition as an anti-Hungarian and Pan-Slav conspiracy and often used oppressive and repressive measures to destroy cultural and political activities in Slovakia and even to thwart religious manifestations among the people. In spite of persecution and pressure, the dawning of the twentieth century brought a new generation of dedicated men who did not hesitate to accept at great personal cost and anguish the leading role of allegiance to their cultural heritage and Slovak national life. With the creation of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918, this spirit whetted the desire of Slovak patriots to serve their country as qualified statesmen and leaders and to prevent Czech shemers from asserting themselves as the ruling element of the Slovak nation. They were likewise determined not to permit the socialist government of Prague to impose foreign Czech traditions in place of cherished Slovak Cyrilo-Methodian and Catholic traditions. The first Slovak bishops in new Slovakia were consecrated in Nitra in 1921. The Slovak people at home and abroad viewed this great event as the fruit of devotion and patience which finally matured for them as the true heirs of the magnificent works of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The declaration of Slovakia's independence in 1939 by the Slovak Parliament was considered yet another revival of the first Slovak statehood of the ninth century. The Cyrilo-Methodian tradition was the keystone in the arch which the Slovak nation has built within the temple of its national life founded on authentic spiritual principles. Slovaks again under the cross of oppression since the 1968 August invasion of Czecho-Slovakia by the Soviets must again rely upon the Christian national past of Slovakia to support them through these dark days and to build anew their Slovak state in a happier time for which we fervently pray. The spirit of true religious freedom and the Slovak �SLOVAKIA 121 political and cultural autonomy established in the CyriloMethodian tradition cannot be lost sight of today. It is especially essential to all of us, Slovaks by birth and by ancestry, at this crucial time when Slovakia is threatened by godless and God-defiant Communists. Our vital and vitalizing tradition must become actively operative to promote a wise and intrepid manifestation of Slovak national consciousness both in Slovakia and in America. Saints Cyril and Methodius valiantly labored and heroically suffered for Slovak independence both in ecclesiastical and political spheres. They laid for us the foundations of our Catholic faith and national culture. United in love of God and our Slovak nation we humbly pray- "The heritage of our ancestors preserve for us 0 Lord!" Patricia Revetta BIBLIOGRAPHY Kirschbaum, Joseph. Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. New York, 1960. Kirschbaum, Joseph. "The Role of the Cyrilo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak National and Political Life," Slovak Studies, III (1963), 153-173. Lacko, Michael. "The Cyrilo-Methodian Origin of the Byzantine-Slavonic and the Roman-Slavonic Liturgy," Slovak Studies, m (1963), 79-89. Lacko, Michael. "The Cyrilo-Methodian Mission and Slovakia," Slovak Studies, I (1961) , 23-47. Oddo, Gilbert. Slovakia and Its People. New York, 1960. Palickar, Stephen. Slovakia: From Hungarian Despotism to Atheistic Czech Communism. Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1948. Skultety, Joseph. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown, Pennsylvania, 1930. Yurchak, Peter. The Slovaks: Their History and Traditions. Whiting, Indiana, 1947. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is interested primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the United States of America. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1970, Vol. 20 Description An account of the resource Vol. 20 (No. 43), 1970. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1970 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 116 SLOVAKIA education were just as comprehensive. Its headquarters and branches arranged thousands of lectures, entertainments, and celebrations; giving numerous courses and about five thousand amateur theatrical performances every year. It has founded or helped to keep up local libraries in more than 3,500 towns and parishes. In all these activities, the Matica has always maintained friendly relations with other countries, particularly with the United States, where over one million Slovaks reside. Thus, Matica Slovenska has passed from its foundation in 1863 through a complicated evolution. It was the only state cultural association of the Slovaks in the years of national and social oppression which later evolved into a scientific and cultural institution and expanded widely its activity. After 1945, with the new divisions of tasks in Slovak national science and culture, Matica ceased to be an association and became a state scientific institution which was charged with the function of the national library and bibliographic institute. Although the history of the Matica Slovenska and especially its activity since 1945 was misinterpreted, the Matica Slovenska will always be remembered for the progressive task which it has played in the Slovak history. Joseph S. Kos t Our C_vrilo-)Iethodiau 1-Ieritagc ( Third Prize Award) "The heritage of our ancestors preserve for us O Lord" unites the Slovak's love of God and his love of the Slovak nation. This Cyrilo-Methodian invocation reflects the accomplishments of Saints Cyril and Methodius that have affected Slovak life from its beginnings in Slovak Great Moravia in the ninth century to the present twentieth century. The missionary endeavors of the Holy Brothers were significant not only in promoting the Catholic faith among Slovak forefathers; equally important were their accomplishments on behalf of the cultural and political SLOVAKIA 117 heritage of Slovakia. The Cyrilo-Methodian tradition has helped to revitalize Slovak national consciousness and to inspire hope for a better future for the Slovaks. This hope and faith in the future can best be understood and appreciated by journeying back in time to Great Moravia under the leadership of Rastislav. This Slovak monarch was at that time, 860, already devoted to the Christian faith and realized fully Christianity's effect on the moral and cultural fibre of his people. But he also realized the danger of his country's falling under the complete domination of alien rule. He noted the influence of the Bavarian Church's organization and activities and the political strength of the Frankish empire. Therefore , Rastislav initiated his religious-political plan for establishing the foundation for the Slovak people to offset the Frankish-Bavarian coalition. In 862 Rastislav sent a special delegation to Byzantium requesting Emperor Michael III to send a bishop and teacher to the Slovak kingdom. He was not merely asking for regular missionary priests to aid his plan. And he was not, as is often stated, asking only for missionaries who spoke the Slovak language. German (Frankish) missionaries were already ministering to his people, and no doubt . some of them spoke Slavic. Furthermore, the Catholic faith was sufficiently widespread throughout his kingdom . What he really needed was a bishop who could carry out plans for a new religious-political system. Although he had first made this same request of Pope Nicholas in Rome, he has not turning from Rome in his special mission to Byzantium. The schism between Rome and the Byzantine world was not actually in effect at this time. The Byzantine Church was united with Rome and professed the same Catholic faith as well as allegiance to Rome. Acceding to Rastislav's request, Emperor Michael III sent the Holy Brothers, Cyril and Methodius of Thessalonica. In the ninth century this city was the center of a major Byzantine district and the second largest city in the Byzantine empire. There was a large Slav population around Thessalonica. Some authorities believe the family of Cyril and Methodius were "Graecized Slavs" . They were educated 118 SLOVA KIA in Greek school s and religio usly trained in the Byzant ine Rite of the Cathol ic Church accord ing to Byzant ine life and custom s. At any rate, these brothe rs of a socially disting uished family of the Byzant ine Imperi al Court spoke the Slavon ic tongue since the majori ty of inhabit ants in the outlyin g distric ts were Slavs. No better qualifi ed individ uals than tlley could have been chosen by Emper or Michae l III for the missio nary work among the Slovak s. Althou gh Cyril had prepar ed for missio nary work and the priesth ood, Method ius had prepar ed for law and politica l office in the service of the empero r. Method ius, tutored in law by his father in Thessa lonica, had been appoin ted by the empero r as admin istrato r of a certain distric t in the Byzant ine empire where the majori ty of inhabi tants were Slavs. The Life of Saint Method ius comme nts: "The Emper or appoin ted him admin istrato r of this distric t . . . as though he already foresaw that later he would send him to the Slavs as their teache r and first archbis hop." Here Method ius had an opport unity to learn all the custom s of the Slavs and to adapt himsel f to them. After ten years as govern or of this distric t, he sudden ly left politica l office to enter a monas tery on Mt. Olymp us. Here he studied theolog y, thf' scriptu res, paintin g, and later was ordain ed to the priesth ood. Cyril, on the other hand, devote d his life from its very beginn ing to acquiri ng wisdom by the study of philoso phy and theolog y. From his earlies t youth, he chose as his patron in studies the great Father of the Church , the belove d theolog ian, Saint Gregor y Nazian zen. After leaving his positio n as profes sor of philoso phy at the imperi al school in Consta ntinopl e, he remain ed in solitar y seclusi on and later joined Method ius on Mt. Olymp us, very likely as a guest at the monas tery, not as a monk. Realizi ng how import ant it is for missio naries to have the Sacred Scriptu res in the langua ge of the people to whom they were ministe ring, Cyril began to constru ct and organiz e a Slavon ic alphab et and to transla te and put into Slavon ic written form the essenti al liturgic al books. The alphab et which he devised (the Glagol itic) was based on the Greek alphab et and accoun ts for the use of Church Slavon ic in the liturgy of Easter n Rite church es, SLOVAKIA 119 one numbering 150,000,000 faithful. This Glagolitic alphabet is the most important cultural achieveme nt of the brothers for, in one form or another, it has endured throughou t time and was one capital factor in maintainin g spiritual sustenance for large numbers of Slovaks. After their arrival in Slovak Great Moravia, Cyril envisioned the training of young Slavs for the priesthood as one of his major responsibil ities, for it would take a native clergy to perpetuate their work. For this task, he organized an educationa l program and school to train young Slovaks in their national culture as a preliminar y to advanced study. The Life of Saint Cyril reads: "Soon be translated the entire Ecclesiasti cal Order and taught them (his young disciples) Matins, the Little Hours, Vespers, Compline, and the Eucharisti c Liturgy. And the ears of the deaf were opened, according to the words of the prophet, to hear the words of Scripture, and the tongue of the stutterer was loosened." And Nestor in his Chronicle says: "When they arrived (in Great Moravia) they began to write with Slavonic letters and translated the 'Apostol' (Acts and Epistles of the Apostles) and the Gospel. And the Sloveni (Slovaks) rejoiced that they heard the praise of God in their own language." His teaching of these ritual texts and offices of th~ Byzantine Rite to the young men was so well organized that in only forty months the young disciples were prepared to be ordained. The Eulogy o t Saint Cyril says: "Having translated the entire liturgical ritual into Slavonic, he went to Rome, taking with him chosen ones of his flock for perfection (to be ordained ) and he ended his course (of life) with joy, because it pleased God that here (in Rome) his venerable body should rest." Following Cyril's death in 869, the newly consecrate d Bishop Methodius continued his missionary endeavors in Slovak Great Moravia and was later imprisoned by Bavarian bishops. They opposed the independe nt Slavonic hierarchy, responsible directly to Rome, that Saint Cyril and Methodius achieved along with the Slavonic liturgy. Although he was later released, Methodius ' suffering and humiliatio n for the sake of the independen ce of Slovaks has served as an inspiration for all suppressed Slovaks from the ninth century to the present twentieth century. 120 SLOVAKIA At the beginning of the twentieth century the political situation in Slovakia again suppressed any cultural and political activities aimed at keeping alive Slovak national consciousness and historical traditions. Budapest officialdom and Magyar nationalists viewed the Cyrilo-Methodian tradition as an anti-Hungarian and Pan-Slav conspiracy and often used oppressive and repressive measures to destroy cultural and political activities in Slovakia and even to thwart religious manifestations among the people. In spite of persecution and pressure, the dawning of the twentieth century brought a new generation of dedicated men who did not hesitate to accept at great personal cost and anguish the leading role of allegiance to their cultural heritage and Slovak national life. With the creation of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918, this spirit whetted the desire of Slovak patriots to serve their country as qualified statesmen and leaders and to prevent Czech shemers from asserting themselves as the ruling element of the Slovak nation. They were likewise determined not to permit the socialist government of Prague to impose foreign Czech traditions in place of cherished Slovak Cyrilo-Methodian and Catholic traditions. The first Slovak bishops in new Slovakia were consecrated in Nitra in 1921. The Slovak people at home and abroad viewed this great event as the fruit of devotion and patience which finally matured for them as the true heirs of the magnificent works of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The declaration of Slovakia's independence in 1939 by the Slovak Parliament was considered yet another revival of the first Slovak statehood of the ninth century. The Cyrilo-Methodian tradition was the keystone in the arch which the Slovak nation has built within the temple of its national life founded on authentic spiritual principles. Slovaks again under the cross of oppression since the 1968 August invasion of Czecho-Slovakia by the Soviets must again rely upon the Christian national past of Slovakia to support them through these dark days and to build anew their Slovak state in a happier time for which we fervently pray. The spirit of true religious freedom and the Slovak SLOVAKIA 121 political and cultural autonomy established in the CyriloMethodian tradition cannot be lost sight of today. It is especially essential to all of us, Slovaks by birth and by ancestry, at this crucial time when Slovakia is threatened by godless and God-defiant Communists. Our vital and vitalizing tradition must become actively operative to promote a wise and intrepid manifestation of Slovak national consciousness both in Slovakia and in America. Saints Cyril and Methodius valiantly labored and heroically suffered for Slovak independence both in ecclesiastical and political spheres. They laid for us the foundations of our Catholic faith and national culture. United in love of God and our Slovak nation we humbly pray- "The heritage of our ancestors preserve for us 0 Lord!" Patricia Revetta BIBLIOGRAPHY Kirschbaum, Joseph. Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. New York, 1960. Kirschbaum, Joseph. "The Role of the Cyrilo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak National and Political Life," Slovak Studies, III (1963), 153-173. Lacko, Michael. "The Cyrilo-Methodian Origin of the Byzantine-Slavonic and the Roman-Slavonic Liturgy," Slovak Studies, m (1963), 79-89. Lacko, Michael. "The Cyrilo-Methodian Mission and Slovakia," Slovak Studies, I (1961) , 23-47. Oddo, Gilbert. Slovakia and Its People. New York, 1960. Palickar, Stephen. Slovakia: From Hungarian Despotism to Atheistic Czech Communism. Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1948. Skultety, Joseph. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown, Pennsylvania, 1930. Yurchak, Peter. The Slovaks: Their History and Traditions. Whiting, Indiana, 1947. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is interested primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the United States of America.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Our Cyrilo-Methodian Heritage Description An account of the resource Patricia Revetta Slovakia, Vol. 20 (No. 43), 1970 pp. 116-121 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Revetta, Patricia Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1970 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/c294e5ccfbf584d028c86c4182083db3.pdf a61128d1470173608cc44e2ea8090b8d PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 37 OUR PLEA FOR SLOVAKIA TEXT OF ADDRESS BY STEPHEN B. ROMAN, K.C.S.G. Presented in Cl eveland, Ohio, at the 25th Anniversary of Slovak Independence The problems that confronts the world today brings into sharp focus the history of all civilized nations in their struggle for selfpreservation; self-determination and self-government. The fast evolving world that we are living rn, makes us, at times, forget the historical circumstances that are always so necessary t-o judge, from a proper perspective. ambition vs. rights. I mention Ambition vs. Rights because ambition looms through history, in the affairs of nations that are large and strong; on most instances , conquering nations interfering with the rights of peaceful and smaller nations . That is the story of the Slovak nation since the destruction of the Great Moravian empire. Since Bratislava, we have suffered; we have struggled; we have worked; we have hoped for the day 'when our nation can be free. The right of Slovakia to independence was cherished however by many generations who, Ir:. one form or another, fought and sacrificed for the day when Slovakia would become free of foreign rulo and enjoy equality of rights among civilized peoples . The realization ot this struggle dawn ed on us 25 years ago when, from the chaos that shook Europe, the Slovak nation, on March 14th, 1939 by unanimous vote of its parliament declared Slovakia's Independence. We gather here, today, to commemorate with all the Slovaks in the free world, this 25th Anniversary of Slovakia's declaration of Ind ependence. We, American and Canadian, Slovaks were not in Slovakia when on March 14th, 1939, the Slovak Parliament proclaimed Slovakia's ind e pendence, and the country of our fathers and forefathers r egained. after many centuries of foreign domination. the status of an independen.t nation. For many of us were watching from a dista nce, realiza ti on of our peoples dream . For this, as well as for oth er reasons, it does not become to us to pass judgmenlt on the circumstances which allowed the Slovaks to exercise their right to seH-determinat!on, or on the policy of the Slovak government, which -:ould not escape the pressures of the neighboring powers and the consequences of the geography and geopolitics As I have mentioned, the Slovaks manifested, through long centuries, their desire to be free and to develop according to their old Christian and ethnic traditions. Geography and stronger neighbors prevented, however, th e Slovaks from achieving this goal. It was only in the spring of 1939 that the international situation allowed the Slova k people to apply their right of self-determination and to r enew their Statehood which they had lost in the 10th Century. Should we not rememb er the day when our nation, one of the oldest of the Slavic nations . r egainad its independence, just because It happened in sp ecific international eircumstances that were beyond the control of a four million nation? Or should we not remember it jusc because those that domin ate Slovakia today are against such commemorations? No Ladies and Gentlemen, we must in a �38 SLOVAKIA posit.ive, constructive and vigorous way show the world that we are not against anybody else's rights; that we are not asking for anything that does not belong to us . We are, however, pursuing the hopes of any self-respecting nation that wants to be the master of its own destiny. Today, under foreign domination. Slovaks are not asking for anything more than this application of self-determination and self-government. For the past 150 years, under the impact of the French and American revolutions, Europe and other countris have fundamentally been transformed in the name of polltlc:al philosophy which rec,ognized for every people the inherent right to form national state of its own. to be politically independent, and to shape its life and institutions in accordance with its own national purpose. All free European nations and over 45 former colonies created their own states on the basis of this political doctrine, which President Wilson called self-determination. It appears that Slovakia bas not only older civilization but has also larger territory than some 15 of thos e nations and a larger population than some 45 of them. 1Should the same right not also apply to the Slovak people? In my humble opinion, any histor ian that can learn from the past advocate the right lo self-determination. Self-determination for every people regardless of its territory; regardless of its population, because God gave equal rights to freedom, and happiness to every individual and to all peopl es. As we all know the numan spirit revolts against discrimination. This country, today is the champion for the cause of freedom. It is championing the cause against discrimination and, as -such, I am sure, although at limes it appears to condone the present state of affairs in the world - is basically for freedom - for justice - and self-government of all the nations. The world was plungPd into difficulties, resulting in the cold war, because ()f the confused slate of affairs in which some nations remained free. and the otheri:;, against their will and the violation of their God-given rights, are deni ed self-determination and selfgovernment. On one hand we are today proclaiming the freedom and, on the other, condoning the tyranny and injustice. The fact that the Slovak Republic was incorporated into Czechoslovakia in 1945, without regard for the will of the people and, in violation of basic human principles, would indicate only today - that the right of the individual, the sacred right of a nation to determine its own course, to create its own destiny, is still over-ridden by the selfish motivations of the stronger and more ambitious nations . After World War II the Western Allies, in all good faith to create a better world, were taken in by the diabolical schemes of Communist imperialists . As we look back to the years 1944 and 1945 and ask ourselves what way the world would have progressed had we, instead of vehemently pursuing the decision of unconditional surrender, applied the basic Christian virtures of Love and Charity. Today, of course, there is only one definite and sure way from the intolerable situation, and that Is to apply the principles of self-determination to all people who are capable to govern themselves. We must, as free people, proclaim that right to self-determina- �SLOVAKIA 39 tion and self-government, as a basic principle that we stand for; that we fight for; and that we, in necessity, must die for. Self-governing people, In my humble opinion, in today's world must have their own way to create their regional spheres among free peoples - free nations -- in order to safeguard their security and their economic prosperity. The liberation of those nations that suffer under the colonial rule of the Soviet imperialists, and the assurance ano help from our side to the people that are threatened by Communist expansion in other parts of the world, is the only safe road towards the termination of the cold war, and also the gure way and the only way to prevent apocalyptic extinction which ~-ould result from the atomic warfare. Al:I for Slovakia, we believe that the Slovak nation, which under the protection of Almighty God, survived many centuries on the territory destined for its national development should not have been robbed of its independent status and should not be prevented from exercising its right to self-determination We commemorate, therefore, March 14th, 1939, as a historic date. The date that made the rest of the world realize that over four million Slovaks have an inherent right to be free and independet. l for one, wuuld not argue with anybody about Slovakia's war policy, but rather than believe the adversaries of Slovakia's independence, I trust the Slovak patriots, who sacrificed their lives for the people and we accept the opinion of the Special Committee of the American Congress which, in 1958, said: "Even though the Slovak state was largely the result of a tense international situation, it nevertheless corresponded to the aspirations of the Slovak people tor freedom and the principle of SP.If-determination and self-government. "It reflected a compromise between the past and the present, between an old tradition and a temporarily determined political dynamism of tne self-preservation Instinct of the Slovak nation." Slovakia, one of many nations, is dominated by ruthless Communists imperialists. We are hoping that the free world will not 111eglect thP nations behind the Iron Curtain, and will not let Communist oppressors destroy the Christian quality that Slovakia and the other nations hold rearly as their tradl tion . Slovakia's consciousness of the evolving and political interdependence of the European peoples are not catering to narrow nationalism or resentments, but with other vigorous peoples of Europe are trying to forget the past, and build the future for a better, stronger, more just Europe and the world . American and Canadian Slovaks hopes of freedom for the country ot our origin are, however. not based on any form of government or ideology, past or present, in Slovakia. We appeal to the Free World for justice and initependence for Slovakia because we believe In the eternal validity of the famous words of the American Declaration of Independence: "We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal, that they are endowed, by their Creator, with certain unallen lable rights, that among these are life - liberty - and the pursuit of happiness." This, ladies and gentlemen, is all we are asking for for !Slovakia. � SLOVAKIA 37 OUR PLEA FOR SLOVAKIA TEXT OF ADDRESS BY STEPHEN B. ROMAN, K.C.S.G. Presented in Cl eveland, Ohio, at the 25th Anniversary of Slovak Independence The problems that confronts the world today brings into sharp focus the history of all civilized nations in their struggle for selfpreservation; self-determination and self-government. The fast evolving world that we are living rn, makes us, at times, forget the historical circumstances that are always so necessary t-o judge, from a proper perspective. ambition vs. rights. I mention Ambition vs. Rights because ambition looms through history, in the affairs of nations that are large and strong; on most instances , conquering nations interfering with the rights of peaceful and smaller nations . That is the story of the Slovak nation since the destruction of the Great Moravian empire. Since Bratislava, we have suffered; we have struggled; we have worked; we have hoped for the day 'when our nation can be free. The right of Slovakia to independence was cherished however by many generations who, Ir:. one form or another, fought and sacrificed for the day when Slovakia would become free of foreign rulo and enjoy equality of rights among civilized peoples . The realization ot this struggle dawn ed on us 25 years ago when, from the chaos that shook Europe, the Slovak nation, on March 14th, 1939 by unanimous vote of its parliament declared Slovakia's Independence. We gather here, today, to commemorate with all the Slovaks in the free world, this 25th Anniversary of Slovakia's declaration of Ind ependence. We, American and Canadian, Slovaks were not in Slovakia when on March 14th, 1939, the Slovak Parliament proclaimed Slovakia's ind e pendence, and the country of our fathers and forefathers r egained. after many centuries of foreign domination. the status of an independen.t nation. For many of us were watching from a dista nce, realiza ti on of our peoples dream . For this, as well as for oth er reasons, it does not become to us to pass judgmenlt on the circumstances which allowed the Slovaks to exercise their right to seH-determinat!on, or on the policy of the Slovak government, which -:ould not escape the pressures of the neighboring powers and the consequences of the geography and geopolitics As I have mentioned, the Slovaks manifested, through long centuries, their desire to be free and to develop according to their old Christian and ethnic traditions. Geography and stronger neighbors prevented, however, th e Slovaks from achieving this goal. It was only in the spring of 1939 that the international situation allowed the Slova k people to apply their right of self-determination and to r enew their Statehood which they had lost in the 10th Century. Should we not rememb er the day when our nation, one of the oldest of the Slavic nations . r egainad its independence, just because It happened in sp ecific international eircumstances that were beyond the control of a four million nation? Or should we not remember it jusc because those that domin ate Slovakia today are against such commemorations? No Ladies and Gentlemen, we must in a �38 SLOVAKIA posit.ive, constructive and vigorous way show the world that we are not against anybody else's rights; that we are not asking for anything that does not belong to us . We are, however, pursuing the hopes of any self-respecting nation that wants to be the master of its own destiny. Today, under foreign domination. Slovaks are not asking for anything more than this application of self-determination and self-government. For the past 150 years, under the impact of the French and American revolutions, Europe and other countris have fundamentally been transformed in the name of polltlc:al philosophy which rec,ognized for every people the inherent right to form national state of its own. to be politically independent, and to shape its life and institutions in accordance with its own national purpose. All free European nations and over 45 former colonies created their own states on the basis of this political doctrine, which President Wilson called self-determination. It appears that Slovakia bas not only older civilization but has also larger territory than some 15 of thos e nations and a larger population than some 45 of them. 1Should the same right not also apply to the Slovak people? In my humble opinion, any histor ian that can learn from the past advocate the right lo self-determination. Self-determination for every people regardless of its territory; regardless of its population, because God gave equal rights to freedom, and happiness to every individual and to all peopl es. As we all know the numan spirit revolts against discrimination. This country, today is the champion for the cause of freedom. It is championing the cause against discrimination and, as -such, I am sure, although at limes it appears to condone the present state of affairs in the world - is basically for freedom - for justice - and self-government of all the nations. The world was plungPd into difficulties, resulting in the cold war, because ()f the confused slate of affairs in which some nations remained free. and the otheri:;, against their will and the violation of their God-given rights, are deni ed self-determination and selfgovernment. On one hand we are today proclaiming the freedom and, on the other, condoning the tyranny and injustice. The fact that the Slovak Republic was incorporated into Czechoslovakia in 1945, without regard for the will of the people and, in violation of basic human principles, would indicate only today - that the right of the individual, the sacred right of a nation to determine its own course, to create its own destiny, is still over-ridden by the selfish motivations of the stronger and more ambitious nations . After World War II the Western Allies, in all good faith to create a better world, were taken in by the diabolical schemes of Communist imperialists . As we look back to the years 1944 and 1945 and ask ourselves what way the world would have progressed had we, instead of vehemently pursuing the decision of unconditional surrender, applied the basic Christian virtures of Love and Charity. Today, of course, there is only one definite and sure way from the intolerable situation, and that Is to apply the principles of self-determination to all people who are capable to govern themselves. We must, as free people, proclaim that right to self-determina- �SLOVAKIA 39 tion and self-government, as a basic principle that we stand for; that we fight for; and that we, in necessity, must die for. Self-governing people, In my humble opinion, in today's world must have their own way to create their regional spheres among free peoples - free nations -- in order to safeguard their security and their economic prosperity. The liberation of those nations that suffer under the colonial rule of the Soviet imperialists, and the assurance ano help from our side to the people that are threatened by Communist expansion in other parts of the world, is the only safe road towards the termination of the cold war, and also the gure way and the only way to prevent apocalyptic extinction which ~-ould result from the atomic warfare. Al:I for Slovakia, we believe that the Slovak nation, which under the protection of Almighty God, survived many centuries on the territory destined for its national development should not have been robbed of its independent status and should not be prevented from exercising its right to self-determination We commemorate, therefore, March 14th, 1939, as a historic date. The date that made the rest of the world realize that over four million Slovaks have an inherent right to be free and independet. l for one, wuuld not argue with anybody about Slovakia's war policy, but rather than believe the adversaries of Slovakia's independence, I trust the Slovak patriots, who sacrificed their lives for the people and we accept the opinion of the Special Committee of the American Congress which, in 1958, said: "Even though the Slovak state was largely the result of a tense international situation, it nevertheless corresponded to the aspirations of the Slovak people tor freedom and the principle of SP.If-determination and self-government. "It reflected a compromise between the past and the present, between an old tradition and a temporarily determined political dynamism of tne self-preservation Instinct of the Slovak nation." Slovakia, one of many nations, is dominated by ruthless Communists imperialists. We are hoping that the free world will not 111eglect thP nations behind the Iron Curtain, and will not let Communist oppressors destroy the Christian quality that Slovakia and the other nations hold rearly as their tradl tion . Slovakia's consciousness of the evolving and political interdependence of the European peoples are not catering to narrow nationalism or resentments, but with other vigorous peoples of Europe are trying to forget the past, and build the future for a better, stronger, more just Europe and the world . American and Canadian Slovaks hopes of freedom for the country ot our origin are, however. not based on any form of government or ideology, past or present, in Slovakia. We appeal to the Free World for justice and initependence for Slovakia because we believe In the eternal validity of the famous words of the American Declaration of Independence: "We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal, that they are endowed, by their Creator, with certain unallen lable rights, that among these are life - liberty - and the pursuit of happiness." This, ladies and gentlemen, is all we are asking for for !Slovakia. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1964, Vol. 14 Description An account of the resource Vol. 14 (No. 37), 1964. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1964 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 37 OUR PLEA FOR SLOVAKIA TEXT OF ADDRESS BY STEPHEN B. ROMAN, K.C.S.G. Presented in Cl eveland, Ohio, at the 25th Anniversary of Slovak Independence The problems that confronts the world today brings into sharp focus the history of all civilized nations in their struggle for selfpreservation; self-determination and self-government. The fast evolving world that we are living rn, makes us, at times, forget the historical circumstances that are always so necessary t-o judge, from a proper perspective. ambition vs. rights. I mention Ambition vs. Rights because ambition looms through history, in the affairs of nations that are large and strong; on most instances , conquering nations interfering with the rights of peaceful and smaller nations . That is the story of the Slovak nation since the destruction of the Great Moravian empire. Since Bratislava, we have suffered; we have struggled; we have worked; we have hoped for the day 'when our nation can be free. The right of Slovakia to independence was cherished however by many generations who, Ir:. one form or another, fought and sacrificed for the day when Slovakia would become free of foreign rulo and enjoy equality of rights among civilized peoples . The realization ot this struggle dawn ed on us 25 years ago when, from the chaos that shook Europe, the Slovak nation, on March 14th, 1939 by unanimous vote of its parliament declared Slovakia's Independence. We gather here, today, to commemorate with all the Slovaks in the free world, this 25th Anniversary of Slovakia's declaration of Ind ependence. We, American and Canadian, Slovaks were not in Slovakia when on March 14th, 1939, the Slovak Parliament proclaimed Slovakia's ind e pendence, and the country of our fathers and forefathers r egained. after many centuries of foreign domination. the status of an independen.t nation. For many of us were watching from a dista nce, realiza ti on of our peoples dream . For this, as well as for oth er reasons, it does not become to us to pass judgmenlt on the circumstances which allowed the Slovaks to exercise their right to seH-determinat!on, or on the policy of the Slovak government, which -:ould not escape the pressures of the neighboring powers and the consequences of the geography and geopolitics As I have mentioned, the Slovaks manifested, through long centuries, their desire to be free and to develop according to their old Christian and ethnic traditions. Geography and stronger neighbors prevented, however, th e Slovaks from achieving this goal. It was only in the spring of 1939 that the international situation allowed the Slova k people to apply their right of self-determination and to r enew their Statehood which they had lost in the 10th Century. Should we not rememb er the day when our nation, one of the oldest of the Slavic nations . r egainad its independence, just because It happened in sp ecific international eircumstances that were beyond the control of a four million nation? Or should we not remember it jusc because those that domin ate Slovakia today are against such commemorations? No Ladies and Gentlemen, we must in a 38 SLOVAKIA posit.ive, constructive and vigorous way show the world that we are not against anybody else's rights; that we are not asking for anything that does not belong to us . We are, however, pursuing the hopes of any self-respecting nation that wants to be the master of its own destiny. Today, under foreign domination. Slovaks are not asking for anything more than this application of self-determination and self-government. For the past 150 years, under the impact of the French and American revolutions, Europe and other countris have fundamentally been transformed in the name of polltlc:al philosophy which rec,ognized for every people the inherent right to form national state of its own. to be politically independent, and to shape its life and institutions in accordance with its own national purpose. All free European nations and over 45 former colonies created their own states on the basis of this political doctrine, which President Wilson called self-determination. It appears that Slovakia bas not only older civilization but has also larger territory than some 15 of thos e nations and a larger population than some 45 of them. 1Should the same right not also apply to the Slovak people? In my humble opinion, any histor ian that can learn from the past advocate the right lo self-determination. Self-determination for every people regardless of its territory; regardless of its population, because God gave equal rights to freedom, and happiness to every individual and to all peopl es. As we all know the numan spirit revolts against discrimination. This country, today is the champion for the cause of freedom. It is championing the cause against discrimination and, as -such, I am sure, although at limes it appears to condone the present state of affairs in the world - is basically for freedom - for justice - and self-government of all the nations. The world was plungPd into difficulties, resulting in the cold war, because ()f the confused slate of affairs in which some nations remained free. and the otheri:;, against their will and the violation of their God-given rights, are deni ed self-determination and selfgovernment. On one hand we are today proclaiming the freedom and, on the other, condoning the tyranny and injustice. The fact that the Slovak Republic was incorporated into Czechoslovakia in 1945, without regard for the will of the people and, in violation of basic human principles, would indicate only today - that the right of the individual, the sacred right of a nation to determine its own course, to create its own destiny, is still over-ridden by the selfish motivations of the stronger and more ambitious nations . After World War II the Western Allies, in all good faith to create a better world, were taken in by the diabolical schemes of Communist imperialists . As we look back to the years 1944 and 1945 and ask ourselves what way the world would have progressed had we, instead of vehemently pursuing the decision of unconditional surrender, applied the basic Christian virtures of Love and Charity. Today, of course, there is only one definite and sure way from the intolerable situation, and that Is to apply the principles of self-determination to all people who are capable to govern themselves. We must, as free people, proclaim that right to self-determina- SLOVAKIA 39 tion and self-government, as a basic principle that we stand for; that we fight for; and that we, in necessity, must die for. Self-governing people, In my humble opinion, in today's world must have their own way to create their regional spheres among free peoples - free nations -- in order to safeguard their security and their economic prosperity. The liberation of those nations that suffer under the colonial rule of the Soviet imperialists, and the assurance ano help from our side to the people that are threatened by Communist expansion in other parts of the world, is the only safe road towards the termination of the cold war, and also the gure way and the only way to prevent apocalyptic extinction which ~-ould result from the atomic warfare. Al:I for Slovakia, we believe that the Slovak nation, which under the protection of Almighty God, survived many centuries on the territory destined for its national development should not have been robbed of its independent status and should not be prevented from exercising its right to self-determination We commemorate, therefore, March 14th, 1939, as a historic date. The date that made the rest of the world realize that over four million Slovaks have an inherent right to be free and independet. l for one, wuuld not argue with anybody about Slovakia's war policy, but rather than believe the adversaries of Slovakia's independence, I trust the Slovak patriots, who sacrificed their lives for the people and we accept the opinion of the Special Committee of the American Congress which, in 1958, said: "Even though the Slovak state was largely the result of a tense international situation, it nevertheless corresponded to the aspirations of the Slovak people tor freedom and the principle of SP.If-determination and self-government. "It reflected a compromise between the past and the present, between an old tradition and a temporarily determined political dynamism of tne self-preservation Instinct of the Slovak nation." Slovakia, one of many nations, is dominated by ruthless Communists imperialists. We are hoping that the free world will not 111eglect thP nations behind the Iron Curtain, and will not let Communist oppressors destroy the Christian quality that Slovakia and the other nations hold rearly as their tradl tion . Slovakia's consciousness of the evolving and political interdependence of the European peoples are not catering to narrow nationalism or resentments, but with other vigorous peoples of Europe are trying to forget the past, and build the future for a better, stronger, more just Europe and the world . American and Canadian Slovaks hopes of freedom for the country ot our origin are, however. not based on any form of government or ideology, past or present, in Slovakia. We appeal to the Free World for justice and initependence for Slovakia because we believe In the eternal validity of the famous words of the American Declaration of Independence: "We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal, that they are endowed, by their Creator, with certain unallen lable rights, that among these are life - liberty - and the pursuit of happiness." This, ladies and gentlemen, is all we are asking for for !Slovakia.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Our Plea for Slovakia Description An account of the resource Text of Address by Stephen B. Roman, K.C.S.G., presented in Cleveland, Ohio, at the 25th Anniversary of Slovak Independence Slovakia, Vol. 14 (No. 37), 1964 pp. 37-39 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Roman, Stephen, 1921-1988 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1964 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2a4b83e16a2e4ecc21626e84333fa6cb.pdf e39d5329f6fef123f4b813fdf01964ef PDF Text Text 64 SLOVAKIA The United State~ of A111erica The Nation With a Purpose Stephen B . Roman, LL.D. We know from history that the process man learned, which distinguished him from the animals he hunted, was and still is, the civilizing process of a society. Out of tribes--nations emerged. Their leaders guided them through a life which the civilized man found to be satisfying for himself and his family. The world went through many upheavals that, in retrospect, we realize were hard evolutionary processes. Man that evolved as an individual endorsed and accepted his first immediate grouping-his family. Later, through necessity, he organized himself into a stronger unit-a tribe. Again, by necessity of hard evolutionary fact, tribes evolved into modern nations. In Europe and Asia where history has best been documented, we have seen the emergence of powers which tried to dominate the entire world before. And again, we have seen governments which sought to offer the freedoms with which all human beings were endowed as their birthright. Looking in retrospect, we can analyze those values which enhanced man's progress; and those which retarded most of his efforts. The former, offered the individual a chance to develop the power which were really his to use to his best ability. The latter, bound the very energies which a state needs for its fullest development. At the beginning of the 17th century, events in Europe appeared to stifle the human spirit. The urge, by man, to venture to other areas of the world developed into an exodus to a newly discovered continent-to America. The first American settler yearned for the values which came from his heart and soul, and were nurtured by his intellect. He set about fulfilling his visions with his own might, and the blessing from the One in whom he found his greatest trust- his God. But, as the honest man proposes and flounders about, �SLOVAKIA 65 t hrough trial and error, so must he use his spirit and his intellect responsibly to reach his goals. Goals which not only prime his inspiration, but become the guide for others to follow. Guided by their desire to build America free and prosperous, the generations of Americans not only marvelled at the human concepts they were promoting, but had set a new poli tical philosophy to work . This concept required a new sense of realism in dealing with problems that were sure to emerge. It was a pragmatic approach in every sense, but one which always acknowledged the Divine Creator in Whose trust the nation was dedicated. George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln -and others after them-will forever guide the spirit of free men, not only in the United States but everywhere. The young nation tried to do a lot, and surely accomplished a lot. The country expanded its horizons, and within its borders accepted the men, women and children who wanted to live in the free and peaceful environment. However, we see the erroneous effect of the American policy in recent decades, that stemmed from the confusion created by the ideologists, that wanted to set America on a new course. Though Mr. Roosevelt had offered the greatest freedom of movement and practical affluence to his generation of Americans, which touched the hearts of all the people everywhere, he failed to use that which was his greatest contribution to the American nation-the natural, practical and idealistic approach that had guided America before. The Second World War emerged as a conflict between strong nations-not so much to gain territorial possessions; but more to impose its national philosophies on weaker nations. We all know the course of history. Where freedom once flourished, people were left to their horrible fate , to endure decades of misery. In my opinion, what should have been the destruction of dangerous ideologies turned out to be the war of interests of national philosophies; and thus, extended the possibility to another major war. The ideological confrontation that we are in constant fear of, can bring our world to destruction, such as no civilization has witnessed before. During the past half century the world witnessed �66 SLOVAKIA several forms of domination, along with expanding colonial empires. Several compromises by honourable men dealing in good faith. But, always the same result. The good intentions on one side would not eliminate the treachery and intrigue on the other. The free world, dealing in good faith, always lost and compromised the principles of freedom and democracy. Tyranny, using its devious ways and forms, always triumphed for a time. There was no doubt in Hitler's plans to conquer the world. But why were there doubts-doubts that still remain -that Soviet communism seeks to do the same? One sought to enslave man's bodies. But the other, seeks to destroy every vestige of his previous political and philosophical persuasion. To compel him, without mercy, to adopt a form of totalitarian exploitation-bod y and soul alike. Why is it then that the nation's leaders, calling upon Divine Providence to lead the world in freedom, justice, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, could not recognize the dangers of confusion, that they were creating by trying to resolve long term problems by expedient means. As such a close neighbour to your great and powerful nation, you must realize Canada tends to be extra-sensitive to your every thought and action. It is a trite Canadian expression that when the United States sneezes, Canada catches the cold. That I should be standing here about to discuss the role of the United States in the world today, indicates your awareness of the sensitive and friendly reactions of Canadians to your way of life, and the factors which influence your country. Why is it that we are unable to ferret out the essence of imminent aggression and its accompanying consequences, before millions of people are compelled to bow to the whim and wish of a tyrannical system? The hope of mankind was riding high when the Atlantic Charter and Four Freedoms were held as a beacon for man everywhere. But how depressed and low it fell when, in spite of that American ideal, one hundred million people that had known freedom, were placed under communism against their will! How depressing it gets when one action leads to another, and shows that the American ideal of free men everywhere slides into the background! Ravaging �SLOVAKIA 67 communism emerges stronger and stronger, with complete government apparatus supporting its every move for further expansion. · Must we succumb to the devious schemes of dictators who always seem to be right on time to create confusion and turmoil? Can we not analyze a potential threat to humanity? Can we not offer a solution which would alleviate the situation before it gets out of hand? Before it engulfs man ~n despair, and leads the entire world into catastrophe? Ladies and gentlemen, I feel that the title of my comments-A Nation With a Purpose-indicates what Canadians think about you, Americans; and, the position of the United States in the world today. Many of you must be bewildered by some of the terrible events which have occured in your nation. By political assassinations, by riots and near anarchy, and by crime. The cynic might say, today, that the United States has lost its purpose . I disagree violently. I can tell you that most people in the world, disagree. To most people in the world the United States r epresents hope ; and to many of them the only hope, that their fate will be changed for the better. The man broken under the abuses of those political and ideological systems looks hopefully-and secretly-to the United States. I can stand back at a distance and tell you that to men and women living outside your borders, you appear as a strong nation created by pioneers; and perpetuated by ideals of freedom, justice and liberty. Your forefathers were fighting to establish the uniqueness of the individual in a society. They worked to help that individual achieve his fondest aspirations-to live in freedom . Let us not forget the beginnings of your American history. The downtrodden, the beaten and weary came to America from societies where political and social systems had taken away the dignity of man. From societies that turned man into a lesser creature-than Divine Providence intended him to be. The purpose of the American nation was established, from its earliest days; to provide opportunity for men to �68 SLOVAKIA be free; to show the rest of the world that only in free societies can man evolve to his ultimate. Contrast this root of the American culture and purpose, and American history with other parts of the world. The world which is under the domination of what we define as a communist system. In that world, man as an individual is non-existent. Man is only a tool to be manipulated-to be used, by a select few within the power structure. My viewpoint is, that this essential purpose of the American nation-this constant drive for individual freedom-is the greatest strength which less fortunate man everywhere can look up to, today. Despite occasional setbacks of the American policy, the American purpose remains the only hope of those people who are locked into the communist system and ideologies. Your nation is the only hope of the free world, if the world, as we know it today, is to survive. The United States is the only nation capable of deterring the expansion of the evil ideology that is so vehemently trying to encircle individual man. As I have mentioned, this role of champion of individual dignity, and freedom, was thrust on the United States by history. It has taken two world wars to arrive at the present crucial stage of direct confrontation. The confrontation between the ideology of the innate dignity and freedom of man; and, the opposing ideology that man has no b asic individuality, but is only another animal to b e used , by the state. Champi oning individual liberties has become part of y our nation's identi ty. Naturally, this task has never been easy nor always crowned with success. Two world wars have been fought over fundamental issues which are more relevant today than they were in 1918. The confrontation between the ideology which is used as a mask for enslavement, on one side, and, the ideology that contains freedom, and liberty, and pursuit of happiness of the individual, on the other. The struggle of these ideologies continues, and this confrontation will go on unti l free men will win. Communism, which might have started with the intention of helping the individual to improve his lot, cannot be defended today as such. Even its own theorists cannot �SLOVAKIA 69 show that the continuation of that intention is the purpose of the system. Events and facts show us the grotesque size of this fallacy. For . over 50 years Russia, as the core of the communist way, has used all its strength for only one purposethe imposition of the dominance of its state, and its government, and its ideology on the rest of the world. In other words-for the destruction of freedom and liberty. The Kremlin leaders try to convince the world that its difficulties stem from a difference in ideas. The true situation is, that the world's biggest problem is a fight between free nations willing to give freedom to all people, on one side; and, Soviet imperialism, on the other. The Soviet tactics have been terrifyingly successful. The communist area, today, covers one-quarter of the world's land territory, and one-third of the world's peoples. Why have we permitted this situation to develop? We have developed this crisis situation because of mistakes both, in the way we think, and in the methods we employ. Because we have taken our freedom for granted, we have been trapped into making mistakes which have furthered the efforts of communists to dominate mankind. The United States, as leader and mentor, has been unwittingly tricked into fighting the battle between freedom and slavery, under the rules laid down by the enslavers. As your nation rose in stature, and sought to influence the world-it made mistakes. These mistakes were inevitable at times. But the major errors, I feel were the results of confusion and hesitation. It may have been a possible lack of confidence among leading Americans in the historical purpose of the nation. It was almost as if some of your politicians felt guilty, or somewhat ashamed, about words like freedom, justice, liberty, equality-and, phrases like, the pursuit of happiness. You may feel self-conscious hearing them now. I am proud to be free--and able--to use these words. As your President, Mr. Nixon, stated in his Inaugural Address: "America must appraise her weaknesses". But let me say, the entire world shouts to you to appraise �70 SLOVAKIA the weakness of yours, and mankind's adverseries. And, he also said: "the American dream does not come to those who fall asleep". So must America understand, when the people of the world call on this generation of Americans to awaken from its lethargy and pursue its American purpose. Yes, no man can be fully free when his neighbour is not. The purpose of your nation, today, is to recognize the choice between your original idealistic goal of freedom , and self-respect of man, on one side; and, his enslavement by communism, on the other. Today, ladies and gentlemen, time has passed when international order can be guaranteed by power, alone. A good example of this is the result of the Second World War. I believe, and believe very strongly, that in our world of ideas and ideals, military confrontation will be the end result:-unless , we are willing, to weaken the enemy by the greatest strength we have at our disposal-the yearning for freedom by enslaved men. I , for one, believe that mankind would survive a nuclear war, but only as a small fragment of what man and civilization represent today. But, I also believe that the confrontation is not necessary. Re-appraisal of the way to go about strengthening our side, and weakening the adverseries, is an immediate need-and, a high priority item . We hear a cry from a number of responsible thoughtmolders in the United States, and some beyond your borders, about the lack of American leadership, on the international scene. It, therefore, become the task of this generation of Americans to clearly re-establish that leadership which will capture the imagination of, not only America and the free world, but also the people that are suffering tyranny. Surely American leadership must understand the plight of nations seeking freedom, and inspire them to promote their self-determination. The indecisions, and hesitancies, and contradictions of our leaders in recent years, have only confused the rest �SLOVAKIA 71 of the world. They have given ammunitio n to the communist argument that the United States is an arrogant nation, and not a liberator, and fighter for freedom and liberty. But, ladies and gentlemen, let us hope that this is in the past. I am heartened by the evidence of realistic thinking about the basic aim and role, of your nation, on the world stage. I sense a return to the purpose which drives America. The right of the individual to seek-to achieve his aspirations in an atmospher e of freedom , and equality. What does the world long for today? I am convinced that the solution of the problem is, simply: First. Establishm ent of American leadership that will freely entice all the peoples fighting for, and respecting freedom, under its banner. Second. Re-apprais al of the policy of containme nt and status quo should be considered . In today's world-sta tus quo-is virtually the same as standing still in our fastmoving world. Therefore, unless the Western nations begin making their own revolution -a revolution to extend and expand the areas of freedom-t he free man will not survive as such. It is indeed time for America to remember the strength and power of the people yearning for freedom in the Soviet system. Only through that particular power can we expect, and eventually achieve, victory of free men without nuclear holocaust. Let our systems compete peacefully. But let the competitio n be based on equal hadicaps. The test is, to bring to light the real motivating force , and seek to understand its future moves. Knowledge is free man's most important asset, as well as dictators' greatest liability. The picture I can see in this kind of competitio n will not be bleak for our side. The competitiv e spirit of free man is, today, one of his greatest assets-an asset that will triumph in the end. The power of free man is the power of America. A power which is unparallell ed with any of its adverseries . �72 SLOVAKIA Make use of it! Give your youth the visions of conquering man's ills! Stimulate the interest in that power, in the masses of enslaved people! Do this with a courage and zeal that gets the job done, and instills responsibility for the objectives. Third. It is in your interest, and in the interest of free people everywhere to neutralize communists' two most powerful states-The Soviet Union and Communist China. An elastic and skillful policy towards China on the part of the United States and the free world shoul be considered. I would like to stress that nothing is more remote from my mind than backing the political concepts which could lead to strengthening the communist tyranny in any way, even in the smallest country in the world. I am interested in not missing any opportunities that would give the idea of freedom a little time to germinate. In order to survive, the communist world must keep its people in constant fear and turmoil. It must obtain from its subjects the greatest possible sacrifices. Is it not better then, that two of our adverseries are fighting between themselves, rather than both be left free to fight with us? I feel the world would not be in danger of a nuclear holocaust if the strength of communism could be diminished by its own inherent, internal weaknesses. Fourth. The free world's communications media must be committed to developing the strains of understanding which make up the moral fiber of the Western man, rather than inflame the antagonisms which promote conflict. The ideologists of all dictatorships will be pleased to see America flounder; and therefore, responsible communication is a must. If the best is required of political leaders today; if the highest qualities are demanded of your scientists; then certainly, not any less should be the criteria by which the communicators in the West should be motivated. Ultimately each must seek the same goal-to promote t he best which the Free Society can inspire. Fifth. Expanding your horizons is, indeed, very im- �SLOVAKIA 73 portant for America today. Think in terms of the future problems that you can surmount, rather than be dismayed by them. Freedom has the same meaning to all people, whether one lives in the United States, in Russia, or in Czecho-Slovakia. It is this concept of freedom which eventually overcomes dictatorships. Communism carries within itself a seed of self-destruction. Let's nurture that seed for our benefit, and for the benefit of freedom. Your nation stands on the foundation with the wonderful human goals. The goals of freedom and justice for all-equality of opportunity to achieve one's personal happiness. Your nation recognizes the dignity of man. The United States was formed for a purpose, and with the purpose, to provide a home whether physical or spiritual for those who love freedom and crave for dignity. That purpose is more vital to the world today than ever before. It is your purpose-your nation's purpose. And the people yearning for freedom see, in the United States, an irreplaceable leader of their hope and their trust. And I know, that people held down by political and ideological tyrannies are waiting to hear you proclaim it. This address was delivered on February 17, 1969 to Palm Beach Round Table meeting and we are pleased to publish it because of its interesting and timely contents. - Editor. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America lias always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth. � 64 SLOVAKIA The United State~ of A111erica The Nation With a Purpose Stephen B . Roman, LL.D. We know from history that the process man learned, which distinguished him from the animals he hunted, was and still is, the civilizing process of a society. Out of tribes--nations emerged. Their leaders guided them through a life which the civilized man found to be satisfying for himself and his family. The world went through many upheavals that, in retrospect, we realize were hard evolutionary processes. Man that evolved as an individual endorsed and accepted his first immediate grouping-his family. Later, through necessity, he organized himself into a stronger unit-a tribe. Again, by necessity of hard evolutionary fact, tribes evolved into modern nations. In Europe and Asia where history has best been documented, we have seen the emergence of powers which tried to dominate the entire world before. And again, we have seen governments which sought to offer the freedoms with which all human beings were endowed as their birthright. Looking in retrospect, we can analyze those values which enhanced man's progress; and those which retarded most of his efforts. The former, offered the individual a chance to develop the power which were really his to use to his best ability. The latter, bound the very energies which a state needs for its fullest development. At the beginning of the 17th century, events in Europe appeared to stifle the human spirit. The urge, by man, to venture to other areas of the world developed into an exodus to a newly discovered continent-to America. The first American settler yearned for the values which came from his heart and soul, and were nurtured by his intellect. He set about fulfilling his visions with his own might, and the blessing from the One in whom he found his greatest trust- his God. But, as the honest man proposes and flounders about, �SLOVAKIA 65 t hrough trial and error, so must he use his spirit and his intellect responsibly to reach his goals. Goals which not only prime his inspiration, but become the guide for others to follow. Guided by their desire to build America free and prosperous, the generations of Americans not only marvelled at the human concepts they were promoting, but had set a new poli tical philosophy to work . This concept required a new sense of realism in dealing with problems that were sure to emerge. It was a pragmatic approach in every sense, but one which always acknowledged the Divine Creator in Whose trust the nation was dedicated. George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln -and others after them-will forever guide the spirit of free men, not only in the United States but everywhere. The young nation tried to do a lot, and surely accomplished a lot. The country expanded its horizons, and within its borders accepted the men, women and children who wanted to live in the free and peaceful environment. However, we see the erroneous effect of the American policy in recent decades, that stemmed from the confusion created by the ideologists, that wanted to set America on a new course. Though Mr. Roosevelt had offered the greatest freedom of movement and practical affluence to his generation of Americans, which touched the hearts of all the people everywhere, he failed to use that which was his greatest contribution to the American nation-the natural, practical and idealistic approach that had guided America before. The Second World War emerged as a conflict between strong nations-not so much to gain territorial possessions; but more to impose its national philosophies on weaker nations. We all know the course of history. Where freedom once flourished, people were left to their horrible fate , to endure decades of misery. In my opinion, what should have been the destruction of dangerous ideologies turned out to be the war of interests of national philosophies; and thus, extended the possibility to another major war. The ideological confrontation that we are in constant fear of, can bring our world to destruction, such as no civilization has witnessed before. During the past half century the world witnessed �66 SLOVAKIA several forms of domination, along with expanding colonial empires. Several compromises by honourable men dealing in good faith. But, always the same result. The good intentions on one side would not eliminate the treachery and intrigue on the other. The free world, dealing in good faith, always lost and compromised the principles of freedom and democracy. Tyranny, using its devious ways and forms, always triumphed for a time. There was no doubt in Hitler's plans to conquer the world. But why were there doubts-doubts that still remain -that Soviet communism seeks to do the same? One sought to enslave man's bodies. But the other, seeks to destroy every vestige of his previous political and philosophical persuasion. To compel him, without mercy, to adopt a form of totalitarian exploitation-bod y and soul alike. Why is it then that the nation's leaders, calling upon Divine Providence to lead the world in freedom, justice, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, could not recognize the dangers of confusion, that they were creating by trying to resolve long term problems by expedient means. As such a close neighbour to your great and powerful nation, you must realize Canada tends to be extra-sensitive to your every thought and action. It is a trite Canadian expression that when the United States sneezes, Canada catches the cold. That I should be standing here about to discuss the role of the United States in the world today, indicates your awareness of the sensitive and friendly reactions of Canadians to your way of life, and the factors which influence your country. Why is it that we are unable to ferret out the essence of imminent aggression and its accompanying consequences, before millions of people are compelled to bow to the whim and wish of a tyrannical system? The hope of mankind was riding high when the Atlantic Charter and Four Freedoms were held as a beacon for man everywhere. But how depressed and low it fell when, in spite of that American ideal, one hundred million people that had known freedom, were placed under communism against their will! How depressing it gets when one action leads to another, and shows that the American ideal of free men everywhere slides into the background! Ravaging �SLOVAKIA 67 communism emerges stronger and stronger, with complete government apparatus supporting its every move for further expansion. · Must we succumb to the devious schemes of dictators who always seem to be right on time to create confusion and turmoil? Can we not analyze a potential threat to humanity? Can we not offer a solution which would alleviate the situation before it gets out of hand? Before it engulfs man ~n despair, and leads the entire world into catastrophe? Ladies and gentlemen, I feel that the title of my comments-A Nation With a Purpose-indicates what Canadians think about you, Americans; and, the position of the United States in the world today. Many of you must be bewildered by some of the terrible events which have occured in your nation. By political assassinations, by riots and near anarchy, and by crime. The cynic might say, today, that the United States has lost its purpose . I disagree violently. I can tell you that most people in the world, disagree. To most people in the world the United States r epresents hope ; and to many of them the only hope, that their fate will be changed for the better. The man broken under the abuses of those political and ideological systems looks hopefully-and secretly-to the United States. I can stand back at a distance and tell you that to men and women living outside your borders, you appear as a strong nation created by pioneers; and perpetuated by ideals of freedom, justice and liberty. Your forefathers were fighting to establish the uniqueness of the individual in a society. They worked to help that individual achieve his fondest aspirations-to live in freedom . Let us not forget the beginnings of your American history. The downtrodden, the beaten and weary came to America from societies where political and social systems had taken away the dignity of man. From societies that turned man into a lesser creature-than Divine Providence intended him to be. The purpose of the American nation was established, from its earliest days; to provide opportunity for men to �68 SLOVAKIA be free; to show the rest of the world that only in free societies can man evolve to his ultimate. Contrast this root of the American culture and purpose, and American history with other parts of the world. The world which is under the domination of what we define as a communist system. In that world, man as an individual is non-existent. Man is only a tool to be manipulated-to be used, by a select few within the power structure. My viewpoint is, that this essential purpose of the American nation-this constant drive for individual freedom-is the greatest strength which less fortunate man everywhere can look up to, today. Despite occasional setbacks of the American policy, the American purpose remains the only hope of those people who are locked into the communist system and ideologies. Your nation is the only hope of the free world, if the world, as we know it today, is to survive. The United States is the only nation capable of deterring the expansion of the evil ideology that is so vehemently trying to encircle individual man. As I have mentioned, this role of champion of individual dignity, and freedom, was thrust on the United States by history. It has taken two world wars to arrive at the present crucial stage of direct confrontation. The confrontation between the ideology of the innate dignity and freedom of man; and, the opposing ideology that man has no b asic individuality, but is only another animal to b e used , by the state. Champi oning individual liberties has become part of y our nation's identi ty. Naturally, this task has never been easy nor always crowned with success. Two world wars have been fought over fundamental issues which are more relevant today than they were in 1918. The confrontation between the ideology which is used as a mask for enslavement, on one side, and, the ideology that contains freedom, and liberty, and pursuit of happiness of the individual, on the other. The struggle of these ideologies continues, and this confrontation will go on unti l free men will win. Communism, which might have started with the intention of helping the individual to improve his lot, cannot be defended today as such. Even its own theorists cannot �SLOVAKIA 69 show that the continuation of that intention is the purpose of the system. Events and facts show us the grotesque size of this fallacy. For . over 50 years Russia, as the core of the communist way, has used all its strength for only one purposethe imposition of the dominance of its state, and its government, and its ideology on the rest of the world. In other words-for the destruction of freedom and liberty. The Kremlin leaders try to convince the world that its difficulties stem from a difference in ideas. The true situation is, that the world's biggest problem is a fight between free nations willing to give freedom to all people, on one side; and, Soviet imperialism, on the other. The Soviet tactics have been terrifyingly successful. The communist area, today, covers one-quarter of the world's land territory, and one-third of the world's peoples. Why have we permitted this situation to develop? We have developed this crisis situation because of mistakes both, in the way we think, and in the methods we employ. Because we have taken our freedom for granted, we have been trapped into making mistakes which have furthered the efforts of communists to dominate mankind. The United States, as leader and mentor, has been unwittingly tricked into fighting the battle between freedom and slavery, under the rules laid down by the enslavers. As your nation rose in stature, and sought to influence the world-it made mistakes. These mistakes were inevitable at times. But the major errors, I feel were the results of confusion and hesitation. It may have been a possible lack of confidence among leading Americans in the historical purpose of the nation. It was almost as if some of your politicians felt guilty, or somewhat ashamed, about words like freedom, justice, liberty, equality-and, phrases like, the pursuit of happiness. You may feel self-conscious hearing them now. I am proud to be free--and able--to use these words. As your President, Mr. Nixon, stated in his Inaugural Address: "America must appraise her weaknesses". But let me say, the entire world shouts to you to appraise �70 SLOVAKIA the weakness of yours, and mankind's adverseries. And, he also said: "the American dream does not come to those who fall asleep". So must America understand, when the people of the world call on this generation of Americans to awaken from its lethargy and pursue its American purpose. Yes, no man can be fully free when his neighbour is not. The purpose of your nation, today, is to recognize the choice between your original idealistic goal of freedom , and self-respect of man, on one side; and, his enslavement by communism, on the other. Today, ladies and gentlemen, time has passed when international order can be guaranteed by power, alone. A good example of this is the result of the Second World War. I believe, and believe very strongly, that in our world of ideas and ideals, military confrontation will be the end result:-unless , we are willing, to weaken the enemy by the greatest strength we have at our disposal-the yearning for freedom by enslaved men. I , for one, believe that mankind would survive a nuclear war, but only as a small fragment of what man and civilization represent today. But, I also believe that the confrontation is not necessary. Re-appraisal of the way to go about strengthening our side, and weakening the adverseries, is an immediate need-and, a high priority item . We hear a cry from a number of responsible thoughtmolders in the United States, and some beyond your borders, about the lack of American leadership, on the international scene. It, therefore, become the task of this generation of Americans to clearly re-establish that leadership which will capture the imagination of, not only America and the free world, but also the people that are suffering tyranny. Surely American leadership must understand the plight of nations seeking freedom, and inspire them to promote their self-determination. The indecisions, and hesitancies, and contradictions of our leaders in recent years, have only confused the rest �SLOVAKIA 71 of the world. They have given ammunitio n to the communist argument that the United States is an arrogant nation, and not a liberator, and fighter for freedom and liberty. But, ladies and gentlemen, let us hope that this is in the past. I am heartened by the evidence of realistic thinking about the basic aim and role, of your nation, on the world stage. I sense a return to the purpose which drives America. The right of the individual to seek-to achieve his aspirations in an atmospher e of freedom , and equality. What does the world long for today? I am convinced that the solution of the problem is, simply: First. Establishm ent of American leadership that will freely entice all the peoples fighting for, and respecting freedom, under its banner. Second. Re-apprais al of the policy of containme nt and status quo should be considered . In today's world-sta tus quo-is virtually the same as standing still in our fastmoving world. Therefore, unless the Western nations begin making their own revolution -a revolution to extend and expand the areas of freedom-t he free man will not survive as such. It is indeed time for America to remember the strength and power of the people yearning for freedom in the Soviet system. Only through that particular power can we expect, and eventually achieve, victory of free men without nuclear holocaust. Let our systems compete peacefully. But let the competitio n be based on equal hadicaps. The test is, to bring to light the real motivating force , and seek to understand its future moves. Knowledge is free man's most important asset, as well as dictators' greatest liability. The picture I can see in this kind of competitio n will not be bleak for our side. The competitiv e spirit of free man is, today, one of his greatest assets-an asset that will triumph in the end. The power of free man is the power of America. A power which is unparallell ed with any of its adverseries . �72 SLOVAKIA Make use of it! Give your youth the visions of conquering man's ills! Stimulate the interest in that power, in the masses of enslaved people! Do this with a courage and zeal that gets the job done, and instills responsibility for the objectives. Third. It is in your interest, and in the interest of free people everywhere to neutralize communists' two most powerful states-The Soviet Union and Communist China. An elastic and skillful policy towards China on the part of the United States and the free world shoul be considered. I would like to stress that nothing is more remote from my mind than backing the political concepts which could lead to strengthening the communist tyranny in any way, even in the smallest country in the world. I am interested in not missing any opportunities that would give the idea of freedom a little time to germinate. In order to survive, the communist world must keep its people in constant fear and turmoil. It must obtain from its subjects the greatest possible sacrifices. Is it not better then, that two of our adverseries are fighting between themselves, rather than both be left free to fight with us? I feel the world would not be in danger of a nuclear holocaust if the strength of communism could be diminished by its own inherent, internal weaknesses. Fourth. The free world's communications media must be committed to developing the strains of understanding which make up the moral fiber of the Western man, rather than inflame the antagonisms which promote conflict. The ideologists of all dictatorships will be pleased to see America flounder; and therefore, responsible communication is a must. If the best is required of political leaders today; if the highest qualities are demanded of your scientists; then certainly, not any less should be the criteria by which the communicators in the West should be motivated. Ultimately each must seek the same goal-to promote t he best which the Free Society can inspire. Fifth. Expanding your horizons is, indeed, very im- �SLOVAKIA 73 portant for America today. Think in terms of the future problems that you can surmount, rather than be dismayed by them. Freedom has the same meaning to all people, whether one lives in the United States, in Russia, or in Czecho-Slovakia. It is this concept of freedom which eventually overcomes dictatorships. Communism carries within itself a seed of self-destruction. Let's nurture that seed for our benefit, and for the benefit of freedom. Your nation stands on the foundation with the wonderful human goals. The goals of freedom and justice for all-equality of opportunity to achieve one's personal happiness. Your nation recognizes the dignity of man. The United States was formed for a purpose, and with the purpose, to provide a home whether physical or spiritual for those who love freedom and crave for dignity. That purpose is more vital to the world today than ever before. It is your purpose-your nation's purpose. And the people yearning for freedom see, in the United States, an irreplaceable leader of their hope and their trust. And I know, that people held down by political and ideological tyrannies are waiting to hear you proclaim it. This address was delivered on February 17, 1969 to Palm Beach Round Table meeting and we are pleased to publish it because of its interesting and timely contents. - Editor. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America lias always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1969, Vol. 19 Description An account of the resource Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 64 SLOVAKIA The United State~ of A111erica The Nation With a Purpose Stephen B . Roman, LL.D. We know from history that the process man learned, which distinguished him from the animals he hunted, was and still is, the civilizing process of a society. Out of tribes--nations emerged. Their leaders guided them through a life which the civilized man found to be satisfying for himself and his family. The world went through many upheavals that, in retrospect, we realize were hard evolutionary processes. Man that evolved as an individual endorsed and accepted his first immediate grouping-his family. Later, through necessity, he organized himself into a stronger unit-a tribe. Again, by necessity of hard evolutionary fact, tribes evolved into modern nations. In Europe and Asia where history has best been documented, we have seen the emergence of powers which tried to dominate the entire world before. And again, we have seen governments which sought to offer the freedoms with which all human beings were endowed as their birthright. Looking in retrospect, we can analyze those values which enhanced man's progress; and those which retarded most of his efforts. The former, offered the individual a chance to develop the power which were really his to use to his best ability. The latter, bound the very energies which a state needs for its fullest development. At the beginning of the 17th century, events in Europe appeared to stifle the human spirit. The urge, by man, to venture to other areas of the world developed into an exodus to a newly discovered continent-to America. The first American settler yearned for the values which came from his heart and soul, and were nurtured by his intellect. He set about fulfilling his visions with his own might, and the blessing from the One in whom he found his greatest trust- his God. But, as the honest man proposes and flounders about, SLOVAKIA 65 t hrough trial and error, so must he use his spirit and his intellect responsibly to reach his goals. Goals which not only prime his inspiration, but become the guide for others to follow. Guided by their desire to build America free and prosperous, the generations of Americans not only marvelled at the human concepts they were promoting, but had set a new poli tical philosophy to work . This concept required a new sense of realism in dealing with problems that were sure to emerge. It was a pragmatic approach in every sense, but one which always acknowledged the Divine Creator in Whose trust the nation was dedicated. George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln -and others after them-will forever guide the spirit of free men, not only in the United States but everywhere. The young nation tried to do a lot, and surely accomplished a lot. The country expanded its horizons, and within its borders accepted the men, women and children who wanted to live in the free and peaceful environment. However, we see the erroneous effect of the American policy in recent decades, that stemmed from the confusion created by the ideologists, that wanted to set America on a new course. Though Mr. Roosevelt had offered the greatest freedom of movement and practical affluence to his generation of Americans, which touched the hearts of all the people everywhere, he failed to use that which was his greatest contribution to the American nation-the natural, practical and idealistic approach that had guided America before. The Second World War emerged as a conflict between strong nations-not so much to gain territorial possessions; but more to impose its national philosophies on weaker nations. We all know the course of history. Where freedom once flourished, people were left to their horrible fate , to endure decades of misery. In my opinion, what should have been the destruction of dangerous ideologies turned out to be the war of interests of national philosophies; and thus, extended the possibility to another major war. The ideological confrontation that we are in constant fear of, can bring our world to destruction, such as no civilization has witnessed before. During the past half century the world witnessed 66 SLOVAKIA several forms of domination, along with expanding colonial empires. Several compromises by honourable men dealing in good faith. But, always the same result. The good intentions on one side would not eliminate the treachery and intrigue on the other. The free world, dealing in good faith, always lost and compromised the principles of freedom and democracy. Tyranny, using its devious ways and forms, always triumphed for a time. There was no doubt in Hitler's plans to conquer the world. But why were there doubts-doubts that still remain -that Soviet communism seeks to do the same? One sought to enslave man's bodies. But the other, seeks to destroy every vestige of his previous political and philosophical persuasion. To compel him, without mercy, to adopt a form of totalitarian exploitation-bod y and soul alike. Why is it then that the nation's leaders, calling upon Divine Providence to lead the world in freedom, justice, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, could not recognize the dangers of confusion, that they were creating by trying to resolve long term problems by expedient means. As such a close neighbour to your great and powerful nation, you must realize Canada tends to be extra-sensitive to your every thought and action. It is a trite Canadian expression that when the United States sneezes, Canada catches the cold. That I should be standing here about to discuss the role of the United States in the world today, indicates your awareness of the sensitive and friendly reactions of Canadians to your way of life, and the factors which influence your country. Why is it that we are unable to ferret out the essence of imminent aggression and its accompanying consequences, before millions of people are compelled to bow to the whim and wish of a tyrannical system? The hope of mankind was riding high when the Atlantic Charter and Four Freedoms were held as a beacon for man everywhere. But how depressed and low it fell when, in spite of that American ideal, one hundred million people that had known freedom, were placed under communism against their will! How depressing it gets when one action leads to another, and shows that the American ideal of free men everywhere slides into the background! Ravaging SLOVAKIA 67 communism emerges stronger and stronger, with complete government apparatus supporting its every move for further expansion. · Must we succumb to the devious schemes of dictators who always seem to be right on time to create confusion and turmoil? Can we not analyze a potential threat to humanity? Can we not offer a solution which would alleviate the situation before it gets out of hand? Before it engulfs man ~n despair, and leads the entire world into catastrophe? Ladies and gentlemen, I feel that the title of my comments-A Nation With a Purpose-indicates what Canadians think about you, Americans; and, the position of the United States in the world today. Many of you must be bewildered by some of the terrible events which have occured in your nation. By political assassinations, by riots and near anarchy, and by crime. The cynic might say, today, that the United States has lost its purpose . I disagree violently. I can tell you that most people in the world, disagree. To most people in the world the United States r epresents hope ; and to many of them the only hope, that their fate will be changed for the better. The man broken under the abuses of those political and ideological systems looks hopefully-and secretly-to the United States. I can stand back at a distance and tell you that to men and women living outside your borders, you appear as a strong nation created by pioneers; and perpetuated by ideals of freedom, justice and liberty. Your forefathers were fighting to establish the uniqueness of the individual in a society. They worked to help that individual achieve his fondest aspirations-to live in freedom . Let us not forget the beginnings of your American history. The downtrodden, the beaten and weary came to America from societies where political and social systems had taken away the dignity of man. From societies that turned man into a lesser creature-than Divine Providence intended him to be. The purpose of the American nation was established, from its earliest days; to provide opportunity for men to 68 SLOVAKIA be free; to show the rest of the world that only in free societies can man evolve to his ultimate. Contrast this root of the American culture and purpose, and American history with other parts of the world. The world which is under the domination of what we define as a communist system. In that world, man as an individual is non-existent. Man is only a tool to be manipulated-to be used, by a select few within the power structure. My viewpoint is, that this essential purpose of the American nation-this constant drive for individual freedom-is the greatest strength which less fortunate man everywhere can look up to, today. Despite occasional setbacks of the American policy, the American purpose remains the only hope of those people who are locked into the communist system and ideologies. Your nation is the only hope of the free world, if the world, as we know it today, is to survive. The United States is the only nation capable of deterring the expansion of the evil ideology that is so vehemently trying to encircle individual man. As I have mentioned, this role of champion of individual dignity, and freedom, was thrust on the United States by history. It has taken two world wars to arrive at the present crucial stage of direct confrontation. The confrontation between the ideology of the innate dignity and freedom of man; and, the opposing ideology that man has no b asic individuality, but is only another animal to b e used , by the state. Champi oning individual liberties has become part of y our nation's identi ty. Naturally, this task has never been easy nor always crowned with success. Two world wars have been fought over fundamental issues which are more relevant today than they were in 1918. The confrontation between the ideology which is used as a mask for enslavement, on one side, and, the ideology that contains freedom, and liberty, and pursuit of happiness of the individual, on the other. The struggle of these ideologies continues, and this confrontation will go on unti l free men will win. Communism, which might have started with the intention of helping the individual to improve his lot, cannot be defended today as such. Even its own theorists cannot SLOVAKIA 69 show that the continuation of that intention is the purpose of the system. Events and facts show us the grotesque size of this fallacy. For . over 50 years Russia, as the core of the communist way, has used all its strength for only one purposethe imposition of the dominance of its state, and its government, and its ideology on the rest of the world. In other words-for the destruction of freedom and liberty. The Kremlin leaders try to convince the world that its difficulties stem from a difference in ideas. The true situation is, that the world's biggest problem is a fight between free nations willing to give freedom to all people, on one side; and, Soviet imperialism, on the other. The Soviet tactics have been terrifyingly successful. The communist area, today, covers one-quarter of the world's land territory, and one-third of the world's peoples. Why have we permitted this situation to develop? We have developed this crisis situation because of mistakes both, in the way we think, and in the methods we employ. Because we have taken our freedom for granted, we have been trapped into making mistakes which have furthered the efforts of communists to dominate mankind. The United States, as leader and mentor, has been unwittingly tricked into fighting the battle between freedom and slavery, under the rules laid down by the enslavers. As your nation rose in stature, and sought to influence the world-it made mistakes. These mistakes were inevitable at times. But the major errors, I feel were the results of confusion and hesitation. It may have been a possible lack of confidence among leading Americans in the historical purpose of the nation. It was almost as if some of your politicians felt guilty, or somewhat ashamed, about words like freedom, justice, liberty, equality-and, phrases like, the pursuit of happiness. You may feel self-conscious hearing them now. I am proud to be free--and able--to use these words. As your President, Mr. Nixon, stated in his Inaugural Address: "America must appraise her weaknesses". But let me say, the entire world shouts to you to appraise 70 SLOVAKIA the weakness of yours, and mankind's adverseries. And, he also said: "the American dream does not come to those who fall asleep". So must America understand, when the people of the world call on this generation of Americans to awaken from its lethargy and pursue its American purpose. Yes, no man can be fully free when his neighbour is not. The purpose of your nation, today, is to recognize the choice between your original idealistic goal of freedom , and self-respect of man, on one side; and, his enslavement by communism, on the other. Today, ladies and gentlemen, time has passed when international order can be guaranteed by power, alone. A good example of this is the result of the Second World War. I believe, and believe very strongly, that in our world of ideas and ideals, military confrontation will be the end result:-unless , we are willing, to weaken the enemy by the greatest strength we have at our disposal-the yearning for freedom by enslaved men. I , for one, believe that mankind would survive a nuclear war, but only as a small fragment of what man and civilization represent today. But, I also believe that the confrontation is not necessary. Re-appraisal of the way to go about strengthening our side, and weakening the adverseries, is an immediate need-and, a high priority item . We hear a cry from a number of responsible thoughtmolders in the United States, and some beyond your borders, about the lack of American leadership, on the international scene. It, therefore, become the task of this generation of Americans to clearly re-establish that leadership which will capture the imagination of, not only America and the free world, but also the people that are suffering tyranny. Surely American leadership must understand the plight of nations seeking freedom, and inspire them to promote their self-determination. The indecisions, and hesitancies, and contradictions of our leaders in recent years, have only confused the rest SLOVAKIA 71 of the world. They have given ammunitio n to the communist argument that the United States is an arrogant nation, and not a liberator, and fighter for freedom and liberty. But, ladies and gentlemen, let us hope that this is in the past. I am heartened by the evidence of realistic thinking about the basic aim and role, of your nation, on the world stage. I sense a return to the purpose which drives America. The right of the individual to seek-to achieve his aspirations in an atmospher e of freedom , and equality. What does the world long for today? I am convinced that the solution of the problem is, simply: First. Establishm ent of American leadership that will freely entice all the peoples fighting for, and respecting freedom, under its banner. Second. Re-apprais al of the policy of containme nt and status quo should be considered . In today's world-sta tus quo-is virtually the same as standing still in our fastmoving world. Therefore, unless the Western nations begin making their own revolution -a revolution to extend and expand the areas of freedom-t he free man will not survive as such. It is indeed time for America to remember the strength and power of the people yearning for freedom in the Soviet system. Only through that particular power can we expect, and eventually achieve, victory of free men without nuclear holocaust. Let our systems compete peacefully. But let the competitio n be based on equal hadicaps. The test is, to bring to light the real motivating force , and seek to understand its future moves. Knowledge is free man's most important asset, as well as dictators' greatest liability. The picture I can see in this kind of competitio n will not be bleak for our side. The competitiv e spirit of free man is, today, one of his greatest assets-an asset that will triumph in the end. The power of free man is the power of America. A power which is unparallell ed with any of its adverseries . 72 SLOVAKIA Make use of it! Give your youth the visions of conquering man's ills! Stimulate the interest in that power, in the masses of enslaved people! Do this with a courage and zeal that gets the job done, and instills responsibility for the objectives. Third. It is in your interest, and in the interest of free people everywhere to neutralize communists' two most powerful states-The Soviet Union and Communist China. An elastic and skillful policy towards China on the part of the United States and the free world shoul be considered. I would like to stress that nothing is more remote from my mind than backing the political concepts which could lead to strengthening the communist tyranny in any way, even in the smallest country in the world. I am interested in not missing any opportunities that would give the idea of freedom a little time to germinate. In order to survive, the communist world must keep its people in constant fear and turmoil. It must obtain from its subjects the greatest possible sacrifices. Is it not better then, that two of our adverseries are fighting between themselves, rather than both be left free to fight with us? I feel the world would not be in danger of a nuclear holocaust if the strength of communism could be diminished by its own inherent, internal weaknesses. Fourth. The free world's communications media must be committed to developing the strains of understanding which make up the moral fiber of the Western man, rather than inflame the antagonisms which promote conflict. The ideologists of all dictatorships will be pleased to see America flounder; and therefore, responsible communication is a must. If the best is required of political leaders today; if the highest qualities are demanded of your scientists; then certainly, not any less should be the criteria by which the communicators in the West should be motivated. Ultimately each must seek the same goal-to promote t he best which the Free Society can inspire. Fifth. Expanding your horizons is, indeed, very im- SLOVAKIA 73 portant for America today. Think in terms of the future problems that you can surmount, rather than be dismayed by them. Freedom has the same meaning to all people, whether one lives in the United States, in Russia, or in Czecho-Slovakia. It is this concept of freedom which eventually overcomes dictatorships. Communism carries within itself a seed of self-destruction. Let's nurture that seed for our benefit, and for the benefit of freedom. Your nation stands on the foundation with the wonderful human goals. The goals of freedom and justice for all-equality of opportunity to achieve one's personal happiness. Your nation recognizes the dignity of man. The United States was formed for a purpose, and with the purpose, to provide a home whether physical or spiritual for those who love freedom and crave for dignity. That purpose is more vital to the world today than ever before. It is your purpose-your nation's purpose. And the people yearning for freedom see, in the United States, an irreplaceable leader of their hope and their trust. And I know, that people held down by political and ideological tyrannies are waiting to hear you proclaim it. This address was delivered on February 17, 1969 to Palm Beach Round Table meeting and we are pleased to publish it because of its interesting and timely contents. - Editor. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America lias always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The United States of America: The Nation With a Purpose Description An account of the resource Stephen B. Roman, LL.D. Slovakia, Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969 pp. 64-73 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Roman, Stephen, 1921-1988 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/b69dc446e19c457b5bc9d36fefbc52d5.pdf b3d7f3bfb36c1c412f2a2ee3116fa9e3 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 57 Slovak Destiny Stephen B . R o m a n, President SLOVAK WORLD CONGRESS There are moments in the lives of Slovaks when we are very clearly and sometimes very painfully aware of who we are, where we came from, and where we should be going. These intimate perceptions are not frequent. Usually they come when the volume and tempo of persistent cares diminish, or just before the making of a critical decision. At such times we intuitively understand our relationship and responsibility to ourselves, to our immediate and distant relatives and friends, to our nation, to mankind, and to God. Over a long period of time we developed a collective consciousness, a set of intrinsic values which blend together to create a common bond among us. We are products of a nation that has cherished and developed its distinct character over millennia, and which has absorbed a full range of human talents and achievements in that process. Every page of our history bears the imprint of pain and suffering-pain and suffering from which have emerged great values. We are descendants of a nation which was not large in numbers. A nation, which, over a period of time, had to confront wave after wave of stronger and more aggressive neighbors. These attackers conquered our fortresses and burnt down our settlements; but, they never broke our spirit. No wonder then that, in our nation, courage and tenacity have always triumphed over oppression and hardship. What we went through marked our national personality-deepened, and strengthened it. Our earliest forefathers found strength in the soil. This close tie with the land gave our nation its typical characteristics: industry, endurance, faith in ourselves, and faith in God. From a natural reconciliation with nature grew other virtues: the virtues of hospitality, of justice, of judgment, �58 SLOVAKIA and of creativity. The feeling of togetherness brought brotherhood. From oppression and want, we crystalized a sense of fair play. The reality of mortal life brought judgement; and, a growing quality in day-to-day life gave time for the enrichment of the soul. Who are we today? We are no more, and no less. than one generation in the development of this patricular spirit. We have inherited the gift of our history. We are to advance the tradition of our forefathers and, walk a few steps further along the road towards our human destiny, which they marched on over the centuries. We are the custodians of their virtues. We are the ones who were left to aggrandize their tradition; and, this makes us responsible for further progress both as members of our nation, and as part of the commonwealth of mankind. A talent has been passed on to us for which we are responsible, and which we have to return, with interest, in the spirit of the best tradition and trust in Divine Providence. Where do we go? We continue in the footsteps of our fathers, perhaps with greater strides, perhaps with a stronger will, hopefully with an ever higher goal: confident because of the firm steps behind us; responsible for so many steps ahead. Our successes will not be ours alone; they will be shared by the nation; they should penetrate into the consciousness of mankind. Each one of us adds in his own way; each one of us takes credit towards the overall account of this process. Our people have seen many a crisis. The last one seems to have no equal; the strong have seized our nation and our nation is, again, praying and suffering. Yet, though the enemy may take its comforts from it, for a time - silence it - they cannot obliterate our souls. Our nation will survive this current evil. Our task is to surmount this trial; to achieve new successes in the shape and execution of democracy and freedom. We must grow in our humanity, in our unshakeable self-confidence, in our will to enrich what we are. Only then will we have grown under the test-will w-e feel needed-will we have pride that we are judged by �SLOVAKIA 59 measures applicable to all mankind, and that we come out well in the balance. I believe that every nation has a Divine destiny to fulfill. Slovak destiny, although at times obscure, is to improve and enhance that part of the world where its influence can be a positive factor for genuine advancement of humanity. The solid value of the word of a Slovak and the uniquely spiritual warmth of the sons and daughters of Slovakia can be a radiant source of edification to others as they exemplify what can be accomplished by work and good will, for God and country. May the name SLOVAK soon begin to ring out melodiously in the steeples of the Family of Nations and strike a responsive chord of recognition in the hearts of all peoples. DR. STEPHEN LUCAS, associate professor of Elementary Education at Edinboro State College, has been elected President of the Pennsylvania Science Teachers Association. A member of the Board of Directors for the past two years, Dr. Lucas has contributed articles and papers to "The Pennsylvania Science Teacher and the Voice of P .S.T .A." The recipient of a Bachelor of Science degree from Clarion State College, Dr. Lucas received his Master of Education in Biology and his Doctor of Education Degree in science education from Pennsylvania State University. He did additional graduate work at Cornell University, University of Vermont, North Caroline State College and Bloomsburg State College. He is an American Slovak. � SLOVAKIA 57 Slovak Destiny Stephen B . R o m a n, President SLOVAK WORLD CONGRESS There are moments in the lives of Slovaks when we are very clearly and sometimes very painfully aware of who we are, where we came from, and where we should be going. These intimate perceptions are not frequent. Usually they come when the volume and tempo of persistent cares diminish, or just before the making of a critical decision. At such times we intuitively understand our relationship and responsibility to ourselves, to our immediate and distant relatives and friends, to our nation, to mankind, and to God. Over a long period of time we developed a collective consciousness, a set of intrinsic values which blend together to create a common bond among us. We are products of a nation that has cherished and developed its distinct character over millennia, and which has absorbed a full range of human talents and achievements in that process. Every page of our history bears the imprint of pain and suffering-pain and suffering from which have emerged great values. We are descendants of a nation which was not large in numbers. A nation, which, over a period of time, had to confront wave after wave of stronger and more aggressive neighbors. These attackers conquered our fortresses and burnt down our settlements; but, they never broke our spirit. No wonder then that, in our nation, courage and tenacity have always triumphed over oppression and hardship. What we went through marked our national personality-deepened, and strengthened it. Our earliest forefathers found strength in the soil. This close tie with the land gave our nation its typical characteristics: industry, endurance, faith in ourselves, and faith in God. From a natural reconciliation with nature grew other virtues: the virtues of hospitality, of justice, of judgment, �58 SLOVAKIA and of creativity. The feeling of togetherness brought brotherhood. From oppression and want, we crystalized a sense of fair play. The reality of mortal life brought judgement; and, a growing quality in day-to-day life gave time for the enrichment of the soul. Who are we today? We are no more, and no less. than one generation in the development of this patricular spirit. We have inherited the gift of our history. We are to advance the tradition of our forefathers and, walk a few steps further along the road towards our human destiny, which they marched on over the centuries. We are the custodians of their virtues. We are the ones who were left to aggrandize their tradition; and, this makes us responsible for further progress both as members of our nation, and as part of the commonwealth of mankind. A talent has been passed on to us for which we are responsible, and which we have to return, with interest, in the spirit of the best tradition and trust in Divine Providence. Where do we go? We continue in the footsteps of our fathers, perhaps with greater strides, perhaps with a stronger will, hopefully with an ever higher goal: confident because of the firm steps behind us; responsible for so many steps ahead. Our successes will not be ours alone; they will be shared by the nation; they should penetrate into the consciousness of mankind. Each one of us adds in his own way; each one of us takes credit towards the overall account of this process. Our people have seen many a crisis. The last one seems to have no equal; the strong have seized our nation and our nation is, again, praying and suffering. Yet, though the enemy may take its comforts from it, for a time - silence it - they cannot obliterate our souls. Our nation will survive this current evil. Our task is to surmount this trial; to achieve new successes in the shape and execution of democracy and freedom. We must grow in our humanity, in our unshakeable self-confidence, in our will to enrich what we are. Only then will we have grown under the test-will w-e feel needed-will we have pride that we are judged by �SLOVAKIA 59 measures applicable to all mankind, and that we come out well in the balance. I believe that every nation has a Divine destiny to fulfill. Slovak destiny, although at times obscure, is to improve and enhance that part of the world where its influence can be a positive factor for genuine advancement of humanity. The solid value of the word of a Slovak and the uniquely spiritual warmth of the sons and daughters of Slovakia can be a radiant source of edification to others as they exemplify what can be accomplished by work and good will, for God and country. May the name SLOVAK soon begin to ring out melodiously in the steeples of the Family of Nations and strike a responsive chord of recognition in the hearts of all peoples. DR. STEPHEN LUCAS, associate professor of Elementary Education at Edinboro State College, has been elected President of the Pennsylvania Science Teachers Association. A member of the Board of Directors for the past two years, Dr. Lucas has contributed articles and papers to "The Pennsylvania Science Teacher and the Voice of P .S.T .A." The recipient of a Bachelor of Science degree from Clarion State College, Dr. Lucas received his Master of Education in Biology and his Doctor of Education Degree in science education from Pennsylvania State University. He did additional graduate work at Cornell University, University of Vermont, North Caroline State College and Bloomsburg State College. He is an American Slovak. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1974, Vol. 24 Description An account of the resource Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 57 Slovak Destiny Stephen B . R o m a n, President SLOVAK WORLD CONGRESS There are moments in the lives of Slovaks when we are very clearly and sometimes very painfully aware of who we are, where we came from, and where we should be going. These intimate perceptions are not frequent. Usually they come when the volume and tempo of persistent cares diminish, or just before the making of a critical decision. At such times we intuitively understand our relationship and responsibility to ourselves, to our immediate and distant relatives and friends, to our nation, to mankind, and to God. Over a long period of time we developed a collective consciousness, a set of intrinsic values which blend together to create a common bond among us. We are products of a nation that has cherished and developed its distinct character over millennia, and which has absorbed a full range of human talents and achievements in that process. Every page of our history bears the imprint of pain and suffering-pain and suffering from which have emerged great values. We are descendants of a nation which was not large in numbers. A nation, which, over a period of time, had to confront wave after wave of stronger and more aggressive neighbors. These attackers conquered our fortresses and burnt down our settlements; but, they never broke our spirit. No wonder then that, in our nation, courage and tenacity have always triumphed over oppression and hardship. What we went through marked our national personality-deepened, and strengthened it. Our earliest forefathers found strength in the soil. This close tie with the land gave our nation its typical characteristics: industry, endurance, faith in ourselves, and faith in God. From a natural reconciliation with nature grew other virtues: the virtues of hospitality, of justice, of judgment, 58 SLOVAKIA and of creativity. The feeling of togetherness brought brotherhood. From oppression and want, we crystalized a sense of fair play. The reality of mortal life brought judgement; and, a growing quality in day-to-day life gave time for the enrichment of the soul. Who are we today? We are no more, and no less. than one generation in the development of this patricular spirit. We have inherited the gift of our history. We are to advance the tradition of our forefathers and, walk a few steps further along the road towards our human destiny, which they marched on over the centuries. We are the custodians of their virtues. We are the ones who were left to aggrandize their tradition; and, this makes us responsible for further progress both as members of our nation, and as part of the commonwealth of mankind. A talent has been passed on to us for which we are responsible, and which we have to return, with interest, in the spirit of the best tradition and trust in Divine Providence. Where do we go? We continue in the footsteps of our fathers, perhaps with greater strides, perhaps with a stronger will, hopefully with an ever higher goal: confident because of the firm steps behind us; responsible for so many steps ahead. Our successes will not be ours alone; they will be shared by the nation; they should penetrate into the consciousness of mankind. Each one of us adds in his own way; each one of us takes credit towards the overall account of this process. Our people have seen many a crisis. The last one seems to have no equal; the strong have seized our nation and our nation is, again, praying and suffering. Yet, though the enemy may take its comforts from it, for a time - silence it - they cannot obliterate our souls. Our nation will survive this current evil. Our task is to surmount this trial; to achieve new successes in the shape and execution of democracy and freedom. We must grow in our humanity, in our unshakeable self-confidence, in our will to enrich what we are. Only then will we have grown under the test-will w-e feel needed-will we have pride that we are judged by SLOVAKIA 59 measures applicable to all mankind, and that we come out well in the balance. I believe that every nation has a Divine destiny to fulfill. Slovak destiny, although at times obscure, is to improve and enhance that part of the world where its influence can be a positive factor for genuine advancement of humanity. The solid value of the word of a Slovak and the uniquely spiritual warmth of the sons and daughters of Slovakia can be a radiant source of edification to others as they exemplify what can be accomplished by work and good will, for God and country. May the name SLOVAK soon begin to ring out melodiously in the steeples of the Family of Nations and strike a responsive chord of recognition in the hearts of all peoples. DR. STEPHEN LUCAS, associate professor of Elementary Education at Edinboro State College, has been elected President of the Pennsylvania Science Teachers Association. A member of the Board of Directors for the past two years, Dr. Lucas has contributed articles and papers to "The Pennsylvania Science Teacher and the Voice of P .S.T .A." The recipient of a Bachelor of Science degree from Clarion State College, Dr. Lucas received his Master of Education in Biology and his Doctor of Education Degree in science education from Pennsylvania State University. He did additional graduate work at Cornell University, University of Vermont, North Caroline State College and Bloomsburg State College. He is an American Slovak.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Destiny Description An account of the resource Stephen B. Roman, President, Slovak World Congress Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974 pp. 57-59 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Roman, Stephen, 1921-1988 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/71bae34ca2b742eed470f4012733733b.pdf 76e73a01850f8e5783386081724e75f0 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 173 THE SLOVAKS IN AMERICA P. V. Rovnianek (This was the first English article about the Slovak people in America. It was written by Peter Rovnianek, editor of the Slov ak Daily in Pittsburgh and founder of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok. It appeared in "Charities" in 1904. - Ed.) Slovak immigration to this country may be said to have come exclusively from the agricultural class, a class which includes a very large part of the Slovak population of Hungary. Previous to 1882 the immigration has been sporadic, but in that year the people began to come in companies of considerable size and settled in the mining and industrial regions of Pennsylvania. At first there was a disposition among them to return to their native country, but in a little while some decided to stay. Then it was that they began to look around them for opportunities to settle on farms and return to the manner of life which they had led at home. There are now hundreds of Slovak farmers in Pennsylvania, Connecticut and Ohio; and in Minnesota, Arkansas, Virginia and Wisconsin there are colonies of them, where for many miles on every side the land is entirely in their possession. It would scarcely be possible to name a state in the Union where a few Slovaks have not settled and obtained farms which they own, having bought them with money earned previously during the time of their employment in the industrial centers. Owing to the political persecutions from which they suffered at home, the Slovaks had little opportunity for acquiring education and knowledge of the ways of civilization. Since they began coming to this country in large numbers their advancement in these respects has been no less remarkable than the improvement in their material condition. This is due largely to the intense religious spirit which prevails among the Slavic people, and to the fact that here they have been able to combine schools with their churches. In every community in which they have settled in considerable numbers, they have started their church congregation and founded their church school where their children are being educated in the English and �174 SLOVAKIA Slovak languages. In Pennsylvania there are now from 120 to 130 Slovak congregations, some of them very large and of considerable wealth. The people are divided in religious affiliation among four principal denominations: the Roman Catholic, the Greek Catholic, (by which is meant that portion of the Greek Catholic Church which is united with the Roman Catholic church, but preserves its own liturgy and customs), the Russian Orthodox, and the Lutheran. About one-half the total number of congregations, and perhaps somewhat more than this proportion of the total number of communicants are Roman Catholics. The Russian and the Lutheran churches have each about ten congregations and the others are Greek Catholics. The missionaries of the Russian church have been very active and considerable numbers have left the Greek to join the Orthodox church. Of late years, too, the Presbyterian and Congregational denominations have been working among the people with churches and missions. Scarcely second to the influences of the churches has been the influence of the newspapers in the elevation of the condition of the Slovaks in their new homes. It required considerable audacity to begin the publication of the first newspaper for circulation among the people in this country. In Hungary they had never read newspapers. They were taught by the Magyar government that newspapers were for the official class only; that the peasants had no business with them. And the government has had means of enforcing its opinion on the subject. So well is it enforced and so well on the other hand do the Slovaks appreciate the priviledge they have in America which is not accorded them at home that after less than twenty years of the experiment there are nearly as many newspapers in the Slovak language published in the United States as in Hungary, while the combined circulation of those published there nowhere nearly approaches the total circulation of those in this country. The first Slovak newspaper published in America, the Amerikansko Slovenske Noviny (American Slavonic Gazet- te) was founded in Pittsburgh in 1886 by Jan Slovensky, a teacher in his native country - here a clerk in the office �SLOVAKIA 175 of the Austro-Hungarian Consul. Associated with him was Julius J. Wolf, also a teacher. Mr. Slovensky retired in 1892 and the writer became associated with Mr. Wolf in the publishing business. We still conduct the paper founded by Mr. Slovensky and also the only Slovak daily paper published in the world. The Slovak Daily is well sustained and is making rapid progress, good evidence that the Slovaks are rapidly attaining a high standard of American citizenship. There are a dozen or more other Slovak weekly and monthly newspapers thriving in various parts of the country. They have been instrumental to no small extent in causing the establishment of a variety of industrial and business enterprises in the Slovak communities through capital stored up by the Slovaks while in the employment of the various concerns. The small mercantile establishments among them are almost numberless. They have their butchers and grocers, their clothing stores, their drug stores, and in fact are equipped throughout for supplying their needs from establishments which they can call their own. In several of the large cities, especially in Philadelphia, New York and Chicago, wire and tinware factories which have been established with Slovak capital and are conducted with Slovak labor are in a fair way to secure the cream of the trade of this kind in the whole country. A peculiar advantage is derived from the fact that for centuries the tinware of Europe was made largely by the Slovaks. In this country, also electrical designs and other skilled work turned out by Slovak plants have attained a very high position in the markets. Organization among Slovaks has played an important role, despite the fact that at home the government had not permitted any form of Slovak organization whatever. Here, again, the results of efforts in this direction were most gratifying. In 1890 the writer instituted the National Slovak Society, the first organization among them, with a membership of 250. It has now over 20,000 active members and 512 lodges. It is primarily a beneficial organization, but it has besides done a work in the education of its members �176 SLOVAKIA and in inducing them and those who come under their influence to become American citizens. As previously stated, the Slovaks who come to America do not as a rule return to their native country. The society requires its members to obtain naturalization papers after a reasonable time, and through the influence of the membership thousands of others, not members, have become citizens. Other societies have made this a feature of their work, so that directly and indirectly the work of the National Slovak Society in making American citizens has been a notable one. Since its organization, the society has paid out nearly a million dollars in benefits on account of the death or injury of members, or the death of members' wives. Besides this the local associations have paid out a total of much more than a million dollars in sick benefits. Further, the society has kept the Slovak spirit alive among immigrants. It is always the first to contribute to Slovak national purposes. It has helped hundreds of Slovak students, both here and in Hungary, giving them allowances sufficient to support them while they were obtaining their education, and has given, also, liberally to the support of national literary and patriotic workers. It has come to the rescue of Slavs in Hungary, who are persecuted by the government on account of their national sentiments, providing the money for the defense at their trials and in cases where they are convicted and imprisoned supporting their families until released. With this National Slovak Society as a root, there have originated many other societies, among them the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Greek Catholic Union, the Evangelical Union, the Pennsylvania Roman and Greek Catholic Union, the zivena (Ladies' Association), the Presbyterian Calvinistic Union, the First Catholic Slovak Ladies' Union, the Sokol (Gymnastic Association), and hundreds of literary, benevolent and political clubs, so that there are now between 100,000 and 125,000 organized Slovaks in the United States. Finally, these societies have sources of moral benefits, almost incalculable. They have given courage and spread the idea of American liberty many years in advance of the �SLOVAKIA 177 time when they could have been obtained by other means. When a Slovak now returns to his native country he does not go to cringe to the official classes; usually he becomes a center of independent spirit from whom ideas of liberty reach the minds of many of his down-trodden countrymen. Sometimes he gets into trouble by reason of his independence, but even the persecutions with which the government officials visit him serve to scatter the seeds of liberty which are bound sooner or later to work a great improvement in the condition of the entire Slav population of Hungary. It is in this respect that the influence of the Slavs in this country upon those at home has been most important. They have even financed the industries of their country in some degree compensating it in a material sense for the withdrawal of their own labor from its agriculture. Counterparts of the organizations among the Slovaks have been formed among the Slavs of almost every nationality that has representatives in this country - the Poles, R.ussians, Bohemians, Slovenians (Wends), Croatians, Serbians, and others. Relations of the utmost cordiality exist among them and they are frequently found working together for their mutual improvement and advantage. The Slovaks in this country have been to some extent hindered in their progress by misunderstandings in the minds of Americans which are gradually being replaced by feelings of friendly interest. The army of the United States contains hundreds of young Slovaks. So also do the higher educational institutions of the country. The immigration is as yet too young to have produced an educated class of professional men in this country, but that condition of things is coming fast. It will be here in a few years and will have arrived much sooner than it did in the case of the Irish or of the Germans, or of any other class of immigrants. Then, the part which the Slovaks are playing, and are to play, in the making of this country will be made to appear in its true light; and their fellow citizens will be ashamed that they have believed them the savages the sensational press has often pictured them. � SLOVAKIA 173 THE SLOVAKS IN AMERICA P. V. Rovnianek (This was the first English article about the Slovak people in America. It was written by Peter Rovnianek, editor of the Slov ak Daily in Pittsburgh and founder of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok. It appeared in "Charities" in 1904. - Ed.) Slovak immigration to this country may be said to have come exclusively from the agricultural class, a class which includes a very large part of the Slovak population of Hungary. Previous to 1882 the immigration has been sporadic, but in that year the people began to come in companies of considerable size and settled in the mining and industrial regions of Pennsylvania. At first there was a disposition among them to return to their native country, but in a little while some decided to stay. Then it was that they began to look around them for opportunities to settle on farms and return to the manner of life which they had led at home. There are now hundreds of Slovak farmers in Pennsylvania, Connecticut and Ohio; and in Minnesota, Arkansas, Virginia and Wisconsin there are colonies of them, where for many miles on every side the land is entirely in their possession. It would scarcely be possible to name a state in the Union where a few Slovaks have not settled and obtained farms which they own, having bought them with money earned previously during the time of their employment in the industrial centers. Owing to the political persecutions from which they suffered at home, the Slovaks had little opportunity for acquiring education and knowledge of the ways of civilization. Since they began coming to this country in large numbers their advancement in these respects has been no less remarkable than the improvement in their material condition. This is due largely to the intense religious spirit which prevails among the Slavic people, and to the fact that here they have been able to combine schools with their churches. In every community in which they have settled in considerable numbers, they have started their church congregation and founded their church school where their children are being educated in the English and �174 SLOVAKIA Slovak languages. In Pennsylvania there are now from 120 to 130 Slovak congregations, some of them very large and of considerable wealth. The people are divided in religious affiliation among four principal denominations: the Roman Catholic, the Greek Catholic, (by which is meant that portion of the Greek Catholic Church which is united with the Roman Catholic church, but preserves its own liturgy and customs), the Russian Orthodox, and the Lutheran. About one-half the total number of congregations, and perhaps somewhat more than this proportion of the total number of communicants are Roman Catholics. The Russian and the Lutheran churches have each about ten congregations and the others are Greek Catholics. The missionaries of the Russian church have been very active and considerable numbers have left the Greek to join the Orthodox church. Of late years, too, the Presbyterian and Congregational denominations have been working among the people with churches and missions. Scarcely second to the influences of the churches has been the influence of the newspapers in the elevation of the condition of the Slovaks in their new homes. It required considerable audacity to begin the publication of the first newspaper for circulation among the people in this country. In Hungary they had never read newspapers. They were taught by the Magyar government that newspapers were for the official class only; that the peasants had no business with them. And the government has had means of enforcing its opinion on the subject. So well is it enforced and so well on the other hand do the Slovaks appreciate the priviledge they have in America which is not accorded them at home that after less than twenty years of the experiment there are nearly as many newspapers in the Slovak language published in the United States as in Hungary, while the combined circulation of those published there nowhere nearly approaches the total circulation of those in this country. The first Slovak newspaper published in America, the Amerikansko Slovenske Noviny (American Slavonic Gazet- te) was founded in Pittsburgh in 1886 by Jan Slovensky, a teacher in his native country - here a clerk in the office �SLOVAKIA 175 of the Austro-Hungarian Consul. Associated with him was Julius J. Wolf, also a teacher. Mr. Slovensky retired in 1892 and the writer became associated with Mr. Wolf in the publishing business. We still conduct the paper founded by Mr. Slovensky and also the only Slovak daily paper published in the world. The Slovak Daily is well sustained and is making rapid progress, good evidence that the Slovaks are rapidly attaining a high standard of American citizenship. There are a dozen or more other Slovak weekly and monthly newspapers thriving in various parts of the country. They have been instrumental to no small extent in causing the establishment of a variety of industrial and business enterprises in the Slovak communities through capital stored up by the Slovaks while in the employment of the various concerns. The small mercantile establishments among them are almost numberless. They have their butchers and grocers, their clothing stores, their drug stores, and in fact are equipped throughout for supplying their needs from establishments which they can call their own. In several of the large cities, especially in Philadelphia, New York and Chicago, wire and tinware factories which have been established with Slovak capital and are conducted with Slovak labor are in a fair way to secure the cream of the trade of this kind in the whole country. A peculiar advantage is derived from the fact that for centuries the tinware of Europe was made largely by the Slovaks. In this country, also electrical designs and other skilled work turned out by Slovak plants have attained a very high position in the markets. Organization among Slovaks has played an important role, despite the fact that at home the government had not permitted any form of Slovak organization whatever. Here, again, the results of efforts in this direction were most gratifying. In 1890 the writer instituted the National Slovak Society, the first organization among them, with a membership of 250. It has now over 20,000 active members and 512 lodges. It is primarily a beneficial organization, but it has besides done a work in the education of its members �176 SLOVAKIA and in inducing them and those who come under their influence to become American citizens. As previously stated, the Slovaks who come to America do not as a rule return to their native country. The society requires its members to obtain naturalization papers after a reasonable time, and through the influence of the membership thousands of others, not members, have become citizens. Other societies have made this a feature of their work, so that directly and indirectly the work of the National Slovak Society in making American citizens has been a notable one. Since its organization, the society has paid out nearly a million dollars in benefits on account of the death or injury of members, or the death of members' wives. Besides this the local associations have paid out a total of much more than a million dollars in sick benefits. Further, the society has kept the Slovak spirit alive among immigrants. It is always the first to contribute to Slovak national purposes. It has helped hundreds of Slovak students, both here and in Hungary, giving them allowances sufficient to support them while they were obtaining their education, and has given, also, liberally to the support of national literary and patriotic workers. It has come to the rescue of Slavs in Hungary, who are persecuted by the government on account of their national sentiments, providing the money for the defense at their trials and in cases where they are convicted and imprisoned supporting their families until released. With this National Slovak Society as a root, there have originated many other societies, among them the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Greek Catholic Union, the Evangelical Union, the Pennsylvania Roman and Greek Catholic Union, the zivena (Ladies' Association), the Presbyterian Calvinistic Union, the First Catholic Slovak Ladies' Union, the Sokol (Gymnastic Association), and hundreds of literary, benevolent and political clubs, so that there are now between 100,000 and 125,000 organized Slovaks in the United States. Finally, these societies have sources of moral benefits, almost incalculable. They have given courage and spread the idea of American liberty many years in advance of the �SLOVAKIA 177 time when they could have been obtained by other means. When a Slovak now returns to his native country he does not go to cringe to the official classes; usually he becomes a center of independent spirit from whom ideas of liberty reach the minds of many of his down-trodden countrymen. Sometimes he gets into trouble by reason of his independence, but even the persecutions with which the government officials visit him serve to scatter the seeds of liberty which are bound sooner or later to work a great improvement in the condition of the entire Slav population of Hungary. It is in this respect that the influence of the Slavs in this country upon those at home has been most important. They have even financed the industries of their country in some degree compensating it in a material sense for the withdrawal of their own labor from its agriculture. Counterparts of the organizations among the Slovaks have been formed among the Slavs of almost every nationality that has representatives in this country - the Poles, R.ussians, Bohemians, Slovenians (Wends), Croatians, Serbians, and others. Relations of the utmost cordiality exist among them and they are frequently found working together for their mutual improvement and advantage. The Slovaks in this country have been to some extent hindered in their progress by misunderstandings in the minds of Americans which are gradually being replaced by feelings of friendly interest. The army of the United States contains hundreds of young Slovaks. So also do the higher educational institutions of the country. The immigration is as yet too young to have produced an educated class of professional men in this country, but that condition of things is coming fast. It will be here in a few years and will have arrived much sooner than it did in the case of the Irish or of the Germans, or of any other class of immigrants. Then, the part which the Slovaks are playing, and are to play, in the making of this country will be made to appear in its true light; and their fellow citizens will be ashamed that they have believed them the savages the sensational press has often pictured them. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 173 THE SLOVAKS IN AMERICA P. V. Rovnianek (This was the first English article about the Slovak people in America. It was written by Peter Rovnianek, editor of the Slov ak Daily in Pittsburgh and founder of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok. It appeared in "Charities" in 1904. - Ed.) Slovak immigration to this country may be said to have come exclusively from the agricultural class, a class which includes a very large part of the Slovak population of Hungary. Previous to 1882 the immigration has been sporadic, but in that year the people began to come in companies of considerable size and settled in the mining and industrial regions of Pennsylvania. At first there was a disposition among them to return to their native country, but in a little while some decided to stay. Then it was that they began to look around them for opportunities to settle on farms and return to the manner of life which they had led at home. There are now hundreds of Slovak farmers in Pennsylvania, Connecticut and Ohio; and in Minnesota, Arkansas, Virginia and Wisconsin there are colonies of them, where for many miles on every side the land is entirely in their possession. It would scarcely be possible to name a state in the Union where a few Slovaks have not settled and obtained farms which they own, having bought them with money earned previously during the time of their employment in the industrial centers. Owing to the political persecutions from which they suffered at home, the Slovaks had little opportunity for acquiring education and knowledge of the ways of civilization. Since they began coming to this country in large numbers their advancement in these respects has been no less remarkable than the improvement in their material condition. This is due largely to the intense religious spirit which prevails among the Slavic people, and to the fact that here they have been able to combine schools with their churches. In every community in which they have settled in considerable numbers, they have started their church congregation and founded their church school where their children are being educated in the English and 174 SLOVAKIA Slovak languages. In Pennsylvania there are now from 120 to 130 Slovak congregations, some of them very large and of considerable wealth. The people are divided in religious affiliation among four principal denominations: the Roman Catholic, the Greek Catholic, (by which is meant that portion of the Greek Catholic Church which is united with the Roman Catholic church, but preserves its own liturgy and customs), the Russian Orthodox, and the Lutheran. About one-half the total number of congregations, and perhaps somewhat more than this proportion of the total number of communicants are Roman Catholics. The Russian and the Lutheran churches have each about ten congregations and the others are Greek Catholics. The missionaries of the Russian church have been very active and considerable numbers have left the Greek to join the Orthodox church. Of late years, too, the Presbyterian and Congregational denominations have been working among the people with churches and missions. Scarcely second to the influences of the churches has been the influence of the newspapers in the elevation of the condition of the Slovaks in their new homes. It required considerable audacity to begin the publication of the first newspaper for circulation among the people in this country. In Hungary they had never read newspapers. They were taught by the Magyar government that newspapers were for the official class only; that the peasants had no business with them. And the government has had means of enforcing its opinion on the subject. So well is it enforced and so well on the other hand do the Slovaks appreciate the priviledge they have in America which is not accorded them at home that after less than twenty years of the experiment there are nearly as many newspapers in the Slovak language published in the United States as in Hungary, while the combined circulation of those published there nowhere nearly approaches the total circulation of those in this country. The first Slovak newspaper published in America, the Amerikansko Slovenske Noviny (American Slavonic Gazet- te) was founded in Pittsburgh in 1886 by Jan Slovensky, a teacher in his native country - here a clerk in the office SLOVAKIA 175 of the Austro-Hungarian Consul. Associated with him was Julius J. Wolf, also a teacher. Mr. Slovensky retired in 1892 and the writer became associated with Mr. Wolf in the publishing business. We still conduct the paper founded by Mr. Slovensky and also the only Slovak daily paper published in the world. The Slovak Daily is well sustained and is making rapid progress, good evidence that the Slovaks are rapidly attaining a high standard of American citizenship. There are a dozen or more other Slovak weekly and monthly newspapers thriving in various parts of the country. They have been instrumental to no small extent in causing the establishment of a variety of industrial and business enterprises in the Slovak communities through capital stored up by the Slovaks while in the employment of the various concerns. The small mercantile establishments among them are almost numberless. They have their butchers and grocers, their clothing stores, their drug stores, and in fact are equipped throughout for supplying their needs from establishments which they can call their own. In several of the large cities, especially in Philadelphia, New York and Chicago, wire and tinware factories which have been established with Slovak capital and are conducted with Slovak labor are in a fair way to secure the cream of the trade of this kind in the whole country. A peculiar advantage is derived from the fact that for centuries the tinware of Europe was made largely by the Slovaks. In this country, also electrical designs and other skilled work turned out by Slovak plants have attained a very high position in the markets. Organization among Slovaks has played an important role, despite the fact that at home the government had not permitted any form of Slovak organization whatever. Here, again, the results of efforts in this direction were most gratifying. In 1890 the writer instituted the National Slovak Society, the first organization among them, with a membership of 250. It has now over 20,000 active members and 512 lodges. It is primarily a beneficial organization, but it has besides done a work in the education of its members 176 SLOVAKIA and in inducing them and those who come under their influence to become American citizens. As previously stated, the Slovaks who come to America do not as a rule return to their native country. The society requires its members to obtain naturalization papers after a reasonable time, and through the influence of the membership thousands of others, not members, have become citizens. Other societies have made this a feature of their work, so that directly and indirectly the work of the National Slovak Society in making American citizens has been a notable one. Since its organization, the society has paid out nearly a million dollars in benefits on account of the death or injury of members, or the death of members' wives. Besides this the local associations have paid out a total of much more than a million dollars in sick benefits. Further, the society has kept the Slovak spirit alive among immigrants. It is always the first to contribute to Slovak national purposes. It has helped hundreds of Slovak students, both here and in Hungary, giving them allowances sufficient to support them while they were obtaining their education, and has given, also, liberally to the support of national literary and patriotic workers. It has come to the rescue of Slavs in Hungary, who are persecuted by the government on account of their national sentiments, providing the money for the defense at their trials and in cases where they are convicted and imprisoned supporting their families until released. With this National Slovak Society as a root, there have originated many other societies, among them the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Greek Catholic Union, the Evangelical Union, the Pennsylvania Roman and Greek Catholic Union, the zivena (Ladies' Association), the Presbyterian Calvinistic Union, the First Catholic Slovak Ladies' Union, the Sokol (Gymnastic Association), and hundreds of literary, benevolent and political clubs, so that there are now between 100,000 and 125,000 organized Slovaks in the United States. Finally, these societies have sources of moral benefits, almost incalculable. They have given courage and spread the idea of American liberty many years in advance of the SLOVAKIA 177 time when they could have been obtained by other means. When a Slovak now returns to his native country he does not go to cringe to the official classes; usually he becomes a center of independent spirit from whom ideas of liberty reach the minds of many of his down-trodden countrymen. Sometimes he gets into trouble by reason of his independence, but even the persecutions with which the government officials visit him serve to scatter the seeds of liberty which are bound sooner or later to work a great improvement in the condition of the entire Slav population of Hungary. It is in this respect that the influence of the Slavs in this country upon those at home has been most important. They have even financed the industries of their country in some degree compensating it in a material sense for the withdrawal of their own labor from its agriculture. Counterparts of the organizations among the Slovaks have been formed among the Slavs of almost every nationality that has representatives in this country - the Poles, R.ussians, Bohemians, Slovenians (Wends), Croatians, Serbians, and others. Relations of the utmost cordiality exist among them and they are frequently found working together for their mutual improvement and advantage. The Slovaks in this country have been to some extent hindered in their progress by misunderstandings in the minds of Americans which are gradually being replaced by feelings of friendly interest. The army of the United States contains hundreds of young Slovaks. So also do the higher educational institutions of the country. The immigration is as yet too young to have produced an educated class of professional men in this country, but that condition of things is coming fast. It will be here in a few years and will have arrived much sooner than it did in the case of the Irish or of the Germans, or of any other class of immigrants. Then, the part which the Slovaks are playing, and are to play, in the making of this country will be made to appear in its true light; and their fellow citizens will be ashamed that they have believed them the savages the sensational press has often pictured them.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovaks in America Description An account of the resource P. V. Rovnianek Editor’s Note: "This was the first English article about the Slovak people in America. It was written by Peter Rovnianek, editor of the Slovak Daily in Pittsburgh and founder of the Národný Slovenský Spolok. It appeared in 'Charities' in 1904." Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 173-177 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Rovnianek-Rovinov, Peter V. (Peter Vitʹazoslav), 1867-1933 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/d21a21880b64960b1f061fe54da171c4.pdf 2196332d20dd317fdc9f4385f9ae7d9c PDF Text Text 136 SLOVAKIA A Slovak-American Perspective in a Changing Society ALEXANDER J. RUDINSKY It is important to talk of Slovakia within the context of the rest of the world and of changing events. As Slovak-Americans we face a complex series of events different from those either of the Slovak or the American people, and yet we experience familiar ties with both. The insights which come from having an affinity towards these two cultures provide a truer picture of our personal and social lives. I remember the halusky s bryndzou we ate on Sunday. I remember the chickens running around the yard. We weren't supposed to keep the gate open for fear they 'd run out. I remember the Kalvaria (Calvary) with medieval statues nestled in a pattern between the trees on the hill. I remember helping plant the garden and being scared by the geese. The buses went everywhere all the time. The cobblestone streets were always being repaired, as were the buildings. I remember much scaffolding on the church. Inside, the scaffolding hid the figures of painted cherubs high on the ceiling; sometimes they would peek out. When we sat in the dark wooden pews Mom would give us each a koruna to put in when the basket came around. In the little town of Banska Stiavnica my thoughts were dreamlike. How much of it was because I was twelve , or because I was in a new land with a new culture, I don't know. I do know, however, there is ·a definite change. I spent half of two years in Slovakia with my Slovak relatives. Life there was more tightly knit. I had a definite place in the public school I went to, in the community of neighbors, and of course, in the family. Since I was a foreigner, especially from America, the place I had in these groups was rather unique. I was looked upon as different and special. But also in many instances, I was looked upon as a member. This is what I cherished. One did not do things without the family, without the community, without loyalty towards those to whom one belonged. The four children in the house, from age twenty to eleven, slept in the same room. We ate together and spent most of our time with other members of the family. The primary social occasion was visiting our second cousins at the end of the street. Walking up the Sitno mountain reminded me of the story told about the Turks who almost conquered that area. Almost. During the seige, the Slovaks at the top of the hill were running drastically short of food. As a gesture to the Turks, they baked a huge loaf of bread and This paper won First Place in the scholarship competition of the Slovak League. �SLOVAKIA 137 rolled it down the mountain into their camp. The Turks were impressed by the pertinacity of the Slovaks, and their seeming store of extra provisions. Soon they abandoned their siege. Living in Czecho-Slovakia gives one a sense of tradition unfelt in America, and quite different from that of Western Europe; a rough and harsh beauty. It is evident in the Tatras and evident in the tale of Janosik. It is also evident on the faces and in the hearts of the people. People from all over talk of the Slovaks as being a "noble" and "exuberant" people. "The Slovaks are generally known as unadulterated peasants and shepherd people, settled in a land of considerable natural beauty. Observers have always known to appreciate their natural handsomeness and dignity as well as the incorruptible honesty of their character. "(l) American Culture The first two years and then later the two months I spent in Slovakia formed one of the most important experiences in my life and education. The rest of the time I have spent in America. The culture here is of a completely different nature. All the while I was growing up like my ·brothers and sisters, I had a room alone. Our society places more importance on the solitary individual as a center of responsibility, rather than on the family or neighborhood. The will of the solitary self which harbors loneliness goes well with the Protestant ethic so predominant in this country. It is difficult to say what American culture is. The facets of life in this country are many. The newly rich WASPS, the oilmen of Texas, the real estaters of Florida, are in direct contrast to the quiet, distinguished WASPS of New England. And the majority of America's people are descendants of recent immigrants who are in varying degrees of WASP assimilation. The constant change we have is a necessity. Whatever America is, it is different from what we or our Slovak predecessors came from. Big cars, large steaks, and mass consumption are in direct contrast with the small Skodas, potatoes, and folk art products. Conflicts For all the talk of truth in America there is a lot of falsehood here. All forms of mass media, especially television, block many realities out. This doesn't make people forget the realities, but they tend not to acknowledge them as much. In all the shows the "good guy" wins, and the ' 'bad guy' ' gets what he deserves, usually a bullet in the back of his head. An incredible amount of violence is just one way of distorting the facts and giving a view of the world that is totaly unrealistic. Possibly a less blatant distortion is the propagation of stereotyped roles. This is not only present in television's dream world, but also in our society. We are all too familiar with the jokes about the Polish, a fad that has �138 SLOVAKIA lowered many conversations. The portrayal of ethnics as being dumb flag-waving fascists is still quite prevalent. This is evident in such slang as " hunky " . Who wants to be associated with that? Rather let's try and match up to the cool American stereotype we always see on television. He is usually quiet and has everything under control. He is usually tough and individualistic. He knows what he wants and knows how to get it. As the saying goes , "He 's cool, calm and collected." These aren't bad traits to have! Women are also stereotyped in the media. She is self-assured and seductive. Her saying is " Clean is sexy. " Not bad traits to have either! The tendency to use these sterotyped roles is strong. And why not? These roles are quite socially acceptable, and immerse the owner in a charismatic light. Many other countries have worse distortions than these seemingly peripheral ones. As Slovaks, an oppressed people, we are quite, quite familiar with them. What the Slovaks are facing at present is degrading and very pressing. However, this does not negate the problem we have here , either . Our situation in life , especially when growing up, is filled with numerous differences in how we react to society . This becomes more complicated when society reacts to itself in more than one way. Since here in the United States the media portray a false world, many people bring some of these false perceptions into the "real world." This is again complicated by the differences in "real worlds" in our many cultures. It becomes important to look at some of these differences to understand the conflicts which Slovaks, as an ethnic group living in the United States , feel. Slovak-Americans must bear more of these conflicts than the typical WASP. Multi-cultural people bring into a culture many inherited differences of perception. Different cultural groups relate to anger, hatred, desire and pain in vastly different ways. Mark Zborowski in his book People and Pain, illustrates many differences in perception . Societal pressure to adhere to the societal norm is great. When deviation occurs, such as culture differences, much misunderstanding and stereotyping results. Another problem, that of self-misunderstanding, results. People try to be what they are not. They try to live up to a cultural type not their own. They go against their own instincts for the reward of societal acceptance. What do we have to give up for these constantly sought after types? Do not the majority of us have to give up some aspect of our heritage , our past? Have we always been the quintessential American , cool , calm , collected? Secretly we know we have not, and still, how many times do we cover it up to ourselves? The whole idea of an ethnic memory is not so much remembering a series of events, but rather it is the feeling, instincts , and expectations passed from generation to generation. It is the patterns of behavior and �SLOVAKIA 139 emotion for the individual and the people as a whole. Being ethnic requires us to understand that sense of reality. John Wayne vs Janosik The heroes of a culture reveal many peculiar insights to that culture's frame of reference. It is helpful to know a person's history and cultural background to understand his perceptions. Juro Janosik is certainly no less than the prototype of Slovak mentality. On the other hand, a perfect hero of America is John Wayne. I think the illustration of fundamental differences between these two can provide insight into the differences in the values of either society. On the one hand, the individualistic, cool oppressor type; John Wayne needs no justification for his actions. He can "do as he damn well pleases." Also the phrase "he calls 'em as he sees 'em" is characteristic of such an attitude. On the other hand, Janosik has qualities illustrating different aspects of personality. His whole life is centered around fighting against injustice. He harbors loyalty to his beloved ones and is sensitive and sentimental. Instead of being totally individualistic, he relies heavily on his mountain boys. The way the hero fits into his surrounding environment also influences the culture's frame of reference. Janosik dealt mostly with shepherds and poor folk, fighting against the established barons. He fought upwards against oppression. John Wayne fought the Indians; he drove them away . His was a different sense of justice (might makes right). Janosik's justice was closer to the word's true meaning. Which does one follow: John Wayne or Janosik? Much of this decision depends on to what extent the ethnic experience exists in us individually. Michael Novak gives an illuminating description of the crisis: The battle is partly in one's own soul. On the one hand American, enlightened, educated; on the other, stubbornly resistant, in love with values too dear to jettison, at home neither in the ethnic community nor in any intellectual group, neither with theorists nor with practical politicians, convinced of a certain rightness in one's soul and yet not confident that others will see, can see, the subtle links in a different way of life. It is the insecurity of certainty: the sense that something of value is not likely to be understood. (2) Cultural Multiplicity Within inheritors of more than one heritage there arise conflicts. However, this meeting of different ways of life many times is quite beneficial. Synergy, a word very few people use, means the behavior of whole systems unpredicted by its parts or any subassembly of its parts(3), i.e., the combination of various things may be stronger than the sum of its parts. One and one and one equals four. A three hundred pound man can sit on a bicycle with wheels that are supported by �140 SLOVAKIA spokes a child could bend. It is the arrangement of those spokes which makes it possible to withstand great pressure. The ignorance of such a concept creates misunderstandings in many areas of knowledge, not the least of which is relationships between people. Since this ignorance is widespread throughout society, people with a different cultural background are usually thought of for other reasons than for their own potential benefit. The misunderstanding results in such ideas as cultural inferiority, as if purity of heritage is a great virtue, and in such nick-names as ''half-breed,'' etc. Although our notion of equality has been around since the beginning of this country, so were Jefferson's slaves. Even though this concept has dropped from prominence, much of the idea of intellectual superiority remains. These notions are looked upon as ridiculous in present day science. The study of biology shows us the creatures which survive are the ones that are most suitable to the environment. When the environment changes, the animals must either adapt or perish. Humans are no different: the more variables - the more adaptive to change. L. S. Harms in his book Intercultural Communication also raises the concept of synergy: Synergy is a process that may operate in an organized system with a favorable structure. In the case of communication, in an authority structure in which messages are prepared and transmitted, there is little opportunity for synergy to operate. The interchange structure, however, is favorable to the process of synergy. (indeed) .. . high synergy may be expected. (4) A high number of various cultural influences is not unique to Slovak-Americans. It is inherent in all intercultural transactions. The advantages of a multi-heritage and especially a multi-lingual perception become clear in the ability to perceive below a superficial level of human understanding. One becomes able to see certain fundamental aspects. A tolerance arises for different attitudes, opinions, lifestyles and patterns of behavior. We become able to adapt ourselves to other peoples' mannerisms, symbolic meanings, gestures and etiquette. Indeed, the need to go beyond linguistic differences is essential in understanding our true thoughts, which abide in our subjective side, in our feelings and emotions. Humanity's creative geniuses, whether they be in art, science, philosophy or religion, speak of their understanding coming from a place deep within, usually beyond language. Today and Tomorrow: Toward a Preferred State Our world is changing at a shocking rate. In recent years, we have invented two new terms to describe that change: culture-shock and future-shock. Culture-shock describes the condition, the disease, experienced by a person suddenly transplanted into a foreign culture (Arensburg and Niehoff 1973). Future-shock describes the experience of the person who finds "things" in his community changing so fast he �SLOVAKIA 141 is no longer able to deal with them (Toffler 1971). Many large imbalances have resulted in the process of rapid growth. We have now a technological superiority and a moral inferiority. Our amount of information is doubling every ten years, yet we cling to many obsolete patterns of thought. Dichotomies such as rich and poor, educated and noneducated still exist, and we seem to be making little progress towards change . These problems need to be faced. In order to solve problems one must plan a preferred state. In order to design such a plan, one must have a variety of values. Values, in turn, come from individuals made up of different social, religious and ethnic backgrounds . We need a larger selection of values to work from, when confronting the large scale problems of today. This selection of values must be representative of our population, including more than the traditional WASP ethics we have now. There is a great need for people with multi-perspectives to help in world planning in all areas. It's high time for a new cultural pluralism and a politics that requires this pluralism - one that draws from resources other than Anglo-Saxon history and values. We have the responsibility of seeing that our Slovak culture does not die, but grows as we grow. This responsibility also entails quality. There must be a true pride in the heritage we come from. Paul Wilkes, a Slovak reporter, after an ethnic festival in New Jersey, wrote, "I didn't belong in East Hampton but I was going back there. It would be a place to recollect myself. Maybe next year at the festival I'll be able to walk up to a stranger and say: ''I'm a SlovakAmerican boy. And you?"(5) That was written in 1976. It is already ''next year''! But again, to isolate ourselves is to miss the point. The majority of Americans are minorities. When fighting individually we can't possibly match strength with many of the established ways which are oppressive. However, in combined numbers we are able to get rid of the antagonism that plagues us all. Novak, in his column "Illusions and Realities'' in the Jednota weekly, comments: Mathematics is on the side of stressing similarities. If we stress racial differences, we err in strategy. Isolated off by themselves, blacks are only nine percent of the nation. Linked to others who share analogous experiences, blacks stand with the large majority . . . I wish the Black Caucus in Congress would call into being a White Ethnic Caucus. These two together might forge a great new source of fresh social ideas and political power. ''A rising tide lifts every boat. ''(6) Much of what I've said has been said before. The awareness of injustice towards ethnic groups is high right now. This is ''The Decade of the Ethnics''. But, in order for those ideas to be meaningful, they have to be embraced on both an individual and community level. Personally, I think you will find it quite rewarding to go finding out your �142 SLOVAKIA " roots ". Discussing ethnic subjects brings the topic into general awareness, and it also clarifies certain issues previously left unsaid . I do sincerely hope that all those that are in similar positions can also incorporate the fact of being Slovak-Americans on a level that is more than just a slogan. Let it become a fact that determines much of what you say and do. Become aware of many of those unconscious traits which we all have passed down to us from our ancestors. As Michael Novak says: To learn the habits, instincts, and inspirations of a person 's grandparents is to discern the emotional and imaginal weight of much in that person's life that otherwise seems inexplicable. To see the patterns of life adopted by a person's grandchildren is to discern more clearly the organic implications of the choices and efforts launched two generations earlier. Emotions, instincts, memory, imagination, passions, and ways of perceiving are passed on to us in ways so thick with life that they lie far beyond the power of consciousness (let alone the analytic and verbal reason) thoroughly to master, totally to alter. We are, in a word, ineffebly ethnic in our values and our actions. (7) I haven't been to Slovakia for almost five years, yet I still have fond memories of the place. I remember Starky coming home from a long day of cutting grass, bringing some with him to feed the rabbits . I also remember him standing over the table at Stedry vecer (Christmas Eve) and quoting from the Bible before we could eat. He was eighty-five then and has worked every day of his life, except Sundays. My brother Mike just came back from a year in Slovakia and visited me for a few days. He said Starky is becoming senile. After this New Year was over Starky said to him - ' ' Miso , Christmas time should be coming up, shouldn't it? " I hope I will be able to see him once again, and learn more of those instincts and passions which have so richly contributed to what I and my family are, realizing how much we are all enriched by the vitality of our ancestral roots. FOOTNOTES (1) Joseph A. Mikus, Pride in Slovak Origin, (Cleveland: First Catholic Slovak Union Press , 1973) pp 100-101. (2) Michael Novak , The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics, (New York : Macmillan Co., 1972) p 62. (3) R. Buckminster Fulle r , Operating Manual for Spaceship Earth, (New York : Pocket Books, 1971) p 65. (4) L. S. Harms, lnte rcultural Communication, (New York: Harper and Row, 1973) p 53. (5) Paul Wilkes, " Rejoining the Slovak Community," (The New York Times, August 6, 1976). (6) Michael Novak, Illusions and Realities, Jednota , p. 1, February 24, 1977. (7) Michael Novak, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics p xvi . �SLOVAKIA 143 BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Fuller, R. Buckminster, Operating Manual for Spaceship Earth, New York: Pocket Books , 1971. 2. Harms, L. S., /ntercultural Communication, New York: Harper and Row, 1973. 3. Mikus, Joseph A., Pride in Slovak Origin, Cleveland: First Catholic Slovak Union, 1973. 4. Novak, Michael, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics, New York : Macmillan Co., 1972. 5. Segal, Bernard E., ed., Racial and Ethnic Relations New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1966. 6. Wilkes, Paul , Rejoining the Slovak Community, The New York Times, August 6, 1976, N.Y., N.Y. 7. Zborowski, Mark , People in Pain, San Francisco, Jossey Bass, Inc., 1966 . � 136 SLOVAKIA A Slovak-American Perspective in a Changing Society ALEXANDER J. RUDINSKY It is important to talk of Slovakia within the context of the rest of the world and of changing events. As Slovak-Americans we face a complex series of events different from those either of the Slovak or the American people, and yet we experience familiar ties with both. The insights which come from having an affinity towards these two cultures provide a truer picture of our personal and social lives. I remember the halusky s bryndzou we ate on Sunday. I remember the chickens running around the yard. We weren't supposed to keep the gate open for fear they 'd run out. I remember the Kalvaria (Calvary) with medieval statues nestled in a pattern between the trees on the hill. I remember helping plant the garden and being scared by the geese. The buses went everywhere all the time. The cobblestone streets were always being repaired, as were the buildings. I remember much scaffolding on the church. Inside, the scaffolding hid the figures of painted cherubs high on the ceiling; sometimes they would peek out. When we sat in the dark wooden pews Mom would give us each a koruna to put in when the basket came around. In the little town of Banska Stiavnica my thoughts were dreamlike. How much of it was because I was twelve , or because I was in a new land with a new culture, I don't know. I do know, however, there is ·a definite change. I spent half of two years in Slovakia with my Slovak relatives. Life there was more tightly knit. I had a definite place in the public school I went to, in the community of neighbors, and of course, in the family. Since I was a foreigner, especially from America, the place I had in these groups was rather unique. I was looked upon as different and special. But also in many instances, I was looked upon as a member. This is what I cherished. One did not do things without the family, without the community, without loyalty towards those to whom one belonged. The four children in the house, from age twenty to eleven, slept in the same room. We ate together and spent most of our time with other members of the family. The primary social occasion was visiting our second cousins at the end of the street. Walking up the Sitno mountain reminded me of the story told about the Turks who almost conquered that area. Almost. During the seige, the Slovaks at the top of the hill were running drastically short of food. As a gesture to the Turks, they baked a huge loaf of bread and This paper won First Place in the scholarship competition of the Slovak League. �SLOVAKIA 137 rolled it down the mountain into their camp. The Turks were impressed by the pertinacity of the Slovaks, and their seeming store of extra provisions. Soon they abandoned their siege. Living in Czecho-Slovakia gives one a sense of tradition unfelt in America, and quite different from that of Western Europe; a rough and harsh beauty. It is evident in the Tatras and evident in the tale of Janosik. It is also evident on the faces and in the hearts of the people. People from all over talk of the Slovaks as being a "noble" and "exuberant" people. "The Slovaks are generally known as unadulterated peasants and shepherd people, settled in a land of considerable natural beauty. Observers have always known to appreciate their natural handsomeness and dignity as well as the incorruptible honesty of their character. "(l) American Culture The first two years and then later the two months I spent in Slovakia formed one of the most important experiences in my life and education. The rest of the time I have spent in America. The culture here is of a completely different nature. All the while I was growing up like my ·brothers and sisters, I had a room alone. Our society places more importance on the solitary individual as a center of responsibility, rather than on the family or neighborhood. The will of the solitary self which harbors loneliness goes well with the Protestant ethic so predominant in this country. It is difficult to say what American culture is. The facets of life in this country are many. The newly rich WASPS, the oilmen of Texas, the real estaters of Florida, are in direct contrast to the quiet, distinguished WASPS of New England. And the majority of America's people are descendants of recent immigrants who are in varying degrees of WASP assimilation. The constant change we have is a necessity. Whatever America is, it is different from what we or our Slovak predecessors came from. Big cars, large steaks, and mass consumption are in direct contrast with the small Skodas, potatoes, and folk art products. Conflicts For all the talk of truth in America there is a lot of falsehood here. All forms of mass media, especially television, block many realities out. This doesn't make people forget the realities, but they tend not to acknowledge them as much. In all the shows the "good guy" wins, and the ' 'bad guy' ' gets what he deserves, usually a bullet in the back of his head. An incredible amount of violence is just one way of distorting the facts and giving a view of the world that is totaly unrealistic. Possibly a less blatant distortion is the propagation of stereotyped roles. This is not only present in television's dream world, but also in our society. We are all too familiar with the jokes about the Polish, a fad that has �138 SLOVAKIA lowered many conversations. The portrayal of ethnics as being dumb flag-waving fascists is still quite prevalent. This is evident in such slang as " hunky " . Who wants to be associated with that? Rather let's try and match up to the cool American stereotype we always see on television. He is usually quiet and has everything under control. He is usually tough and individualistic. He knows what he wants and knows how to get it. As the saying goes , "He 's cool, calm and collected." These aren't bad traits to have! Women are also stereotyped in the media. She is self-assured and seductive. Her saying is " Clean is sexy. " Not bad traits to have either! The tendency to use these sterotyped roles is strong. And why not? These roles are quite socially acceptable, and immerse the owner in a charismatic light. Many other countries have worse distortions than these seemingly peripheral ones. As Slovaks, an oppressed people, we are quite, quite familiar with them. What the Slovaks are facing at present is degrading and very pressing. However, this does not negate the problem we have here , either . Our situation in life , especially when growing up, is filled with numerous differences in how we react to society . This becomes more complicated when society reacts to itself in more than one way. Since here in the United States the media portray a false world, many people bring some of these false perceptions into the "real world." This is again complicated by the differences in "real worlds" in our many cultures. It becomes important to look at some of these differences to understand the conflicts which Slovaks, as an ethnic group living in the United States , feel. Slovak-Americans must bear more of these conflicts than the typical WASP. Multi-cultural people bring into a culture many inherited differences of perception. Different cultural groups relate to anger, hatred, desire and pain in vastly different ways. Mark Zborowski in his book People and Pain, illustrates many differences in perception . Societal pressure to adhere to the societal norm is great. When deviation occurs, such as culture differences, much misunderstanding and stereotyping results. Another problem, that of self-misunderstanding, results. People try to be what they are not. They try to live up to a cultural type not their own. They go against their own instincts for the reward of societal acceptance. What do we have to give up for these constantly sought after types? Do not the majority of us have to give up some aspect of our heritage , our past? Have we always been the quintessential American , cool , calm , collected? Secretly we know we have not, and still, how many times do we cover it up to ourselves? The whole idea of an ethnic memory is not so much remembering a series of events, but rather it is the feeling, instincts , and expectations passed from generation to generation. It is the patterns of behavior and �SLOVAKIA 139 emotion for the individual and the people as a whole. Being ethnic requires us to understand that sense of reality. John Wayne vs Janosik The heroes of a culture reveal many peculiar insights to that culture's frame of reference. It is helpful to know a person's history and cultural background to understand his perceptions. Juro Janosik is certainly no less than the prototype of Slovak mentality. On the other hand, a perfect hero of America is John Wayne. I think the illustration of fundamental differences between these two can provide insight into the differences in the values of either society. On the one hand, the individualistic, cool oppressor type; John Wayne needs no justification for his actions. He can "do as he damn well pleases." Also the phrase "he calls 'em as he sees 'em" is characteristic of such an attitude. On the other hand, Janosik has qualities illustrating different aspects of personality. His whole life is centered around fighting against injustice. He harbors loyalty to his beloved ones and is sensitive and sentimental. Instead of being totally individualistic, he relies heavily on his mountain boys. The way the hero fits into his surrounding environment also influences the culture's frame of reference. Janosik dealt mostly with shepherds and poor folk, fighting against the established barons. He fought upwards against oppression. John Wayne fought the Indians; he drove them away . His was a different sense of justice (might makes right). Janosik's justice was closer to the word's true meaning. Which does one follow: John Wayne or Janosik? Much of this decision depends on to what extent the ethnic experience exists in us individually. Michael Novak gives an illuminating description of the crisis: The battle is partly in one's own soul. On the one hand American, enlightened, educated; on the other, stubbornly resistant, in love with values too dear to jettison, at home neither in the ethnic community nor in any intellectual group, neither with theorists nor with practical politicians, convinced of a certain rightness in one's soul and yet not confident that others will see, can see, the subtle links in a different way of life. It is the insecurity of certainty: the sense that something of value is not likely to be understood. (2) Cultural Multiplicity Within inheritors of more than one heritage there arise conflicts. However, this meeting of different ways of life many times is quite beneficial. Synergy, a word very few people use, means the behavior of whole systems unpredicted by its parts or any subassembly of its parts(3), i.e., the combination of various things may be stronger than the sum of its parts. One and one and one equals four. A three hundred pound man can sit on a bicycle with wheels that are supported by �140 SLOVAKIA spokes a child could bend. It is the arrangement of those spokes which makes it possible to withstand great pressure. The ignorance of such a concept creates misunderstandings in many areas of knowledge, not the least of which is relationships between people. Since this ignorance is widespread throughout society, people with a different cultural background are usually thought of for other reasons than for their own potential benefit. The misunderstanding results in such ideas as cultural inferiority, as if purity of heritage is a great virtue, and in such nick-names as ''half-breed,'' etc. Although our notion of equality has been around since the beginning of this country, so were Jefferson's slaves. Even though this concept has dropped from prominence, much of the idea of intellectual superiority remains. These notions are looked upon as ridiculous in present day science. The study of biology shows us the creatures which survive are the ones that are most suitable to the environment. When the environment changes, the animals must either adapt or perish. Humans are no different: the more variables - the more adaptive to change. L. S. Harms in his book Intercultural Communication also raises the concept of synergy: Synergy is a process that may operate in an organized system with a favorable structure. In the case of communication, in an authority structure in which messages are prepared and transmitted, there is little opportunity for synergy to operate. The interchange structure, however, is favorable to the process of synergy. (indeed) .. . high synergy may be expected. (4) A high number of various cultural influences is not unique to Slovak-Americans. It is inherent in all intercultural transactions. The advantages of a multi-heritage and especially a multi-lingual perception become clear in the ability to perceive below a superficial level of human understanding. One becomes able to see certain fundamental aspects. A tolerance arises for different attitudes, opinions, lifestyles and patterns of behavior. We become able to adapt ourselves to other peoples' mannerisms, symbolic meanings, gestures and etiquette. Indeed, the need to go beyond linguistic differences is essential in understanding our true thoughts, which abide in our subjective side, in our feelings and emotions. Humanity's creative geniuses, whether they be in art, science, philosophy or religion, speak of their understanding coming from a place deep within, usually beyond language. Today and Tomorrow: Toward a Preferred State Our world is changing at a shocking rate. In recent years, we have invented two new terms to describe that change: culture-shock and future-shock. Culture-shock describes the condition, the disease, experienced by a person suddenly transplanted into a foreign culture (Arensburg and Niehoff 1973). Future-shock describes the experience of the person who finds "things" in his community changing so fast he �SLOVAKIA 141 is no longer able to deal with them (Toffler 1971). Many large imbalances have resulted in the process of rapid growth. We have now a technological superiority and a moral inferiority. Our amount of information is doubling every ten years, yet we cling to many obsolete patterns of thought. Dichotomies such as rich and poor, educated and noneducated still exist, and we seem to be making little progress towards change . These problems need to be faced. In order to solve problems one must plan a preferred state. In order to design such a plan, one must have a variety of values. Values, in turn, come from individuals made up of different social, religious and ethnic backgrounds . We need a larger selection of values to work from, when confronting the large scale problems of today. This selection of values must be representative of our population, including more than the traditional WASP ethics we have now. There is a great need for people with multi-perspectives to help in world planning in all areas. It's high time for a new cultural pluralism and a politics that requires this pluralism - one that draws from resources other than Anglo-Saxon history and values. We have the responsibility of seeing that our Slovak culture does not die, but grows as we grow. This responsibility also entails quality. There must be a true pride in the heritage we come from. Paul Wilkes, a Slovak reporter, after an ethnic festival in New Jersey, wrote, "I didn't belong in East Hampton but I was going back there. It would be a place to recollect myself. Maybe next year at the festival I'll be able to walk up to a stranger and say: ''I'm a SlovakAmerican boy. And you?"(5) That was written in 1976. It is already ''next year''! But again, to isolate ourselves is to miss the point. The majority of Americans are minorities. When fighting individually we can't possibly match strength with many of the established ways which are oppressive. However, in combined numbers we are able to get rid of the antagonism that plagues us all. Novak, in his column "Illusions and Realities'' in the Jednota weekly, comments: Mathematics is on the side of stressing similarities. If we stress racial differences, we err in strategy. Isolated off by themselves, blacks are only nine percent of the nation. Linked to others who share analogous experiences, blacks stand with the large majority . . . I wish the Black Caucus in Congress would call into being a White Ethnic Caucus. These two together might forge a great new source of fresh social ideas and political power. ''A rising tide lifts every boat. ''(6) Much of what I've said has been said before. The awareness of injustice towards ethnic groups is high right now. This is ''The Decade of the Ethnics''. But, in order for those ideas to be meaningful, they have to be embraced on both an individual and community level. Personally, I think you will find it quite rewarding to go finding out your �142 SLOVAKIA " roots ". Discussing ethnic subjects brings the topic into general awareness, and it also clarifies certain issues previously left unsaid . I do sincerely hope that all those that are in similar positions can also incorporate the fact of being Slovak-Americans on a level that is more than just a slogan. Let it become a fact that determines much of what you say and do. Become aware of many of those unconscious traits which we all have passed down to us from our ancestors. As Michael Novak says: To learn the habits, instincts, and inspirations of a person 's grandparents is to discern the emotional and imaginal weight of much in that person's life that otherwise seems inexplicable. To see the patterns of life adopted by a person's grandchildren is to discern more clearly the organic implications of the choices and efforts launched two generations earlier. Emotions, instincts, memory, imagination, passions, and ways of perceiving are passed on to us in ways so thick with life that they lie far beyond the power of consciousness (let alone the analytic and verbal reason) thoroughly to master, totally to alter. We are, in a word, ineffebly ethnic in our values and our actions. (7) I haven't been to Slovakia for almost five years, yet I still have fond memories of the place. I remember Starky coming home from a long day of cutting grass, bringing some with him to feed the rabbits . I also remember him standing over the table at Stedry vecer (Christmas Eve) and quoting from the Bible before we could eat. He was eighty-five then and has worked every day of his life, except Sundays. My brother Mike just came back from a year in Slovakia and visited me for a few days. He said Starky is becoming senile. After this New Year was over Starky said to him - ' ' Miso , Christmas time should be coming up, shouldn't it? " I hope I will be able to see him once again, and learn more of those instincts and passions which have so richly contributed to what I and my family are, realizing how much we are all enriched by the vitality of our ancestral roots. FOOTNOTES (1) Joseph A. Mikus, Pride in Slovak Origin, (Cleveland: First Catholic Slovak Union Press , 1973) pp 100-101. (2) Michael Novak , The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics, (New York : Macmillan Co., 1972) p 62. (3) R. Buckminster Fulle r , Operating Manual for Spaceship Earth, (New York : Pocket Books, 1971) p 65. (4) L. S. Harms, lnte rcultural Communication, (New York: Harper and Row, 1973) p 53. (5) Paul Wilkes, " Rejoining the Slovak Community," (The New York Times, August 6, 1976). (6) Michael Novak, Illusions and Realities, Jednota , p. 1, February 24, 1977. (7) Michael Novak, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics p xvi . �SLOVAKIA 143 BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Fuller, R. Buckminster, Operating Manual for Spaceship Earth, New York: Pocket Books , 1971. 2. Harms, L. S., /ntercultural Communication, New York: Harper and Row, 1973. 3. Mikus, Joseph A., Pride in Slovak Origin, Cleveland: First Catholic Slovak Union, 1973. 4. Novak, Michael, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics, New York : Macmillan Co., 1972. 5. Segal, Bernard E., ed., Racial and Ethnic Relations New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1966. 6. Wilkes, Paul , Rejoining the Slovak Community, The New York Times, August 6, 1976, N.Y., N.Y. 7. Zborowski, Mark , People in Pain, San Francisco, Jossey Bass, Inc., 1966 . � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1977, Vol. 27 Description An account of the resource Vol. 27 (No. 50), 1977. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 136 SLOVAKIA A Slovak-American Perspective in a Changing Society ALEXANDER J. RUDINSKY It is important to talk of Slovakia within the context of the rest of the world and of changing events. As Slovak-Americans we face a complex series of events different from those either of the Slovak or the American people, and yet we experience familiar ties with both. The insights which come from having an affinity towards these two cultures provide a truer picture of our personal and social lives. I remember the halusky s bryndzou we ate on Sunday. I remember the chickens running around the yard. We weren't supposed to keep the gate open for fear they 'd run out. I remember the Kalvaria (Calvary) with medieval statues nestled in a pattern between the trees on the hill. I remember helping plant the garden and being scared by the geese. The buses went everywhere all the time. The cobblestone streets were always being repaired, as were the buildings. I remember much scaffolding on the church. Inside, the scaffolding hid the figures of painted cherubs high on the ceiling; sometimes they would peek out. When we sat in the dark wooden pews Mom would give us each a koruna to put in when the basket came around. In the little town of Banska Stiavnica my thoughts were dreamlike. How much of it was because I was twelve , or because I was in a new land with a new culture, I don't know. I do know, however, there is ·a definite change. I spent half of two years in Slovakia with my Slovak relatives. Life there was more tightly knit. I had a definite place in the public school I went to, in the community of neighbors, and of course, in the family. Since I was a foreigner, especially from America, the place I had in these groups was rather unique. I was looked upon as different and special. But also in many instances, I was looked upon as a member. This is what I cherished. One did not do things without the family, without the community, without loyalty towards those to whom one belonged. The four children in the house, from age twenty to eleven, slept in the same room. We ate together and spent most of our time with other members of the family. The primary social occasion was visiting our second cousins at the end of the street. Walking up the Sitno mountain reminded me of the story told about the Turks who almost conquered that area. Almost. During the seige, the Slovaks at the top of the hill were running drastically short of food. As a gesture to the Turks, they baked a huge loaf of bread and This paper won First Place in the scholarship competition of the Slovak League. SLOVAKIA 137 rolled it down the mountain into their camp. The Turks were impressed by the pertinacity of the Slovaks, and their seeming store of extra provisions. Soon they abandoned their siege. Living in Czecho-Slovakia gives one a sense of tradition unfelt in America, and quite different from that of Western Europe; a rough and harsh beauty. It is evident in the Tatras and evident in the tale of Janosik. It is also evident on the faces and in the hearts of the people. People from all over talk of the Slovaks as being a "noble" and "exuberant" people. "The Slovaks are generally known as unadulterated peasants and shepherd people, settled in a land of considerable natural beauty. Observers have always known to appreciate their natural handsomeness and dignity as well as the incorruptible honesty of their character. "(l) American Culture The first two years and then later the two months I spent in Slovakia formed one of the most important experiences in my life and education. The rest of the time I have spent in America. The culture here is of a completely different nature. All the while I was growing up like my ·brothers and sisters, I had a room alone. Our society places more importance on the solitary individual as a center of responsibility, rather than on the family or neighborhood. The will of the solitary self which harbors loneliness goes well with the Protestant ethic so predominant in this country. It is difficult to say what American culture is. The facets of life in this country are many. The newly rich WASPS, the oilmen of Texas, the real estaters of Florida, are in direct contrast to the quiet, distinguished WASPS of New England. And the majority of America's people are descendants of recent immigrants who are in varying degrees of WASP assimilation. The constant change we have is a necessity. Whatever America is, it is different from what we or our Slovak predecessors came from. Big cars, large steaks, and mass consumption are in direct contrast with the small Skodas, potatoes, and folk art products. Conflicts For all the talk of truth in America there is a lot of falsehood here. All forms of mass media, especially television, block many realities out. This doesn't make people forget the realities, but they tend not to acknowledge them as much. In all the shows the "good guy" wins, and the ' 'bad guy' ' gets what he deserves, usually a bullet in the back of his head. An incredible amount of violence is just one way of distorting the facts and giving a view of the world that is totaly unrealistic. Possibly a less blatant distortion is the propagation of stereotyped roles. This is not only present in television's dream world, but also in our society. We are all too familiar with the jokes about the Polish, a fad that has 138 SLOVAKIA lowered many conversations. The portrayal of ethnics as being dumb flag-waving fascists is still quite prevalent. This is evident in such slang as " hunky " . Who wants to be associated with that? Rather let's try and match up to the cool American stereotype we always see on television. He is usually quiet and has everything under control. He is usually tough and individualistic. He knows what he wants and knows how to get it. As the saying goes , "He 's cool, calm and collected." These aren't bad traits to have! Women are also stereotyped in the media. She is self-assured and seductive. Her saying is " Clean is sexy. " Not bad traits to have either! The tendency to use these sterotyped roles is strong. And why not? These roles are quite socially acceptable, and immerse the owner in a charismatic light. Many other countries have worse distortions than these seemingly peripheral ones. As Slovaks, an oppressed people, we are quite, quite familiar with them. What the Slovaks are facing at present is degrading and very pressing. However, this does not negate the problem we have here , either . Our situation in life , especially when growing up, is filled with numerous differences in how we react to society . This becomes more complicated when society reacts to itself in more than one way. Since here in the United States the media portray a false world, many people bring some of these false perceptions into the "real world." This is again complicated by the differences in "real worlds" in our many cultures. It becomes important to look at some of these differences to understand the conflicts which Slovaks, as an ethnic group living in the United States , feel. Slovak-Americans must bear more of these conflicts than the typical WASP. Multi-cultural people bring into a culture many inherited differences of perception. Different cultural groups relate to anger, hatred, desire and pain in vastly different ways. Mark Zborowski in his book People and Pain, illustrates many differences in perception . Societal pressure to adhere to the societal norm is great. When deviation occurs, such as culture differences, much misunderstanding and stereotyping results. Another problem, that of self-misunderstanding, results. People try to be what they are not. They try to live up to a cultural type not their own. They go against their own instincts for the reward of societal acceptance. What do we have to give up for these constantly sought after types? Do not the majority of us have to give up some aspect of our heritage , our past? Have we always been the quintessential American , cool , calm , collected? Secretly we know we have not, and still, how many times do we cover it up to ourselves? The whole idea of an ethnic memory is not so much remembering a series of events, but rather it is the feeling, instincts , and expectations passed from generation to generation. It is the patterns of behavior and SLOVAKIA 139 emotion for the individual and the people as a whole. Being ethnic requires us to understand that sense of reality. John Wayne vs Janosik The heroes of a culture reveal many peculiar insights to that culture's frame of reference. It is helpful to know a person's history and cultural background to understand his perceptions. Juro Janosik is certainly no less than the prototype of Slovak mentality. On the other hand, a perfect hero of America is John Wayne. I think the illustration of fundamental differences between these two can provide insight into the differences in the values of either society. On the one hand, the individualistic, cool oppressor type; John Wayne needs no justification for his actions. He can "do as he damn well pleases." Also the phrase "he calls 'em as he sees 'em" is characteristic of such an attitude. On the other hand, Janosik has qualities illustrating different aspects of personality. His whole life is centered around fighting against injustice. He harbors loyalty to his beloved ones and is sensitive and sentimental. Instead of being totally individualistic, he relies heavily on his mountain boys. The way the hero fits into his surrounding environment also influences the culture's frame of reference. Janosik dealt mostly with shepherds and poor folk, fighting against the established barons. He fought upwards against oppression. John Wayne fought the Indians; he drove them away . His was a different sense of justice (might makes right). Janosik's justice was closer to the word's true meaning. Which does one follow: John Wayne or Janosik? Much of this decision depends on to what extent the ethnic experience exists in us individually. Michael Novak gives an illuminating description of the crisis: The battle is partly in one's own soul. On the one hand American, enlightened, educated; on the other, stubbornly resistant, in love with values too dear to jettison, at home neither in the ethnic community nor in any intellectual group, neither with theorists nor with practical politicians, convinced of a certain rightness in one's soul and yet not confident that others will see, can see, the subtle links in a different way of life. It is the insecurity of certainty: the sense that something of value is not likely to be understood. (2) Cultural Multiplicity Within inheritors of more than one heritage there arise conflicts. However, this meeting of different ways of life many times is quite beneficial. Synergy, a word very few people use, means the behavior of whole systems unpredicted by its parts or any subassembly of its parts(3), i.e., the combination of various things may be stronger than the sum of its parts. One and one and one equals four. A three hundred pound man can sit on a bicycle with wheels that are supported by 140 SLOVAKIA spokes a child could bend. It is the arrangement of those spokes which makes it possible to withstand great pressure. The ignorance of such a concept creates misunderstandings in many areas of knowledge, not the least of which is relationships between people. Since this ignorance is widespread throughout society, people with a different cultural background are usually thought of for other reasons than for their own potential benefit. The misunderstanding results in such ideas as cultural inferiority, as if purity of heritage is a great virtue, and in such nick-names as ''half-breed,'' etc. Although our notion of equality has been around since the beginning of this country, so were Jefferson's slaves. Even though this concept has dropped from prominence, much of the idea of intellectual superiority remains. These notions are looked upon as ridiculous in present day science. The study of biology shows us the creatures which survive are the ones that are most suitable to the environment. When the environment changes, the animals must either adapt or perish. Humans are no different: the more variables - the more adaptive to change. L. S. Harms in his book Intercultural Communication also raises the concept of synergy: Synergy is a process that may operate in an organized system with a favorable structure. In the case of communication, in an authority structure in which messages are prepared and transmitted, there is little opportunity for synergy to operate. The interchange structure, however, is favorable to the process of synergy. (indeed) .. . high synergy may be expected. (4) A high number of various cultural influences is not unique to Slovak-Americans. It is inherent in all intercultural transactions. The advantages of a multi-heritage and especially a multi-lingual perception become clear in the ability to perceive below a superficial level of human understanding. One becomes able to see certain fundamental aspects. A tolerance arises for different attitudes, opinions, lifestyles and patterns of behavior. We become able to adapt ourselves to other peoples' mannerisms, symbolic meanings, gestures and etiquette. Indeed, the need to go beyond linguistic differences is essential in understanding our true thoughts, which abide in our subjective side, in our feelings and emotions. Humanity's creative geniuses, whether they be in art, science, philosophy or religion, speak of their understanding coming from a place deep within, usually beyond language. Today and Tomorrow: Toward a Preferred State Our world is changing at a shocking rate. In recent years, we have invented two new terms to describe that change: culture-shock and future-shock. Culture-shock describes the condition, the disease, experienced by a person suddenly transplanted into a foreign culture (Arensburg and Niehoff 1973). Future-shock describes the experience of the person who finds "things" in his community changing so fast he SLOVAKIA 141 is no longer able to deal with them (Toffler 1971). Many large imbalances have resulted in the process of rapid growth. We have now a technological superiority and a moral inferiority. Our amount of information is doubling every ten years, yet we cling to many obsolete patterns of thought. Dichotomies such as rich and poor, educated and noneducated still exist, and we seem to be making little progress towards change . These problems need to be faced. In order to solve problems one must plan a preferred state. In order to design such a plan, one must have a variety of values. Values, in turn, come from individuals made up of different social, religious and ethnic backgrounds . We need a larger selection of values to work from, when confronting the large scale problems of today. This selection of values must be representative of our population, including more than the traditional WASP ethics we have now. There is a great need for people with multi-perspectives to help in world planning in all areas. It's high time for a new cultural pluralism and a politics that requires this pluralism - one that draws from resources other than Anglo-Saxon history and values. We have the responsibility of seeing that our Slovak culture does not die, but grows as we grow. This responsibility also entails quality. There must be a true pride in the heritage we come from. Paul Wilkes, a Slovak reporter, after an ethnic festival in New Jersey, wrote, "I didn't belong in East Hampton but I was going back there. It would be a place to recollect myself. Maybe next year at the festival I'll be able to walk up to a stranger and say: ''I'm a SlovakAmerican boy. And you?"(5) That was written in 1976. It is already ''next year''! But again, to isolate ourselves is to miss the point. The majority of Americans are minorities. When fighting individually we can't possibly match strength with many of the established ways which are oppressive. However, in combined numbers we are able to get rid of the antagonism that plagues us all. Novak, in his column "Illusions and Realities'' in the Jednota weekly, comments: Mathematics is on the side of stressing similarities. If we stress racial differences, we err in strategy. Isolated off by themselves, blacks are only nine percent of the nation. Linked to others who share analogous experiences, blacks stand with the large majority . . . I wish the Black Caucus in Congress would call into being a White Ethnic Caucus. These two together might forge a great new source of fresh social ideas and political power. ''A rising tide lifts every boat. ''(6) Much of what I've said has been said before. The awareness of injustice towards ethnic groups is high right now. This is ''The Decade of the Ethnics''. But, in order for those ideas to be meaningful, they have to be embraced on both an individual and community level. Personally, I think you will find it quite rewarding to go finding out your 142 SLOVAKIA " roots ". Discussing ethnic subjects brings the topic into general awareness, and it also clarifies certain issues previously left unsaid . I do sincerely hope that all those that are in similar positions can also incorporate the fact of being Slovak-Americans on a level that is more than just a slogan. Let it become a fact that determines much of what you say and do. Become aware of many of those unconscious traits which we all have passed down to us from our ancestors. As Michael Novak says: To learn the habits, instincts, and inspirations of a person 's grandparents is to discern the emotional and imaginal weight of much in that person's life that otherwise seems inexplicable. To see the patterns of life adopted by a person's grandchildren is to discern more clearly the organic implications of the choices and efforts launched two generations earlier. Emotions, instincts, memory, imagination, passions, and ways of perceiving are passed on to us in ways so thick with life that they lie far beyond the power of consciousness (let alone the analytic and verbal reason) thoroughly to master, totally to alter. We are, in a word, ineffebly ethnic in our values and our actions. (7) I haven't been to Slovakia for almost five years, yet I still have fond memories of the place. I remember Starky coming home from a long day of cutting grass, bringing some with him to feed the rabbits . I also remember him standing over the table at Stedry vecer (Christmas Eve) and quoting from the Bible before we could eat. He was eighty-five then and has worked every day of his life, except Sundays. My brother Mike just came back from a year in Slovakia and visited me for a few days. He said Starky is becoming senile. After this New Year was over Starky said to him - ' ' Miso , Christmas time should be coming up, shouldn't it? " I hope I will be able to see him once again, and learn more of those instincts and passions which have so richly contributed to what I and my family are, realizing how much we are all enriched by the vitality of our ancestral roots. FOOTNOTES (1) Joseph A. Mikus, Pride in Slovak Origin, (Cleveland: First Catholic Slovak Union Press , 1973) pp 100-101. (2) Michael Novak , The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics, (New York : Macmillan Co., 1972) p 62. (3) R. Buckminster Fulle r , Operating Manual for Spaceship Earth, (New York : Pocket Books, 1971) p 65. (4) L. S. Harms, lnte rcultural Communication, (New York: Harper and Row, 1973) p 53. (5) Paul Wilkes, " Rejoining the Slovak Community," (The New York Times, August 6, 1976). (6) Michael Novak, Illusions and Realities, Jednota , p. 1, February 24, 1977. (7) Michael Novak, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics p xvi . SLOVAKIA 143 BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Fuller, R. Buckminster, Operating Manual for Spaceship Earth, New York: Pocket Books , 1971. 2. Harms, L. S., /ntercultural Communication, New York: Harper and Row, 1973. 3. Mikus, Joseph A., Pride in Slovak Origin, Cleveland: First Catholic Slovak Union, 1973. 4. Novak, Michael, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics, New York : Macmillan Co., 1972. 5. Segal, Bernard E., ed., Racial and Ethnic Relations New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1966. 6. Wilkes, Paul , Rejoining the Slovak Community, The New York Times, August 6, 1976, N.Y., N.Y. 7. Zborowski, Mark , People in Pain, San Francisco, Jossey Bass, Inc., 1966 .  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Slovak-American Perspective in a Changing Society Description An account of the resource Alexander J. Rudinsky Slovakia, Vol. 27 (No. 50), 1977 pp. 136-143 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Rudinsky, Alexander J. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/d5ca604b2842a13c278dcbf43ea4444b.pdf 2f5839c0f8a3d217907d270afe55a836 PDF Text Text 128 SLOVAKIA Jozef Ciger-Hronsky: Chronology and Partial Bibliography Norma L. Rudinsky The fi ctio n ofjozefCiger-Hronsky, besides being exte n sive , shows such a variety of techniques and styles that only a full critical and descriptive bibliography could indi cate its range of experime ntal forms. The following chronology merely indicates that variety and is not complete, because Hronsky's works have not been collected and many shorter pieces are scattered in magazines in Slovakia and in other publications in North and South America ; his literary remains have not been published. Some previously unreported information is given of Hronsky's service as an infantryman in the Hungarian army on the Italian front in World War I ; this experience is mentioned in one of the biblio graphies ( 1) and is referred to by Hron sky in his tribute to a fellow soldier, the sculptor Ferdin a nd Motoska ( 13). The re is also previously unpublish ed information on his experiences in 1944. Not included here are brief or general refere nces to Hronsky in histories and encyclopedias, e.g . in English, J. M . Kirschbaum , Slovak Language and Literature (Winnipeg, 1975) and The Catholic Encyclopedia (Washington, 1967). In fact, there are almost no noti ces of Hronsky' s fiction in the standard English treatments of Slavic or eve n Czechoslovak literature despite his establi shed place in Slovak literary criticism . Hronsky's nam e is so tied to the activity of the Matica slovenska that the Chronology gives more than might be expected of his administrative activity as director (spravca). The concept of a matica, which is specifically Slavic and central/eastern European , needs explanation for the Anglo-Saxon reader to understand the great devotion inspired by this institution among the Slavic nations that had few other cultural institutions in th e Austro-Hungarian empire. A matica was a national library , publishing house, university, scientific in st itute, academy of scholars, and nationalistic missionary society - all in one. Founded in 1863, but abolished by the M agyar government in 1875, and reopened �SLOVAKIA 129 with the origin of Czechoslovakia in 1918 , the Slovak Matica was esse ntiall y the national center also later (May 1932) in the disagreement with Czech linguists ove r the status of Slovak as a separate language , in which Hronsky played a leading role (6,8,11,14) . Hronsky's life abroad a fter World War II was in many ways tragic . After suffering at the h and s of partisans near the end of the war ( 18 , 22) , he went into exile while still a t the height of his creativity. In the remaining fifteen years of his life , he published only two novels and a novella, mostly writte n in the first two years abroad. According to Konstantfn Culen (22), Hronsky expected to move to the United States fro m Italy in 1945-48 , but was prevented from obtaining a visa by the U .S . policy of agreement with the Czechoslovak " R e pa triation Commi ss ion ,'' the full story of which may be co mp a rable to the tragedies revealed by Julius Epstein in Operation Keelh aul (New York : D evinAdair , 1973). The part played by Slovak-Ameri cans or their inactivity o n Hronsky's beh alf, h as also not been told (22). H owever, who can say whether H ro nsky's literary activity would have gai ned o r lost if he had settled a mong Slovak-Americans? He might have been spared the tiring work by which he earned a living in Argentin a; however, physical nearness to the Slovak exil e centers in North America a nd therefore greater involvement in the difficulties, frustration s, a nd frequently fruitless activities in ev itable to ex il e politi cal groups, might not have stimulated him to further literary creation . This qu es tio n can only b e conside red w hen all of Hronsky's unpublished a nd unfini shed writings beco m e avail able; at prese nt , o nly one is known to me ( 17). Hronsky did not live to know of his "rehabilitation " in Bratislava, nor the recognition of his novels as, in the words of J a n Stevcek, '' the emb ryos of almost every developin g tendency of Slovak prose, the most distinctive of which is the line joining the mode rn socia l novel with the la ter, specificall y Slovak ' natu ral' expressionism but also wit h other importa nt develo pme n ts" (35, p . 108 ; tran slation min e) no r th e judge m ent of Alexander Matuska that Hronsky is so far the only Slovak author whose trul y excellent works number not o ne or two but at least fi ve (34 , pp. 574-75). 1896 Born on 23 February as Jozef Cfger in Zvolen , central Slovaki a, of working-class parents, hi s fat he r being a sawyer. �130 1914 1914-18 1917-18 1919 1918-23 1922 1923-33 1923 1924 1925 1927 1928 1929 1930 SLOVAKIA He attended school in Zvolen, Krupina , and Levice. Received a teacher's diploma in Levice. Taught school in Horne Madunice and Senohrad. Was in the 16th Infantry Division of the Hungarian army from 1 October 1917 to 20 November 1918, and participated in the very bloody defeat of the Austro-Hungarian summer offensive at Piava on the Italian front. He stayed in the reserve until 1928, and his fin al rank as an officer was rotny v zaloze, as listed on his discharge papers. Hronsky' s military experience is reflected in several of his works , includingjozef Mak, b,ut especially Pisar Grae. Married Anna Valeria Ruzinakova on 1 M arch . Taught school in Senohrad and Krupina. His only child Juraj was born . Taught school in Kremnica and Martin. Published his first collection of realistic adult stories, U nas (At Our Place), many of which had been published previously in magazines. He took the additional name Hronsky in the Pan-Slav tradition of earlier Slovak writers, from the Hron River that runs through central Slovakia . Published his first children's book, Najmladsf Zavodsky (The Youngest Zavodsky Child) . Published Domov (Going Home), another collection of realistic stories similar to those of Martin Kukucfn, and Kremnicke povesti (Tales of Kremnica) for children, as well as a collection of adapted Serbian tales . Published his first novel Zlty dom v Klokoci (The Yellow House in the Village Klokoc), which was still realistic but refl ected Hronsky' s interest in new psychologically expressive techniques (44, Strmen, p . xlv). During 1927-41 he also helped prepare numerous grade school readers . Published the collection Pod kozubkom (By the Hearth) . He also became an editor of the children's m agazine Slniecko (Little Sun). Published another collection of adult stories , Medove srdce (Gingerbread H eart). Published one of his few novels on artistic and urban life, Proroctvo Doktora Stankovskeho (The Prophecy of Dr. Stankov- �SLOVAKIA 193 1 1932 1933-40 131 sky) and also one of his most popular animal stories for children , Smely zajko (The D a ring R a bbit). Published a variety of books: the sequel Smely zajko v Afrike (The D aring R a bbit in Africa); two collec tions of roma ntic legends a nd historical novellas, T raj a bratia (Three Brothers) and Zakopan y m ec (The Buried Sword) ; and the experimental novel C hlieb (Bread), in which Hronsky introdu ced the vill age as a livin g, indes tructibl e organism with a collective co nsc10u sness. Published an even greater variety: the romantic Podpolianske rozp rav ky (Stories from the Foot of Mount Pol'ana) in the spirit of Andrej Sladkovic; the animal story of Budkacik a Dubkaci k(un tra nslatable title: comic nam es for two pigs); a historical novel fo r young people, Sokoliar Tomas (The Falconer Thom as); the fairy tales Brondove rozpravky (Tales by the Storytell er J ozef Ru znak Bronda); and the educational book for children Zabav ky stryca Kurkovskeho (Gam es with Uncle Kurkovsky). In the so-call ed " May 12 affair, " Hronsky was a leading m ember of the group of 130 Slovak writers who signed a statem ent against the " C zechoslovak " linguistic tendency of the fi rs t P ravidla slovenskeho pravopisu ( 193 1), a gramm ar book and writer's guide which had been prepared p rim aril y by Czech linguists in the M atica and which m ad e Slovak m ore similar to Czech (6, 11 , 14). In 1933 H ro nsky stopped his teaching caree r on April 1 to beco me secreta ry of the M atica slove nska a t the time when its position was very shaky financially and politically after withdrawal of sta te fund s in 193 2 and the d epa rture of m an y Czechs from the M a tica because of the battle over the P ravidla slove nskeho pravopisu . For the next several years H ro nsky's intensive literary creation was acco mpanied by extensive administrative act ivities in the M a tica. Acco rdin g to fri ends ( 19,2 1) H ro nsky wrote m a inly at ni ght , seeming to th rive on lit tle slee p . O ne of hi s first adm inistrative efforts was to enlarge the m embership base of the M atica and to increase book sales fo r greater fin ancial security without a id (and su pervision) from P rague; ano ther a im was to enlarge the schola rly and cu ltural de partments ( 11 ). �132 1933 1934 1935 1935-36 193 7 1938 1939 1940 SLOVAKIA Published a children's book of tales Zlaty dazd' (The Golden Shower); a series of realistic satiric stories Tomefkovci (The Tomefk Clan); and his most important novel Jozef Mak. A major review of this novel was by Andrej Mraz in Slovenske pohl'ady , Vol. 49 , pp. 761-64 . Published a collection of stories about women, Sedem sfdc (Seven Hearts) , and a group of tales , Zlate hodinky (A Gold Watch). Published Strycovo vrtielko (Uncle's Spinning Top) for children, and numerous speeches and reports on Matica activities. Several chapters of a sequel to Jozef Mak were published in Slovenske pohl'ady , titled "Jozef Mak mladsf," in which Mak's inability to express his love is continued with his son; but the sequel was apparently abandoned. Led a delegation from the Matica to visit Slovak-Americans in the United States from November to July . H e also published Tri rozpravky (Three Stories). Published a collection of tales, Zlatovlasa sestra (The Goldenhaired Sister), and articles about Matica activities ( 1). In a major review (Slovenske pohl'ady , 53 , 366- 72) of the second edition of Jozef Mak, the critic Michal Povazan placed Hronsky between Martin Kukuefn and Milo Urban, author of Zivy bie (The Living Scourge, 1927). Published a collection of stories previously printed in magazines , Jarny vietor a ine rozpravky (Spring Wind and Other Tales) as the first volume of his collected works. Published the historical Budatfnski Frgacovci (The Frgae Family of Budatfn Castle); and the novel a krfznych cestach (At the Crossroads), which was serialized in Slovenske pohl'ady. A story was translated into English (51). Published the description of his American trip in Cesta slovenskou Amerikou (A Trip through Slovak America) (7); also the children's book Tri mudre kozliatka (Three Clever Kidlets) and the first "grotesqu e" novel in Slovak , Pisar Grae (Grae the Clerk) , in which Hronsky experimentall y developed a multi-level structure to express various depths of the human personality , both rational and irrational, consciou s and unconscious; it is built around an "axis of imagin ary con versa- �SLOVAKIA 133 tions betwee n the main character and a certain dead person " (43, p. 123). 1940-43 Was elected spravca or director of the Matica in 1940 . During this period (which also included increased government support during th e Slovak R epublic) , new research departments for philosophy, geography, and music were added, and other departments were enlarged , e.g. the dictionary group. A new cen tral building was built, and a modern press was purchased and named Neografia. M embership in the M atica rose to 74 ,000 , a nd from a debt-ridden status in 1933 Matica grew to be worth 80 ,000,000 crowns. Several new journals were begun, alo ng with a new edition of the Pravidla (11 ,52). Numerous re-editions of Hronsky's works were published . During this time Jozef M ak was translated into G erman by P . Kutzner and published in Stuttgart with the new title Die a rmen Seeligkeiten desjosefMak (no date give n in the book, probabl y 1942). In 1943 it was translated into Croatian by Jozip Niksic and published by the Matica hrvatska in Zagreb . 1944 Published the lyrical novel Na Bukvovo m d vore (In Bukva' s Courtyard) and a collec tion of satiric allegories, Smakova mucha (The Filthy Fl y) (42). In late August Hronsky was seized, abused, and threatened with death by partisans in Martin during the '' Slovak National Uprising'' despite the fact that he had neve r been politically active. This very unhappy eve nt , whi ch apparentl y occurred at the instigation of other Matica offi cials ( 18 ,22,28), profoundly shocked and demoralized H ronsky, who was ultim a tely freed at the personal intervention of a leader of the Uprising ( 18), said to be the Communist poet Laco ovomesky. D etail s have been published onl y in part. 1945 Organi zed the evacuation of part of the Matica before the advancing front of Soviet and G erman arrriies, and left Slovakia for Austria and Bavaria, then moved to Italy with hi s wife a nd son ( 18, 19). 1946-47 Li ved in R ome and studied painting besides writing . H e publi shed a short novell a about ancient R om a n Christians, Predavac talizmanov: Liberius Caius (The Talisman Mercha nt: Liberiu s Caius), which Strmen says shows Hronsky �134 1948 1949 1950-55 1956 1957 SLOVAKIA "without a mask" and thus makes his previous heroes appear as "pre-Christian heroes, existentially imprisoned on the fringes of the Christian message , which has never been heard completely or distinctly " (9, p . 79 , translation mine). He also wrote his novel about the war, though it was published only in 1960 (12,16 ,2 7). Published the lyrical novel Andreas Bur Majster (Andrew Bur, Master Sawyer) in the U.S ., from the manuscript completed in Rome in 1947 (10). He also emigrated to Argentina , because the Czechoslovak government was attempting to have him extradited. Through the intervention a nd influence of Karol Sidor, he was helped to leave Italy by sympathetic Italian officials; he had been refused a visa to the U.S. by American officials who failed to understand the Slovak situation (22). Settled in the Argentine town of Lujan, near Buenos Aires , where he worked as a draftsman and textile designer, taught painting, painted, designed stained glass windows, etc. (18), but was also somewhat active in Slovak emigre cultural activities. He published an account of his administration of the Matica slovenska ( 11). Lived quietly in Lujan working and sometimes writing, but little of this work is known, except one fragment (17). His son Juraj described their life in Argentine (18). Was elected honorary president of the exile '' Spolok slovenskych spisovatel'ov a umelcov" (12). In honor of his 60th birthday, the journal Most published a reminiscence of Hronsky (19) with a partial bibliography of his works. In the last issue of Most for 1956 Hronsky wrote a short but sympathetic reminiscence of the Slovak playwright Jozef Gregor Tajovsky' s apologetic retraction (shortly before his death) of his previous position on the "Czechoslovak language" in the Matica affair of May 1932 (14). In the same issue, Hronsky published three satiric sketches: Dazdnik (Umbrella), Gombfk (Button) , and Rebrfk (Ladder), the latter signed by "Jozef Mak" (for other such pieces see 2). Became honorary president of the political and cultural organization "Slovak National Council Abroad ," but was not �SLOVAKIA 1958 1959 1959-60 1960 1964 1965 1966 135 active in it. Published Dve slovenske Ameriky (Two Slovak Americas) about the Slovak League of America and the Argentine Slovak Cultural Society ( 15). Organized the " Zahranicna Matica Slovenska" after the Matica in Martin was relieved of its publishing and educational activities and given the status of a national library by the law of 1953. The purpose of this '' Matica Abroad'' was to encourage Slovak cultural publications and other educational activities impossible in Slovakia. H ad a column in the weekly newspaper Slovak v Amerike (Middletown , PA) titled "Lepsie zazfhat' svetielko aka preklinat' tmu" (Better to Light a Candle than to Curse the Darkness). Hronsky published his last novel, Svet na Trasovisku (The People of the Village Trasovisko and also a pun meaning The World Caught in Quicksand), as a serial in Slovak v Amerike, then in book form (16). This novel gives a complex picture of the effects of World War II on a Slovak village, especiall y the effects of the Uprising, which Hronsky presents as a tragic betrayal of the Slovak people and the R epublic of 1939-45 . On July 13 Hronsky died suddenly of a stroke in Lujan. Memorial articles were published by the Slovak League in Pamiatkejozefa Cfgra-Hronskeho (20-24) , by Most (25) , and by the Zahranicna Matica (26). Hronsky's,wife died six weeks later. Posthumously, a collection of stories, Poha.r z bruseneho skla (A Cut-Glass Goblet) was published in Buenos Aires; one story, " Dobry syn " (A Good Son), was new, the rest having been printed in Slovak magazines in 1940-41 (36-3 7). The "thaw" in Bratislava brought an announcement in the newspaper Pravda that some of Hronsky's works would be reprinted. The children's book Budka.cik a Dubka.cik was set to music and presented in a Bratislava puppet theater, then republished by the Mlade Leto press. One of the foremost Bratislava critics , Alexander Matuska , published " Profil na skusku" (A n Attempt at a Profile) on Hronsky in a weekly newspaper (29) . �136 SLOVAKIA Jozef Mak was republished with a foreword by another major critic, Jan Stevcek (30). In Buenos Aires the Zahranicna Matica republished in book form Hronsky's serialized novel from 1939, Na krfznych cestach, with an analysis by Stanislav Meciar (38). 1967-69 Numerous re-editions of Hronsky's works were published in Bratislava and Martin with critical appreciations (1-2). During the liberal period of Alexander Dubcek, efforts were made in both Argentina and Slovakia to return Hronsky's body for burial in the National Cemetery in Martin (18), but they were unsuccessful. Jozef Mak was translated into Magyar by Zaly~mi Antal and published in Bratislava in 1968 . 1970 Andreas Bur Majster was republished in Bratislava, the only "exile" work to appear in Slovakia (10). Alexander Matuska's perceptive criticism of this book too and his brief analysis of Svet na Trasovisku in j. C. Hronsky (34) completed the rehabilitation process except for continued (to this day) condemnation or silence about Svet na Trasovisku . 1971 Jan Stevcek's analysis of "lyrizovana pr6za " related Hronsky to its origins (35). Jozef M . Rydlo 's Italian disserta tion on Hronsky at the University of Padua was apparently the first critical study in a western language ( 41 ), with the possible exception of G erman studies following the translation of Jozef Mak and of Podpolianske rozpravky (Stuttgart, 1944). 1972 Jozef Mak was translated into Russian by I. Bogdanova (Moscow, Progress Publishers) and into Czech by Emil Charous with the new title Clovek milion (The Ordinary Person of Whom There are Millions) and a critical evaluation of the novel as an achievement on the European level (Prague, Odeon). In Canada Predavac talizmanov was republished with an introduction by Karol Strmen (9,27). 197 3 Jan Stevcek further developed his analysis of Hronsky' s work as the most importa nt impulse in Slovak lyri cal prose (35). 1975 The first intensive criticism ofHronsky's work in English was published by Rydlo (43). 1976 The second translation into English , excerpts fromJozefMak and from Tomcfkovci, was made by Andrew C incura (44). 1977 Jozef Mak was translated into Polish by Andrzej Sieczkowski �SLOVAKIA 1978 1982 1983 137 (Warsaw, Panstrv . Inst.). In Buenos Aires was published a single piece from Bronsky's litera ry remains about Argentine life ( 1 7). Predavac tali zmanov was translated into English (45). J ozef Mak was translated into English by Andrew Cincura with a critical analysis of Bronsky' s importance by Peter Petro (46) . The Bra ti slava critic Juliu s Noge prepared a n ew study of Bronsky, includin g som e of the unfinished manuscripts in th e archi ves of the Matica sloven ska ( 4 7). A panel on Bronsky at the American Associat ion for the Advancement of Slavic Studies annu al meeting had papers on three novels ( 48-50), wh ich will be printed in the journal Slovakia as the first compreh ensive studies of Bronsky in English . Bibliographies of Hronsky's work: 1. Mat'ovcfk, A., G. R ezna, V . Podmajerska. " Bio-bibliografiaJozefa Cfgra-Bronskeho." Biograficke studie (Martin), II (1971), 101-20 . 2. R ydlo, J . M. J ozef Cfger Bronsky 1896-1 960. Abbozzo bibliografico . Scuola Vaticana di Bibliotecomia , C itta de! Vaticano, 1973 . 3. Lacko, Mich al. Slovak Studies : Bibliographica 1, VII ( 1967), a nd Slovak Studies: Bibliographica 2, XVII (1977). Autobiographical , reminscient, and other writings by Hronsky: 4. Bronsky, J .C. "Zivotopis" [11 May 1922], in " ' Obsfrnejsf 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. zivotopis' J .C . B ronskeho," by J . M . R ydlo, Most (C leveland), XX , No. 1-2 (1973), 44-47. ________ "Autobiografia , 10 Nov. 1930," Slovenske pohl'ady, 86, No. 3 ( 1970), 44. - - - - - - - - and Elen a Mar6thy Soltesova. "Slovenskej verejnosti," Narodnie noviny, 00 May 1932, vol. 63, p. 2. _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Cesta slovenskou Am erikou. 2 vols. Turc. Sv. Martin: M at ica slovenska, 1940 . _ _ _ _ _ _ _ "Nove Slovensko." Slovensko, V (1939), 3-5; "Sme na novej ceste." Slovensko, V (1939), 36-38; "Ako treba zit' n a svete." Slovenske pohl'ady , 60 (1944), 670-77. _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ "Pred avac talizmanov Liberius Gaius od Por- �138 10 . 11. 12 . 13 . 14 . 15. 16. 17 . SLOVAKIA ta Collina." In N adej vft'azn a . Scranton: Ob rana Press, 1947, pp . 7-50 (not seen); Predavac talizmanov , 2nd ed . Introduction " Zapadalo slnko" by K arol Strmen. Cambridge (Ontario) : Dobra Kniha, 1972 . _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Andreas Bur M aj ster. Scranton : Obrana Press , 1948; 2nd ed. Bratislava : T atran , 1970 . _ _ __ _ _ _ '' Rozvoj Matice sloven skej . '' In Sloven ska republika 1939-49 . Ed . Mikul as Sprinc. Obrana Press, Inc. , 1949 , pp . 191 -201. _ _ __ _ _ _ " List redaktorovi ." Most, II , No. 4 (1 955) , 1-3; and "Spolku' slovenskych spisovatel'ov a umelcov ." Most, III , No . 4 (1956), 145-46 . _ _ __ _ __ " Mostoskovi ." Most, III , No . 4 (1956) , 160-61. _ _ _ _ _ _ _ " O Gregorovi Tajovskom. " Most , III , No . 4 ( 1956) , 189-90 . _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Dve slovenske Ameriky. ' 'Svetl a No. 1.'' Buenos Aires, 1958. 44 pp. (not seen) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Svet na Trasovisku . Knizni ca Litera rneho Almanachu , Vol. 2 , Whiting, Ind.: Rev. Jan . J . Lach , Publisher , 1960 . _ _ __ __ _ " Lucko patra Andrea." In K alenda r slovenskeho kulturneho spolku v Argentfne. Ed . Ladislav Jankovic. Buenos Aires: Sloven sky kulturny spolok, 1977, pp . 182-99. Reminiscences by family and friends: 18 . Cfger, Anton , " Nesplnena tu zba J . C . Hronskeho." M aticne cftanie (Martin) , 23 N ove mber 1968, pp . 1-2 . (This article includes a letter from Hronsky's so n about their life in Argentin a .) 19. Hrusovsky , Frantisek . " J ozef C fger-Hron sky. " M ost , III , o. 1 (1956), 2-1 2. 20. Sprinc, Mikulas. " Nad hrobomJozefa C. Hronskeho. " In Pam iatke J ozefa Cfgra- Hron skeho. Ed . J ozef P au co . V ol. 3 Li te rarn y Alm anach Slovaka v Am erike . Middletown , PA : J edn ota Press, 1960 , pp . 5-6. 21. Bor, J an E. (pseud . E rnest Zatko). " Spisovatel' J ozefC. H ron sky" and " P ochovali sme spi sovatel'a J ozefa Cfgra-H ro nskeho." In P am iatke (ref. 20), pp. 8-20 and 38-44 . 22 . Culen , K on stantfn . " P osled ne posedenie s j ozefom Cfgrom H ron- �SLOV AKIA 23 . 24 . 25 . 26. 27. 28 . 139 skym . " In P amiatke, pp . 21-32. Kirschbaum , ]. M . " Pamiatke J ozefa C . H ronskeho." In Pamiatke, pp . 35 -36. J ankovic, Ladislav . " O statne chvfle J . C. Hronskeho." InPamiatke, p . 37. O ka!', J an . " Spomien ka na J ozefa C fgra- H ron skeho ." M ost , VII , No. 3-4 (1960) , 97 -104. M eciar , Stanislav. " J ozef Cfger-Hronsky (1896-1 960), " (Speech given on 12 Au gust 1960). In Letopis M atice sloven skej v zahranicf. Ed . Sta ni slav M eciar . Buenos Aires : Zahranicn a M a tica Slovenska , 1963, pp . 141- 46 . Oka!' , J an. " K omu dnes patrf satocka?" Most , XIX , No . 1-2 (1972), 20-25 . (This is also a review of Predavac talizmanov , ref. 9) . R ydlo , J ozef. " J .C . H ronsky - vazen ." In Litera rny almanach Slovaka v Amerike. Ed . J ozef P auco . Middletown , 1974 , pp . 13-17 . Critical studies (in Slovakia, in the West, then in preparation): 29 . M a tu ska , Alexander . " Profil na sku sku . " Kulturny zivot (Bratislava), 4 M arch 1966 , pp . 2-3. 30. Stevcek , J an . " D oslov." In Jozef Mak by J ozef Cfger-Hronsky . Bratislava : Tatran , 1966, pp . 233-3 8. 31. Stevcek, J an . " JozefCfger Hronsky." In Slovensky literarny album . Ed. J anJurfcek and Vl adimir P etrfk . Bratislava: Obzor, 1968, pp . 38 1-84 . 32. N inzansky, J ozefR . " J edno a sedem sfdc ." In Sedem sfdc by J ozef C fge r H ron sky . Bra tislava: T a tra n , 1969, pp . 217-33. 33 . " H ro nskeho Pisar Grae a sloven ska pr6za" [symposium] . Slovenske pohl'ady , 86 , No. 3 (1970), 30-43. 34. M atu ska , Alexander , J . C . H ronsky. Bratislava : Sloven sky spisovatel' , 1970 . Rpt. in O sobnosti : V ybrane spisy Alexa ndra M a tu sku. Bra tislava: Sloven sky spisovatel' , 1973 . 35. Stevcek, J an . Nezbadane pr6zy. Bratislava: Slove nsky spisovatel' , 1971 ; Lyrizova na pr6za . Brati slava: T atran , 197 3. 36. M eciar , Stanislav . " D oslov . " In P ohar z bru se neho skla by J . C . H ro nsky. Buenos A ire s: Zahranicna Matica Sloven ska , 1964, pp . 169-74. 37. Kru zli ak, Im rich . R eview of Poha r z bru seneho skla . M ost , XII , No . 1-2 ( 1965) , 89-9 1. �140 SLOVAKIA 38. Meciar, Stanislav. "Doslov ." In Nakrfznychcestach byJ. C. Hronsky. Buenos Aires: Zahranicna Matica Slovenska, 1966, pp. 165-73. 39. Kruzliak, lmrich, "Domov boljeho vesmfrom (Na. 10. vyrocie smrti J.C. Hronskeho, 23.11.1896 - 13.VII.1960)." Most, XVII, No. 1-2 (1970), 1-10. 40. Kruzliak, Imrich. Review ofJ. C. Hronsky, by Alexander Matuska (ref. 34). Most, XVII, No. 3-4 (1970), 179-82. 41. Rydlo, Jozef M . "Svet na Trasovisku" nell'opera letteraria di Jozef Cfger-Hronsky. Con un epistolario inedito . Ph.D . Dissertation , University of Padua, 1971. 431 pp. typescript (not seen) 42. Rydlo, Jozef. "Smakova mucha . " Most, XIX, No . 1-2 (1972), 32 -38. 43 . Rydlo, Jozef M. "The World on a Quagmire : The Last Literary Work of JozefCfger Hronsky." Slovak Studies, XV (1975), 117-42. 44 . Cincura, Andrew, trans . An Anthology of Slovak Literature, with "Slovak Literature : A Brief History" by Karol Strmen. Riverside, CA: University Hardcovers, 1976. 45 . Kester, JohnJ . , trans. Seller of Talismans : Liberius Gaius. Scotch Plains , N.J. : privately printed , 1978. 46. Cincura, Andrew, trans . Jozef Mak. Introduction by Peter Petro. Columbus, OH : Slavica Publishers, in press. 47. Noge,Julius. Podoby realizmu v medzivojnovej pr6ze. Bratislava: Veda, 1983 (in preparation). 48. Lackova-Furimska, Maria. "Jozef Mak , " (in preparation). 49. Petro, Peter . "Pisar Grae," (in preparation) . 50. Sabo, Gerald J. " Andreas Bur Majster and Predavac talizmanov," (in preparation). 51. Morison, W.A., trans. " Mother Macik Goes to the Polls," Slavonic Review (London), XVII (1938-39), 21-35. 52. Winkler, Tomas. Matica slovenska v rokoch 1919-1945. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1971. �SLOVAKIA 141 Much of the published information was verified with unpublished materials in the Literarny archfv of the Matica slovenska in Martin, Czechoslovakia, which I was able to examine while on an International Research and Exchange Board fellowship in 1982 . Presented in part in Panel 11-10 , "20th Century Slovak Literature : Jozef CfgerHronsky," and Panel 10-6, The Matica Slovenska: 120 Years of Survival," at the AAASS convention in Kansas C ity, MO on 24 October 1983 . � 128 SLOVAKIA Jozef Ciger-Hronsky: Chronology and Partial Bibliography Norma L. Rudinsky The fi ctio n ofjozefCiger-Hronsky, besides being exte n sive , shows such a variety of techniques and styles that only a full critical and descriptive bibliography could indi cate its range of experime ntal forms. The following chronology merely indicates that variety and is not complete, because Hronsky's works have not been collected and many shorter pieces are scattered in magazines in Slovakia and in other publications in North and South America ; his literary remains have not been published. Some previously unreported information is given of Hronsky's service as an infantryman in the Hungarian army on the Italian front in World War I ; this experience is mentioned in one of the biblio graphies ( 1) and is referred to by Hron sky in his tribute to a fellow soldier, the sculptor Ferdin a nd Motoska ( 13). The re is also previously unpublish ed information on his experiences in 1944. Not included here are brief or general refere nces to Hronsky in histories and encyclopedias, e.g . in English, J. M . Kirschbaum , Slovak Language and Literature (Winnipeg, 1975) and The Catholic Encyclopedia (Washington, 1967). In fact, there are almost no noti ces of Hronsky' s fiction in the standard English treatments of Slavic or eve n Czechoslovak literature despite his establi shed place in Slovak literary criticism . Hronsky's nam e is so tied to the activity of the Matica slovenska that the Chronology gives more than might be expected of his administrative activity as director (spravca). The concept of a matica, which is specifically Slavic and central/eastern European , needs explanation for the Anglo-Saxon reader to understand the great devotion inspired by this institution among the Slavic nations that had few other cultural institutions in th e Austro-Hungarian empire. A matica was a national library , publishing house, university, scientific in st itute, academy of scholars, and nationalistic missionary society - all in one. Founded in 1863, but abolished by the M agyar government in 1875, and reopened �SLOVAKIA 129 with the origin of Czechoslovakia in 1918 , the Slovak Matica was esse ntiall y the national center also later (May 1932) in the disagreement with Czech linguists ove r the status of Slovak as a separate language , in which Hronsky played a leading role (6,8,11,14) . Hronsky's life abroad a fter World War II was in many ways tragic . After suffering at the h and s of partisans near the end of the war ( 18 , 22) , he went into exile while still a t the height of his creativity. In the remaining fifteen years of his life , he published only two novels and a novella, mostly writte n in the first two years abroad. According to Konstantfn Culen (22), Hronsky expected to move to the United States fro m Italy in 1945-48 , but was prevented from obtaining a visa by the U .S . policy of agreement with the Czechoslovak " R e pa triation Commi ss ion ,'' the full story of which may be co mp a rable to the tragedies revealed by Julius Epstein in Operation Keelh aul (New York : D evinAdair , 1973). The part played by Slovak-Ameri cans or their inactivity o n Hronsky's beh alf, h as also not been told (22). H owever, who can say whether H ro nsky's literary activity would have gai ned o r lost if he had settled a mong Slovak-Americans? He might have been spared the tiring work by which he earned a living in Argentin a; however, physical nearness to the Slovak exil e centers in North America a nd therefore greater involvement in the difficulties, frustration s, a nd frequently fruitless activities in ev itable to ex il e politi cal groups, might not have stimulated him to further literary creation . This qu es tio n can only b e conside red w hen all of Hronsky's unpublished a nd unfini shed writings beco m e avail able; at prese nt , o nly one is known to me ( 17). Hronsky did not live to know of his "rehabilitation " in Bratislava, nor the recognition of his novels as, in the words of J a n Stevcek, '' the emb ryos of almost every developin g tendency of Slovak prose, the most distinctive of which is the line joining the mode rn socia l novel with the la ter, specificall y Slovak ' natu ral' expressionism but also wit h other importa nt develo pme n ts" (35, p . 108 ; tran slation min e) no r th e judge m ent of Alexander Matuska that Hronsky is so far the only Slovak author whose trul y excellent works number not o ne or two but at least fi ve (34 , pp. 574-75). 1896 Born on 23 February as Jozef Cfger in Zvolen , central Slovaki a, of working-class parents, hi s fat he r being a sawyer. �130 1914 1914-18 1917-18 1919 1918-23 1922 1923-33 1923 1924 1925 1927 1928 1929 1930 SLOVAKIA He attended school in Zvolen, Krupina , and Levice. Received a teacher's diploma in Levice. Taught school in Horne Madunice and Senohrad. Was in the 16th Infantry Division of the Hungarian army from 1 October 1917 to 20 November 1918, and participated in the very bloody defeat of the Austro-Hungarian summer offensive at Piava on the Italian front. He stayed in the reserve until 1928, and his fin al rank as an officer was rotny v zaloze, as listed on his discharge papers. Hronsky' s military experience is reflected in several of his works , includingjozef Mak, b,ut especially Pisar Grae. Married Anna Valeria Ruzinakova on 1 M arch . Taught school in Senohrad and Krupina. His only child Juraj was born . Taught school in Kremnica and Martin. Published his first collection of realistic adult stories, U nas (At Our Place), many of which had been published previously in magazines. He took the additional name Hronsky in the Pan-Slav tradition of earlier Slovak writers, from the Hron River that runs through central Slovakia . Published his first children's book, Najmladsf Zavodsky (The Youngest Zavodsky Child) . Published Domov (Going Home), another collection of realistic stories similar to those of Martin Kukucfn, and Kremnicke povesti (Tales of Kremnica) for children, as well as a collection of adapted Serbian tales . Published his first novel Zlty dom v Klokoci (The Yellow House in the Village Klokoc), which was still realistic but refl ected Hronsky' s interest in new psychologically expressive techniques (44, Strmen, p . xlv). During 1927-41 he also helped prepare numerous grade school readers . Published the collection Pod kozubkom (By the Hearth) . He also became an editor of the children's m agazine Slniecko (Little Sun). Published another collection of adult stories , Medove srdce (Gingerbread H eart). Published one of his few novels on artistic and urban life, Proroctvo Doktora Stankovskeho (The Prophecy of Dr. Stankov- �SLOVAKIA 193 1 1932 1933-40 131 sky) and also one of his most popular animal stories for children , Smely zajko (The D a ring R a bbit). Published a variety of books: the sequel Smely zajko v Afrike (The D aring R a bbit in Africa); two collec tions of roma ntic legends a nd historical novellas, T raj a bratia (Three Brothers) and Zakopan y m ec (The Buried Sword) ; and the experimental novel C hlieb (Bread), in which Hronsky introdu ced the vill age as a livin g, indes tructibl e organism with a collective co nsc10u sness. Published an even greater variety: the romantic Podpolianske rozp rav ky (Stories from the Foot of Mount Pol'ana) in the spirit of Andrej Sladkovic; the animal story of Budkacik a Dubkaci k(un tra nslatable title: comic nam es for two pigs); a historical novel fo r young people, Sokoliar Tomas (The Falconer Thom as); the fairy tales Brondove rozpravky (Tales by the Storytell er J ozef Ru znak Bronda); and the educational book for children Zabav ky stryca Kurkovskeho (Gam es with Uncle Kurkovsky). In the so-call ed " May 12 affair, " Hronsky was a leading m ember of the group of 130 Slovak writers who signed a statem ent against the " C zechoslovak " linguistic tendency of the fi rs t P ravidla slovenskeho pravopisu ( 193 1), a gramm ar book and writer's guide which had been prepared p rim aril y by Czech linguists in the M atica and which m ad e Slovak m ore similar to Czech (6, 11 , 14). In 1933 H ro nsky stopped his teaching caree r on April 1 to beco me secreta ry of the M atica slove nska a t the time when its position was very shaky financially and politically after withdrawal of sta te fund s in 193 2 and the d epa rture of m an y Czechs from the M a tica because of the battle over the P ravidla slove nskeho pravopisu . For the next several years H ro nsky's intensive literary creation was acco mpanied by extensive administrative act ivities in the M a tica. Acco rdin g to fri ends ( 19,2 1) H ro nsky wrote m a inly at ni ght , seeming to th rive on lit tle slee p . O ne of hi s first adm inistrative efforts was to enlarge the m embership base of the M atica and to increase book sales fo r greater fin ancial security without a id (and su pervision) from P rague; ano ther a im was to enlarge the schola rly and cu ltural de partments ( 11 ). �132 1933 1934 1935 1935-36 193 7 1938 1939 1940 SLOVAKIA Published a children's book of tales Zlaty dazd' (The Golden Shower); a series of realistic satiric stories Tomefkovci (The Tomefk Clan); and his most important novel Jozef Mak. A major review of this novel was by Andrej Mraz in Slovenske pohl'ady , Vol. 49 , pp. 761-64 . Published a collection of stories about women, Sedem sfdc (Seven Hearts) , and a group of tales , Zlate hodinky (A Gold Watch). Published Strycovo vrtielko (Uncle's Spinning Top) for children, and numerous speeches and reports on Matica activities. Several chapters of a sequel to Jozef Mak were published in Slovenske pohl'ady , titled "Jozef Mak mladsf," in which Mak's inability to express his love is continued with his son; but the sequel was apparently abandoned. Led a delegation from the Matica to visit Slovak-Americans in the United States from November to July . H e also published Tri rozpravky (Three Stories). Published a collection of tales, Zlatovlasa sestra (The Goldenhaired Sister), and articles about Matica activities ( 1). In a major review (Slovenske pohl'ady , 53 , 366- 72) of the second edition of Jozef Mak, the critic Michal Povazan placed Hronsky between Martin Kukuefn and Milo Urban, author of Zivy bie (The Living Scourge, 1927). Published a collection of stories previously printed in magazines , Jarny vietor a ine rozpravky (Spring Wind and Other Tales) as the first volume of his collected works. Published the historical Budatfnski Frgacovci (The Frgae Family of Budatfn Castle); and the novel a krfznych cestach (At the Crossroads), which was serialized in Slovenske pohl'ady. A story was translated into English (51). Published the description of his American trip in Cesta slovenskou Amerikou (A Trip through Slovak America) (7); also the children's book Tri mudre kozliatka (Three Clever Kidlets) and the first "grotesqu e" novel in Slovak , Pisar Grae (Grae the Clerk) , in which Hronsky experimentall y developed a multi-level structure to express various depths of the human personality , both rational and irrational, consciou s and unconscious; it is built around an "axis of imagin ary con versa- �SLOVAKIA 133 tions betwee n the main character and a certain dead person " (43, p. 123). 1940-43 Was elected spravca or director of the Matica in 1940 . During this period (which also included increased government support during th e Slovak R epublic) , new research departments for philosophy, geography, and music were added, and other departments were enlarged , e.g. the dictionary group. A new cen tral building was built, and a modern press was purchased and named Neografia. M embership in the M atica rose to 74 ,000 , a nd from a debt-ridden status in 1933 Matica grew to be worth 80 ,000,000 crowns. Several new journals were begun, alo ng with a new edition of the Pravidla (11 ,52). Numerous re-editions of Hronsky's works were published . During this time Jozef M ak was translated into G erman by P . Kutzner and published in Stuttgart with the new title Die a rmen Seeligkeiten desjosefMak (no date give n in the book, probabl y 1942). In 1943 it was translated into Croatian by Jozip Niksic and published by the Matica hrvatska in Zagreb . 1944 Published the lyrical novel Na Bukvovo m d vore (In Bukva' s Courtyard) and a collec tion of satiric allegories, Smakova mucha (The Filthy Fl y) (42). In late August Hronsky was seized, abused, and threatened with death by partisans in Martin during the '' Slovak National Uprising'' despite the fact that he had neve r been politically active. This very unhappy eve nt , whi ch apparentl y occurred at the instigation of other Matica offi cials ( 18 ,22,28), profoundly shocked and demoralized H ronsky, who was ultim a tely freed at the personal intervention of a leader of the Uprising ( 18), said to be the Communist poet Laco ovomesky. D etail s have been published onl y in part. 1945 Organi zed the evacuation of part of the Matica before the advancing front of Soviet and G erman arrriies, and left Slovakia for Austria and Bavaria, then moved to Italy with hi s wife a nd son ( 18, 19). 1946-47 Li ved in R ome and studied painting besides writing . H e publi shed a short novell a about ancient R om a n Christians, Predavac talizmanov: Liberius Caius (The Talisman Mercha nt: Liberiu s Caius), which Strmen says shows Hronsky �134 1948 1949 1950-55 1956 1957 SLOVAKIA "without a mask" and thus makes his previous heroes appear as "pre-Christian heroes, existentially imprisoned on the fringes of the Christian message , which has never been heard completely or distinctly " (9, p . 79 , translation mine). He also wrote his novel about the war, though it was published only in 1960 (12,16 ,2 7). Published the lyrical novel Andreas Bur Majster (Andrew Bur, Master Sawyer) in the U.S ., from the manuscript completed in Rome in 1947 (10). He also emigrated to Argentina , because the Czechoslovak government was attempting to have him extradited. Through the intervention a nd influence of Karol Sidor, he was helped to leave Italy by sympathetic Italian officials; he had been refused a visa to the U.S. by American officials who failed to understand the Slovak situation (22). Settled in the Argentine town of Lujan, near Buenos Aires , where he worked as a draftsman and textile designer, taught painting, painted, designed stained glass windows, etc. (18), but was also somewhat active in Slovak emigre cultural activities. He published an account of his administration of the Matica slovenska ( 11). Lived quietly in Lujan working and sometimes writing, but little of this work is known, except one fragment (17). His son Juraj described their life in Argentine (18). Was elected honorary president of the exile '' Spolok slovenskych spisovatel'ov a umelcov" (12). In honor of his 60th birthday, the journal Most published a reminiscence of Hronsky (19) with a partial bibliography of his works. In the last issue of Most for 1956 Hronsky wrote a short but sympathetic reminiscence of the Slovak playwright Jozef Gregor Tajovsky' s apologetic retraction (shortly before his death) of his previous position on the "Czechoslovak language" in the Matica affair of May 1932 (14). In the same issue, Hronsky published three satiric sketches: Dazdnik (Umbrella), Gombfk (Button) , and Rebrfk (Ladder), the latter signed by "Jozef Mak" (for other such pieces see 2). Became honorary president of the political and cultural organization "Slovak National Council Abroad ," but was not �SLOVAKIA 1958 1959 1959-60 1960 1964 1965 1966 135 active in it. Published Dve slovenske Ameriky (Two Slovak Americas) about the Slovak League of America and the Argentine Slovak Cultural Society ( 15). Organized the " Zahranicna Matica Slovenska" after the Matica in Martin was relieved of its publishing and educational activities and given the status of a national library by the law of 1953. The purpose of this '' Matica Abroad'' was to encourage Slovak cultural publications and other educational activities impossible in Slovakia. H ad a column in the weekly newspaper Slovak v Amerike (Middletown , PA) titled "Lepsie zazfhat' svetielko aka preklinat' tmu" (Better to Light a Candle than to Curse the Darkness). Hronsky published his last novel, Svet na Trasovisku (The People of the Village Trasovisko and also a pun meaning The World Caught in Quicksand), as a serial in Slovak v Amerike, then in book form (16). This novel gives a complex picture of the effects of World War II on a Slovak village, especiall y the effects of the Uprising, which Hronsky presents as a tragic betrayal of the Slovak people and the R epublic of 1939-45 . On July 13 Hronsky died suddenly of a stroke in Lujan. Memorial articles were published by the Slovak League in Pamiatkejozefa Cfgra-Hronskeho (20-24) , by Most (25) , and by the Zahranicna Matica (26). Hronsky's,wife died six weeks later. Posthumously, a collection of stories, Poha.r z bruseneho skla (A Cut-Glass Goblet) was published in Buenos Aires; one story, " Dobry syn " (A Good Son), was new, the rest having been printed in Slovak magazines in 1940-41 (36-3 7). The "thaw" in Bratislava brought an announcement in the newspaper Pravda that some of Hronsky's works would be reprinted. The children's book Budka.cik a Dubka.cik was set to music and presented in a Bratislava puppet theater, then republished by the Mlade Leto press. One of the foremost Bratislava critics , Alexander Matuska , published " Profil na skusku" (A n Attempt at a Profile) on Hronsky in a weekly newspaper (29) . �136 SLOVAKIA Jozef Mak was republished with a foreword by another major critic, Jan Stevcek (30). In Buenos Aires the Zahranicna Matica republished in book form Hronsky's serialized novel from 1939, Na krfznych cestach, with an analysis by Stanislav Meciar (38). 1967-69 Numerous re-editions of Hronsky's works were published in Bratislava and Martin with critical appreciations (1-2). During the liberal period of Alexander Dubcek, efforts were made in both Argentina and Slovakia to return Hronsky's body for burial in the National Cemetery in Martin (18), but they were unsuccessful. Jozef Mak was translated into Magyar by Zaly~mi Antal and published in Bratislava in 1968 . 1970 Andreas Bur Majster was republished in Bratislava, the only "exile" work to appear in Slovakia (10). Alexander Matuska's perceptive criticism of this book too and his brief analysis of Svet na Trasovisku in j. C. Hronsky (34) completed the rehabilitation process except for continued (to this day) condemnation or silence about Svet na Trasovisku . 1971 Jan Stevcek's analysis of "lyrizovana pr6za " related Hronsky to its origins (35). Jozef M . Rydlo 's Italian disserta tion on Hronsky at the University of Padua was apparently the first critical study in a western language ( 41 ), with the possible exception of G erman studies following the translation of Jozef Mak and of Podpolianske rozpravky (Stuttgart, 1944). 1972 Jozef Mak was translated into Russian by I. Bogdanova (Moscow, Progress Publishers) and into Czech by Emil Charous with the new title Clovek milion (The Ordinary Person of Whom There are Millions) and a critical evaluation of the novel as an achievement on the European level (Prague, Odeon). In Canada Predavac talizmanov was republished with an introduction by Karol Strmen (9,27). 197 3 Jan Stevcek further developed his analysis of Hronsky' s work as the most importa nt impulse in Slovak lyri cal prose (35). 1975 The first intensive criticism ofHronsky's work in English was published by Rydlo (43). 1976 The second translation into English , excerpts fromJozefMak and from Tomcfkovci, was made by Andrew C incura (44). 1977 Jozef Mak was translated into Polish by Andrzej Sieczkowski �SLOVAKIA 1978 1982 1983 137 (Warsaw, Panstrv . Inst.). In Buenos Aires was published a single piece from Bronsky's litera ry remains about Argentine life ( 1 7). Predavac tali zmanov was translated into English (45). J ozef Mak was translated into English by Andrew Cincura with a critical analysis of Bronsky' s importance by Peter Petro (46) . The Bra ti slava critic Juliu s Noge prepared a n ew study of Bronsky, includin g som e of the unfinished manuscripts in th e archi ves of the Matica sloven ska ( 4 7). A panel on Bronsky at the American Associat ion for the Advancement of Slavic Studies annu al meeting had papers on three novels ( 48-50), wh ich will be printed in the journal Slovakia as the first compreh ensive studies of Bronsky in English . Bibliographies of Hronsky's work: 1. Mat'ovcfk, A., G. R ezna, V . Podmajerska. " Bio-bibliografiaJozefa Cfgra-Bronskeho." Biograficke studie (Martin), II (1971), 101-20 . 2. R ydlo, J . M. J ozef Cfger Bronsky 1896-1 960. Abbozzo bibliografico . Scuola Vaticana di Bibliotecomia , C itta de! Vaticano, 1973 . 3. Lacko, Mich al. Slovak Studies : Bibliographica 1, VII ( 1967), a nd Slovak Studies: Bibliographica 2, XVII (1977). Autobiographical , reminscient, and other writings by Hronsky: 4. Bronsky, J .C. "Zivotopis" [11 May 1922], in " ' Obsfrnejsf 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. zivotopis' J .C . B ronskeho," by J . M . R ydlo, Most (C leveland), XX , No. 1-2 (1973), 44-47. ________ "Autobiografia , 10 Nov. 1930," Slovenske pohl'ady, 86, No. 3 ( 1970), 44. - - - - - - - - and Elen a Mar6thy Soltesova. "Slovenskej verejnosti," Narodnie noviny, 00 May 1932, vol. 63, p. 2. _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Cesta slovenskou Am erikou. 2 vols. Turc. Sv. Martin: M at ica slovenska, 1940 . _ _ _ _ _ _ _ "Nove Slovensko." Slovensko, V (1939), 3-5; "Sme na novej ceste." Slovensko, V (1939), 36-38; "Ako treba zit' n a svete." Slovenske pohl'ady , 60 (1944), 670-77. _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ "Pred avac talizmanov Liberius Gaius od Por- �138 10 . 11. 12 . 13 . 14 . 15. 16. 17 . SLOVAKIA ta Collina." In N adej vft'azn a . Scranton: Ob rana Press, 1947, pp . 7-50 (not seen); Predavac talizmanov , 2nd ed . Introduction " Zapadalo slnko" by K arol Strmen. Cambridge (Ontario) : Dobra Kniha, 1972 . _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Andreas Bur M aj ster. Scranton : Obrana Press , 1948; 2nd ed. Bratislava : T atran , 1970 . _ _ __ _ _ _ '' Rozvoj Matice sloven skej . '' In Sloven ska republika 1939-49 . Ed . Mikul as Sprinc. Obrana Press, Inc. , 1949 , pp . 191 -201. _ _ __ _ _ _ " List redaktorovi ." Most, II , No. 4 (1 955) , 1-3; and "Spolku' slovenskych spisovatel'ov a umelcov ." Most, III , No . 4 (1956), 145-46 . _ _ __ _ __ " Mostoskovi ." Most, III , No . 4 (1956) , 160-61. _ _ _ _ _ _ _ " O Gregorovi Tajovskom. " Most , III , No . 4 ( 1956) , 189-90 . _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Dve slovenske Ameriky. ' 'Svetl a No. 1.'' Buenos Aires, 1958. 44 pp. (not seen) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Svet na Trasovisku . Knizni ca Litera rneho Almanachu , Vol. 2 , Whiting, Ind.: Rev. Jan . J . Lach , Publisher , 1960 . _ _ __ __ _ " Lucko patra Andrea." In K alenda r slovenskeho kulturneho spolku v Argentfne. Ed . Ladislav Jankovic. Buenos Aires: Sloven sky kulturny spolok, 1977, pp . 182-99. Reminiscences by family and friends: 18 . Cfger, Anton , " Nesplnena tu zba J . C . Hronskeho." M aticne cftanie (Martin) , 23 N ove mber 1968, pp . 1-2 . (This article includes a letter from Hronsky's so n about their life in Argentin a .) 19. Hrusovsky , Frantisek . " J ozef C fger-Hron sky. " M ost , III , o. 1 (1956), 2-1 2. 20. Sprinc, Mikulas. " Nad hrobomJozefa C. Hronskeho. " In Pam iatke J ozefa Cfgra- Hron skeho. Ed . J ozef P au co . V ol. 3 Li te rarn y Alm anach Slovaka v Am erike . Middletown , PA : J edn ota Press, 1960 , pp . 5-6. 21. Bor, J an E. (pseud . E rnest Zatko). " Spisovatel' J ozefC. H ron sky" and " P ochovali sme spi sovatel'a J ozefa Cfgra-H ro nskeho." In P am iatke (ref. 20), pp. 8-20 and 38-44 . 22 . Culen , K on stantfn . " P osled ne posedenie s j ozefom Cfgrom H ron- �SLOV AKIA 23 . 24 . 25 . 26. 27. 28 . 139 skym . " In P amiatke, pp . 21-32. Kirschbaum , ]. M . " Pamiatke J ozefa C . H ronskeho." In Pamiatke, pp . 35 -36. J ankovic, Ladislav . " O statne chvfle J . C. Hronskeho." InPamiatke, p . 37. O ka!', J an . " Spomien ka na J ozefa C fgra- H ron skeho ." M ost , VII , No. 3-4 (1960) , 97 -104. M eciar , Stanislav. " J ozef Cfger-Hronsky (1896-1 960), " (Speech given on 12 Au gust 1960). In Letopis M atice sloven skej v zahranicf. Ed . Sta ni slav M eciar . Buenos Aires : Zahranicn a M a tica Slovenska , 1963, pp . 141- 46 . Oka!' , J an. " K omu dnes patrf satocka?" Most , XIX , No . 1-2 (1972), 20-25 . (This is also a review of Predavac talizmanov , ref. 9) . R ydlo , J ozef. " J .C . H ronsky - vazen ." In Litera rny almanach Slovaka v Amerike. Ed . J ozef P auco . Middletown , 1974 , pp . 13-17 . Critical studies (in Slovakia, in the West, then in preparation): 29 . M a tu ska , Alexander . " Profil na sku sku . " Kulturny zivot (Bratislava), 4 M arch 1966 , pp . 2-3. 30. Stevcek , J an . " D oslov." In Jozef Mak by J ozef Cfger-Hronsky . Bratislava : Tatran , 1966, pp . 233-3 8. 31. Stevcek, J an . " JozefCfger Hronsky." In Slovensky literarny album . Ed. J anJurfcek and Vl adimir P etrfk . Bratislava: Obzor, 1968, pp . 38 1-84 . 32. N inzansky, J ozefR . " J edno a sedem sfdc ." In Sedem sfdc by J ozef C fge r H ron sky . Bra tislava: T a tra n , 1969, pp . 217-33. 33 . " H ro nskeho Pisar Grae a sloven ska pr6za" [symposium] . Slovenske pohl'ady , 86 , No. 3 (1970), 30-43. 34. M atu ska , Alexander , J . C . H ronsky. Bratislava : Sloven sky spisovatel' , 1970 . Rpt. in O sobnosti : V ybrane spisy Alexa ndra M a tu sku. Bra tislava: Sloven sky spisovatel' , 1973 . 35. Stevcek, J an . Nezbadane pr6zy. Bratislava: Slove nsky spisovatel' , 1971 ; Lyrizova na pr6za . Brati slava: T atran , 197 3. 36. M eciar , Stanislav . " D oslov . " In P ohar z bru se neho skla by J . C . H ro nsky. Buenos A ire s: Zahranicna Matica Sloven ska , 1964, pp . 169-74. 37. Kru zli ak, Im rich . R eview of Poha r z bru seneho skla . M ost , XII , No . 1-2 ( 1965) , 89-9 1. �140 SLOVAKIA 38. Meciar, Stanislav. "Doslov ." In Nakrfznychcestach byJ. C. Hronsky. Buenos Aires: Zahranicna Matica Slovenska, 1966, pp. 165-73. 39. Kruzliak, lmrich, "Domov boljeho vesmfrom (Na. 10. vyrocie smrti J.C. Hronskeho, 23.11.1896 - 13.VII.1960)." Most, XVII, No. 1-2 (1970), 1-10. 40. Kruzliak, Imrich. Review ofJ. C. Hronsky, by Alexander Matuska (ref. 34). Most, XVII, No. 3-4 (1970), 179-82. 41. Rydlo, Jozef M . "Svet na Trasovisku" nell'opera letteraria di Jozef Cfger-Hronsky. Con un epistolario inedito . Ph.D . Dissertation , University of Padua, 1971. 431 pp. typescript (not seen) 42. Rydlo, Jozef. "Smakova mucha . " Most, XIX, No . 1-2 (1972), 32 -38. 43 . Rydlo, Jozef M. "The World on a Quagmire : The Last Literary Work of JozefCfger Hronsky." Slovak Studies, XV (1975), 117-42. 44 . Cincura, Andrew, trans . An Anthology of Slovak Literature, with "Slovak Literature : A Brief History" by Karol Strmen. Riverside, CA: University Hardcovers, 1976. 45 . Kester, JohnJ . , trans. Seller of Talismans : Liberius Gaius. Scotch Plains , N.J. : privately printed , 1978. 46. Cincura, Andrew, trans . Jozef Mak. Introduction by Peter Petro. Columbus, OH : Slavica Publishers, in press. 47. Noge,Julius. Podoby realizmu v medzivojnovej pr6ze. Bratislava: Veda, 1983 (in preparation). 48. Lackova-Furimska, Maria. "Jozef Mak , " (in preparation). 49. Petro, Peter . "Pisar Grae," (in preparation) . 50. Sabo, Gerald J. " Andreas Bur Majster and Predavac talizmanov," (in preparation). 51. Morison, W.A., trans. " Mother Macik Goes to the Polls," Slavonic Review (London), XVII (1938-39), 21-35. 52. Winkler, Tomas. Matica slovenska v rokoch 1919-1945. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1971. �SLOVAKIA 141 Much of the published information was verified with unpublished materials in the Literarny archfv of the Matica slovenska in Martin, Czechoslovakia, which I was able to examine while on an International Research and Exchange Board fellowship in 1982 . Presented in part in Panel 11-10 , "20th Century Slovak Literature : Jozef CfgerHronsky," and Panel 10-6, The Matica Slovenska: 120 Years of Survival," at the AAASS convention in Kansas C ity, MO on 24 October 1983 . � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1982-83, Vol. 30 Description An account of the resource Vol. 30 (No. 55-56), 1982-83. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982-83 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 128 SLOVAKIA Jozef Ciger-Hronsky: Chronology and Partial Bibliography Norma L. Rudinsky The fi ctio n ofjozefCiger-Hronsky, besides being exte n sive , shows such a variety of techniques and styles that only a full critical and descriptive bibliography could indi cate its range of experime ntal forms. The following chronology merely indicates that variety and is not complete, because Hronsky's works have not been collected and many shorter pieces are scattered in magazines in Slovakia and in other publications in North and South America ; his literary remains have not been published. Some previously unreported information is given of Hronsky's service as an infantryman in the Hungarian army on the Italian front in World War I ; this experience is mentioned in one of the biblio graphies ( 1) and is referred to by Hron sky in his tribute to a fellow soldier, the sculptor Ferdin a nd Motoska ( 13). The re is also previously unpublish ed information on his experiences in 1944. Not included here are brief or general refere nces to Hronsky in histories and encyclopedias, e.g . in English, J. M . Kirschbaum , Slovak Language and Literature (Winnipeg, 1975) and The Catholic Encyclopedia (Washington, 1967). In fact, there are almost no noti ces of Hronsky' s fiction in the standard English treatments of Slavic or eve n Czechoslovak literature despite his establi shed place in Slovak literary criticism . Hronsky's nam e is so tied to the activity of the Matica slovenska that the Chronology gives more than might be expected of his administrative activity as director (spravca). The concept of a matica, which is specifically Slavic and central/eastern European , needs explanation for the Anglo-Saxon reader to understand the great devotion inspired by this institution among the Slavic nations that had few other cultural institutions in th e Austro-Hungarian empire. A matica was a national library , publishing house, university, scientific in st itute, academy of scholars, and nationalistic missionary society - all in one. Founded in 1863, but abolished by the M agyar government in 1875, and reopened SLOVAKIA 129 with the origin of Czechoslovakia in 1918 , the Slovak Matica was esse ntiall y the national center also later (May 1932) in the disagreement with Czech linguists ove r the status of Slovak as a separate language , in which Hronsky played a leading role (6,8,11,14) . Hronsky's life abroad a fter World War II was in many ways tragic . After suffering at the h and s of partisans near the end of the war ( 18 , 22) , he went into exile while still a t the height of his creativity. In the remaining fifteen years of his life , he published only two novels and a novella, mostly writte n in the first two years abroad. According to Konstantfn Culen (22), Hronsky expected to move to the United States fro m Italy in 1945-48 , but was prevented from obtaining a visa by the U .S . policy of agreement with the Czechoslovak " R e pa triation Commi ss ion ,'' the full story of which may be co mp a rable to the tragedies revealed by Julius Epstein in Operation Keelh aul (New York : D evinAdair , 1973). The part played by Slovak-Ameri cans or their inactivity o n Hronsky's beh alf, h as also not been told (22). H owever, who can say whether H ro nsky's literary activity would have gai ned o r lost if he had settled a mong Slovak-Americans? He might have been spared the tiring work by which he earned a living in Argentin a; however, physical nearness to the Slovak exil e centers in North America a nd therefore greater involvement in the difficulties, frustration s, a nd frequently fruitless activities in ev itable to ex il e politi cal groups, might not have stimulated him to further literary creation . This qu es tio n can only b e conside red w hen all of Hronsky's unpublished a nd unfini shed writings beco m e avail able; at prese nt , o nly one is known to me ( 17). Hronsky did not live to know of his "rehabilitation " in Bratislava, nor the recognition of his novels as, in the words of J a n Stevcek, '' the emb ryos of almost every developin g tendency of Slovak prose, the most distinctive of which is the line joining the mode rn socia l novel with the la ter, specificall y Slovak ' natu ral' expressionism but also wit h other importa nt develo pme n ts" (35, p . 108 ; tran slation min e) no r th e judge m ent of Alexander Matuska that Hronsky is so far the only Slovak author whose trul y excellent works number not o ne or two but at least fi ve (34 , pp. 574-75). 1896 Born on 23 February as Jozef Cfger in Zvolen , central Slovaki a, of working-class parents, hi s fat he r being a sawyer. 130 1914 1914-18 1917-18 1919 1918-23 1922 1923-33 1923 1924 1925 1927 1928 1929 1930 SLOVAKIA He attended school in Zvolen, Krupina , and Levice. Received a teacher's diploma in Levice. Taught school in Horne Madunice and Senohrad. Was in the 16th Infantry Division of the Hungarian army from 1 October 1917 to 20 November 1918, and participated in the very bloody defeat of the Austro-Hungarian summer offensive at Piava on the Italian front. He stayed in the reserve until 1928, and his fin al rank as an officer was rotny v zaloze, as listed on his discharge papers. Hronsky' s military experience is reflected in several of his works , includingjozef Mak, b,ut especially Pisar Grae. Married Anna Valeria Ruzinakova on 1 M arch . Taught school in Senohrad and Krupina. His only child Juraj was born . Taught school in Kremnica and Martin. Published his first collection of realistic adult stories, U nas (At Our Place), many of which had been published previously in magazines. He took the additional name Hronsky in the Pan-Slav tradition of earlier Slovak writers, from the Hron River that runs through central Slovakia . Published his first children's book, Najmladsf Zavodsky (The Youngest Zavodsky Child) . Published Domov (Going Home), another collection of realistic stories similar to those of Martin Kukucfn, and Kremnicke povesti (Tales of Kremnica) for children, as well as a collection of adapted Serbian tales . Published his first novel Zlty dom v Klokoci (The Yellow House in the Village Klokoc), which was still realistic but refl ected Hronsky' s interest in new psychologically expressive techniques (44, Strmen, p . xlv). During 1927-41 he also helped prepare numerous grade school readers . Published the collection Pod kozubkom (By the Hearth) . He also became an editor of the children's m agazine Slniecko (Little Sun). Published another collection of adult stories , Medove srdce (Gingerbread H eart). Published one of his few novels on artistic and urban life, Proroctvo Doktora Stankovskeho (The Prophecy of Dr. Stankov- SLOVAKIA 193 1 1932 1933-40 131 sky) and also one of his most popular animal stories for children , Smely zajko (The D a ring R a bbit). Published a variety of books: the sequel Smely zajko v Afrike (The D aring R a bbit in Africa); two collec tions of roma ntic legends a nd historical novellas, T raj a bratia (Three Brothers) and Zakopan y m ec (The Buried Sword) ; and the experimental novel C hlieb (Bread), in which Hronsky introdu ced the vill age as a livin g, indes tructibl e organism with a collective co nsc10u sness. Published an even greater variety: the romantic Podpolianske rozp rav ky (Stories from the Foot of Mount Pol'ana) in the spirit of Andrej Sladkovic; the animal story of Budkacik a Dubkaci k(un tra nslatable title: comic nam es for two pigs); a historical novel fo r young people, Sokoliar Tomas (The Falconer Thom as); the fairy tales Brondove rozpravky (Tales by the Storytell er J ozef Ru znak Bronda); and the educational book for children Zabav ky stryca Kurkovskeho (Gam es with Uncle Kurkovsky). In the so-call ed " May 12 affair, " Hronsky was a leading m ember of the group of 130 Slovak writers who signed a statem ent against the " C zechoslovak " linguistic tendency of the fi rs t P ravidla slovenskeho pravopisu ( 193 1), a gramm ar book and writer's guide which had been prepared p rim aril y by Czech linguists in the M atica and which m ad e Slovak m ore similar to Czech (6, 11 , 14). In 1933 H ro nsky stopped his teaching caree r on April 1 to beco me secreta ry of the M atica slove nska a t the time when its position was very shaky financially and politically after withdrawal of sta te fund s in 193 2 and the d epa rture of m an y Czechs from the M a tica because of the battle over the P ravidla slove nskeho pravopisu . For the next several years H ro nsky's intensive literary creation was acco mpanied by extensive administrative act ivities in the M a tica. Acco rdin g to fri ends ( 19,2 1) H ro nsky wrote m a inly at ni ght , seeming to th rive on lit tle slee p . O ne of hi s first adm inistrative efforts was to enlarge the m embership base of the M atica and to increase book sales fo r greater fin ancial security without a id (and su pervision) from P rague; ano ther a im was to enlarge the schola rly and cu ltural de partments ( 11 ). 132 1933 1934 1935 1935-36 193 7 1938 1939 1940 SLOVAKIA Published a children's book of tales Zlaty dazd' (The Golden Shower); a series of realistic satiric stories Tomefkovci (The Tomefk Clan); and his most important novel Jozef Mak. A major review of this novel was by Andrej Mraz in Slovenske pohl'ady , Vol. 49 , pp. 761-64 . Published a collection of stories about women, Sedem sfdc (Seven Hearts) , and a group of tales , Zlate hodinky (A Gold Watch). Published Strycovo vrtielko (Uncle's Spinning Top) for children, and numerous speeches and reports on Matica activities. Several chapters of a sequel to Jozef Mak were published in Slovenske pohl'ady , titled "Jozef Mak mladsf," in which Mak's inability to express his love is continued with his son; but the sequel was apparently abandoned. Led a delegation from the Matica to visit Slovak-Americans in the United States from November to July . H e also published Tri rozpravky (Three Stories). Published a collection of tales, Zlatovlasa sestra (The Goldenhaired Sister), and articles about Matica activities ( 1). In a major review (Slovenske pohl'ady , 53 , 366- 72) of the second edition of Jozef Mak, the critic Michal Povazan placed Hronsky between Martin Kukuefn and Milo Urban, author of Zivy bie (The Living Scourge, 1927). Published a collection of stories previously printed in magazines , Jarny vietor a ine rozpravky (Spring Wind and Other Tales) as the first volume of his collected works. Published the historical Budatfnski Frgacovci (The Frgae Family of Budatfn Castle); and the novel a krfznych cestach (At the Crossroads), which was serialized in Slovenske pohl'ady. A story was translated into English (51). Published the description of his American trip in Cesta slovenskou Amerikou (A Trip through Slovak America) (7); also the children's book Tri mudre kozliatka (Three Clever Kidlets) and the first "grotesqu e" novel in Slovak , Pisar Grae (Grae the Clerk) , in which Hronsky experimentall y developed a multi-level structure to express various depths of the human personality , both rational and irrational, consciou s and unconscious; it is built around an "axis of imagin ary con versa- SLOVAKIA 133 tions betwee n the main character and a certain dead person " (43, p. 123). 1940-43 Was elected spravca or director of the Matica in 1940 . During this period (which also included increased government support during th e Slovak R epublic) , new research departments for philosophy, geography, and music were added, and other departments were enlarged , e.g. the dictionary group. A new cen tral building was built, and a modern press was purchased and named Neografia. M embership in the M atica rose to 74 ,000 , a nd from a debt-ridden status in 1933 Matica grew to be worth 80 ,000,000 crowns. Several new journals were begun, alo ng with a new edition of the Pravidla (11 ,52). Numerous re-editions of Hronsky's works were published . During this time Jozef M ak was translated into G erman by P . Kutzner and published in Stuttgart with the new title Die a rmen Seeligkeiten desjosefMak (no date give n in the book, probabl y 1942). In 1943 it was translated into Croatian by Jozip Niksic and published by the Matica hrvatska in Zagreb . 1944 Published the lyrical novel Na Bukvovo m d vore (In Bukva' s Courtyard) and a collec tion of satiric allegories, Smakova mucha (The Filthy Fl y) (42). In late August Hronsky was seized, abused, and threatened with death by partisans in Martin during the '' Slovak National Uprising'' despite the fact that he had neve r been politically active. This very unhappy eve nt , whi ch apparentl y occurred at the instigation of other Matica offi cials ( 18 ,22,28), profoundly shocked and demoralized H ronsky, who was ultim a tely freed at the personal intervention of a leader of the Uprising ( 18), said to be the Communist poet Laco ovomesky. D etail s have been published onl y in part. 1945 Organi zed the evacuation of part of the Matica before the advancing front of Soviet and G erman arrriies, and left Slovakia for Austria and Bavaria, then moved to Italy with hi s wife a nd son ( 18, 19). 1946-47 Li ved in R ome and studied painting besides writing . H e publi shed a short novell a about ancient R om a n Christians, Predavac talizmanov: Liberius Caius (The Talisman Mercha nt: Liberiu s Caius), which Strmen says shows Hronsky 134 1948 1949 1950-55 1956 1957 SLOVAKIA "without a mask" and thus makes his previous heroes appear as "pre-Christian heroes, existentially imprisoned on the fringes of the Christian message , which has never been heard completely or distinctly " (9, p . 79 , translation mine). He also wrote his novel about the war, though it was published only in 1960 (12,16 ,2 7). Published the lyrical novel Andreas Bur Majster (Andrew Bur, Master Sawyer) in the U.S ., from the manuscript completed in Rome in 1947 (10). He also emigrated to Argentina , because the Czechoslovak government was attempting to have him extradited. Through the intervention a nd influence of Karol Sidor, he was helped to leave Italy by sympathetic Italian officials; he had been refused a visa to the U.S. by American officials who failed to understand the Slovak situation (22). Settled in the Argentine town of Lujan, near Buenos Aires , where he worked as a draftsman and textile designer, taught painting, painted, designed stained glass windows, etc. (18), but was also somewhat active in Slovak emigre cultural activities. He published an account of his administration of the Matica slovenska ( 11). Lived quietly in Lujan working and sometimes writing, but little of this work is known, except one fragment (17). His son Juraj described their life in Argentine (18). Was elected honorary president of the exile '' Spolok slovenskych spisovatel'ov a umelcov" (12). In honor of his 60th birthday, the journal Most published a reminiscence of Hronsky (19) with a partial bibliography of his works. In the last issue of Most for 1956 Hronsky wrote a short but sympathetic reminiscence of the Slovak playwright Jozef Gregor Tajovsky' s apologetic retraction (shortly before his death) of his previous position on the "Czechoslovak language" in the Matica affair of May 1932 (14). In the same issue, Hronsky published three satiric sketches: Dazdnik (Umbrella), Gombfk (Button) , and Rebrfk (Ladder), the latter signed by "Jozef Mak" (for other such pieces see 2). Became honorary president of the political and cultural organization "Slovak National Council Abroad ," but was not SLOVAKIA 1958 1959 1959-60 1960 1964 1965 1966 135 active in it. Published Dve slovenske Ameriky (Two Slovak Americas) about the Slovak League of America and the Argentine Slovak Cultural Society ( 15). Organized the " Zahranicna Matica Slovenska" after the Matica in Martin was relieved of its publishing and educational activities and given the status of a national library by the law of 1953. The purpose of this '' Matica Abroad'' was to encourage Slovak cultural publications and other educational activities impossible in Slovakia. H ad a column in the weekly newspaper Slovak v Amerike (Middletown , PA) titled "Lepsie zazfhat' svetielko aka preklinat' tmu" (Better to Light a Candle than to Curse the Darkness). Hronsky published his last novel, Svet na Trasovisku (The People of the Village Trasovisko and also a pun meaning The World Caught in Quicksand), as a serial in Slovak v Amerike, then in book form (16). This novel gives a complex picture of the effects of World War II on a Slovak village, especiall y the effects of the Uprising, which Hronsky presents as a tragic betrayal of the Slovak people and the R epublic of 1939-45 . On July 13 Hronsky died suddenly of a stroke in Lujan. Memorial articles were published by the Slovak League in Pamiatkejozefa Cfgra-Hronskeho (20-24) , by Most (25) , and by the Zahranicna Matica (26). Hronsky's,wife died six weeks later. Posthumously, a collection of stories, Poha.r z bruseneho skla (A Cut-Glass Goblet) was published in Buenos Aires; one story, " Dobry syn " (A Good Son), was new, the rest having been printed in Slovak magazines in 1940-41 (36-3 7). The "thaw" in Bratislava brought an announcement in the newspaper Pravda that some of Hronsky's works would be reprinted. The children's book Budka.cik a Dubka.cik was set to music and presented in a Bratislava puppet theater, then republished by the Mlade Leto press. One of the foremost Bratislava critics , Alexander Matuska , published " Profil na skusku" (A n Attempt at a Profile) on Hronsky in a weekly newspaper (29) . 136 SLOVAKIA Jozef Mak was republished with a foreword by another major critic, Jan Stevcek (30). In Buenos Aires the Zahranicna Matica republished in book form Hronsky's serialized novel from 1939, Na krfznych cestach, with an analysis by Stanislav Meciar (38). 1967-69 Numerous re-editions of Hronsky's works were published in Bratislava and Martin with critical appreciations (1-2). During the liberal period of Alexander Dubcek, efforts were made in both Argentina and Slovakia to return Hronsky's body for burial in the National Cemetery in Martin (18), but they were unsuccessful. Jozef Mak was translated into Magyar by Zaly~mi Antal and published in Bratislava in 1968 . 1970 Andreas Bur Majster was republished in Bratislava, the only "exile" work to appear in Slovakia (10). Alexander Matuska's perceptive criticism of this book too and his brief analysis of Svet na Trasovisku in j. C. Hronsky (34) completed the rehabilitation process except for continued (to this day) condemnation or silence about Svet na Trasovisku . 1971 Jan Stevcek's analysis of "lyrizovana pr6za " related Hronsky to its origins (35). Jozef M . Rydlo 's Italian disserta tion on Hronsky at the University of Padua was apparently the first critical study in a western language ( 41 ), with the possible exception of G erman studies following the translation of Jozef Mak and of Podpolianske rozpravky (Stuttgart, 1944). 1972 Jozef Mak was translated into Russian by I. Bogdanova (Moscow, Progress Publishers) and into Czech by Emil Charous with the new title Clovek milion (The Ordinary Person of Whom There are Millions) and a critical evaluation of the novel as an achievement on the European level (Prague, Odeon). In Canada Predavac talizmanov was republished with an introduction by Karol Strmen (9,27). 197 3 Jan Stevcek further developed his analysis of Hronsky' s work as the most importa nt impulse in Slovak lyri cal prose (35). 1975 The first intensive criticism ofHronsky's work in English was published by Rydlo (43). 1976 The second translation into English , excerpts fromJozefMak and from Tomcfkovci, was made by Andrew C incura (44). 1977 Jozef Mak was translated into Polish by Andrzej Sieczkowski SLOVAKIA 1978 1982 1983 137 (Warsaw, Panstrv . Inst.). In Buenos Aires was published a single piece from Bronsky's litera ry remains about Argentine life ( 1 7). Predavac tali zmanov was translated into English (45). J ozef Mak was translated into English by Andrew Cincura with a critical analysis of Bronsky' s importance by Peter Petro (46) . The Bra ti slava critic Juliu s Noge prepared a n ew study of Bronsky, includin g som e of the unfinished manuscripts in th e archi ves of the Matica sloven ska ( 4 7). A panel on Bronsky at the American Associat ion for the Advancement of Slavic Studies annu al meeting had papers on three novels ( 48-50), wh ich will be printed in the journal Slovakia as the first compreh ensive studies of Bronsky in English . Bibliographies of Hronsky's work: 1. Mat'ovcfk, A., G. R ezna, V . Podmajerska. " Bio-bibliografiaJozefa Cfgra-Bronskeho." Biograficke studie (Martin), II (1971), 101-20 . 2. R ydlo, J . M. J ozef Cfger Bronsky 1896-1 960. Abbozzo bibliografico . Scuola Vaticana di Bibliotecomia , C itta de! Vaticano, 1973 . 3. Lacko, Mich al. Slovak Studies : Bibliographica 1, VII ( 1967), a nd Slovak Studies: Bibliographica 2, XVII (1977). Autobiographical , reminscient, and other writings by Hronsky: 4. Bronsky, J .C. "Zivotopis" [11 May 1922], in " ' Obsfrnejsf 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. zivotopis' J .C . B ronskeho," by J . M . R ydlo, Most (C leveland), XX , No. 1-2 (1973), 44-47. ________ "Autobiografia , 10 Nov. 1930," Slovenske pohl'ady, 86, No. 3 ( 1970), 44. - - - - - - - - and Elen a Mar6thy Soltesova. "Slovenskej verejnosti," Narodnie noviny, 00 May 1932, vol. 63, p. 2. _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Cesta slovenskou Am erikou. 2 vols. Turc. Sv. Martin: M at ica slovenska, 1940 . _ _ _ _ _ _ _ "Nove Slovensko." Slovensko, V (1939), 3-5; "Sme na novej ceste." Slovensko, V (1939), 36-38; "Ako treba zit' n a svete." Slovenske pohl'ady , 60 (1944), 670-77. _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ "Pred avac talizmanov Liberius Gaius od Por- 138 10 . 11. 12 . 13 . 14 . 15. 16. 17 . SLOVAKIA ta Collina." In N adej vft'azn a . Scranton: Ob rana Press, 1947, pp . 7-50 (not seen); Predavac talizmanov , 2nd ed . Introduction " Zapadalo slnko" by K arol Strmen. Cambridge (Ontario) : Dobra Kniha, 1972 . _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Andreas Bur M aj ster. Scranton : Obrana Press , 1948; 2nd ed. Bratislava : T atran , 1970 . _ _ __ _ _ _ '' Rozvoj Matice sloven skej . '' In Sloven ska republika 1939-49 . Ed . Mikul as Sprinc. Obrana Press, Inc. , 1949 , pp . 191 -201. _ _ __ _ _ _ " List redaktorovi ." Most, II , No. 4 (1 955) , 1-3; and "Spolku' slovenskych spisovatel'ov a umelcov ." Most, III , No . 4 (1956), 145-46 . _ _ __ _ __ " Mostoskovi ." Most, III , No . 4 (1956) , 160-61. _ _ _ _ _ _ _ " O Gregorovi Tajovskom. " Most , III , No . 4 ( 1956) , 189-90 . _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Dve slovenske Ameriky. ' 'Svetl a No. 1.'' Buenos Aires, 1958. 44 pp. (not seen) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Svet na Trasovisku . Knizni ca Litera rneho Almanachu , Vol. 2 , Whiting, Ind.: Rev. Jan . J . Lach , Publisher , 1960 . _ _ __ __ _ " Lucko patra Andrea." In K alenda r slovenskeho kulturneho spolku v Argentfne. Ed . Ladislav Jankovic. Buenos Aires: Sloven sky kulturny spolok, 1977, pp . 182-99. Reminiscences by family and friends: 18 . Cfger, Anton , " Nesplnena tu zba J . C . Hronskeho." M aticne cftanie (Martin) , 23 N ove mber 1968, pp . 1-2 . (This article includes a letter from Hronsky's so n about their life in Argentin a .) 19. Hrusovsky , Frantisek . " J ozef C fger-Hron sky. " M ost , III , o. 1 (1956), 2-1 2. 20. Sprinc, Mikulas. " Nad hrobomJozefa C. Hronskeho. " In Pam iatke J ozefa Cfgra- Hron skeho. Ed . J ozef P au co . V ol. 3 Li te rarn y Alm anach Slovaka v Am erike . Middletown , PA : J edn ota Press, 1960 , pp . 5-6. 21. Bor, J an E. (pseud . E rnest Zatko). " Spisovatel' J ozefC. H ron sky" and " P ochovali sme spi sovatel'a J ozefa Cfgra-H ro nskeho." In P am iatke (ref. 20), pp. 8-20 and 38-44 . 22 . Culen , K on stantfn . " P osled ne posedenie s j ozefom Cfgrom H ron- SLOV AKIA 23 . 24 . 25 . 26. 27. 28 . 139 skym . " In P amiatke, pp . 21-32. Kirschbaum , ]. M . " Pamiatke J ozefa C . H ronskeho." In Pamiatke, pp . 35 -36. J ankovic, Ladislav . " O statne chvfle J . C. Hronskeho." InPamiatke, p . 37. O ka!', J an . " Spomien ka na J ozefa C fgra- H ron skeho ." M ost , VII , No. 3-4 (1960) , 97 -104. M eciar , Stanislav. " J ozef Cfger-Hronsky (1896-1 960), " (Speech given on 12 Au gust 1960). In Letopis M atice sloven skej v zahranicf. Ed . Sta ni slav M eciar . Buenos Aires : Zahranicn a M a tica Slovenska , 1963, pp . 141- 46 . Oka!' , J an. " K omu dnes patrf satocka?" Most , XIX , No . 1-2 (1972), 20-25 . (This is also a review of Predavac talizmanov , ref. 9) . R ydlo , J ozef. " J .C . H ronsky - vazen ." In Litera rny almanach Slovaka v Amerike. Ed . J ozef P auco . Middletown , 1974 , pp . 13-17 . Critical studies (in Slovakia, in the West, then in preparation): 29 . M a tu ska , Alexander . " Profil na sku sku . " Kulturny zivot (Bratislava), 4 M arch 1966 , pp . 2-3. 30. Stevcek , J an . " D oslov." In Jozef Mak by J ozef Cfger-Hronsky . Bratislava : Tatran , 1966, pp . 233-3 8. 31. Stevcek, J an . " JozefCfger Hronsky." In Slovensky literarny album . Ed. J anJurfcek and Vl adimir P etrfk . Bratislava: Obzor, 1968, pp . 38 1-84 . 32. N inzansky, J ozefR . " J edno a sedem sfdc ." In Sedem sfdc by J ozef C fge r H ron sky . Bra tislava: T a tra n , 1969, pp . 217-33. 33 . " H ro nskeho Pisar Grae a sloven ska pr6za" [symposium] . Slovenske pohl'ady , 86 , No. 3 (1970), 30-43. 34. M atu ska , Alexander , J . C . H ronsky. Bratislava : Sloven sky spisovatel' , 1970 . Rpt. in O sobnosti : V ybrane spisy Alexa ndra M a tu sku. Bra tislava: Sloven sky spisovatel' , 1973 . 35. Stevcek, J an . Nezbadane pr6zy. Bratislava: Slove nsky spisovatel' , 1971 ; Lyrizova na pr6za . Brati slava: T atran , 197 3. 36. M eciar , Stanislav . " D oslov . " In P ohar z bru se neho skla by J . C . H ro nsky. Buenos A ire s: Zahranicna Matica Sloven ska , 1964, pp . 169-74. 37. Kru zli ak, Im rich . R eview of Poha r z bru seneho skla . M ost , XII , No . 1-2 ( 1965) , 89-9 1. 140 SLOVAKIA 38. Meciar, Stanislav. "Doslov ." In Nakrfznychcestach byJ. C. Hronsky. Buenos Aires: Zahranicna Matica Slovenska, 1966, pp. 165-73. 39. Kruzliak, lmrich, "Domov boljeho vesmfrom (Na. 10. vyrocie smrti J.C. Hronskeho, 23.11.1896 - 13.VII.1960)." Most, XVII, No. 1-2 (1970), 1-10. 40. Kruzliak, Imrich. Review ofJ. C. Hronsky, by Alexander Matuska (ref. 34). Most, XVII, No. 3-4 (1970), 179-82. 41. Rydlo, Jozef M . "Svet na Trasovisku" nell'opera letteraria di Jozef Cfger-Hronsky. Con un epistolario inedito . Ph.D . Dissertation , University of Padua, 1971. 431 pp. typescript (not seen) 42. Rydlo, Jozef. "Smakova mucha . " Most, XIX, No . 1-2 (1972), 32 -38. 43 . Rydlo, Jozef M. "The World on a Quagmire : The Last Literary Work of JozefCfger Hronsky." Slovak Studies, XV (1975), 117-42. 44 . Cincura, Andrew, trans . An Anthology of Slovak Literature, with "Slovak Literature : A Brief History" by Karol Strmen. Riverside, CA: University Hardcovers, 1976. 45 . Kester, JohnJ . , trans. Seller of Talismans : Liberius Gaius. Scotch Plains , N.J. : privately printed , 1978. 46. Cincura, Andrew, trans . Jozef Mak. Introduction by Peter Petro. Columbus, OH : Slavica Publishers, in press. 47. Noge,Julius. Podoby realizmu v medzivojnovej pr6ze. Bratislava: Veda, 1983 (in preparation). 48. Lackova-Furimska, Maria. "Jozef Mak , " (in preparation). 49. Petro, Peter . "Pisar Grae," (in preparation) . 50. Sabo, Gerald J. " Andreas Bur Majster and Predavac talizmanov," (in preparation). 51. Morison, W.A., trans. " Mother Macik Goes to the Polls," Slavonic Review (London), XVII (1938-39), 21-35. 52. Winkler, Tomas. Matica slovenska v rokoch 1919-1945. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1971. SLOVAKIA 141 Much of the published information was verified with unpublished materials in the Literarny archfv of the Matica slovenska in Martin, Czechoslovakia, which I was able to examine while on an International Research and Exchange Board fellowship in 1982 . Presented in part in Panel 11-10 , "20th Century Slovak Literature : Jozef CfgerHronsky," and Panel 10-6, The Matica Slovenska: 120 Years of Survival," at the AAASS convention in Kansas C ity, MO on 24 October 1983 .  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Jozef Cíger-Hronský: Chronology and Partial Bibliography Description An account of the resource Norma L. Rudinsky Slovakia, Vol. 30 (No. 55-56), 1982-83 pp. 128-141 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Rudinsky, Norma Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982-83 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/63368ebaa2d773b9a3c2b7630775e8f8.pdf 98018628eb3c119083d7cff21b39a0ee PDF Text Text 100 SLOVAKIA The Slovak Fairytale Tradition and J.R.R. Tolkien's ''Eucatastrophe'' in the Realistic Stories of Martin Kukucfn Norm a L. Rudinsky Although Martin Kukucfn is primarily and consciously a realistic author, there are noticeable remnants of the fairytale tradition in hi s short stories about Slovak village life. This is not surprising as fairytales were still very popular amon g the Slovak public that Kuku cfn wanted to reach in 1880-1900 ; Slovak folk literature in general and fairytales in particular remained an active part of Slovak cultural life and were universally very popular mu ch later than in most other European countries. The unu su ally long-lastin g oral tradition and the scarcity of written literature in Slovak until the 18th century made the Slovaks cling to their fairytales as vital evidence of their ancient n ational existence, since this folk literature had not been a ppropriated by the ruling M agyar or G erm an cultures, nor eve n by the Czech culture of Bohem ia and M oravia . This is the atmosphere in which Slovak literary realism began , and, of course, prose village realism essentially began with Kuku cfn. It a ppears that , co nsciously a nd probably unco nsciously, Kuku cfn kept some of the fairytale elements that were famili ar and "natural" to the co mmon readers he wanted to reach, even though he did not picture the knights , princesses, and witches of traditional tales, but instead the farme r , the hired hand , and the mayor of the real Slovak vi ll age in 1880-1894 . Num erous elem ents of folklore, superstition, and tradition al folk cu stoms have been cited in Kuku cfn's early stories.' Besides these in cidental similarities to folk literature, many of Kukucfn's central plots suggest the fairytale in one critical respect : they usually have a happy ending. This similarity is Kuku cfn 's m ost important rela tion to the fairytale tradition of hi s tim e, and the only relation that I shall �SLOVAKIA 101 take up here . Kuku cfn 's usu al happy ending may come suddenly and without mu ch prepa rat ion , a nd ce rtainl y it is not typical for a realist a uthor. In fact, his forced ha ppy endings are a puzzle in Kukucfn ' s work and co nstitute a problem for the criti c to expl ain. I rej ec t the idea that he was too ca reless or un skillful to write otherwise, or that he was simply following the tradition of his time, as he was too innovative for that. I think Kukucfn chose to e nd his stories this way , so the question is why did he force a happy e nding from materi al tha t could more naturall y be sad ? Th e result so m e times see ms sentimental, but it is not the sentim e ntalism of Thom as Hardy or Charles Dicke ns, who "milk" a sad sce ne . Kuku cfn neve r milks a sad scene. In fact, he has few such scenes, or he ends them hap pily after all. M a ny critics have commented upon this fact: Kuku cfn seldom shows a characte r suffering very long; he kills off ve ry few characters; he never shows evil triumphing; he seldom shows a merely moral victory in an o therw ise defeated characte r. Although there are a few except ions and some of hi s most ironic stories are ambivalent, Kukucfn , as Alexander Matuska has said, "sees evil but doesn't point a finge r at it. " 1 For this reaso n , I think, Kukucfn was for a long tim e regarded as o nl y a comi c writer, despite the fact tha t his themes a re often ve ry serious. The hap py e ndin g in Kuku cfn's work has b een analyzed by the pe rceptive Bra tislava critic O skar Cepan partly in Freudian terms of in fa ntil e repression of co nflict ing motives: " Kukucfn 'represses' confli ct ing motives a nd 'transfers' them to the infantile-archaic environment of the 'famil y nest.' " 3 Not being a Freudian I think Cepan's expl a na tion cove rs onl y part of the ground , a nd I am instead inclin ed to ex plain Kuku cfn ' s h appy endin gs in te rm s of his conscious beliefs as well as the unconscious desire for ha rmony and peace which Cepan writes of. The cleares t and most obvious belief of Kuku cfn , of cou rse, was his C hri stian faith . Particularly the critics Stanislav M eciar and Cyril Potocek have em phasized the C hri stia n them es of Kukucfn 's work , ranging from early sto ri es su ch as Dve cesty, Vianocne oblatky, a nd Zo stupna na stupen to th e last no vels, es pecially Mat' vola. 4 So, the seco nd part of my thesis here is that Kukucfn's fairytale-like happy ending , besides reflecting the then-curre nt Slovak interest in fairytales, also refl ects Kuku cfn 's ow n Christian optimism. To expla in a nd su pport this thesis , I should like to use the co n cept �102 SLOVAKIA of "eucatastrophe " that was developed by the English author J .R.R . Tolkien, the leading 20th-century creator of medieval fairytales , in his Andrew Lang lecture and essay '' On Fairy-stories .' ' For T olkien , much of the appeal of fairytal es lies in the Escape they provide, and he defends such escapism not as the "Flight of the D eserter " but as the "Escape of the Prisoner ,'' or the consolation of escaping imaginatively from the inev itable pains and evils of life. 5 The greatest consolation in fairytales is that of the Happy Ending, for which Tolkien made up the word "eucatastrophe": "the good catastrophe , the sudden joyous 'turn' " of the plot in contrast to the " dyscatastroph e of sorrow and failure." The eucatastrophe, Tolkien says, "denies universal final defeat " and is the "evangelium" (pp. 85-86). The religiou s suggestion of this word "evangelium" is made explicit when Tolkien says the joy of the happy ending can " be explained as a sudden glimpse of the underlying reality or truth '' of human life; the Eucatastrophe of a story is like the R esurrection in Christian history, and the R esurrection of Christ is the eucatastrophe of real life (p. 88). This is , very briefly, the theory of fairytales that governed Tolkien 's creation of his famous books Th e Hobbit and The Lord of th e Rings . The ''Consolation '' of a happy ending was apparently needed personally by Tolkien , whose fervent Catholicism was strongly tinged by Jansenism with its scrupulosity and depression. His biographer Humphrey Carpenter cites Tolkien's unpublished diary as evidence that he " was capable of bouts of profound despair , " 6 and says he " took an almost tragic view of himself as a weak man - which was another cause of his deep troughs of pessimism . '' 7 There is no indication of J ansenism in Kukucfn 's Christianity , during either his Lu theran or his R om an Catholic period ; in fact, the Jansenist heresy seems to have been more of a French, Irish, and English phenomenon than a Slavic one. But there is ample evidence that Kuku cfn too suffered a t times from severe depression. A s Stefan Krcmery wrote of him , The objectivity of Kuku cfn ' s art is deliberate . H e penetrated with th at sight of his into things and people so that he would not fall into th at internal sadness of his. H e lau ghed so that he would not weep .. . . There are things in life that just cannot be explained . Such are the roots of Kuku cfn ' s pessim ism . Did it com e from his feeling of sadness as a transplanted plant? Did it com e intellectually from hi s study? Philosophically , �SLOVAKIA 103 Dostoevsky and T olstoy reached most deeply into his soul. But his pessimism , even in its origins, has the stamp of the pessimism of great souls. It colors them as the dark side of their heroism . 8 Scarcely recognized by the reading public of Kukucfn 's time , this underlying pessimism and almost inadvertent sadness are more easily recognizable today . As Oskar Cepan says, Kukucfn 's ' realism ' today shows itself from a different side, and appears in a different light. It has unexpected lines . . . . More and more, we are today intrigued by his ' hidden planes,' his difficult-to-understand subtext, especially his risky balance on the ceaselessly vibrating metonymic border between epic assurance and dramatic doubt. Kukucfn's objectivity and mild humor conceal within themselves also the tinge of an indefinable and fleeting nostalgia, which is close to the most tragic chord known then to Slovak literature. 9 Thus, Kukucfn too , like Tolkien , may have personally needed the solace and consolation of the happy ending in his own creative life . '' Eu catastrophe,'' however, is not just a matter of personal need and satisfaction . Tolkien refers also to the social value of su ch consolation in the modern world of pollution , alienation , wars, depressions, and totalitarian power , in addition to the eternal evils : But there are also other and more profound "escapisms" that have always appeared in fairy-tale and legend . There are other things more grim and terrible to fly from than the noise, stench, ruthlessness, and extravagance of the internal-combustion machine . There are hunger, thirst, poverty, pain, sorrow , injustice , death . And even when men are not facing hard things such as these, there are ancient limitations from which fairy-stories offer a sort of escape. (p. 83) For Kukucfn, this social benefit in the fictional representation of ultim ate divine justice was probably even more important than it was for Tolkien , because Kukucfn ' s fiction was consciously didactic , as Tolkien's was not. In fact, almos t all of Slavic literary realism was didactic and se rved extra-literary functions not found in other literatu re because of the historical conditions of its origin . 10 In the Slovak students' club in Prague , called " D etvan," there were several arguments about the mean- �104 SLOVAKI A ing of realism and the rela tive valu e o f th e Ru ssia n a nd th e Fren ch schools. Kukucfn preferred the Ru ssia n reali sts becau se of th eir edu ca tional effect in a backwa rd society. 11 Criti cs agree th a t Kuku cfn delibera tely wrote about the Slovak v ill a ge for the Slovak vill age r in the speech o f the Slovak vill a ge r. 11 H e wrote for the purpose of raising the consciousness of the d owntrodden Slovak p easant , as he him self later explained in rejecting th e hope of El ena Mar6thy- Soltesova ( expressed in her novel Prati pnidu ) th a t the Slovak gentry wo uld fin ally resist Magyarization and begin to w a ke the Slovak comm o ne rs from '' their dream of self-forge tfuln ess.'' T o accomplish thi s awakenin g, the writer should combat the p assivity a nd d espair th a t ch aracte ri zed mu ch o f Slovak public life at thi s tim e - just afte r the M a ti ca slovenska and the three Slovak high school s were closed . 13 Th e re we re even fa mines in Orava at this time , whi ch Kuku cfn d escribed in Czech a rticles whose fund a ppeals w ere d esign ed to stin g the M agyar a uth orities into a id fo r the a rea . 14 C ertainly these we re compelling rea son s fo r Kuku cfn 's quiet but d efinite didacti c purpose eve n in his early hum o rou s ta les . In summary , then , I believe there were probably three forces pushin g Kukucfn to m a ke a ha ppy endin g for his sto ri es wh ere o ne mi ght expect a sadder outcome: 1) The living tradition o f the fair ytal e in the Slovak vill age of hi s tim e; 2) Kukucfn's own Christia n optimism and hi s "smile ove r hi s tears ' ' ; 3) His d ete rmination to chee r a nd en courage the d ow n trodden villager for whom h e wrote . P erh aps Kukucfn hon estl y could n ot bear to show sadn ess, fa ilure , a nd inju stice in hi s fi ction when these ev il s we re so comm on in the Slovak life of thi s tim e. N ow I should like to support these ideas with several example stories about Slovak village life, all of th em a mong Kuku cfn 's m os t celebra ted a nd ce rtainl y amon g his fin est stories. 15 First R ysava jalovica (The M o ttled H eife r , V ol. II ) is a n out- a nd out com ed y, a nd ver y su ccessful - no one would ask fo r a sad e ndin g to it! H ere the happy outcome is compl etely in keepin g w ith th e comi c plot a nd style; th e goodna tured drunk a rd Ada m Krt is a ch a rmin g caricature a nd th e pl o t is a n all ego ry so th a t K rt 's sudden reform a nd �SLOVAKIA 105 co nsequent wealth are e mine ntl y suitable to the sto ry. Krt is a classic und erdog hero - sm all , ridiculed , but cl ever in hi s ow n way; his trips to th e fair a nd then to find the lost heifer are a qu est from which h e re turn s victorious to everyone's a m azem ent. The subsidiary anecdotes , a bout the m ayo r 's troubles with the broken ha nd on the town cl ock , the feud betwee n Krt a nd hi s neighbor Trnka over a n a nn y goat a nd a rooster, a nd the d og with its head cau ght in a churn , are pure farce a nd their tone su pports the comic victory of Krt. No wonde r it was Kukucfn 's most popular story, a nd people asked for " m ore about Krt. " 16 The second exampl e, Neprebuden y (Vol. II ) is equally su ccessful , but in the oppos ite way . The titl e Neprebuden y m eans "The Unawakened" in th e m ascu lin e sin gul a r , a nd by writing of a youn g m a n who is m entall y retarded Kuku cfn in vokes the tradition of the " h oly idiot." Thi s sto ry is unique amo n g his work in b ein g trul y tragic , a nd each of th e characte rs is scarred by th e goose herd 's di scove ry of th e dece ption pract iced upon him b y the vill age bell e and h er fami ly, the n hi s subseque n t d eath in the fire that end s the wedd in g feast. Th e re is forebodin g irony throughout the story in the pun on the words husar as "gooseherd " a nd husar as "cavalryman," and this foreshadowin g is fulfill ed when the hu sar is killed tryin g to save a me re goose a nd her goslin gs in a burnin g barn. The story is really an anti-fairytale in which Kukucfn explicitly rejec ts the co nve ntion al roman ce. The gooseherd dream s of a princess in a cas tl e , the n awake ns to the teas ing of th e vill age b elle who am uses he rself by lettin g him think she will marry him . Thi s contrast between fa iryla nd a nd real life is d eveloped throu ghout the story . Neprebudeny is the closest of Kuku cfn 's stori es to th e French naturali sm of, fo r ex a mpl e , Em il e Zola , a nd it may have been a n ex perime nt on Kuku cfn 's pa rt , to imi tate Zola . If it was a n ex pe rim ent , it was on e Kuku cfn did not care to repeat , a nd late r (in 1925) he wrote to a fri end th a t he saw " no thin g spec ial" in Nepreb udeny. 17 An othe r trul y tragic story is Drotarove Vian oce (The Tinker ' s C hri st m as, Vol. III) , whi ch dramatizes a n incid e nt in the M agyar government 's actual campaign to assign Slovak children to M agyar far m fam ili es in southern Hun gary, chan gin g their names a nd preventin g their , return to Slovak a reas. T heo re ti call y all we re orph a ns, but not in realit y, a nd thi s story shows a fami ly 's failure to find their so n . H oweve r , Kuku cfn published this sto ry onl y in C zech in Bohemi a; thu s it was n ot one of hi s stories fo r th e ge neral Slovak read e r , in pa rt because it wou ld �106 SLOVAKIA have been dangerou s to print it in Hungary . Also, it was not included in his collected works published in the new Czechoslovakia. Several important stories have ironic, even ambivalent endings , such as K ed' bacik z Chochol'ova umrie (When M y Uncle from Chocholov Passes Away , Vol. IV) , which shows the co rruptive influence of an impoverished gentleman's great expectations of inheritance . Also , some stories have well-worked out happy endings to a spiritual conflict, such as an old woman's effort to understand and accept the fact that her neighbor ' s only son reached manhood and a happy wedding while her own only son had died as a young man , in D ve cesty (Two paths, Vol. V) . Another example is seen in the attempt of a young school-teacher to comprehend his vocation as willing servant to the com munity but not subservient to any individual , when he was expected to bake the traditional wafers for the whole village, in Vianocn e oblatky (Christmas Wafers, Vol. IV) . The story Zo stupna n a stupen (Going Down Step by Step, Vol. V) also shows a spiritual victory but it is only briefl y narrated , not dramatized , and the man 's happiness in poverty is only asserted, not presented . These effective happy endings , howeve r , are uncommon . The story that best illustrates my point that Kukucfn chose to force a happy ending where he could more naturally have had a sadder end, is Dies irae ... (The Day of Wrath , Vol. V) . It is a very successful story , which Bratislava critic Julius N oge calls one of the fin est in Slovak literature . 18 Dies irae is the account of a cholera epidemic, yet not one of the main characters dies. It is also the account of a spendthrift mayor who has abandoned his first love when she was expecti n g hi s child in order to marry someone else for m oney, yet he is punished only in his own view of himself. It is also the account of a miserly father whose selfishness drives out both his sons before he loses his fortune to thieves and cheating partners, yet he is able to win back one and perhaps both of his sons . The two characters, the mayor and the miser , reverberate with irony, and Kukuci'.n makes clear their moral imperfections , yet at the end he allows them all to live happily ever after. The abandoned woman loses her bitterness and her desire for revenge when she sees the mayor 's chagrin (it is not true humility), and the youn g lovers are not separated by cholera, nor by the miserly father . The last se ntence is " Now finally at the richtar's house there was peace, both the external kind and , above all, the peace that no one can take away" (p. 37 1). �SLOVAK IA 107 The story su cceed s, but I think it would have been even more moving if it h ad not end ed so well. A clear contrast to Kukucfn 's optimism is seen in the work ofBozena Slancfkova, p seudony m Timrava (1867-1951), whose long story T apa.kovci (The Tapak C la n , 1914) shows a family ' s stubborn, unimaginative adh eren ce to repressive old customs and its ill-tempered resista nce to the effort of a young bride to revamp the household. There is very little liberating humor a nd there is a much grimmer irony than Kukucfn 's iro n y would have been in the " h appy " ending whereby the bride gets a new house and the rest of the Tapak clan can stay contentedly crowded together in the old hom estead . 19 Several factors must have caused this difference between Kukucfn and Timrava . One would be the development o f their personalities, of course, but also there ar e philosophic contrasts. For example, the so-called " Tolstoyan " emphasis in Kukucfn' s Christianity is not present in Timrava ; in fact, Christian themes are less noticeable in Tim rava's work, and incipient fem inist themes are prese nt. But the sh ift in satiric to n e also com es from the historical development of' 'critical' ' realism out of classical realism , and, I believe , from the d ecreased popularity of fairytal es and other folk literary forms as the Slovak edu cat ional level rose and industrialization spread during the 20th ce ntury. Kukucfn was o b v iously aware of hi s tenden cy to gloss over some of the problems of real life becau se he wrote of it in a story published the year before Dies irae. In Po d eviatich rokoch (Afte r Nine Years, Vol. V), he has o ne of his roman ti c h ero ines return a nd accuse him ( as the a uthor) of a bandoning h er after the wedding b y n ot writing a nother story about the con fli cts that occu r within marriage. But Kukucfn allows himself to a n swer his heroin e with the easy excu se that read ers like romantic plots a bout young love, n ot domestic conflicts; thus, h e does not actuall y face the problem . H owever, later ( 1903) h e may have tried to work ou t this proble m in his novel D om v strani ( House on the Hillside) , which is about exactl y that same subj ect : the conflicts that would come if the wealthy landow ner 's so n Niko were to marry the simple peasant 's daughte r K at ica, since they are un suited b y their diffe rent upbringing and edu cation as well as by their different dispositions. 10 The novel is not a C inderella story, because Kukucfn is clearly on the n on-romantic side of class distin ctions and g ives no fairytal e endin g to this novel. It is worth noting , h owever, that even in this novel Kuku cfn does not ac- �SLOVAKIA tually show domestic conflicts resulting from an unsuita ble m arriage, because he prevents the marriage from occurring. With Dom v strani, howeve r , I am out of stories into novels, and Kukucfn was no longer writing in the fairytale tradition . Kukucfn wrote little of the origins of his work , saying only that he had learned to write from hearing and admiring the speech of the Slovak villagers in J asenova. 21 As he nowhere gave his theory of lite rature, it is only psychological speculation that his interior motiva tion was similar to Tolkien 's. Also, there can be no question of influence between Kukucfn and Tolkien, because of diffe rences in time and in language . Nor was Tolkien's specifically Christian theory offairytales anticipated in Slovak discussions of "fantasticke rozpravky," to my knowl edge. Y et the similarity is not really surprising with two writers whose Christian world view is impressed throughout their work. Tolkien's conce ption offairytales is a variation of the classic aesthetic theory that literature represents the underlying reality of huma n life, with or without the "realistic" detail of the surface phenom en a . Unfortunately, this same theory also covers the desire of many third-rate writers, including both the melodramatist and the socialist realist, to directly illustrate a clear moral ideal by rewarding goodness and punishing evil ; so whenever the didactic desire to teach and to reform becomes stronger than the artistic d esire to reveal and to express, a weakened literary effect b ecom es apparent. In some of Kukucfn 's stories, the result (as already stated), is a more or less sudden wrenching of a potential " dyscatastrophe " into a ''eucatastrophe.'' The ultimate cause of this wrench , b es ides whatever internal motivat ion lay in Kukucfn ' s creative personality, probably has to b e seen in the very h a rsh social and political structures of late 19th century Hungary. These unju st conditions stimulated a nd even forced Kukucfn to picture realistically (for the first tim e in Slovak prose) the life of the common villager, but they also stimulated a nd forced him to soften his realism with a hap p y e nding. In this way , he would not overwhelm the downtrodde n villagers ( or the dishearten ed Slovak intellectuals) with a full picture of the ir truly discouragin g lot but would instead encourage them and awaken them from their "drama of self-forge tfulness." Thus , we see 1) another illustration of the ge neral truth that literature results from the conjuncture of a particular writer with the intell ectual co nditions and the social audience of his time, a nd 2) a nothe r example of the fact that earlier Slovak culture mu st be a n a - �SLOVAKIA 109 lyzed a nd evaluated in relation to the severe limitation s impressed upo n it b y the hi sto rical conditions of Hungary . D espite the weak e ndings o f many of Kuku cfn 's stories, h e achieved a striking synthesis of both "seeing the evil " and expressin g his d eliberate Christian optimism; hi s synthesis remains as witness to a very difficult ye t promising p e riod in Slovak literar y history. It should also serve as a re minder that wherever fairytales a re a serious part o f a culture, they must also be take n seriou sly b y literary crit ics . In fac t , fairytales may h ave played a hidde n a nd unu su al role in Slovak lite r a ture simply b ecau se of the historical conditions r eferred to already. For example, Alexander M atuska su ggests that the m odern noveli st J ozef Ciger H ronsky was influ enced b y fairytales with " their natural and also unn atural a tmosph e re, their shifting border between the real a nd th e the unreal. " 11 Under this influence, Hronsky d evelop ed his unique blend of observation and realism with poe try and lyricism - a realism which stops beside d e tail but d oes n ot stop at detail, a realism to which n eithe r the miraculous nor the grotesque is foreign; and a poetry which magically fascinates u s b y its everyday subj ect and pull s u s toward deeper ideas, to the meaning of ex isten ce. 13 Probably the greatest noveli st in Slovak , Hron sk y is at o n ce one o f the most Slovak of writers and one of the m ost worldly and cosmopolitan in technique a nd style. It is ironic a nd revealing of the histo rical sp ecifics of Slovak literature that fairytales were apparently a mong the forces that led Hronsky to th e techniques that relate his work to European n atu ralism, expressio nism , a nd surrealism , to P rou st, J oyce, K a fka, and M usi l. 14 Su ch a force cannot be neglected in any p eriod. NOTES For exam ple. V iera Gasparfkova , "Prvky l'udovej kultury V Kuku cfnovej drobnej pr6ze , '' in Martin Kukucfn v kritike a spomien k ach: Sbornfk (Bratislava: Slovenske Vydavatel's tvo Kras nej Li teratury , 1957) , pp. 360-404. This book reprints a t least major parts of most known criti cism a nd recollections of Kuku cfn up to the time of its printing; hereafter Sbornfk. ' Alex ander M a tuska, " Doslov," in Sbornfk, p. 921. All translation s from Slovak are min e. ' O skar C epan, Kuku cfnove epick e istoty (Brati slava: Tatran , 1972), pp. 267 -68. I �110 SLOVAKIA • Stanislav Meciar, Kuku cfn i ivy, 2 vols. (B uenos Aires, 1958 and 1960); Cy ril J. Potocek, M artin Kuku cfn: A Link between Two Worlds (Passaic, N .J .: Slovak Catholic Sokol, 1943). William E. Harkins has perceptively summ ari zed Kuku cin's "expressive symbol of the truth tha t m an li ves under G od's judgment, and that he would d o well therefore to li ve justly," "Foreword," Seven Slovak Stories by Martin Kuku cfn , trans . and edited by Norma Leigh Rudi nsky (R ome: Slovak Institute, 1980) , p . ix . For a full a nd rich treatment of this idea, see G. J. Sabo, " Kuku cfn 's Village Stories and Shuksin 's 'Snowball Berry-R ed,' "Slovakia, XXX (1982-83), this issue. 5 J .R .R . T olkien , " On Fairy-stories," in T he Tolkien R eader (New York : Ballantine Books, 1966), p . 79. Further references a re give n in the tex t . • Humph rey Carpenter,J.R .R . Tolkien (London : George Allen & Unwin Ltd ., 1977), p. 3 1. 7 Carpen ter, p. 129 . ' Stefan Krcmery, Stopiit'desiat rokov slovenskej literatury (M artin 1943), II , 50, quoted here from Cepan , Epick e istoty, p. 24 and 253-54. ' Cepan, Epick e istoty, p . 19 . 0 ' Dmitrij Cizevskij , Comparative History of Slavic Literatures, trans. Richa rd Noel P orter and M artin P . Rice, ed. Serge A . Zenkovsky (Baltimore: Vanderbilt U ni versity Press, 197 1), pp. 164-75. " Milos Tomcik, " Z problem a tiky Kukucin ovej tvorby v Prazskom obdobi ," in S bornfk , pp . 167 -68; see also selections from the " D etva n " minutes in M a rtin Kuku cin , Dielo: Z avaine skusen osti (Bratislava: Tatran , 1971), XX , 512-14, 525-26, and 54 1-42. " C epa n , Epicke istoty, pp . 24-26 , and Cepan , " Literarno-hi storicke poznamky, " in Martin Kukucin, Dielo: R ozpravky (Bratislava: Slovenske Vydavatel'stvo Krasnej Literatury , 1957) , I , 326. " Kukucin , " Niekol'ko myslienok o romane Eleny M ar6th y-Soltesovej: Prati prudu ," in Dielo: Zavaine skusenosti, p . 400 . Further evidence of Kuku cfn 's belief in the village as the carrier of the na ti onal tradition is in my a rticl e " Preliminary Notes on Martin Kuku cin 's Criticism of Americanized Slovaks and His Opposition to the Slovak Gentry ," Slovak Studies, XVIII ( I 978), 153-67. 14 M a rtin Kuku cin , " O hladu v oravskej stolici," " Bra ti'im pod T a trami ," and " Hlad na Orave," in Dielo: Zavain e skusenosti , pp . 379-89. 15 The stori es a re in Volumes I-V of Dielo and are cited furth er in the tex t. Onl y eight of Kuku cin 's stories have been transla ted into Engl ish: R egruti by P aul Seiver in An Anthology of Czechoslovak Literature (London, 1929) and Obecne trampoty, Dedin sk y j armok, Z tepleho hniezda , R ysavajalovica, Neprebudeny, Na obecnom salasi, and Dies irae by Norma L. Rudin sky in Seven Slovak Stories of M artin Kuku cfn , op . cit . 16 Jozef Skultety , " M a rtin Kuku cin ( 17 /V .1860 - 17/V . 1920) ," in Sbornfk , p . 623 . 17 Letter to J an Cadra, in Dielo: Listy priatel'om a znam ym (Bratislava: Tatran , 1974), XXI , 202) . 18 Julius Noge, Martin Kuku cfn: Tradicionalista a novator , V ol. I (Bra tislava: V yd avatel'stvo Slovenskej Akadem ie Vied, 1962), p . 1982. �SLOVAKIA 111 " Bozena Slancikova , "Tapakovci , " Timrava, 2 vols. (Martin: Tatran, 1975), II, 413-50. 0 ' Dielo: Dom v strani (Bratislava: Slovenske Vydavatel'stvo Krasnej Literatury, 1961 ), Vol. IX. " "Odpoved' na anketu casopisu Stfedni skola," in Dielo: Zavazne skusenosti, pp. 457-58; see also his remarks on learning the best and richest Slovak from the dialects: "najkrajsou cestou k studiumu gramatikovi je studovat' dialekty, " in the minutes of the "Detvan" meetings, ibid., p. 548 . " Alexander Matuska,J.C. Hronsky (Bratislava, 1970) rpt. in Osobnosti (Slovensky Spisovatel', 1973), p. 458. " Matuska, p . 459. " Matuska, p. 458. Presented in Panel 128, "Slovak Literature as a Mirror of the National Awakening ," at the AAASS convention in Philadelphia on 8 November 1980. � 100 SLOVAKIA The Slovak Fairytale Tradition and J.R.R. Tolkien's ''Eucatastrophe'' in the Realistic Stories of Martin Kukucfn Norm a L. Rudinsky Although Martin Kukucfn is primarily and consciously a realistic author, there are noticeable remnants of the fairytale tradition in hi s short stories about Slovak village life. This is not surprising as fairytales were still very popular amon g the Slovak public that Kuku cfn wanted to reach in 1880-1900 ; Slovak folk literature in general and fairytales in particular remained an active part of Slovak cultural life and were universally very popular mu ch later than in most other European countries. The unu su ally long-lastin g oral tradition and the scarcity of written literature in Slovak until the 18th century made the Slovaks cling to their fairytales as vital evidence of their ancient n ational existence, since this folk literature had not been a ppropriated by the ruling M agyar or G erm an cultures, nor eve n by the Czech culture of Bohem ia and M oravia . This is the atmosphere in which Slovak literary realism began , and, of course, prose village realism essentially began with Kuku cfn. It a ppears that , co nsciously a nd probably unco nsciously, Kuku cfn kept some of the fairytale elements that were famili ar and "natural" to the co mmon readers he wanted to reach, even though he did not picture the knights , princesses, and witches of traditional tales, but instead the farme r , the hired hand , and the mayor of the real Slovak vi ll age in 1880-1894 . Num erous elem ents of folklore, superstition, and tradition al folk cu stoms have been cited in Kuku cfn's early stories.' Besides these in cidental similarities to folk literature, many of Kukucfn's central plots suggest the fairytale in one critical respect : they usually have a happy ending. This similarity is Kuku cfn 's m ost important rela tion to the fairytale tradition of hi s tim e, and the only relation that I shall �SLOVAKIA 101 take up here . Kuku cfn 's usu al happy ending may come suddenly and without mu ch prepa rat ion , a nd ce rtainl y it is not typical for a realist a uthor. In fact, his forced ha ppy endings are a puzzle in Kukucfn ' s work and co nstitute a problem for the criti c to expl ain. I rej ec t the idea that he was too ca reless or un skillful to write otherwise, or that he was simply following the tradition of his time, as he was too innovative for that. I think Kukucfn chose to e nd his stories this way , so the question is why did he force a happy e nding from materi al tha t could more naturall y be sad ? Th e result so m e times see ms sentimental, but it is not the sentim e ntalism of Thom as Hardy or Charles Dicke ns, who "milk" a sad sce ne . Kuku cfn neve r milks a sad scene. In fact, he has few such scenes, or he ends them hap pily after all. M a ny critics have commented upon this fact: Kuku cfn seldom shows a characte r suffering very long; he kills off ve ry few characters; he never shows evil triumphing; he seldom shows a merely moral victory in an o therw ise defeated characte r. Although there are a few except ions and some of hi s most ironic stories are ambivalent, Kukucfn , as Alexander Matuska has said, "sees evil but doesn't point a finge r at it. " 1 For this reaso n , I think, Kukucfn was for a long tim e regarded as o nl y a comi c writer, despite the fact tha t his themes a re often ve ry serious. The hap py e ndin g in Kuku cfn's work has b een analyzed by the pe rceptive Bra tislava critic O skar Cepan partly in Freudian terms of in fa ntil e repression of co nflict ing motives: " Kukucfn 'represses' confli ct ing motives a nd 'transfers' them to the infantile-archaic environment of the 'famil y nest.' " 3 Not being a Freudian I think Cepan's expl a na tion cove rs onl y part of the ground , a nd I am instead inclin ed to ex plain Kuku cfn ' s h appy endin gs in te rm s of his conscious beliefs as well as the unconscious desire for ha rmony and peace which Cepan writes of. The cleares t and most obvious belief of Kuku cfn , of cou rse, was his C hri stian faith . Particularly the critics Stanislav M eciar and Cyril Potocek have em phasized the C hri stia n them es of Kukucfn 's work , ranging from early sto ri es su ch as Dve cesty, Vianocne oblatky, a nd Zo stupna na stupen to th e last no vels, es pecially Mat' vola. 4 So, the seco nd part of my thesis here is that Kukucfn's fairytale-like happy ending , besides reflecting the then-curre nt Slovak interest in fairytales, also refl ects Kuku cfn 's ow n Christian optimism. To expla in a nd su pport this thesis , I should like to use the co n cept �102 SLOVAKIA of "eucatastrophe " that was developed by the English author J .R.R . Tolkien, the leading 20th-century creator of medieval fairytales , in his Andrew Lang lecture and essay '' On Fairy-stories .' ' For T olkien , much of the appeal of fairytal es lies in the Escape they provide, and he defends such escapism not as the "Flight of the D eserter " but as the "Escape of the Prisoner ,'' or the consolation of escaping imaginatively from the inev itable pains and evils of life. 5 The greatest consolation in fairytales is that of the Happy Ending, for which Tolkien made up the word "eucatastrophe": "the good catastrophe , the sudden joyous 'turn' " of the plot in contrast to the " dyscatastroph e of sorrow and failure." The eucatastrophe, Tolkien says, "denies universal final defeat " and is the "evangelium" (pp. 85-86). The religiou s suggestion of this word "evangelium" is made explicit when Tolkien says the joy of the happy ending can " be explained as a sudden glimpse of the underlying reality or truth '' of human life; the Eucatastrophe of a story is like the R esurrection in Christian history, and the R esurrection of Christ is the eucatastrophe of real life (p. 88). This is , very briefly, the theory of fairytales that governed Tolkien 's creation of his famous books Th e Hobbit and The Lord of th e Rings . The ''Consolation '' of a happy ending was apparently needed personally by Tolkien , whose fervent Catholicism was strongly tinged by Jansenism with its scrupulosity and depression. His biographer Humphrey Carpenter cites Tolkien's unpublished diary as evidence that he " was capable of bouts of profound despair , " 6 and says he " took an almost tragic view of himself as a weak man - which was another cause of his deep troughs of pessimism . '' 7 There is no indication of J ansenism in Kukucfn 's Christianity , during either his Lu theran or his R om an Catholic period ; in fact, the Jansenist heresy seems to have been more of a French, Irish, and English phenomenon than a Slavic one. But there is ample evidence that Kuku cfn too suffered a t times from severe depression. A s Stefan Krcmery wrote of him , The objectivity of Kuku cfn ' s art is deliberate . H e penetrated with th at sight of his into things and people so that he would not fall into th at internal sadness of his. H e lau ghed so that he would not weep .. . . There are things in life that just cannot be explained . Such are the roots of Kuku cfn ' s pessim ism . Did it com e from his feeling of sadness as a transplanted plant? Did it com e intellectually from hi s study? Philosophically , �SLOVAKIA 103 Dostoevsky and T olstoy reached most deeply into his soul. But his pessimism , even in its origins, has the stamp of the pessimism of great souls. It colors them as the dark side of their heroism . 8 Scarcely recognized by the reading public of Kukucfn 's time , this underlying pessimism and almost inadvertent sadness are more easily recognizable today . As Oskar Cepan says, Kukucfn 's ' realism ' today shows itself from a different side, and appears in a different light. It has unexpected lines . . . . More and more, we are today intrigued by his ' hidden planes,' his difficult-to-understand subtext, especially his risky balance on the ceaselessly vibrating metonymic border between epic assurance and dramatic doubt. Kukucfn's objectivity and mild humor conceal within themselves also the tinge of an indefinable and fleeting nostalgia, which is close to the most tragic chord known then to Slovak literature. 9 Thus, Kukucfn too , like Tolkien , may have personally needed the solace and consolation of the happy ending in his own creative life . '' Eu catastrophe,'' however, is not just a matter of personal need and satisfaction . Tolkien refers also to the social value of su ch consolation in the modern world of pollution , alienation , wars, depressions, and totalitarian power , in addition to the eternal evils : But there are also other and more profound "escapisms" that have always appeared in fairy-tale and legend . There are other things more grim and terrible to fly from than the noise, stench, ruthlessness, and extravagance of the internal-combustion machine . There are hunger, thirst, poverty, pain, sorrow , injustice , death . And even when men are not facing hard things such as these, there are ancient limitations from which fairy-stories offer a sort of escape. (p. 83) For Kukucfn, this social benefit in the fictional representation of ultim ate divine justice was probably even more important than it was for Tolkien , because Kukucfn ' s fiction was consciously didactic , as Tolkien's was not. In fact, almos t all of Slavic literary realism was didactic and se rved extra-literary functions not found in other literatu re because of the historical conditions of its origin . 10 In the Slovak students' club in Prague , called " D etvan," there were several arguments about the mean- �104 SLOVAKI A ing of realism and the rela tive valu e o f th e Ru ssia n a nd th e Fren ch schools. Kukucfn preferred the Ru ssia n reali sts becau se of th eir edu ca tional effect in a backwa rd society. 11 Criti cs agree th a t Kuku cfn delibera tely wrote about the Slovak v ill a ge for the Slovak vill age r in the speech o f the Slovak vill a ge r. 11 H e wrote for the purpose of raising the consciousness of the d owntrodden Slovak p easant , as he him self later explained in rejecting th e hope of El ena Mar6thy- Soltesova ( expressed in her novel Prati pnidu ) th a t the Slovak gentry wo uld fin ally resist Magyarization and begin to w a ke the Slovak comm o ne rs from '' their dream of self-forge tfuln ess.'' T o accomplish thi s awakenin g, the writer should combat the p assivity a nd d espair th a t ch aracte ri zed mu ch o f Slovak public life at thi s tim e - just afte r the M a ti ca slovenska and the three Slovak high school s were closed . 13 Th e re we re even fa mines in Orava at this time , whi ch Kuku cfn d escribed in Czech a rticles whose fund a ppeals w ere d esign ed to stin g the M agyar a uth orities into a id fo r the a rea . 14 C ertainly these we re compelling rea son s fo r Kuku cfn 's quiet but d efinite didacti c purpose eve n in his early hum o rou s ta les . In summary , then , I believe there were probably three forces pushin g Kukucfn to m a ke a ha ppy endin g for his sto ri es wh ere o ne mi ght expect a sadder outcome: 1) The living tradition o f the fair ytal e in the Slovak vill age of hi s tim e; 2) Kukucfn's own Christia n optimism and hi s "smile ove r hi s tears ' ' ; 3) His d ete rmination to chee r a nd en courage the d ow n trodden villager for whom h e wrote . P erh aps Kukucfn hon estl y could n ot bear to show sadn ess, fa ilure , a nd inju stice in hi s fi ction when these ev il s we re so comm on in the Slovak life of thi s tim e. N ow I should like to support these ideas with several example stories about Slovak village life, all of th em a mong Kuku cfn 's m os t celebra ted a nd ce rtainl y amon g his fin est stories. 15 First R ysava jalovica (The M o ttled H eife r , V ol. II ) is a n out- a nd out com ed y, a nd ver y su ccessful - no one would ask fo r a sad e ndin g to it! H ere the happy outcome is compl etely in keepin g w ith th e comi c plot a nd style; th e goodna tured drunk a rd Ada m Krt is a ch a rmin g caricature a nd th e pl o t is a n all ego ry so th a t K rt 's sudden reform a nd �SLOVAKIA 105 co nsequent wealth are e mine ntl y suitable to the sto ry. Krt is a classic und erdog hero - sm all , ridiculed , but cl ever in hi s ow n way; his trips to th e fair a nd then to find the lost heifer are a qu est from which h e re turn s victorious to everyone's a m azem ent. The subsidiary anecdotes , a bout the m ayo r 's troubles with the broken ha nd on the town cl ock , the feud betwee n Krt a nd hi s neighbor Trnka over a n a nn y goat a nd a rooster, a nd the d og with its head cau ght in a churn , are pure farce a nd their tone su pports the comic victory of Krt. No wonde r it was Kukucfn 's most popular story, a nd people asked for " m ore about Krt. " 16 The second exampl e, Neprebuden y (Vol. II ) is equally su ccessful , but in the oppos ite way . The titl e Neprebuden y m eans "The Unawakened" in th e m ascu lin e sin gul a r , a nd by writing of a youn g m a n who is m entall y retarded Kuku cfn in vokes the tradition of the " h oly idiot." Thi s sto ry is unique amo n g his work in b ein g trul y tragic , a nd each of th e characte rs is scarred by th e goose herd 's di scove ry of th e dece ption pract iced upon him b y the vill age bell e and h er fami ly, the n hi s subseque n t d eath in the fire that end s the wedd in g feast. Th e re is forebodin g irony throughout the story in the pun on the words husar as "gooseherd " a nd husar as "cavalryman," and this foreshadowin g is fulfill ed when the hu sar is killed tryin g to save a me re goose a nd her goslin gs in a burnin g barn. The story is really an anti-fairytale in which Kukucfn explicitly rejec ts the co nve ntion al roman ce. The gooseherd dream s of a princess in a cas tl e , the n awake ns to the teas ing of th e vill age b elle who am uses he rself by lettin g him think she will marry him . Thi s contrast between fa iryla nd a nd real life is d eveloped throu ghout the story . Neprebudeny is the closest of Kuku cfn 's stori es to th e French naturali sm of, fo r ex a mpl e , Em il e Zola , a nd it may have been a n ex perime nt on Kuku cfn 's pa rt , to imi tate Zola . If it was a n ex pe rim ent , it was on e Kuku cfn did not care to repeat , a nd late r (in 1925) he wrote to a fri end th a t he saw " no thin g spec ial" in Nepreb udeny. 17 An othe r trul y tragic story is Drotarove Vian oce (The Tinker ' s C hri st m as, Vol. III) , whi ch dramatizes a n incid e nt in the M agyar government 's actual campaign to assign Slovak children to M agyar far m fam ili es in southern Hun gary, chan gin g their names a nd preventin g their , return to Slovak a reas. T heo re ti call y all we re orph a ns, but not in realit y, a nd thi s story shows a fami ly 's failure to find their so n . H oweve r , Kuku cfn published this sto ry onl y in C zech in Bohemi a; thu s it was n ot one of hi s stories fo r th e ge neral Slovak read e r , in pa rt because it wou ld �106 SLOVAKIA have been dangerou s to print it in Hungary . Also, it was not included in his collected works published in the new Czechoslovakia. Several important stories have ironic, even ambivalent endings , such as K ed' bacik z Chochol'ova umrie (When M y Uncle from Chocholov Passes Away , Vol. IV) , which shows the co rruptive influence of an impoverished gentleman's great expectations of inheritance . Also , some stories have well-worked out happy endings to a spiritual conflict, such as an old woman's effort to understand and accept the fact that her neighbor ' s only son reached manhood and a happy wedding while her own only son had died as a young man , in D ve cesty (Two paths, Vol. V) . Another example is seen in the attempt of a young school-teacher to comprehend his vocation as willing servant to the com munity but not subservient to any individual , when he was expected to bake the traditional wafers for the whole village, in Vianocn e oblatky (Christmas Wafers, Vol. IV) . The story Zo stupna n a stupen (Going Down Step by Step, Vol. V) also shows a spiritual victory but it is only briefl y narrated , not dramatized , and the man 's happiness in poverty is only asserted, not presented . These effective happy endings , howeve r , are uncommon . The story that best illustrates my point that Kukucfn chose to force a happy ending where he could more naturally have had a sadder end, is Dies irae ... (The Day of Wrath , Vol. V) . It is a very successful story , which Bratislava critic Julius N oge calls one of the fin est in Slovak literature . 18 Dies irae is the account of a cholera epidemic, yet not one of the main characters dies. It is also the account of a spendthrift mayor who has abandoned his first love when she was expecti n g hi s child in order to marry someone else for m oney, yet he is punished only in his own view of himself. It is also the account of a miserly father whose selfishness drives out both his sons before he loses his fortune to thieves and cheating partners, yet he is able to win back one and perhaps both of his sons . The two characters, the mayor and the miser , reverberate with irony, and Kukuci'.n makes clear their moral imperfections , yet at the end he allows them all to live happily ever after. The abandoned woman loses her bitterness and her desire for revenge when she sees the mayor 's chagrin (it is not true humility), and the youn g lovers are not separated by cholera, nor by the miserly father . The last se ntence is " Now finally at the richtar's house there was peace, both the external kind and , above all, the peace that no one can take away" (p. 37 1). �SLOVAK IA 107 The story su cceed s, but I think it would have been even more moving if it h ad not end ed so well. A clear contrast to Kukucfn 's optimism is seen in the work ofBozena Slancfkova, p seudony m Timrava (1867-1951), whose long story T apa.kovci (The Tapak C la n , 1914) shows a family ' s stubborn, unimaginative adh eren ce to repressive old customs and its ill-tempered resista nce to the effort of a young bride to revamp the household. There is very little liberating humor a nd there is a much grimmer irony than Kukucfn 's iro n y would have been in the " h appy " ending whereby the bride gets a new house and the rest of the Tapak clan can stay contentedly crowded together in the old hom estead . 19 Several factors must have caused this difference between Kukucfn and Timrava . One would be the development o f their personalities, of course, but also there ar e philosophic contrasts. For example, the so-called " Tolstoyan " emphasis in Kukucfn' s Christianity is not present in Timrava ; in fact, Christian themes are less noticeable in Tim rava's work, and incipient fem inist themes are prese nt. But the sh ift in satiric to n e also com es from the historical development of' 'critical' ' realism out of classical realism , and, I believe , from the d ecreased popularity of fairytal es and other folk literary forms as the Slovak edu cat ional level rose and industrialization spread during the 20th ce ntury. Kukucfn was o b v iously aware of hi s tenden cy to gloss over some of the problems of real life becau se he wrote of it in a story published the year before Dies irae. In Po d eviatich rokoch (Afte r Nine Years, Vol. V), he has o ne of his roman ti c h ero ines return a nd accuse him ( as the a uthor) of a bandoning h er after the wedding b y n ot writing a nother story about the con fli cts that occu r within marriage. But Kukucfn allows himself to a n swer his heroin e with the easy excu se that read ers like romantic plots a bout young love, n ot domestic conflicts; thus, h e does not actuall y face the problem . H owever, later ( 1903) h e may have tried to work ou t this proble m in his novel D om v strani ( House on the Hillside) , which is about exactl y that same subj ect : the conflicts that would come if the wealthy landow ner 's so n Niko were to marry the simple peasant 's daughte r K at ica, since they are un suited b y their diffe rent upbringing and edu cation as well as by their different dispositions. 10 The novel is not a C inderella story, because Kukucfn is clearly on the n on-romantic side of class distin ctions and g ives no fairytal e endin g to this novel. It is worth noting , h owever, that even in this novel Kuku cfn does not ac- �SLOVAKIA tually show domestic conflicts resulting from an unsuita ble m arriage, because he prevents the marriage from occurring. With Dom v strani, howeve r , I am out of stories into novels, and Kukucfn was no longer writing in the fairytale tradition . Kukucfn wrote little of the origins of his work , saying only that he had learned to write from hearing and admiring the speech of the Slovak villagers in J asenova. 21 As he nowhere gave his theory of lite rature, it is only psychological speculation that his interior motiva tion was similar to Tolkien 's. Also, there can be no question of influence between Kukucfn and Tolkien, because of diffe rences in time and in language . Nor was Tolkien's specifically Christian theory offairytales anticipated in Slovak discussions of "fantasticke rozpravky," to my knowl edge. Y et the similarity is not really surprising with two writers whose Christian world view is impressed throughout their work. Tolkien's conce ption offairytales is a variation of the classic aesthetic theory that literature represents the underlying reality of huma n life, with or without the "realistic" detail of the surface phenom en a . Unfortunately, this same theory also covers the desire of many third-rate writers, including both the melodramatist and the socialist realist, to directly illustrate a clear moral ideal by rewarding goodness and punishing evil ; so whenever the didactic desire to teach and to reform becomes stronger than the artistic d esire to reveal and to express, a weakened literary effect b ecom es apparent. In some of Kukucfn 's stories, the result (as already stated), is a more or less sudden wrenching of a potential " dyscatastrophe " into a ''eucatastrophe.'' The ultimate cause of this wrench , b es ides whatever internal motivat ion lay in Kukucfn ' s creative personality, probably has to b e seen in the very h a rsh social and political structures of late 19th century Hungary. These unju st conditions stimulated a nd even forced Kukucfn to picture realistically (for the first tim e in Slovak prose) the life of the common villager, but they also stimulated a nd forced him to soften his realism with a hap p y e nding. In this way , he would not overwhelm the downtrodde n villagers ( or the dishearten ed Slovak intellectuals) with a full picture of the ir truly discouragin g lot but would instead encourage them and awaken them from their "drama of self-forge tfulness." Thus , we see 1) another illustration of the ge neral truth that literature results from the conjuncture of a particular writer with the intell ectual co nditions and the social audience of his time, a nd 2) a nothe r example of the fact that earlier Slovak culture mu st be a n a - �SLOVAKIA 109 lyzed a nd evaluated in relation to the severe limitation s impressed upo n it b y the hi sto rical conditions of Hungary . D espite the weak e ndings o f many of Kuku cfn 's stories, h e achieved a striking synthesis of both "seeing the evil " and expressin g his d eliberate Christian optimism; hi s synthesis remains as witness to a very difficult ye t promising p e riod in Slovak literar y history. It should also serve as a re minder that wherever fairytales a re a serious part o f a culture, they must also be take n seriou sly b y literary crit ics . In fac t , fairytales may h ave played a hidde n a nd unu su al role in Slovak lite r a ture simply b ecau se of the historical conditions r eferred to already. For example, Alexander M atuska su ggests that the m odern noveli st J ozef Ciger H ronsky was influ enced b y fairytales with " their natural and also unn atural a tmosph e re, their shifting border between the real a nd th e the unreal. " 11 Under this influence, Hronsky d evelop ed his unique blend of observation and realism with poe try and lyricism - a realism which stops beside d e tail but d oes n ot stop at detail, a realism to which n eithe r the miraculous nor the grotesque is foreign; and a poetry which magically fascinates u s b y its everyday subj ect and pull s u s toward deeper ideas, to the meaning of ex isten ce. 13 Probably the greatest noveli st in Slovak , Hron sk y is at o n ce one o f the most Slovak of writers and one of the m ost worldly and cosmopolitan in technique a nd style. It is ironic a nd revealing of the histo rical sp ecifics of Slovak literature that fairytales were apparently a mong the forces that led Hronsky to th e techniques that relate his work to European n atu ralism, expressio nism , a nd surrealism , to P rou st, J oyce, K a fka, and M usi l. 14 Su ch a force cannot be neglected in any p eriod. NOTES For exam ple. V iera Gasparfkova , "Prvky l'udovej kultury V Kuku cfnovej drobnej pr6ze , '' in Martin Kukucfn v kritike a spomien k ach: Sbornfk (Bratislava: Slovenske Vydavatel's tvo Kras nej Li teratury , 1957) , pp. 360-404. This book reprints a t least major parts of most known criti cism a nd recollections of Kuku cfn up to the time of its printing; hereafter Sbornfk. ' Alex ander M a tuska, " Doslov," in Sbornfk, p. 921. All translation s from Slovak are min e. ' O skar C epan, Kuku cfnove epick e istoty (Brati slava: Tatran , 1972), pp. 267 -68. I �110 SLOVAKIA • Stanislav Meciar, Kuku cfn i ivy, 2 vols. (B uenos Aires, 1958 and 1960); Cy ril J. Potocek, M artin Kuku cfn: A Link between Two Worlds (Passaic, N .J .: Slovak Catholic Sokol, 1943). William E. Harkins has perceptively summ ari zed Kuku cin's "expressive symbol of the truth tha t m an li ves under G od's judgment, and that he would d o well therefore to li ve justly," "Foreword," Seven Slovak Stories by Martin Kuku cfn , trans . and edited by Norma Leigh Rudi nsky (R ome: Slovak Institute, 1980) , p . ix . For a full a nd rich treatment of this idea, see G. J. Sabo, " Kuku cfn 's Village Stories and Shuksin 's 'Snowball Berry-R ed,' "Slovakia, XXX (1982-83), this issue. 5 J .R .R . T olkien , " On Fairy-stories," in T he Tolkien R eader (New York : Ballantine Books, 1966), p . 79. Further references a re give n in the tex t . • Humph rey Carpenter,J.R .R . Tolkien (London : George Allen & Unwin Ltd ., 1977), p. 3 1. 7 Carpen ter, p. 129 . ' Stefan Krcmery, Stopiit'desiat rokov slovenskej literatury (M artin 1943), II , 50, quoted here from Cepan , Epick e istoty, p. 24 and 253-54. ' Cepan, Epick e istoty, p . 19 . 0 ' Dmitrij Cizevskij , Comparative History of Slavic Literatures, trans. Richa rd Noel P orter and M artin P . Rice, ed. Serge A . Zenkovsky (Baltimore: Vanderbilt U ni versity Press, 197 1), pp. 164-75. " Milos Tomcik, " Z problem a tiky Kukucin ovej tvorby v Prazskom obdobi ," in S bornfk , pp . 167 -68; see also selections from the " D etva n " minutes in M a rtin Kuku cin , Dielo: Z avaine skusen osti (Bratislava: Tatran , 1971), XX , 512-14, 525-26, and 54 1-42. " C epa n , Epicke istoty, pp . 24-26 , and Cepan , " Literarno-hi storicke poznamky, " in Martin Kukucin, Dielo: R ozpravky (Bratislava: Slovenske Vydavatel'stvo Krasnej Literatury , 1957) , I , 326. " Kukucin , " Niekol'ko myslienok o romane Eleny M ar6th y-Soltesovej: Prati prudu ," in Dielo: Zavaine skusenosti, p . 400 . Further evidence of Kuku cfn 's belief in the village as the carrier of the na ti onal tradition is in my a rticl e " Preliminary Notes on Martin Kuku cin 's Criticism of Americanized Slovaks and His Opposition to the Slovak Gentry ," Slovak Studies, XVIII ( I 978), 153-67. 14 M a rtin Kuku cin , " O hladu v oravskej stolici," " Bra ti'im pod T a trami ," and " Hlad na Orave," in Dielo: Zavain e skusenosti , pp . 379-89. 15 The stori es a re in Volumes I-V of Dielo and are cited furth er in the tex t. Onl y eight of Kuku cin 's stories have been transla ted into Engl ish: R egruti by P aul Seiver in An Anthology of Czechoslovak Literature (London, 1929) and Obecne trampoty, Dedin sk y j armok, Z tepleho hniezda , R ysavajalovica, Neprebudeny, Na obecnom salasi, and Dies irae by Norma L. Rudin sky in Seven Slovak Stories of M artin Kuku cfn , op . cit . 16 Jozef Skultety , " M a rtin Kuku cin ( 17 /V .1860 - 17/V . 1920) ," in Sbornfk , p . 623 . 17 Letter to J an Cadra, in Dielo: Listy priatel'om a znam ym (Bratislava: Tatran , 1974), XXI , 202) . 18 Julius Noge, Martin Kuku cfn: Tradicionalista a novator , V ol. I (Bra tislava: V yd avatel'stvo Slovenskej Akadem ie Vied, 1962), p . 1982. �SLOVAKIA 111 " Bozena Slancikova , "Tapakovci , " Timrava, 2 vols. (Martin: Tatran, 1975), II, 413-50. 0 ' Dielo: Dom v strani (Bratislava: Slovenske Vydavatel'stvo Krasnej Literatury, 1961 ), Vol. IX. " "Odpoved' na anketu casopisu Stfedni skola," in Dielo: Zavazne skusenosti, pp. 457-58; see also his remarks on learning the best and richest Slovak from the dialects: "najkrajsou cestou k studiumu gramatikovi je studovat' dialekty, " in the minutes of the "Detvan" meetings, ibid., p. 548 . " Alexander Matuska,J.C. Hronsky (Bratislava, 1970) rpt. in Osobnosti (Slovensky Spisovatel', 1973), p. 458. " Matuska, p . 459. " Matuska, p. 458. Presented in Panel 128, "Slovak Literature as a Mirror of the National Awakening ," at the AAASS convention in Philadelphia on 8 November 1980. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1982-83, Vol. 30 Description An account of the resource Vol. 30 (No. 55-56), 1982-83. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982-83 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 100 SLOVAKIA The Slovak Fairytale Tradition and J.R.R. Tolkien's ''Eucatastrophe'' in the Realistic Stories of Martin Kukucfn Norm a L. Rudinsky Although Martin Kukucfn is primarily and consciously a realistic author, there are noticeable remnants of the fairytale tradition in hi s short stories about Slovak village life. This is not surprising as fairytales were still very popular amon g the Slovak public that Kuku cfn wanted to reach in 1880-1900 ; Slovak folk literature in general and fairytales in particular remained an active part of Slovak cultural life and were universally very popular mu ch later than in most other European countries. The unu su ally long-lastin g oral tradition and the scarcity of written literature in Slovak until the 18th century made the Slovaks cling to their fairytales as vital evidence of their ancient n ational existence, since this folk literature had not been a ppropriated by the ruling M agyar or G erm an cultures, nor eve n by the Czech culture of Bohem ia and M oravia . This is the atmosphere in which Slovak literary realism began , and, of course, prose village realism essentially began with Kuku cfn. It a ppears that , co nsciously a nd probably unco nsciously, Kuku cfn kept some of the fairytale elements that were famili ar and "natural" to the co mmon readers he wanted to reach, even though he did not picture the knights , princesses, and witches of traditional tales, but instead the farme r , the hired hand , and the mayor of the real Slovak vi ll age in 1880-1894 . Num erous elem ents of folklore, superstition, and tradition al folk cu stoms have been cited in Kuku cfn's early stories.' Besides these in cidental similarities to folk literature, many of Kukucfn's central plots suggest the fairytale in one critical respect : they usually have a happy ending. This similarity is Kuku cfn 's m ost important rela tion to the fairytale tradition of hi s tim e, and the only relation that I shall SLOVAKIA 101 take up here . Kuku cfn 's usu al happy ending may come suddenly and without mu ch prepa rat ion , a nd ce rtainl y it is not typical for a realist a uthor. In fact, his forced ha ppy endings are a puzzle in Kukucfn ' s work and co nstitute a problem for the criti c to expl ain. I rej ec t the idea that he was too ca reless or un skillful to write otherwise, or that he was simply following the tradition of his time, as he was too innovative for that. I think Kukucfn chose to e nd his stories this way , so the question is why did he force a happy e nding from materi al tha t could more naturall y be sad ? Th e result so m e times see ms sentimental, but it is not the sentim e ntalism of Thom as Hardy or Charles Dicke ns, who "milk" a sad sce ne . Kuku cfn neve r milks a sad scene. In fact, he has few such scenes, or he ends them hap pily after all. M a ny critics have commented upon this fact: Kuku cfn seldom shows a characte r suffering very long; he kills off ve ry few characters; he never shows evil triumphing; he seldom shows a merely moral victory in an o therw ise defeated characte r. Although there are a few except ions and some of hi s most ironic stories are ambivalent, Kukucfn , as Alexander Matuska has said, "sees evil but doesn't point a finge r at it. " 1 For this reaso n , I think, Kukucfn was for a long tim e regarded as o nl y a comi c writer, despite the fact tha t his themes a re often ve ry serious. The hap py e ndin g in Kuku cfn's work has b een analyzed by the pe rceptive Bra tislava critic O skar Cepan partly in Freudian terms of in fa ntil e repression of co nflict ing motives: " Kukucfn 'represses' confli ct ing motives a nd 'transfers' them to the infantile-archaic environment of the 'famil y nest.' " 3 Not being a Freudian I think Cepan's expl a na tion cove rs onl y part of the ground , a nd I am instead inclin ed to ex plain Kuku cfn ' s h appy endin gs in te rm s of his conscious beliefs as well as the unconscious desire for ha rmony and peace which Cepan writes of. The cleares t and most obvious belief of Kuku cfn , of cou rse, was his C hri stian faith . Particularly the critics Stanislav M eciar and Cyril Potocek have em phasized the C hri stia n them es of Kukucfn 's work , ranging from early sto ri es su ch as Dve cesty, Vianocne oblatky, a nd Zo stupna na stupen to th e last no vels, es pecially Mat' vola. 4 So, the seco nd part of my thesis here is that Kukucfn's fairytale-like happy ending , besides reflecting the then-curre nt Slovak interest in fairytales, also refl ects Kuku cfn 's ow n Christian optimism. To expla in a nd su pport this thesis , I should like to use the co n cept 102 SLOVAKIA of "eucatastrophe " that was developed by the English author J .R.R . Tolkien, the leading 20th-century creator of medieval fairytales , in his Andrew Lang lecture and essay '' On Fairy-stories .' ' For T olkien , much of the appeal of fairytal es lies in the Escape they provide, and he defends such escapism not as the "Flight of the D eserter " but as the "Escape of the Prisoner ,'' or the consolation of escaping imaginatively from the inev itable pains and evils of life. 5 The greatest consolation in fairytales is that of the Happy Ending, for which Tolkien made up the word "eucatastrophe": "the good catastrophe , the sudden joyous 'turn' " of the plot in contrast to the " dyscatastroph e of sorrow and failure." The eucatastrophe, Tolkien says, "denies universal final defeat " and is the "evangelium" (pp. 85-86). The religiou s suggestion of this word "evangelium" is made explicit when Tolkien says the joy of the happy ending can " be explained as a sudden glimpse of the underlying reality or truth '' of human life; the Eucatastrophe of a story is like the R esurrection in Christian history, and the R esurrection of Christ is the eucatastrophe of real life (p. 88). This is , very briefly, the theory of fairytales that governed Tolkien 's creation of his famous books Th e Hobbit and The Lord of th e Rings . The ''Consolation '' of a happy ending was apparently needed personally by Tolkien , whose fervent Catholicism was strongly tinged by Jansenism with its scrupulosity and depression. His biographer Humphrey Carpenter cites Tolkien's unpublished diary as evidence that he " was capable of bouts of profound despair , " 6 and says he " took an almost tragic view of himself as a weak man - which was another cause of his deep troughs of pessimism . '' 7 There is no indication of J ansenism in Kukucfn 's Christianity , during either his Lu theran or his R om an Catholic period ; in fact, the Jansenist heresy seems to have been more of a French, Irish, and English phenomenon than a Slavic one. But there is ample evidence that Kuku cfn too suffered a t times from severe depression. A s Stefan Krcmery wrote of him , The objectivity of Kuku cfn ' s art is deliberate . H e penetrated with th at sight of his into things and people so that he would not fall into th at internal sadness of his. H e lau ghed so that he would not weep .. . . There are things in life that just cannot be explained . Such are the roots of Kuku cfn ' s pessim ism . Did it com e from his feeling of sadness as a transplanted plant? Did it com e intellectually from hi s study? Philosophically , SLOVAKIA 103 Dostoevsky and T olstoy reached most deeply into his soul. But his pessimism , even in its origins, has the stamp of the pessimism of great souls. It colors them as the dark side of their heroism . 8 Scarcely recognized by the reading public of Kukucfn 's time , this underlying pessimism and almost inadvertent sadness are more easily recognizable today . As Oskar Cepan says, Kukucfn 's ' realism ' today shows itself from a different side, and appears in a different light. It has unexpected lines . . . . More and more, we are today intrigued by his ' hidden planes,' his difficult-to-understand subtext, especially his risky balance on the ceaselessly vibrating metonymic border between epic assurance and dramatic doubt. Kukucfn's objectivity and mild humor conceal within themselves also the tinge of an indefinable and fleeting nostalgia, which is close to the most tragic chord known then to Slovak literature. 9 Thus, Kukucfn too , like Tolkien , may have personally needed the solace and consolation of the happy ending in his own creative life . '' Eu catastrophe,'' however, is not just a matter of personal need and satisfaction . Tolkien refers also to the social value of su ch consolation in the modern world of pollution , alienation , wars, depressions, and totalitarian power , in addition to the eternal evils : But there are also other and more profound "escapisms" that have always appeared in fairy-tale and legend . There are other things more grim and terrible to fly from than the noise, stench, ruthlessness, and extravagance of the internal-combustion machine . There are hunger, thirst, poverty, pain, sorrow , injustice , death . And even when men are not facing hard things such as these, there are ancient limitations from which fairy-stories offer a sort of escape. (p. 83) For Kukucfn, this social benefit in the fictional representation of ultim ate divine justice was probably even more important than it was for Tolkien , because Kukucfn ' s fiction was consciously didactic , as Tolkien's was not. In fact, almos t all of Slavic literary realism was didactic and se rved extra-literary functions not found in other literatu re because of the historical conditions of its origin . 10 In the Slovak students' club in Prague , called " D etvan," there were several arguments about the mean- 104 SLOVAKI A ing of realism and the rela tive valu e o f th e Ru ssia n a nd th e Fren ch schools. Kukucfn preferred the Ru ssia n reali sts becau se of th eir edu ca tional effect in a backwa rd society. 11 Criti cs agree th a t Kuku cfn delibera tely wrote about the Slovak v ill a ge for the Slovak vill age r in the speech o f the Slovak vill a ge r. 11 H e wrote for the purpose of raising the consciousness of the d owntrodden Slovak p easant , as he him self later explained in rejecting th e hope of El ena Mar6thy- Soltesova ( expressed in her novel Prati pnidu ) th a t the Slovak gentry wo uld fin ally resist Magyarization and begin to w a ke the Slovak comm o ne rs from '' their dream of self-forge tfuln ess.'' T o accomplish thi s awakenin g, the writer should combat the p assivity a nd d espair th a t ch aracte ri zed mu ch o f Slovak public life at thi s tim e - just afte r the M a ti ca slovenska and the three Slovak high school s were closed . 13 Th e re we re even fa mines in Orava at this time , whi ch Kuku cfn d escribed in Czech a rticles whose fund a ppeals w ere d esign ed to stin g the M agyar a uth orities into a id fo r the a rea . 14 C ertainly these we re compelling rea son s fo r Kuku cfn 's quiet but d efinite didacti c purpose eve n in his early hum o rou s ta les . In summary , then , I believe there were probably three forces pushin g Kukucfn to m a ke a ha ppy endin g for his sto ri es wh ere o ne mi ght expect a sadder outcome: 1) The living tradition o f the fair ytal e in the Slovak vill age of hi s tim e; 2) Kukucfn's own Christia n optimism and hi s "smile ove r hi s tears ' ' ; 3) His d ete rmination to chee r a nd en courage the d ow n trodden villager for whom h e wrote . P erh aps Kukucfn hon estl y could n ot bear to show sadn ess, fa ilure , a nd inju stice in hi s fi ction when these ev il s we re so comm on in the Slovak life of thi s tim e. N ow I should like to support these ideas with several example stories about Slovak village life, all of th em a mong Kuku cfn 's m os t celebra ted a nd ce rtainl y amon g his fin est stories. 15 First R ysava jalovica (The M o ttled H eife r , V ol. II ) is a n out- a nd out com ed y, a nd ver y su ccessful - no one would ask fo r a sad e ndin g to it! H ere the happy outcome is compl etely in keepin g w ith th e comi c plot a nd style; th e goodna tured drunk a rd Ada m Krt is a ch a rmin g caricature a nd th e pl o t is a n all ego ry so th a t K rt 's sudden reform a nd SLOVAKIA 105 co nsequent wealth are e mine ntl y suitable to the sto ry. Krt is a classic und erdog hero - sm all , ridiculed , but cl ever in hi s ow n way; his trips to th e fair a nd then to find the lost heifer are a qu est from which h e re turn s victorious to everyone's a m azem ent. The subsidiary anecdotes , a bout the m ayo r 's troubles with the broken ha nd on the town cl ock , the feud betwee n Krt a nd hi s neighbor Trnka over a n a nn y goat a nd a rooster, a nd the d og with its head cau ght in a churn , are pure farce a nd their tone su pports the comic victory of Krt. No wonde r it was Kukucfn 's most popular story, a nd people asked for " m ore about Krt. " 16 The second exampl e, Neprebuden y (Vol. II ) is equally su ccessful , but in the oppos ite way . The titl e Neprebuden y m eans "The Unawakened" in th e m ascu lin e sin gul a r , a nd by writing of a youn g m a n who is m entall y retarded Kuku cfn in vokes the tradition of the " h oly idiot." Thi s sto ry is unique amo n g his work in b ein g trul y tragic , a nd each of th e characte rs is scarred by th e goose herd 's di scove ry of th e dece ption pract iced upon him b y the vill age bell e and h er fami ly, the n hi s subseque n t d eath in the fire that end s the wedd in g feast. Th e re is forebodin g irony throughout the story in the pun on the words husar as "gooseherd " a nd husar as "cavalryman," and this foreshadowin g is fulfill ed when the hu sar is killed tryin g to save a me re goose a nd her goslin gs in a burnin g barn. The story is really an anti-fairytale in which Kukucfn explicitly rejec ts the co nve ntion al roman ce. The gooseherd dream s of a princess in a cas tl e , the n awake ns to the teas ing of th e vill age b elle who am uses he rself by lettin g him think she will marry him . Thi s contrast between fa iryla nd a nd real life is d eveloped throu ghout the story . Neprebudeny is the closest of Kuku cfn 's stori es to th e French naturali sm of, fo r ex a mpl e , Em il e Zola , a nd it may have been a n ex perime nt on Kuku cfn 's pa rt , to imi tate Zola . If it was a n ex pe rim ent , it was on e Kuku cfn did not care to repeat , a nd late r (in 1925) he wrote to a fri end th a t he saw " no thin g spec ial" in Nepreb udeny. 17 An othe r trul y tragic story is Drotarove Vian oce (The Tinker ' s C hri st m as, Vol. III) , whi ch dramatizes a n incid e nt in the M agyar government 's actual campaign to assign Slovak children to M agyar far m fam ili es in southern Hun gary, chan gin g their names a nd preventin g their , return to Slovak a reas. T heo re ti call y all we re orph a ns, but not in realit y, a nd thi s story shows a fami ly 's failure to find their so n . H oweve r , Kuku cfn published this sto ry onl y in C zech in Bohemi a; thu s it was n ot one of hi s stories fo r th e ge neral Slovak read e r , in pa rt because it wou ld 106 SLOVAKIA have been dangerou s to print it in Hungary . Also, it was not included in his collected works published in the new Czechoslovakia. Several important stories have ironic, even ambivalent endings , such as K ed' bacik z Chochol'ova umrie (When M y Uncle from Chocholov Passes Away , Vol. IV) , which shows the co rruptive influence of an impoverished gentleman's great expectations of inheritance . Also , some stories have well-worked out happy endings to a spiritual conflict, such as an old woman's effort to understand and accept the fact that her neighbor ' s only son reached manhood and a happy wedding while her own only son had died as a young man , in D ve cesty (Two paths, Vol. V) . Another example is seen in the attempt of a young school-teacher to comprehend his vocation as willing servant to the com munity but not subservient to any individual , when he was expected to bake the traditional wafers for the whole village, in Vianocn e oblatky (Christmas Wafers, Vol. IV) . The story Zo stupna n a stupen (Going Down Step by Step, Vol. V) also shows a spiritual victory but it is only briefl y narrated , not dramatized , and the man 's happiness in poverty is only asserted, not presented . These effective happy endings , howeve r , are uncommon . The story that best illustrates my point that Kukucfn chose to force a happy ending where he could more naturally have had a sadder end, is Dies irae ... (The Day of Wrath , Vol. V) . It is a very successful story , which Bratislava critic Julius N oge calls one of the fin est in Slovak literature . 18 Dies irae is the account of a cholera epidemic, yet not one of the main characters dies. It is also the account of a spendthrift mayor who has abandoned his first love when she was expecti n g hi s child in order to marry someone else for m oney, yet he is punished only in his own view of himself. It is also the account of a miserly father whose selfishness drives out both his sons before he loses his fortune to thieves and cheating partners, yet he is able to win back one and perhaps both of his sons . The two characters, the mayor and the miser , reverberate with irony, and Kukuci'.n makes clear their moral imperfections , yet at the end he allows them all to live happily ever after. The abandoned woman loses her bitterness and her desire for revenge when she sees the mayor 's chagrin (it is not true humility), and the youn g lovers are not separated by cholera, nor by the miserly father . The last se ntence is " Now finally at the richtar's house there was peace, both the external kind and , above all, the peace that no one can take away" (p. 37 1). SLOVAK IA 107 The story su cceed s, but I think it would have been even more moving if it h ad not end ed so well. A clear contrast to Kukucfn 's optimism is seen in the work ofBozena Slancfkova, p seudony m Timrava (1867-1951), whose long story T apa.kovci (The Tapak C la n , 1914) shows a family ' s stubborn, unimaginative adh eren ce to repressive old customs and its ill-tempered resista nce to the effort of a young bride to revamp the household. There is very little liberating humor a nd there is a much grimmer irony than Kukucfn 's iro n y would have been in the " h appy " ending whereby the bride gets a new house and the rest of the Tapak clan can stay contentedly crowded together in the old hom estead . 19 Several factors must have caused this difference between Kukucfn and Timrava . One would be the development o f their personalities, of course, but also there ar e philosophic contrasts. For example, the so-called " Tolstoyan " emphasis in Kukucfn' s Christianity is not present in Timrava ; in fact, Christian themes are less noticeable in Tim rava's work, and incipient fem inist themes are prese nt. But the sh ift in satiric to n e also com es from the historical development of' 'critical' ' realism out of classical realism , and, I believe , from the d ecreased popularity of fairytal es and other folk literary forms as the Slovak edu cat ional level rose and industrialization spread during the 20th ce ntury. Kukucfn was o b v iously aware of hi s tenden cy to gloss over some of the problems of real life becau se he wrote of it in a story published the year before Dies irae. In Po d eviatich rokoch (Afte r Nine Years, Vol. V), he has o ne of his roman ti c h ero ines return a nd accuse him ( as the a uthor) of a bandoning h er after the wedding b y n ot writing a nother story about the con fli cts that occu r within marriage. But Kukucfn allows himself to a n swer his heroin e with the easy excu se that read ers like romantic plots a bout young love, n ot domestic conflicts; thus, h e does not actuall y face the problem . H owever, later ( 1903) h e may have tried to work ou t this proble m in his novel D om v strani ( House on the Hillside) , which is about exactl y that same subj ect : the conflicts that would come if the wealthy landow ner 's so n Niko were to marry the simple peasant 's daughte r K at ica, since they are un suited b y their diffe rent upbringing and edu cation as well as by their different dispositions. 10 The novel is not a C inderella story, because Kukucfn is clearly on the n on-romantic side of class distin ctions and g ives no fairytal e endin g to this novel. It is worth noting , h owever, that even in this novel Kuku cfn does not ac- SLOVAKIA tually show domestic conflicts resulting from an unsuita ble m arriage, because he prevents the marriage from occurring. With Dom v strani, howeve r , I am out of stories into novels, and Kukucfn was no longer writing in the fairytale tradition . Kukucfn wrote little of the origins of his work , saying only that he had learned to write from hearing and admiring the speech of the Slovak villagers in J asenova. 21 As he nowhere gave his theory of lite rature, it is only psychological speculation that his interior motiva tion was similar to Tolkien 's. Also, there can be no question of influence between Kukucfn and Tolkien, because of diffe rences in time and in language . Nor was Tolkien's specifically Christian theory offairytales anticipated in Slovak discussions of "fantasticke rozpravky," to my knowl edge. Y et the similarity is not really surprising with two writers whose Christian world view is impressed throughout their work. Tolkien's conce ption offairytales is a variation of the classic aesthetic theory that literature represents the underlying reality of huma n life, with or without the "realistic" detail of the surface phenom en a . Unfortunately, this same theory also covers the desire of many third-rate writers, including both the melodramatist and the socialist realist, to directly illustrate a clear moral ideal by rewarding goodness and punishing evil ; so whenever the didactic desire to teach and to reform becomes stronger than the artistic d esire to reveal and to express, a weakened literary effect b ecom es apparent. In some of Kukucfn 's stories, the result (as already stated), is a more or less sudden wrenching of a potential " dyscatastrophe " into a ''eucatastrophe.'' The ultimate cause of this wrench , b es ides whatever internal motivat ion lay in Kukucfn ' s creative personality, probably has to b e seen in the very h a rsh social and political structures of late 19th century Hungary. These unju st conditions stimulated a nd even forced Kukucfn to picture realistically (for the first tim e in Slovak prose) the life of the common villager, but they also stimulated a nd forced him to soften his realism with a hap p y e nding. In this way , he would not overwhelm the downtrodde n villagers ( or the dishearten ed Slovak intellectuals) with a full picture of the ir truly discouragin g lot but would instead encourage them and awaken them from their "drama of self-forge tfulness." Thus , we see 1) another illustration of the ge neral truth that literature results from the conjuncture of a particular writer with the intell ectual co nditions and the social audience of his time, a nd 2) a nothe r example of the fact that earlier Slovak culture mu st be a n a - SLOVAKIA 109 lyzed a nd evaluated in relation to the severe limitation s impressed upo n it b y the hi sto rical conditions of Hungary . D espite the weak e ndings o f many of Kuku cfn 's stories, h e achieved a striking synthesis of both "seeing the evil " and expressin g his d eliberate Christian optimism; hi s synthesis remains as witness to a very difficult ye t promising p e riod in Slovak literar y history. It should also serve as a re minder that wherever fairytales a re a serious part o f a culture, they must also be take n seriou sly b y literary crit ics . In fac t , fairytales may h ave played a hidde n a nd unu su al role in Slovak lite r a ture simply b ecau se of the historical conditions r eferred to already. For example, Alexander M atuska su ggests that the m odern noveli st J ozef Ciger H ronsky was influ enced b y fairytales with " their natural and also unn atural a tmosph e re, their shifting border between the real a nd th e the unreal. " 11 Under this influence, Hronsky d evelop ed his unique blend of observation and realism with poe try and lyricism - a realism which stops beside d e tail but d oes n ot stop at detail, a realism to which n eithe r the miraculous nor the grotesque is foreign; and a poetry which magically fascinates u s b y its everyday subj ect and pull s u s toward deeper ideas, to the meaning of ex isten ce. 13 Probably the greatest noveli st in Slovak , Hron sk y is at o n ce one o f the most Slovak of writers and one of the m ost worldly and cosmopolitan in technique a nd style. It is ironic a nd revealing of the histo rical sp ecifics of Slovak literature that fairytales were apparently a mong the forces that led Hronsky to th e techniques that relate his work to European n atu ralism, expressio nism , a nd surrealism , to P rou st, J oyce, K a fka, and M usi l. 14 Su ch a force cannot be neglected in any p eriod. NOTES For exam ple. V iera Gasparfkova , "Prvky l'udovej kultury V Kuku cfnovej drobnej pr6ze , '' in Martin Kukucfn v kritike a spomien k ach: Sbornfk (Bratislava: Slovenske Vydavatel's tvo Kras nej Li teratury , 1957) , pp. 360-404. This book reprints a t least major parts of most known criti cism a nd recollections of Kuku cfn up to the time of its printing; hereafter Sbornfk. ' Alex ander M a tuska, " Doslov," in Sbornfk, p. 921. All translation s from Slovak are min e. ' O skar C epan, Kuku cfnove epick e istoty (Brati slava: Tatran , 1972), pp. 267 -68. I 110 SLOVAKIA • Stanislav Meciar, Kuku cfn i ivy, 2 vols. (B uenos Aires, 1958 and 1960); Cy ril J. Potocek, M artin Kuku cfn: A Link between Two Worlds (Passaic, N .J .: Slovak Catholic Sokol, 1943). William E. Harkins has perceptively summ ari zed Kuku cin's "expressive symbol of the truth tha t m an li ves under G od's judgment, and that he would d o well therefore to li ve justly," "Foreword," Seven Slovak Stories by Martin Kuku cfn , trans . and edited by Norma Leigh Rudi nsky (R ome: Slovak Institute, 1980) , p . ix . For a full a nd rich treatment of this idea, see G. J. Sabo, " Kuku cfn 's Village Stories and Shuksin 's 'Snowball Berry-R ed,' "Slovakia, XXX (1982-83), this issue. 5 J .R .R . T olkien , " On Fairy-stories," in T he Tolkien R eader (New York : Ballantine Books, 1966), p . 79. Further references a re give n in the tex t . • Humph rey Carpenter,J.R .R . Tolkien (London : George Allen & Unwin Ltd ., 1977), p. 3 1. 7 Carpen ter, p. 129 . ' Stefan Krcmery, Stopiit'desiat rokov slovenskej literatury (M artin 1943), II , 50, quoted here from Cepan , Epick e istoty, p. 24 and 253-54. ' Cepan, Epick e istoty, p . 19 . 0 ' Dmitrij Cizevskij , Comparative History of Slavic Literatures, trans. Richa rd Noel P orter and M artin P . Rice, ed. Serge A . Zenkovsky (Baltimore: Vanderbilt U ni versity Press, 197 1), pp. 164-75. " Milos Tomcik, " Z problem a tiky Kukucin ovej tvorby v Prazskom obdobi ," in S bornfk , pp . 167 -68; see also selections from the " D etva n " minutes in M a rtin Kuku cin , Dielo: Z avaine skusen osti (Bratislava: Tatran , 1971), XX , 512-14, 525-26, and 54 1-42. " C epa n , Epicke istoty, pp . 24-26 , and Cepan , " Literarno-hi storicke poznamky, " in Martin Kukucin, Dielo: R ozpravky (Bratislava: Slovenske Vydavatel'stvo Krasnej Literatury , 1957) , I , 326. " Kukucin , " Niekol'ko myslienok o romane Eleny M ar6th y-Soltesovej: Prati prudu ," in Dielo: Zavaine skusenosti, p . 400 . Further evidence of Kuku cfn 's belief in the village as the carrier of the na ti onal tradition is in my a rticl e " Preliminary Notes on Martin Kuku cin 's Criticism of Americanized Slovaks and His Opposition to the Slovak Gentry ," Slovak Studies, XVIII ( I 978), 153-67. 14 M a rtin Kuku cin , " O hladu v oravskej stolici," " Bra ti'im pod T a trami ," and " Hlad na Orave," in Dielo: Zavain e skusenosti , pp . 379-89. 15 The stori es a re in Volumes I-V of Dielo and are cited furth er in the tex t. Onl y eight of Kuku cin 's stories have been transla ted into Engl ish: R egruti by P aul Seiver in An Anthology of Czechoslovak Literature (London, 1929) and Obecne trampoty, Dedin sk y j armok, Z tepleho hniezda , R ysavajalovica, Neprebudeny, Na obecnom salasi, and Dies irae by Norma L. Rudin sky in Seven Slovak Stories of M artin Kuku cfn , op . cit . 16 Jozef Skultety , " M a rtin Kuku cin ( 17 /V .1860 - 17/V . 1920) ," in Sbornfk , p . 623 . 17 Letter to J an Cadra, in Dielo: Listy priatel'om a znam ym (Bratislava: Tatran , 1974), XXI , 202) . 18 Julius Noge, Martin Kuku cfn: Tradicionalista a novator , V ol. I (Bra tislava: V yd avatel'stvo Slovenskej Akadem ie Vied, 1962), p . 1982. SLOVAKIA 111 " Bozena Slancikova , "Tapakovci , " Timrava, 2 vols. (Martin: Tatran, 1975), II, 413-50. 0 ' Dielo: Dom v strani (Bratislava: Slovenske Vydavatel'stvo Krasnej Literatury, 1961 ), Vol. IX. " "Odpoved' na anketu casopisu Stfedni skola," in Dielo: Zavazne skusenosti, pp. 457-58; see also his remarks on learning the best and richest Slovak from the dialects: "najkrajsou cestou k studiumu gramatikovi je studovat' dialekty, " in the minutes of the "Detvan" meetings, ibid., p. 548 . " Alexander Matuska,J.C. Hronsky (Bratislava, 1970) rpt. in Osobnosti (Slovensky Spisovatel', 1973), p. 458. " Matuska, p . 459. " Matuska, p. 458. Presented in Panel 128, "Slovak Literature as a Mirror of the National Awakening ," at the AAASS convention in Philadelphia on 8 November 1980.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovak Fairytale Tradition and J.R.R. Tolkien's "Eucatastrophe" in the Realistic Stories of Martin Kukučín Description An account of the resource Norma L. Rudinsky Slovakia, Vol. 30 (No. 55-56), 1982-83 pp. 100-111 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Rudinsky, Norma Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982-83 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/0e8530e3c6c123e852af74a8134a4771.pdf 4028a1593468c0393b5c9ae34a28d5c0 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 1982-83 Publi shed By THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA ����SLOVAKIA VOLUME XXX NUMBERS 55-56 1982-83 A schola rl y a nnual devoted to the hi story , li terature and culture of Slovaks the world over Guesc Editor NORMAL. R U DINSKY Oregon State U ni ve rsit y Editor M . MARK STOLARIK The Balch Institute for Ethni c Studies Edicorial Boa rd DA YID P DANIEL Concordia Theological Seminary MICHAEL NOVAK American Ent erprise Institute OWEN V . JOHNSON Ind iana University STAN LEY Z . PECH Unive rsity of British Columbia THOMAS D . MARZIK Saint J oseph 's U ni vers ity NORMA L. R U DINSKY Oregon State University Slovak League Advisory Board EDWARDJ. BEHUNC IK DRAGA DIVI NS KA JOHN A . H OLY DANIEL F. TANZONE JOS EPH C . KRAJ SA Publisher The Slovak League of America cl o J ohn A. H oly, Secretary-Treasurer 870 Rifl e Camp Road W est Paterson , NJ. 07424 Inquiries regarding subscriptions shou ld be add ressed to J ohn H oly M a nu sc ri pts for possible publi cati on a nd books for review should be sent to M . M ark Stolarik , Editor , Slovakia, 700 Penfield Ave. , H ave rtow n , Pa . 19083. ��SLOVAKIA 5 Table of Contents Guest Editor 's Note Norma L. Rudinsk y 7 Introduction - Slova k Literature: Wha t , Where from , and Whither? F. W . Galan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Three Kinds of Slovak Folk Literature Eva Susan Ku cekova .... .. ..... ... . . .... ..... .. . .... . . 12 Counter-Reformation and Early Czech Catholic Kan cionaly in the Kin gdom of Bohemia ( 1588-1683) M arie-Elizabeth Ducreux . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 The Influence of Juraj Tra novsky's Cithara San ctorum in Slovakia J aros/av ]. V ajda ..... .... .. .. . . . ..... . . . .... .. ....... 51 Daniel Sinapius-Horc icka 's H ortulus Animae Piae Gerald]. Sabo .............. .... .... . ... . ........ . ... 61 Some Observations o n D evotio nal Literature and Culture : R esponse David P. D aniel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Hu golfn Gavlovic's Valaska Skala a nd Skala Krest'an ska G erald ]. Sabo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 Vaj ans ky a nd Turgenev William E. H arkins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 The Slovak Fairytale Tradition and J .R.R . Tolkien 's " Eucatastrophe" in the Reali st ic Stories of M a rtin Kukucfn Norma L . Rudinsk y ............ ... . . ..... . ..... . ...... 100 Kukucfn's Vill age Stories and Shukshin 's " Snowball Berry-Red" Gerald ]. Sabo ............... . . . . . .. . .. .. . . .... . ..... 112 J ozef Cfge r-Hronsky: C hronology a nd Part ial Bibliograph y Norm a L . Rudinsky .. ..... . ...... .. ................ . .. 128 �6 SLOVAKIA Jozef Cfger-Hronsky: A M aj or Slovak Novelist Peter Petro . .. .. .. . . .... .. . .... ... . . ... . . .. . . .. . ..... 142 Modern Slovak Fiction : The Sixties , a Decade of Experimentation Peter Petro .. . . ... .. .. . .... . . . . ... . .. ... . . . .. . .. .... . 153 The Lyrical Prose of V incent Sikula Peter Petro . ... .. . . ..... . .. ... ... .. . . ... . .. ... . .. .. . . 165 Contributors ... . . . . . .. . .... . .... . . .. . ... . . . ..... . ..... . . . 175 Guidelines for Manuscripts . . . .. .. . .. . .... . . .... .... . .. . . . . . 176 �SLOVAKIA 7 GUEST EDITOR'S NOTE This issue of Slovakia is devoted to English studies of Slovak literature. In all of the Slavic cultures, literature has often played an extraliterary role, frequently with political or even economic force. In Slovak culture, especially, literary creation and criticism have more often been seen as a defensive and partisan political activity than as an esthetic activity. In the present studies, however, we wanted to consider Slovak literature esthetically as literary art. This new approach is now possible because the tendentious political definitions that formerly plagued Slovak studies have been laid to rest with the abandonment of the theory of a single ''Czechoslovak language'' and the concept of Slovak literature as a regional derivative of Czech literature. Therefore, the consequent national defensiveness can also be laid to rest. Slovak culture can now be considered on its own merits. These papers were presented under the sponsorship of the Slovak Studies Association at the four past annual meetings of the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies: on November 5-8, 1980 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; on September 20-23, 1981 in Asilomar, California ; on October 14-17, 1982 in Washington , D. C . ; and on October 22-25, 1983 in Kansas City, Missouri . Given here in the chronological order of their subject matter , not of their presentation, these papers show an elementary outline of much of Slovak literature. In keeping with the current position of Slovak literary historians in Bratislava, we are taking "literature" not only as an ethnic or language category, i .e. literature in the Slovak language , but also as a geographic category, i.e. literature produced within the borders of present-day Slovakia and including works written in Latin, German, Magyar, or Czech by Slovaks or other residents of Slovakia if that literature resulted from and/or influenced literary trends in Slovakia. This is the standard p ractice of literary historians with Latin literature written when Latin was the universal language and the vernacular languages were only beginning, and also with bilingual countries such as Canada or Belgium . There is little difficulty with the German and Magyar languages, but there h as been a major problem with the Czech lan guage for several historical reasons that must be summarized here because they �8 SLOVAKIA directly affect five of our papers on the early written (not folk) literature , and indirectly they have affected all study of Slovak literature. Slovak and Czech developed separately as parallel West Slavic languages, but not on the same schedule: Czech was formed very early as a literary language (because of the political/cultural center of Prague, Holy Roman Emperor Karel IV, a major medieval university , Jan Hus ' s vernacular translations, etc .) , and Slovak was formed as a literary language very late (because of the lack of a political/cultural center , the long adherence to Latin in Hungary , etc.). Furthermore, the Czech language became a substitute for Slovak from the 15th century on, first when clerks of many nationalities educated at Prague University used Czech as an administrative language in Austria and Hungary, then second when many religious and accompanying political controversies were debated in Czech instead of Latin from Hus through much of the Catholic Counter-Reformation . By replacing Latin and constricting the use of German and Magyar , Czech with its similarity and relative comprehensibility for Slovaks fostered the development of Slovak within its disadvantaged position in Hungary. But, on the other hand , it became a crutch that slowed Slovak development because it somewhat filled the need for a vernacular and delayed or obscured the natural stimulus toward codification of spoken Slovak that finally occurred with Bernolak and Stur. Our papers illustrate this situation. Two concern the standard Czech-language Protestant hymnals that became partial sources for the Czech Catholic hymnals in Bohemia and Moravia that Marie-Elizabeth Ducreux writes of and also sources for the Czech-language hymnal written and published in Slovakia thatjaroslav Vajda writes of; the Czech form of the name Tfanovsky, used on his h ym nal and continu ed by historians of his place in Czech literature, was domesticated to the Slovak form Trano vsk y by the Lutheran tradition and is so used by historians of his place in Slovak literature. A century later another Pole (like Tranovsky) , Hugolfn Gavlovic, now wrote not in Czech but in an uncodified Western Slovak with Czech elem ents. Between Tranovsky and Gavlovic, the three m embers of the Sinapius-Horcicka family , all Slovak born , wrote in Latin , German, Slovakized Czech, or Slovak with Czech elements. Thus , the complexity of the language situation in the Slovak R enaissance and Baroque periods has to be understood before taking up the esthet ic value of a work, and in some cases a transitional work must be appreciated without a �SLOVAKIA 9 final decision on whether it is in Czech with Slovak features or Slovak with Czech features. On the later literature, two papers are comparative with Russian and one with English literature, and the two papers on J. C. Hronsky testify to our belief that he was a major European writer who has not yet received the attention due him outside Slovak literary criticism. The final two papers concern contemporary fiction . Not all the papers give purely esthetic studies, as we wished, because many Slovak literary subjects still require basic historical and biographical investigation . We are grateful to the regular editors of Slovakia for this opportunity to make a beginning. Norma L . Rudinsky � SLOVAKIA 1982-83 Publi shed By THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA ����SLOVAKIA VOLUME XXX NUMBERS 55-56 1982-83 A schola rl y a nnual devoted to the hi story , li terature and culture of Slovaks the world over Guesc Editor NORMAL. R U DINSKY Oregon State U ni ve rsit y Editor M . MARK STOLARIK The Balch Institute for Ethni c Studies Edicorial Boa rd DA YID P DANIEL Concordia Theological Seminary MICHAEL NOVAK American Ent erprise Institute OWEN V . JOHNSON Ind iana University STAN LEY Z . PECH Unive rsity of British Columbia THOMAS D . MARZIK Saint J oseph 's U ni vers ity NORMA L. R U DINSKY Oregon State University Slovak League Advisory Board EDWARDJ. BEHUNC IK DRAGA DIVI NS KA JOHN A . H OLY DANIEL F. TANZONE JOS EPH C . KRAJ SA Publisher The Slovak League of America cl o J ohn A. H oly, Secretary-Treasurer 870 Rifl e Camp Road W est Paterson , NJ. 07424 Inquiries regarding subscriptions shou ld be add ressed to J ohn H oly M a nu sc ri pts for possible publi cati on a nd books for review should be sent to M . M ark Stolarik , Editor , Slovakia, 700 Penfield Ave. , H ave rtow n , Pa . 19083. ��SLOVAKIA 5 Table of Contents Guest Editor 's Note Norma L. Rudinsk y 7 Introduction - Slova k Literature: Wha t , Where from , and Whither? F. W . Galan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Three Kinds of Slovak Folk Literature Eva Susan Ku cekova .... .. ..... ... . . .... ..... .. . .... . . 12 Counter-Reformation and Early Czech Catholic Kan cionaly in the Kin gdom of Bohemia ( 1588-1683) M arie-Elizabeth Ducreux . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 The Influence of Juraj Tra novsky's Cithara San ctorum in Slovakia J aros/av ]. V ajda ..... .... .. .. . . . ..... . . . .... .. ....... 51 Daniel Sinapius-Horc icka 's H ortulus Animae Piae Gerald]. Sabo .............. .... .... . ... . ........ . ... 61 Some Observations o n D evotio nal Literature and Culture : R esponse David P. D aniel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Hu golfn Gavlovic's Valaska Skala a nd Skala Krest'an ska G erald ]. Sabo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 Vaj ans ky a nd Turgenev William E. H arkins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 The Slovak Fairytale Tradition and J .R.R . Tolkien 's " Eucatastrophe" in the Reali st ic Stories of M a rtin Kukucfn Norma L . Rudinsk y ............ ... . . ..... . ..... . ...... 100 Kukucfn's Vill age Stories and Shukshin 's " Snowball Berry-Red" Gerald ]. Sabo ............... . . . . . .. . .. .. . . .... . ..... 112 J ozef Cfge r-Hronsky: C hronology a nd Part ial Bibliograph y Norm a L . Rudinsky .. ..... . ...... .. ................ . .. 128 �6 SLOVAKIA Jozef Cfger-Hronsky: A M aj or Slovak Novelist Peter Petro . .. .. .. . . .... .. . .... ... . . ... . . .. . . .. . ..... 142 Modern Slovak Fiction : The Sixties , a Decade of Experimentation Peter Petro .. . . ... .. .. . .... . . . . ... . .. ... . . . .. . .. .... . 153 The Lyrical Prose of V incent Sikula Peter Petro . ... .. . . ..... . .. ... ... .. . . ... . .. ... . .. .. . . 165 Contributors ... . . . . . .. . .... . .... . . .. . ... . . . ..... . ..... . . . 175 Guidelines for Manuscripts . . . .. .. . .. . .... . . .... .... . .. . . . . . 176 �SLOVAKIA 7 GUEST EDITOR'S NOTE This issue of Slovakia is devoted to English studies of Slovak literature. In all of the Slavic cultures, literature has often played an extraliterary role, frequently with political or even economic force. In Slovak culture, especially, literary creation and criticism have more often been seen as a defensive and partisan political activity than as an esthetic activity. In the present studies, however, we wanted to consider Slovak literature esthetically as literary art. This new approach is now possible because the tendentious political definitions that formerly plagued Slovak studies have been laid to rest with the abandonment of the theory of a single ''Czechoslovak language'' and the concept of Slovak literature as a regional derivative of Czech literature. Therefore, the consequent national defensiveness can also be laid to rest. Slovak culture can now be considered on its own merits. These papers were presented under the sponsorship of the Slovak Studies Association at the four past annual meetings of the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies: on November 5-8, 1980 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; on September 20-23, 1981 in Asilomar, California ; on October 14-17, 1982 in Washington , D. C . ; and on October 22-25, 1983 in Kansas City, Missouri . Given here in the chronological order of their subject matter , not of their presentation, these papers show an elementary outline of much of Slovak literature. In keeping with the current position of Slovak literary historians in Bratislava, we are taking "literature" not only as an ethnic or language category, i .e. literature in the Slovak language , but also as a geographic category, i.e. literature produced within the borders of present-day Slovakia and including works written in Latin, German, Magyar, or Czech by Slovaks or other residents of Slovakia if that literature resulted from and/or influenced literary trends in Slovakia. This is the standard p ractice of literary historians with Latin literature written when Latin was the universal language and the vernacular languages were only beginning, and also with bilingual countries such as Canada or Belgium . There is little difficulty with the German and Magyar languages, but there h as been a major problem with the Czech lan guage for several historical reasons that must be summarized here because they �8 SLOVAKIA directly affect five of our papers on the early written (not folk) literature , and indirectly they have affected all study of Slovak literature. Slovak and Czech developed separately as parallel West Slavic languages, but not on the same schedule: Czech was formed very early as a literary language (because of the political/cultural center of Prague, Holy Roman Emperor Karel IV, a major medieval university , Jan Hus ' s vernacular translations, etc .) , and Slovak was formed as a literary language very late (because of the lack of a political/cultural center , the long adherence to Latin in Hungary , etc.). Furthermore, the Czech language became a substitute for Slovak from the 15th century on, first when clerks of many nationalities educated at Prague University used Czech as an administrative language in Austria and Hungary, then second when many religious and accompanying political controversies were debated in Czech instead of Latin from Hus through much of the Catholic Counter-Reformation . By replacing Latin and constricting the use of German and Magyar , Czech with its similarity and relative comprehensibility for Slovaks fostered the development of Slovak within its disadvantaged position in Hungary. But, on the other hand , it became a crutch that slowed Slovak development because it somewhat filled the need for a vernacular and delayed or obscured the natural stimulus toward codification of spoken Slovak that finally occurred with Bernolak and Stur. Our papers illustrate this situation. Two concern the standard Czech-language Protestant hymnals that became partial sources for the Czech Catholic hymnals in Bohemia and Moravia that Marie-Elizabeth Ducreux writes of and also sources for the Czech-language hymnal written and published in Slovakia thatjaroslav Vajda writes of; the Czech form of the name Tfanovsky, used on his h ym nal and continu ed by historians of his place in Czech literature, was domesticated to the Slovak form Trano vsk y by the Lutheran tradition and is so used by historians of his place in Slovak literature. A century later another Pole (like Tranovsky) , Hugolfn Gavlovic, now wrote not in Czech but in an uncodified Western Slovak with Czech elem ents. Between Tranovsky and Gavlovic, the three m embers of the Sinapius-Horcicka family , all Slovak born , wrote in Latin , German, Slovakized Czech, or Slovak with Czech elements. Thus , the complexity of the language situation in the Slovak R enaissance and Baroque periods has to be understood before taking up the esthet ic value of a work, and in some cases a transitional work must be appreciated without a �SLOVAKIA 9 final decision on whether it is in Czech with Slovak features or Slovak with Czech features. On the later literature, two papers are comparative with Russian and one with English literature, and the two papers on J. C. Hronsky testify to our belief that he was a major European writer who has not yet received the attention due him outside Slovak literary criticism. The final two papers concern contemporary fiction . Not all the papers give purely esthetic studies, as we wished, because many Slovak literary subjects still require basic historical and biographical investigation . We are grateful to the regular editors of Slovakia for this opportunity to make a beginning. Norma L . Rudinsky � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1982-83, Vol. 30 Description An account of the resource Vol. 30 (No. 55-56), 1982-83. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982-83 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 1982-83 Publi shed By THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA SLOVAKIA VOLUME XXX NUMBERS 55-56 1982-83 A schola rl y a nnual devoted to the hi story , li terature and culture of Slovaks the world over Guesc Editor NORMAL. R U DINSKY Oregon State U ni ve rsit y Editor M . MARK STOLARIK The Balch Institute for Ethni c Studies Edicorial Boa rd DA YID P DANIEL Concordia Theological Seminary MICHAEL NOVAK American Ent erprise Institute OWEN V . JOHNSON Ind iana University STAN LEY Z . PECH Unive rsity of British Columbia THOMAS D . MARZIK Saint J oseph 's U ni vers ity NORMA L. R U DINSKY Oregon State University Slovak League Advisory Board EDWARDJ. BEHUNC IK DRAGA DIVI NS KA JOHN A . H OLY DANIEL F. TANZONE JOS EPH C . KRAJ SA Publisher The Slovak League of America cl o J ohn A. H oly, Secretary-Treasurer 870 Rifl e Camp Road W est Paterson , NJ. 07424 Inquiries regarding subscriptions shou ld be add ressed to J ohn H oly M a nu sc ri pts for possible publi cati on a nd books for review should be sent to M . M ark Stolarik , Editor , Slovakia, 700 Penfield Ave. , H ave rtow n , Pa . 19083. SLOVAKIA 5 Table of Contents Guest Editor 's Note Norma L. Rudinsk y 7 Introduction - Slova k Literature: Wha t , Where from , and Whither? F. W . Galan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Three Kinds of Slovak Folk Literature Eva Susan Ku cekova .... .. ..... ... . . .... ..... .. . .... . . 12 Counter-Reformation and Early Czech Catholic Kan cionaly in the Kin gdom of Bohemia ( 1588-1683) M arie-Elizabeth Ducreux . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 The Influence of Juraj Tra novsky's Cithara San ctorum in Slovakia J aros/av ]. V ajda ..... .... .. .. . . . ..... . . . .... .. ....... 51 Daniel Sinapius-Horc icka 's H ortulus Animae Piae Gerald]. Sabo .............. .... .... . ... . ........ . ... 61 Some Observations o n D evotio nal Literature and Culture : R esponse David P. D aniel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Hu golfn Gavlovic's Valaska Skala a nd Skala Krest'an ska G erald ]. Sabo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 Vaj ans ky a nd Turgenev William E. H arkins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 The Slovak Fairytale Tradition and J .R.R . Tolkien 's " Eucatastrophe" in the Reali st ic Stories of M a rtin Kukucfn Norma L . Rudinsk y ............ ... . . ..... . ..... . ...... 100 Kukucfn's Vill age Stories and Shukshin 's " Snowball Berry-Red" Gerald ]. Sabo ............... . . . . . .. . .. .. . . .... . ..... 112 J ozef Cfge r-Hronsky: C hronology a nd Part ial Bibliograph y Norm a L . Rudinsky .. ..... . ...... .. ................ . .. 128 6 SLOVAKIA Jozef Cfger-Hronsky: A M aj or Slovak Novelist Peter Petro . .. .. .. . . .... .. . .... ... . . ... . . .. . . .. . ..... 142 Modern Slovak Fiction : The Sixties , a Decade of Experimentation Peter Petro .. . . ... .. .. . .... . . . . ... . .. ... . . . .. . .. .... . 153 The Lyrical Prose of V incent Sikula Peter Petro . ... .. . . ..... . .. ... ... .. . . ... . .. ... . .. .. . . 165 Contributors ... . . . . . .. . .... . .... . . .. . ... . . . ..... . ..... . . . 175 Guidelines for Manuscripts . . . .. .. . .. . .... . . .... .... . .. . . . . . 176 SLOVAKIA 7 GUEST EDITOR'S NOTE This issue of Slovakia is devoted to English studies of Slovak literature. In all of the Slavic cultures, literature has often played an extraliterary role, frequently with political or even economic force. In Slovak culture, especially, literary creation and criticism have more often been seen as a defensive and partisan political activity than as an esthetic activity. In the present studies, however, we wanted to consider Slovak literature esthetically as literary art. This new approach is now possible because the tendentious political definitions that formerly plagued Slovak studies have been laid to rest with the abandonment of the theory of a single ''Czechoslovak language'' and the concept of Slovak literature as a regional derivative of Czech literature. Therefore, the consequent national defensiveness can also be laid to rest. Slovak culture can now be considered on its own merits. These papers were presented under the sponsorship of the Slovak Studies Association at the four past annual meetings of the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies: on November 5-8, 1980 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; on September 20-23, 1981 in Asilomar, California ; on October 14-17, 1982 in Washington , D. C . ; and on October 22-25, 1983 in Kansas City, Missouri . Given here in the chronological order of their subject matter , not of their presentation, these papers show an elementary outline of much of Slovak literature. In keeping with the current position of Slovak literary historians in Bratislava, we are taking "literature" not only as an ethnic or language category, i .e. literature in the Slovak language , but also as a geographic category, i.e. literature produced within the borders of present-day Slovakia and including works written in Latin, German, Magyar, or Czech by Slovaks or other residents of Slovakia if that literature resulted from and/or influenced literary trends in Slovakia. This is the standard p ractice of literary historians with Latin literature written when Latin was the universal language and the vernacular languages were only beginning, and also with bilingual countries such as Canada or Belgium . There is little difficulty with the German and Magyar languages, but there h as been a major problem with the Czech lan guage for several historical reasons that must be summarized here because they 8 SLOVAKIA directly affect five of our papers on the early written (not folk) literature , and indirectly they have affected all study of Slovak literature. Slovak and Czech developed separately as parallel West Slavic languages, but not on the same schedule: Czech was formed very early as a literary language (because of the political/cultural center of Prague, Holy Roman Emperor Karel IV, a major medieval university , Jan Hus ' s vernacular translations, etc .) , and Slovak was formed as a literary language very late (because of the lack of a political/cultural center , the long adherence to Latin in Hungary , etc.). Furthermore, the Czech language became a substitute for Slovak from the 15th century on, first when clerks of many nationalities educated at Prague University used Czech as an administrative language in Austria and Hungary, then second when many religious and accompanying political controversies were debated in Czech instead of Latin from Hus through much of the Catholic Counter-Reformation . By replacing Latin and constricting the use of German and Magyar , Czech with its similarity and relative comprehensibility for Slovaks fostered the development of Slovak within its disadvantaged position in Hungary. But, on the other hand , it became a crutch that slowed Slovak development because it somewhat filled the need for a vernacular and delayed or obscured the natural stimulus toward codification of spoken Slovak that finally occurred with Bernolak and Stur. Our papers illustrate this situation. Two concern the standard Czech-language Protestant hymnals that became partial sources for the Czech Catholic hymnals in Bohemia and Moravia that Marie-Elizabeth Ducreux writes of and also sources for the Czech-language hymnal written and published in Slovakia thatjaroslav Vajda writes of; the Czech form of the name Tfanovsky, used on his h ym nal and continu ed by historians of his place in Czech literature, was domesticated to the Slovak form Trano vsk y by the Lutheran tradition and is so used by historians of his place in Slovak literature. A century later another Pole (like Tranovsky) , Hugolfn Gavlovic, now wrote not in Czech but in an uncodified Western Slovak with Czech elem ents. Between Tranovsky and Gavlovic, the three m embers of the Sinapius-Horcicka family , all Slovak born , wrote in Latin , German, Slovakized Czech, or Slovak with Czech elements. Thus , the complexity of the language situation in the Slovak R enaissance and Baroque periods has to be understood before taking up the esthet ic value of a work, and in some cases a transitional work must be appreciated without a SLOVAKIA 9 final decision on whether it is in Czech with Slovak features or Slovak with Czech features. On the later literature, two papers are comparative with Russian and one with English literature, and the two papers on J. C. Hronsky testify to our belief that he was a major European writer who has not yet received the attention due him outside Slovak literary criticism. The final two papers concern contemporary fiction . Not all the papers give purely esthetic studies, as we wished, because many Slovak literary subjects still require basic historical and biographical investigation . We are grateful to the regular editors of Slovakia for this opportunity to make a beginning. Norma L . Rudinsky  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 30 (No. 55-56) Description An account of the resource includes Guest Editor's Note (Norma L. Rudinsky) Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Rudinsky, Norma Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982-83 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/6a5fe5a9fbf3474e5b7d9452af1925f3.pdf 8e833bf6d7fc053aa8f72888ebbe9c31 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 47 The Matica slovenska and Its Relation to the Development of Slovak Literature* Norma L. Rudin sky The distinctively Slavic institution of th e matica can perhaps b e best described as a national library, publishing house, university , scientific institute, acad emy of scholars, and nationalistic missionary society all in one. The earliest examples - the Matica srbska founded in 1826, Matice ceska in 1831, and Mati ce moravska in 1836 - were like the later Matica slovenska, founded in Turciansky Svaty Martin on August 4 , 1863, in playing an important role in literary development. 1 But the Slovak Matica assumed a special significance because of the much more desolate circumstan ces of the Slovaks in Hungary . This difference makes a particularly interesting study not only of the Slavic matica movement but also of the special place of literature in Slovak intellectual hi sto ry . In speaking of the relation of the Matica slovenska to Slovak literature, one has to distinguish between the effect of the actual institute as it existed (from its founding in 1863 to its closure by Magyar authorities in 1875 and since its reopening in 1919) and the effect of the spiritual/ psychological or symboli c nature of the Matica even when it did not exist , i.e ., 1875-1919 , and in a certain sense when it was "onl y" a national library without a membership base, from 195 1 to 1968 . One also has to consider the symbolic meaning whenever a Matica was established outsid e Slovakia , as ha s happened seve ral times . • Thi s is a rev ised ve rsio n of a pa per prese nt ed at th e panel " The M ati ca slove nsk a: 120 Yea rs of Survi va l" spo nso red by the Slova k Studies Associati on durin g th e Fiftee nth Nati onal C onve nti o n of th e Am eri can Association for th e Advan ce m ent of Slavic Studies held in Kan sas C it y, Mi ssouri in O ctober 1983 . �48 SLOVAKIA It is also necessary to distinguish the direct effects of the Matica from its indirect effects, that is , from all its general educational results, such as greater literacy and a higher cultural level that came from activities like publishing almanacs, setting up amateur theatricals, or dignifying folk literature by collecting and reciting it. By all such results the Matica contributed to the development of a social and intellect ual environment in which Slovak literature could arise. Literary works are always a response of an artist to a particular time and place; the general activities of the Matica provided a stimulus to literary talent and helped to secure an audience for that talent. But having mentioned this indirect effect, I shall confine myself to the direct effects of the Matica on Slovak literature, and first to those that occurred while the Matica actually existed. The special relation of the "t\1atica to both language and literature is indicated in the list of presidents and directors. The office of president (predseda), which until 1945 was an honorary position and could be held by two or three people at a time, has had over thirteen occupants; at least four were major writers Qan Francisci, Pavol OrszaghHviezdoslav, Ladislav Novomesky, and Vladimfr Minac - Novomesky having two terms, before and after his prison sentence), and five were literary historians or at least had strong literary interests (Stefan Moyses, Jozef Koza.eek , F.R. Osvald, Jur Janoska, and Marian Blaha). Of the seven directors (spravca), which is the chief administrative position , one was a major writer O. C. Hronsky) and three were major literary historians Qaroslav Vlcek, Jozef Skultety, and Jan Martak , who had two terms). 2 If the secretaries (tajomnfk) are added as major officers, they were all literary figures except Frantisek Hermansky, a lin gui st, and JozefCincik, an artist and art historian: Stefan Krcmery, RudolfKlacko, Hronsky ' Martak, and Stanislav Meciar. l It is hard to see much real effect upon literature from the first Matica, even though one of its functions was to publish and distribute literary works. The major Slovak writers of that tim e were only beginning to write and publish just before the Matica was closed. For example, Hviezdoslav's first poems were published in 1868 but in Skalica , not in Martin, as was also his journal Napred. Svetozar Hurban -Vajansky's first book, a coll ection of poems, came out in 1871 but again in Skalica, not Martin. Elena Mar6thy -Soltesova's first story was published in 1881, and Martin Kukucfn' s first story appeared in 1882 when th e Mati ca �SLOVAKIA 49 was cl osed . In fact , proba bl y the only reall y signifi cant literary work durin g the tim e of the first Matica was the collectio n a nd preservation of folk litera ture, the two-volume collection Sbornfk sloven sk ych n arod- nych piesnf, povestf, prfslovf, p orek adiel, hadok , hier, obycaj ov a povier in 1870 and 1874, the second volum e of which was edited by P avo) Dobsin sky. This work was, of course, ve ry impo rta n t in th e establishm ent of Slovak fo lk literature as well as ethnography. Otherwi se, however , the twelve issu es of the a nnu al publicatio n L etopis M atice slo vensk ej a nd the 44 books published by the M a tica carried so m e li te ra ry hi stor y but prima ril y in rela tion to la n gu age, no t liter a ture. 4 Afte r the M atica was reopened in 19 19, its fi rst offi cial li te rary divisio n was the Lite rary Hi sto r y D ep a rtment (Litera rn ohi sto ri cky odbor MS ), whi ch was form ed o n M ay 11 , 19 22 b y separat in g the hi sto ry of li te ra tu re secti on (hi sto rickoli terarn a sekcia) from the Hi story D epartm ent (Historicky od bo r M S). T he latter ha d bee n establ ished at the second ge ner al asse mbl y of the M at ica in Au gust, 1920 . T he fi rst offi cers of the Literary Hi story D epartme n t we re J a roslav V lcek as pres ide nt , Albert Prazak as vice- preside nt , a nd Stefan Krcm ery as secreta ry, S and they gave the depa rtment its basic to ne for the next decade. T he D epartm en t was enl a rged in Febru a ry, 1925 by adding to it m an y writers from the literary sectio n of th e Art s D ep a rtm e nt (U m elecky odbo r M S), a nd its na m e was ch a n ged to th e Liter a ry a nd Literar y Hi sto ry D ep a rtm ent (Litera rn y a literarn ohi sto ri cky odbor MS) . But the old n am e was taken again the nex t year , a nd it remain ed the Li te ra rnohi sto ricky odbo r 6 until it was ended in 1953, when its work was taken over by several in stitutes, such as the Li te ra rn y archfv M S a n d the In sti tu te of Slovak Liter ature in the Slovak Academy of Sciences (Ustav sloven skej li teratury SA V) in Brat islava . 7 T h is n a m e, in fac t , in d icated its m a in fu nct io n : it collected manu scrip ts b io-b ibli ograp hi es, m emoris , a nd the li ke. 8 O ne of its first act ivit ies was to coll ect a nd pu bli sh Vl ce k 's hi story of Slovak li te ra tu re in 1923, a nd it co ntribu ted to th e S bornfk Ma tice slovensk ej pre j azykospyt, narodopis, dejepis a literarnu historiu , whi ch , howeve r , eve n th ou gh ed ited fi rs t by V lcek, the n by S kul tety, in its first d ecade co n ta in ed m u ch m o re o n ethn ograp hy a nd la n gu age tha n on li te ratu re . 9 Also, m u ch of the work do ne the n de pended upon Czech scholars who - li ke V lce k hi r.1self, Prazak, a nd Flora Kl einsch nitzova - trea ted Slovak li te rat ure as a b ra n ch of Czech li terat ure, whi ch affected their research goals a nd in te rests . �50 SLOVAKIA It has bee n said b y Lubomfr Durovic that althou gh the first Czechoslovak Republic de jure challenged the existence of the Slovak nation by the official theory of the '' Czechoslovak n a tion ,'' it de facto saved th e n a tion by m eans of the great opportunities it provided compared to the Hunga ri a n period . 10 This can be seen very clearly in the ch a n ges that occurred in th e Matica after 1930 when a n ew generat ion of Slovak scholars h ad been trained whose chief interest was in Slovak, not Czech , cu lture and who wanted to co nsider its specificity and its relation to other Slavic cultures, not to Czech culture alone . In 1935 the Sbornfk was divided into specialized pa rts with individu al editors : Ludovft Nova k edited th e la n gu age secti on a nd Stanislav M eciar the lite rary sect ion . The a rrival of su ch a literary schol a r as Andrej Mraz in 1930 m eant , therefore, a cha n ge in em phasis not only from narodopis or et hn ography to literature, but also from bio-bibliographical works to criti cal a nd evalu ative studies and monographs on individual authors, su ch as j a nko Kral' , J a n K alinciak , Samo Chalupka, a nd Ivan Krasko . 11 In add ition , seve ral foreig n Slavists, such as the Ru ssian Dmitri C izevskij an d the Pole Wl ad yslaw Bobek , contributed to the Sbornfk seve ral co mparative studi es rela tin g Slovak literature to th e ge ne ral stream of Slavic literatures a nd in importa n t respects cha n gin g the inte rpreta tion a nd pe riodi zation of Vlcek , which had been follow ed also by Albert Prazak in th e d oze n or m ore wo rks on Slovak li terature h e publi shed in th e M atica in the 1920s a nd after 1932 in th e U ce na spolocnost' Safarikova. In fact , it is inte resting that the first effort to determine a real pe riodization of Slovak literature in itself, not in terms of the peri odization of Czech lite ra ture as Vlcek a nd Prazak h ad don e, was m ade by the P ole Bobek in 193 7; li ttle work was done again on the p eri odizati on of earl y Slovak lite rature until the M a rxist hi stori a ns did it in 1958 in the first volume of the Academy of Sciences literary hi story . i Apa rt from literary history , however , there was really little formal esthetic a n alysis or study of th e theo ry of lite rature. Th e major exce pti on (and it is trul y m ajor) was th e publication in 1939 of the book Vyvin slo vensk eh o versa od skoly Sturo vej by th e Ru ssia n-born forma li st and stru cturali st Mikul as Bakos, who d eveloped a more modern es th etic a n alysis tha n an yone else had done. Accordin g to P avo! Stevcek, it has "remained a book of cardin al importance" to thi s d ay. 13 Th e Sbornfk was not th e on ly literary journ al publi shed by th e M at ica, howeve r . M o re impo rt ant was Sloven sk e pohl'a dy, wh ich has 1 �SLOVAKIA 51 been, and still is, a sort of microcosm of Slovak cultural life since it was founded by JozefMiloslav Hurban in 1846. Hurban 's purpose in starting the periodical was " to apply consistently in Slovak cultural life the principles of science and criticism .'' 14 In the first six years of its existence (1846-52), it reflected the major events of Slovak intellectual life - including Hurban ' s defense of Stur's langu age codification in 1846 . Although halted by the censors and b y finan cial difficulties in 1852, it was resumed in M artin in 1881 and continued with first Vajansky as editor , then Jozef Skultety publishing and editing it until 1919 . In 1921 the M atica started it up again under the editorship of Stefan Krcmery, and it remained a monthly published by the Matica until 1953, when it was taken over b y the Slovak Writers' Union , whose organ it is today . In the Matica period, it was edited by Krcmery until illness forced his ret irem ent in 1932, then Andrej Mraz until 1938, and Stanislav M eciar until 1945; with a few exceptions in that period everyo ne published there: nationalists , internationalists, Catholics, Lutherans, Communists, realists, surrealists, social realists. 15 Unlike the Sbornfk, Slovenske pohl'ady always carried original works of literature - poetry and sto ries - as well as literary history and criticism . Thu s it contributed to the growth of literature itself, not just to literary criticism . Besides these two journals, however , the Literary History D epartm ent supported literature in another way: by republishin g the "classics" in collected editions, includin g all the works ofHviezdoslav, Vajansky, Kukucfn , Timrava, the Stur school , and also contemporary writers, such as janko j esensky , Hronsky , a nd M artin R azu s. 16 Unfortunately, these editions of the classics were not usually prepared accord ing to consistent, modern editorial principles, either in selection and arrange m ent of the m ate rial or in lin guistic and textual stand ards. Skultety , Mraz, and M eciar each followed his own editorial system , and editorial assistants acted even more freely. Numerous living authors complained about their treatm en t, and this was true after World War II as well as during and befo re. 17 Furthermore, the Matica did not always select fo r publication the best current works. It showed no interest in Kukucfn's Mat' vola (1 926-27) , published by G .A. Beza in Trnava, nor did it issue Milo Urban 's Zivy bic (Prague, 1927), which is generally rated as by far the best Slovak novel published in the 1920s. But this can be regarded as a sign of the times: In its early period the Matica could be in co ntact �52 SLOVAKIA with almost everything, but as Slovak opportunities grew geometrically with education and the other new advantages, the Matica and Martin could not hold everything in their own hands, and other literary centers were developing . Bratislava became the major competitor, not only because of the professors at the University, but also because of the newly-established Slovak Academy of Sciences and Arts (Slovenska akademia vied a umenf) in 1942, which eventually developed into the current Slovenska akademia vied. In fact, organizational changes in the Matica also became necessary to meet the increasingly specialized growth of knowledge itself in the second half of the twentieth century. 18 The changes in the Matica that occurred after World War II have to be seen in this context: No organization could continue as the sole cultural and scientific institution, as the arts and social sciences became much too complex to be governed in a single organization, especially an institute far away from the capital city, the chief metropolis, and the seat of the main university system. Major changes would have occurred even without the Communist takeover in 1948 or the Marxist-Leninist theories of internationalism and the leading role of the Party - all of which tended to diminish the importance of the Matica. When the law of 1954 reduced the Matica to the single function of a national library and bibliographic institute, I think the fact that it kept exactly its literary relations - its archival, bibliographic, library, and museum activities - is not at all surprising and indicated its basic function from the beginning . But with this point, we are faced with the symbolic meaning, the psychological/spiritual effect, of the Matica slovenska apart from its physical existence . This brings us to the second kind of effect upon literature the Matica has had . In the extreme Magyar persecution at the time of the Matica's early life, it became a sort of guardian and protector of the Slovak nation, which specifically came to mean the guardian of Slovak self-expression, of literature and language. Historians have recognized and shown how closely the Slovak sense of identity, the sense of self, is tied to language ; Peter Brock, for example, has called the Slovaks a "culturallinguistic nation.' ' 19 The Matica was literally the defender in the battle with Czech linguists over the Pravidla , and in the gathering of signatures of 128 writers - essentially all the practicing writers of the time - on a petition to request revision of the Pravidla, Slovaks were completely united on the language issue. The petition caused such bad feelings on �SLOVAKIA 53 co nfessional and political grounds between ''Czechoslovaks ' ' and "Slovaks" that the Catholic J.C . Hronsky (who had collected the signatures) and the Lutheran Elena Mar6thy-Soltesova published a soothing joint letter in N arodnie novin y. But there was no disagreement on the language issue itself. 20 This need to defend the Slovak la nguage stopped after the period of the Slovak R epublic a nd Czech acceptance of Slovak individuality in the Kosice Program of 1945 , and the linguistic " purism" stopped when it was no longer needed as a defense. 21 Although Slovak language and literature did not still have to be protected as such, the Literarny archfv and the Literarnomuzejne oddelenie were co ntinuing the guardianship of the past, as allowed by the law of 1954 . Such a narrow view of the Matica as guardian, howeve r, is apparently not sufficient to satisfy the Slovak image of the M atica, because demands were made for a change in the liberal 1960s , especially a t the hundred-year jubilee in 1963 . The restrictive law of 1954 was replaced by the law of 1968 , which resto red the Matica's membership base, gave it a biographical department, and made it responsible for cultural relations with foreigners of Slovak ancestry. The insults of Pres ident Antonfn Novotny against the M atica were taken by Slovaks as insults against the whole nation and used by the liberals (Czech as well as Slovak) in 1968-69 both to remove Novotny from office and to improve the status of the Matica . The book published then , Z vole l'udu obnovena, expresses this continuing view of the Matica as a response to the people's need . 22 Clearly, the hi sto rical and the current concept of the Matica includes its ability to propagate (not only to preserve) among Slovaks their sense of identity in their lan guage and literature. This mission can be seen in another way . I have said that one also has to co nsider the psychological effect of the M a tica as a moveable institute that can be established by Slovaks outside Slovakia. This first occurred in 1893 when the "Matica slovenska in America " was founded in Chicago by American Slovaks ce ntered around the R everend Stefan Furd ek 's j ednota and Gustav Marsall-Petrovsky's Slovak V Amerike . It published several works before it dissolved in 1897 , including a literary journal similar to Slovenske pohl'ady. 23 A "Matica slovenska in Yugoslavia" was established in 1932 in Petrovec, near Novi Sad, where a large and compact gro up of Slovaks had lived for two hundred years; it lasted until 1948. The Zahranicna Matica Slovenska , founded by Sta ni slav Meciar a nd J .C. Hronsky after World War II in Argentina , �54 SLOVAKIA with collaborators in the United States and Canada, still exists. In all three examples, the literary activity (both planned and actually carried out) followed the traditional lines ofMatica activity . For example, Meciar collected and published material on Martin Kukucfn while he lived in Chile and also reprinted and analyzed certain works by J .C. Hronsky . 24 Even while the Matica was closed from 187 5 to 1919, it seemed to produce various alternatives to fill its place . For example , the women's organization Zivena was founded in 1869, but it was not closed by Magyar officials since it was just a women's organization, and therefore was presumably insignificant. Its annual meeting occurred in August because it had been founded at the Matica general assembly, so the August m eetings of Zivena became a substitute for the banned August general assembly of the Matica. 2 5 Zivena also developed a publishing program and an almanach , L etopis Zi ven y, to fill the gap left by the closed Matica. This substitution became possible because the Slovak women's movement was primarily an arm of the national movem ent rather than a genuine feminist drive. In part this was true because the Slovak nationalists, such as Ambro Pietor, were instiga tors in founding the women's organization ; they were looking for help in the struggle against Magyar domination. But it was also true because the leader of the women's movement soon became Elena Mar6thy-Soltesova, daughter of a poet of the Stur school, and more of a nationalist herself than a feminist in her own fiction (unlike the fiction of Timrava, which was more nearly feminist). 26 Therefore, I think the work of Zivena can be said to belon g to the Matica tradition . In the same period, but outside Turciansky Sviity M a rtin , other nationalist centers began to develop among Rom a n Catholics, such as the Spolok sv. Vojtecha in Trnava . In addition, K arol Salva's press in Ruzomberok began to compete with the M atica, as did the journal Dennica, ed ited b y T erezia Vansova in Pila . 2 7 In referring to physical effects as opposed to symbolic effects, or maticas abroad and alternative institutions, it is clear that I am co nsidering a movement rather than only the maj or in stitute that movem ent produced . The Matica movement was and is bigger than the institute itself, and in fac t has spread, I think , much farther and deeper in Slovak literary life than the institute itself indicates . For exam ple, one can see evidence of the identification of Slovak selfhood with literature in the theory of comparativistics of Dionyz Durisin in the Institute of �SLOVAKIA 55 Literature of the Slovak Academy of Sciences, and also in the analysis of specifically Slovak elements in lyricized prose by Jan Stevcek of Comenius University . 18 I do not think it is stretching the point too much to say there is something distinctively Slovak about the ambitious attempt of the "Nitra School" of literary theory to utilize and adapt concepts from Czech and Polish structuralism and the Tartu semioticians to create what Edward Mozejko has called "the introduction of a new discipline - the poetics of metatexts . .. a universal metalanguage of art ... the investigation of so-called intersemiotic translation ... a new communicative poetics of literature and art. " 19 To conclude, therefore, the Matica slovenska as an institute resulted from the particular political situation of the Slovaks in Hungary, but it continued and has been periodically renewed because it is a symbol and a symptom of the historical Slovak self-identification with its language and literature. NOTES ' Sta nl ey B. Kimball , " The Serbian Marica - Prototype of Austro-Slav Litera ry Foundat ion s: The First Fifty Yea rs 1826-76 ," East European Quarterly, III (September l 969) , 353-70; Peter H errity, "The R ole of the M a ti ca a nd Similar Societies in the Development of the Slavoni c Literary Languages ,'' Slavon ic and East European R eview, LI Oul y 1973), 368-386 . ' John A. Bert a helped to compile this list; see also his " The Marica slovenska and Its R ole in Slovak Cultural D evelopment, 19 19- 1939" (Ph .D . disse rt a tion , SUNY Bingha mton , l 983). ' " M a ti ca slovenska, " En cyklopedia Slovenska, Vol. III (Bra tislava: SA V , 1979). • Peter Liba, V ydava tel'sk e die/a M a tice slovensk ej 1863-1954 (M artin : M ati ca slovenska , 1962) . ' T omas Winkler , M a rica slovensk a v rok och 1919- 1945: z p roblem ov a dokum entov ustredia MS (Martin: M ati ca slovenska, 1971 ), p . 149. ' Ibid ., p. 150. ' "Literarn ovedn y ustav Slovens kej akademie vied ," Encyklopedia S/ovenska , Vol. III. 8 Winkler, pp. 150-53. ' Ibid, pp. 152-53. �SLOVAKIA 56 10 L ' ubomir Durov ic, "Slovak, " in Th e Slavic Lieerary Languages: Formaeion and Developmene, eds. A .M . Schenker and E. Stankiewicz (New H ave n : Yale Conciliu m on Internati ona l and Area Studies, 1980), p . 222. Owen V. Johnson has shown to what ex tent an education class developed in thi s period in his " The slovak Intelligentsia 19 18- 1938" in Russian and Slavic Hisrory , ed . D .K . Rowney and G.E. Orchard (Columbu s: Slavica Publishers, Inc., 1977), and also in his Ph .D . dissertati on , " Sociocultural a nd National D evelo pment in Slovakia , 1918-1 938: Education and It s Impact" (University of Mi chigan , 1978). 11 Winkler, pp . 153-55. ll 13 Jan Misianik , "Uvodom," D ejin y searsej slo venskej lieerac ury, ed s. J a n Misianik , J ozef Mina rik, Milena Mi chalcova, and Andrej Melichercik , Vol. I (Bratislava: SAV, 1958) , 5-6. The introduction is dated Dece mber 30, 1956. See also Winkler, p . 155. P avo! Stevcek, Coneemporary Slovak Lieeraeure (Bra ti slava: Obzo r, 1980), p . 119 ; Stevcek says Bakos was th e "fou nd er of lit era ry theory ." See also Winkler , p. 156. " Vi ctor K ochol , in D ejin y slovenskej lit eratury: Lieeraeura narodn eho obrodenia , eds . Milan Pisut , K arol R ose nbaum , Victor Kochol, Vol. II (Bratislava: SAY , 1960) , pp . 466-67: "Hurban chcel v slovenskom kulturnom zivote dosled ne upl atn ova t' principy vedec kosti a kritickosti . . . . " 11 Winkler, pp . 157-59. See a lso V ladimir Petrik , "Slovenske pohl'ady 192 2- 1938 , " Slovenske pohl'ady , No. 7 (1964) , 8-14 , and Jozef Bzoch, "Slove nske pohl'ad y 1939- 1944, " Slo venske pohl'ady, o. 8 (1964), 6-9. 1 • See Liba , op . cir. 17 E.G., Iva n Ku sy, ed. , Timra va: Zobran e spisy, II (Bratisl ava: Slovenske vydavatel'stvo krasnej literatury , 1956), 287-88, and es pecially Marianna PridavkovaMinarikova , Textologicke a seylisticke problem y K.ukucinovho die/a (Bratislava: SA V, 1972), pp . 5, 13 , 15, and passim . " In 1935, for exa mpl e, th e lin guist r.udovit Novak argued for chan ges in th e Matica to provide greater finan cial support and to bring scientifi c freedom from political chan ges (Winkler , pp. 29-30 a nd 110- 12) ; in fact, th e J azy koved ny odbor had such ex treme organiza ti onal disagreements amo ng its members (especially Novak and H enri ch Ba rt ek) th a t once ( 1936) Hronsk y wanted to resign a nd later (1941) th e odbor was on th e verge of being di ssolved (see Winkler , pp . 30 a nd 131-32). On SA VU a nd SAV, see Slovenska ak adem ia vied (Bratislava: Vydavatcl'stvo SAV, 1969). " Peter Brock , The Slo,·ak National Awakenin g: An Essay in eh e lnt eJlecr ual Hiseory of Ease General Europe (Toronto a nd Buffalo: Universi ty of T oro nto Press, 1976), p. ix . Brock uses as a motto H ans Kohn's statement: " In Central and Eastern Europe it was the poe t, the phil ologist, and th e hi storian who crea ted th e nati onaliti es. " "' Elena Mar6th y-Soltcsova a nd J .C . H rons ky, " Slm-cnskej ve rej nos ti . Vysvetlenie vo veci podpisov pre navrh slov . spisova tcl'ov ," Narodnie novin y, May 1932 , p. 2. On th e Pra vidla , see Durovic, pp . 222-25 , and Robert Auty, " The R ole of Purism in th e Development of th e Sl avonic Lit erary Languages, " Slavonic R eview , LI Uul y 1973) , 335 -43. �SLOVAKIA 57 " 6urovic, pp . 225-26. " Z vole I'udu obnovena, ed s. Ivan Gegus and Mil os K ovacka (M a rtin : Matica slovenska , 1968 - ac tu all y 1969), pp. 6-9 a nd p assim . Novotnfs petty a nd tas teless behavior is outlin ed here also. " '' Matica slove nska v Amerike '' and '' Matica slovenska v J uh oslav ii ,' ' En cyklopedia Slovenska , Vol. III. On th e American Matica, see also K ons ta ntin C ul en , Slovenske casopisy ,· Amerike (Cleveland: Prva katolicka sloven ska jednota, 1970), pp . 19-21 , 52-53 , 70-71. " Stanislav M ecia r , Kukucfn if.ivy , 2 vols. ( Bu enos Aires: Knizni ca Slobodna Slovenska Kultu ra , 1958 and 1960) - stri ctl y speaking th ese books were no t published by the Matica but within that trad itio n; J. C. Hronsky , Poh ar z bruseneho skla , ed. S. Mcciar (Buenos Aires: Zahranicn a M ati ca Slovenska, 1964), and Na kriinych cescach , cd. S. Meciar (Bu enos Aires: Zahranicna Matica Sloven ska, 1966). " Stefana Yotrubova, Zivena. j ej osudy a praca (Martin: Zivena, 1931) , pp . 22-23; see a lso J a rmil a Tkadleckova-Yantuchova, Zivena-Spolok slovensk ych zien (Bra ti slava : Epocha , 1969). " See th e compariso n in An In cipienc Feminise: Slovak Scories by Timra, ·a , ed it ed and translated by No rm a Leigh Rudinsk y (Columbus: Slavica Publishers, In c. , in prep.). " J a n Tibensky , ed ., Slovensko: Dejiny (Bratislava: Obzor, 197 1), p . 543. " Dionyz Duri sin , Problem y Jic erarn ej komparacistik y (Bratislava: SA V, 1967), and Z dcjin a ce6rie Jicerarn ej kompara cisrik y (Bratislava: SA V , 1970) ; J an Stevcck, Nez badane pr6zy (Bratislava: Slovensky spisova tel' , 197 1), a nd L yrizovan a pr6za (B ra ti slava : Tatran , 1973). " Edwa rd Mozejko, " Survey: Slovak Theory of Litera ry Co mmuni ca ti on : Notes on th e Nitra School of Lit erary Criticism,' ' PTL: A j ourn al for Descripri,·e Poetics and Theory of Lircrarure , 4 (1979) , 37 1-8 4. �� SLOVAKIA 47 The Matica slovenska and Its Relation to the Development of Slovak Literature* Norma L. Rudin sky The distinctively Slavic institution of th e matica can perhaps b e best described as a national library, publishing house, university , scientific institute, acad emy of scholars, and nationalistic missionary society all in one. The earliest examples - the Matica srbska founded in 1826, Matice ceska in 1831, and Mati ce moravska in 1836 - were like the later Matica slovenska, founded in Turciansky Svaty Martin on August 4 , 1863, in playing an important role in literary development. 1 But the Slovak Matica assumed a special significance because of the much more desolate circumstan ces of the Slovaks in Hungary . This difference makes a particularly interesting study not only of the Slavic matica movement but also of the special place of literature in Slovak intellectual hi sto ry . In speaking of the relation of the Matica slovenska to Slovak literature, one has to distinguish between the effect of the actual institute as it existed (from its founding in 1863 to its closure by Magyar authorities in 1875 and since its reopening in 1919) and the effect of the spiritual/ psychological or symboli c nature of the Matica even when it did not exist , i.e ., 1875-1919 , and in a certain sense when it was "onl y" a national library without a membership base, from 195 1 to 1968 . One also has to consider the symbolic meaning whenever a Matica was established outsid e Slovakia , as ha s happened seve ral times . • Thi s is a rev ised ve rsio n of a pa per prese nt ed at th e panel " The M ati ca slove nsk a: 120 Yea rs of Survi va l" spo nso red by the Slova k Studies Associati on durin g th e Fiftee nth Nati onal C onve nti o n of th e Am eri can Association for th e Advan ce m ent of Slavic Studies held in Kan sas C it y, Mi ssouri in O ctober 1983 . �48 SLOVAKIA It is also necessary to distinguish the direct effects of the Matica from its indirect effects, that is , from all its general educational results, such as greater literacy and a higher cultural level that came from activities like publishing almanacs, setting up amateur theatricals, or dignifying folk literature by collecting and reciting it. By all such results the Matica contributed to the development of a social and intellect ual environment in which Slovak literature could arise. Literary works are always a response of an artist to a particular time and place; the general activities of the Matica provided a stimulus to literary talent and helped to secure an audience for that talent. But having mentioned this indirect effect, I shall confine myself to the direct effects of the Matica on Slovak literature, and first to those that occurred while the Matica actually existed. The special relation of the "t\1atica to both language and literature is indicated in the list of presidents and directors. The office of president (predseda), which until 1945 was an honorary position and could be held by two or three people at a time, has had over thirteen occupants; at least four were major writers Qan Francisci, Pavol OrszaghHviezdoslav, Ladislav Novomesky, and Vladimfr Minac - Novomesky having two terms, before and after his prison sentence), and five were literary historians or at least had strong literary interests (Stefan Moyses, Jozef Koza.eek , F.R. Osvald, Jur Janoska, and Marian Blaha). Of the seven directors (spravca), which is the chief administrative position , one was a major writer O. C. Hronsky) and three were major literary historians Qaroslav Vlcek, Jozef Skultety, and Jan Martak , who had two terms). 2 If the secretaries (tajomnfk) are added as major officers, they were all literary figures except Frantisek Hermansky, a lin gui st, and JozefCincik, an artist and art historian: Stefan Krcmery, RudolfKlacko, Hronsky ' Martak, and Stanislav Meciar. l It is hard to see much real effect upon literature from the first Matica, even though one of its functions was to publish and distribute literary works. The major Slovak writers of that tim e were only beginning to write and publish just before the Matica was closed. For example, Hviezdoslav's first poems were published in 1868 but in Skalica , not in Martin, as was also his journal Napred. Svetozar Hurban -Vajansky's first book, a coll ection of poems, came out in 1871 but again in Skalica, not Martin. Elena Mar6thy -Soltesova's first story was published in 1881, and Martin Kukucfn' s first story appeared in 1882 when th e Mati ca �SLOVAKIA 49 was cl osed . In fact , proba bl y the only reall y signifi cant literary work durin g the tim e of the first Matica was the collectio n a nd preservation of folk litera ture, the two-volume collection Sbornfk sloven sk ych n arod- nych piesnf, povestf, prfslovf, p orek adiel, hadok , hier, obycaj ov a povier in 1870 and 1874, the second volum e of which was edited by P avo) Dobsin sky. This work was, of course, ve ry impo rta n t in th e establishm ent of Slovak fo lk literature as well as ethnography. Otherwi se, however , the twelve issu es of the a nnu al publicatio n L etopis M atice slo vensk ej a nd the 44 books published by the M a tica carried so m e li te ra ry hi stor y but prima ril y in rela tion to la n gu age, no t liter a ture. 4 Afte r the M atica was reopened in 19 19, its fi rst offi cial li te rary divisio n was the Lite rary Hi sto r y D ep a rtment (Litera rn ohi sto ri cky odbor MS ), whi ch was form ed o n M ay 11 , 19 22 b y separat in g the hi sto ry of li te ra tu re secti on (hi sto rickoli terarn a sekcia) from the Hi story D epartm ent (Historicky od bo r M S). T he latter ha d bee n establ ished at the second ge ner al asse mbl y of the M at ica in Au gust, 1920 . T he fi rst offi cers of the Literary Hi story D epartme n t we re J a roslav V lcek as pres ide nt , Albert Prazak as vice- preside nt , a nd Stefan Krcm ery as secreta ry, S and they gave the depa rtment its basic to ne for the next decade. T he D epartm en t was enl a rged in Febru a ry, 1925 by adding to it m an y writers from the literary sectio n of th e Art s D ep a rtm e nt (U m elecky odbo r M S), a nd its na m e was ch a n ged to th e Liter a ry a nd Literar y Hi sto ry D ep a rtm ent (Litera rn y a literarn ohi sto ri cky odbor MS) . But the old n am e was taken again the nex t year , a nd it remain ed the Li te ra rnohi sto ricky odbo r 6 until it was ended in 1953, when its work was taken over by several in stitutes, such as the Li te ra rn y archfv M S a n d the In sti tu te of Slovak Liter ature in the Slovak Academy of Sciences (Ustav sloven skej li teratury SA V) in Brat islava . 7 T h is n a m e, in fac t , in d icated its m a in fu nct io n : it collected manu scrip ts b io-b ibli ograp hi es, m emoris , a nd the li ke. 8 O ne of its first act ivit ies was to coll ect a nd pu bli sh Vl ce k 's hi story of Slovak li te ra tu re in 1923, a nd it co ntribu ted to th e S bornfk Ma tice slovensk ej pre j azykospyt, narodopis, dejepis a literarnu historiu , whi ch , howeve r , eve n th ou gh ed ited fi rs t by V lcek, the n by S kul tety, in its first d ecade co n ta in ed m u ch m o re o n ethn ograp hy a nd la n gu age tha n on li te ratu re . 9 Also, m u ch of the work do ne the n de pended upon Czech scholars who - li ke V lce k hi r.1self, Prazak, a nd Flora Kl einsch nitzova - trea ted Slovak li te rat ure as a b ra n ch of Czech li terat ure, whi ch affected their research goals a nd in te rests . �50 SLOVAKIA It has bee n said b y Lubomfr Durovic that althou gh the first Czechoslovak Republic de jure challenged the existence of the Slovak nation by the official theory of the '' Czechoslovak n a tion ,'' it de facto saved th e n a tion by m eans of the great opportunities it provided compared to the Hunga ri a n period . 10 This can be seen very clearly in the ch a n ges that occurred in th e Matica after 1930 when a n ew generat ion of Slovak scholars h ad been trained whose chief interest was in Slovak, not Czech , cu lture and who wanted to co nsider its specificity and its relation to other Slavic cultures, not to Czech culture alone . In 1935 the Sbornfk was divided into specialized pa rts with individu al editors : Ludovft Nova k edited th e la n gu age secti on a nd Stanislav M eciar the lite rary sect ion . The a rrival of su ch a literary schol a r as Andrej Mraz in 1930 m eant , therefore, a cha n ge in em phasis not only from narodopis or et hn ography to literature, but also from bio-bibliographical works to criti cal a nd evalu ative studies and monographs on individual authors, su ch as j a nko Kral' , J a n K alinciak , Samo Chalupka, a nd Ivan Krasko . 11 In add ition , seve ral foreig n Slavists, such as the Ru ssian Dmitri C izevskij an d the Pole Wl ad yslaw Bobek , contributed to the Sbornfk seve ral co mparative studi es rela tin g Slovak literature to th e ge ne ral stream of Slavic literatures a nd in importa n t respects cha n gin g the inte rpreta tion a nd pe riodi zation of Vlcek , which had been follow ed also by Albert Prazak in th e d oze n or m ore wo rks on Slovak li terature h e publi shed in th e M atica in the 1920s a nd after 1932 in th e U ce na spolocnost' Safarikova. In fact , it is inte resting that the first effort to determine a real pe riodization of Slovak literature in itself, not in terms of the peri odization of Czech lite ra ture as Vlcek a nd Prazak h ad don e, was m ade by the P ole Bobek in 193 7; li ttle work was done again on the p eri odizati on of earl y Slovak lite rature until the M a rxist hi stori a ns did it in 1958 in the first volume of the Academy of Sciences literary hi story . i Apa rt from literary history , however , there was really little formal esthetic a n alysis or study of th e theo ry of lite rature. Th e major exce pti on (and it is trul y m ajor) was th e publication in 1939 of the book Vyvin slo vensk eh o versa od skoly Sturo vej by th e Ru ssia n-born forma li st and stru cturali st Mikul as Bakos, who d eveloped a more modern es th etic a n alysis tha n an yone else had done. Accordin g to P avo! Stevcek, it has "remained a book of cardin al importance" to thi s d ay. 13 Th e Sbornfk was not th e on ly literary journ al publi shed by th e M at ica, howeve r . M o re impo rt ant was Sloven sk e pohl'a dy, wh ich has 1 �SLOVAKIA 51 been, and still is, a sort of microcosm of Slovak cultural life since it was founded by JozefMiloslav Hurban in 1846. Hurban 's purpose in starting the periodical was " to apply consistently in Slovak cultural life the principles of science and criticism .'' 14 In the first six years of its existence (1846-52), it reflected the major events of Slovak intellectual life - including Hurban ' s defense of Stur's langu age codification in 1846 . Although halted by the censors and b y finan cial difficulties in 1852, it was resumed in M artin in 1881 and continued with first Vajansky as editor , then Jozef Skultety publishing and editing it until 1919 . In 1921 the M atica started it up again under the editorship of Stefan Krcmery, and it remained a monthly published by the Matica until 1953, when it was taken over b y the Slovak Writers' Union , whose organ it is today . In the Matica period, it was edited by Krcmery until illness forced his ret irem ent in 1932, then Andrej Mraz until 1938, and Stanislav M eciar until 1945; with a few exceptions in that period everyo ne published there: nationalists , internationalists, Catholics, Lutherans, Communists, realists, surrealists, social realists. 15 Unlike the Sbornfk, Slovenske pohl'ady always carried original works of literature - poetry and sto ries - as well as literary history and criticism . Thu s it contributed to the growth of literature itself, not just to literary criticism . Besides these two journals, however , the Literary History D epartm ent supported literature in another way: by republishin g the "classics" in collected editions, includin g all the works ofHviezdoslav, Vajansky, Kukucfn , Timrava, the Stur school , and also contemporary writers, such as janko j esensky , Hronsky , a nd M artin R azu s. 16 Unfortunately, these editions of the classics were not usually prepared accord ing to consistent, modern editorial principles, either in selection and arrange m ent of the m ate rial or in lin guistic and textual stand ards. Skultety , Mraz, and M eciar each followed his own editorial system , and editorial assistants acted even more freely. Numerous living authors complained about their treatm en t, and this was true after World War II as well as during and befo re. 17 Furthermore, the Matica did not always select fo r publication the best current works. It showed no interest in Kukucfn's Mat' vola (1 926-27) , published by G .A. Beza in Trnava, nor did it issue Milo Urban 's Zivy bic (Prague, 1927), which is generally rated as by far the best Slovak novel published in the 1920s. But this can be regarded as a sign of the times: In its early period the Matica could be in co ntact �52 SLOVAKIA with almost everything, but as Slovak opportunities grew geometrically with education and the other new advantages, the Matica and Martin could not hold everything in their own hands, and other literary centers were developing . Bratislava became the major competitor, not only because of the professors at the University, but also because of the newly-established Slovak Academy of Sciences and Arts (Slovenska akademia vied a umenf) in 1942, which eventually developed into the current Slovenska akademia vied. In fact, organizational changes in the Matica also became necessary to meet the increasingly specialized growth of knowledge itself in the second half of the twentieth century. 18 The changes in the Matica that occurred after World War II have to be seen in this context: No organization could continue as the sole cultural and scientific institution, as the arts and social sciences became much too complex to be governed in a single organization, especially an institute far away from the capital city, the chief metropolis, and the seat of the main university system. Major changes would have occurred even without the Communist takeover in 1948 or the Marxist-Leninist theories of internationalism and the leading role of the Party - all of which tended to diminish the importance of the Matica. When the law of 1954 reduced the Matica to the single function of a national library and bibliographic institute, I think the fact that it kept exactly its literary relations - its archival, bibliographic, library, and museum activities - is not at all surprising and indicated its basic function from the beginning . But with this point, we are faced with the symbolic meaning, the psychological/spiritual effect, of the Matica slovenska apart from its physical existence . This brings us to the second kind of effect upon literature the Matica has had . In the extreme Magyar persecution at the time of the Matica's early life, it became a sort of guardian and protector of the Slovak nation, which specifically came to mean the guardian of Slovak self-expression, of literature and language. Historians have recognized and shown how closely the Slovak sense of identity, the sense of self, is tied to language ; Peter Brock, for example, has called the Slovaks a "culturallinguistic nation.' ' 19 The Matica was literally the defender in the battle with Czech linguists over the Pravidla , and in the gathering of signatures of 128 writers - essentially all the practicing writers of the time - on a petition to request revision of the Pravidla, Slovaks were completely united on the language issue. The petition caused such bad feelings on �SLOVAKIA 53 co nfessional and political grounds between ''Czechoslovaks ' ' and "Slovaks" that the Catholic J.C . Hronsky (who had collected the signatures) and the Lutheran Elena Mar6thy-Soltesova published a soothing joint letter in N arodnie novin y. But there was no disagreement on the language issue itself. 20 This need to defend the Slovak la nguage stopped after the period of the Slovak R epublic a nd Czech acceptance of Slovak individuality in the Kosice Program of 1945 , and the linguistic " purism" stopped when it was no longer needed as a defense. 21 Although Slovak language and literature did not still have to be protected as such, the Literarny archfv and the Literarnomuzejne oddelenie were co ntinuing the guardianship of the past, as allowed by the law of 1954 . Such a narrow view of the Matica as guardian, howeve r, is apparently not sufficient to satisfy the Slovak image of the M atica, because demands were made for a change in the liberal 1960s , especially a t the hundred-year jubilee in 1963 . The restrictive law of 1954 was replaced by the law of 1968 , which resto red the Matica's membership base, gave it a biographical department, and made it responsible for cultural relations with foreigners of Slovak ancestry. The insults of Pres ident Antonfn Novotny against the M atica were taken by Slovaks as insults against the whole nation and used by the liberals (Czech as well as Slovak) in 1968-69 both to remove Novotny from office and to improve the status of the Matica . The book published then , Z vole l'udu obnovena, expresses this continuing view of the Matica as a response to the people's need . 22 Clearly, the hi sto rical and the current concept of the Matica includes its ability to propagate (not only to preserve) among Slovaks their sense of identity in their lan guage and literature. This mission can be seen in another way . I have said that one also has to co nsider the psychological effect of the M a tica as a moveable institute that can be established by Slovaks outside Slovakia. This first occurred in 1893 when the "Matica slovenska in America " was founded in Chicago by American Slovaks ce ntered around the R everend Stefan Furd ek 's j ednota and Gustav Marsall-Petrovsky's Slovak V Amerike . It published several works before it dissolved in 1897 , including a literary journal similar to Slovenske pohl'ady. 23 A "Matica slovenska in Yugoslavia" was established in 1932 in Petrovec, near Novi Sad, where a large and compact gro up of Slovaks had lived for two hundred years; it lasted until 1948. The Zahranicna Matica Slovenska , founded by Sta ni slav Meciar a nd J .C. Hronsky after World War II in Argentina , �54 SLOVAKIA with collaborators in the United States and Canada, still exists. In all three examples, the literary activity (both planned and actually carried out) followed the traditional lines ofMatica activity . For example, Meciar collected and published material on Martin Kukucfn while he lived in Chile and also reprinted and analyzed certain works by J .C. Hronsky . 24 Even while the Matica was closed from 187 5 to 1919, it seemed to produce various alternatives to fill its place . For example , the women's organization Zivena was founded in 1869, but it was not closed by Magyar officials since it was just a women's organization, and therefore was presumably insignificant. Its annual meeting occurred in August because it had been founded at the Matica general assembly, so the August m eetings of Zivena became a substitute for the banned August general assembly of the Matica. 2 5 Zivena also developed a publishing program and an almanach , L etopis Zi ven y, to fill the gap left by the closed Matica. This substitution became possible because the Slovak women's movement was primarily an arm of the national movem ent rather than a genuine feminist drive. In part this was true because the Slovak nationalists, such as Ambro Pietor, were instiga tors in founding the women's organization ; they were looking for help in the struggle against Magyar domination. But it was also true because the leader of the women's movement soon became Elena Mar6thy-Soltesova, daughter of a poet of the Stur school, and more of a nationalist herself than a feminist in her own fiction (unlike the fiction of Timrava, which was more nearly feminist). 26 Therefore, I think the work of Zivena can be said to belon g to the Matica tradition . In the same period, but outside Turciansky Sviity M a rtin , other nationalist centers began to develop among Rom a n Catholics, such as the Spolok sv. Vojtecha in Trnava . In addition, K arol Salva's press in Ruzomberok began to compete with the M atica, as did the journal Dennica, ed ited b y T erezia Vansova in Pila . 2 7 In referring to physical effects as opposed to symbolic effects, or maticas abroad and alternative institutions, it is clear that I am co nsidering a movement rather than only the maj or in stitute that movem ent produced . The Matica movement was and is bigger than the institute itself, and in fac t has spread, I think , much farther and deeper in Slovak literary life than the institute itself indicates . For exam ple, one can see evidence of the identification of Slovak selfhood with literature in the theory of comparativistics of Dionyz Durisin in the Institute of �SLOVAKIA 55 Literature of the Slovak Academy of Sciences, and also in the analysis of specifically Slovak elements in lyricized prose by Jan Stevcek of Comenius University . 18 I do not think it is stretching the point too much to say there is something distinctively Slovak about the ambitious attempt of the "Nitra School" of literary theory to utilize and adapt concepts from Czech and Polish structuralism and the Tartu semioticians to create what Edward Mozejko has called "the introduction of a new discipline - the poetics of metatexts . .. a universal metalanguage of art ... the investigation of so-called intersemiotic translation ... a new communicative poetics of literature and art. " 19 To conclude, therefore, the Matica slovenska as an institute resulted from the particular political situation of the Slovaks in Hungary, but it continued and has been periodically renewed because it is a symbol and a symptom of the historical Slovak self-identification with its language and literature. NOTES ' Sta nl ey B. Kimball , " The Serbian Marica - Prototype of Austro-Slav Litera ry Foundat ion s: The First Fifty Yea rs 1826-76 ," East European Quarterly, III (September l 969) , 353-70; Peter H errity, "The R ole of the M a ti ca a nd Similar Societies in the Development of the Slavoni c Literary Languages ,'' Slavon ic and East European R eview, LI Oul y 1973), 368-386 . ' John A. Bert a helped to compile this list; see also his " The Marica slovenska and Its R ole in Slovak Cultural D evelopment, 19 19- 1939" (Ph .D . disse rt a tion , SUNY Bingha mton , l 983). ' " M a ti ca slovenska, " En cyklopedia Slovenska, Vol. III (Bra tislava: SA V , 1979). • Peter Liba, V ydava tel'sk e die/a M a tice slovensk ej 1863-1954 (M artin : M ati ca slovenska , 1962) . ' T omas Winkler , M a rica slovensk a v rok och 1919- 1945: z p roblem ov a dokum entov ustredia MS (Martin: M ati ca slovenska, 1971 ), p . 149. ' Ibid ., p. 150. ' "Literarn ovedn y ustav Slovens kej akademie vied ," Encyklopedia S/ovenska , Vol. III. 8 Winkler, pp. 150-53. ' Ibid, pp. 152-53. �SLOVAKIA 56 10 L ' ubomir Durov ic, "Slovak, " in Th e Slavic Lieerary Languages: Formaeion and Developmene, eds. A .M . Schenker and E. Stankiewicz (New H ave n : Yale Conciliu m on Internati ona l and Area Studies, 1980), p . 222. Owen V. Johnson has shown to what ex tent an education class developed in thi s period in his " The slovak Intelligentsia 19 18- 1938" in Russian and Slavic Hisrory , ed . D .K . Rowney and G.E. Orchard (Columbu s: Slavica Publishers, Inc., 1977), and also in his Ph .D . dissertati on , " Sociocultural a nd National D evelo pment in Slovakia , 1918-1 938: Education and It s Impact" (University of Mi chigan , 1978). 11 Winkler, pp . 153-55. ll 13 Jan Misianik , "Uvodom," D ejin y searsej slo venskej lieerac ury, ed s. J a n Misianik , J ozef Mina rik, Milena Mi chalcova, and Andrej Melichercik , Vol. I (Bratislava: SAV, 1958) , 5-6. The introduction is dated Dece mber 30, 1956. See also Winkler, p . 155. P avo! Stevcek, Coneemporary Slovak Lieeraeure (Bra ti slava: Obzo r, 1980), p . 119 ; Stevcek says Bakos was th e "fou nd er of lit era ry theory ." See also Winkler , p. 156. " Vi ctor K ochol , in D ejin y slovenskej lit eratury: Lieeraeura narodn eho obrodenia , eds . Milan Pisut , K arol R ose nbaum , Victor Kochol, Vol. II (Bratislava: SAY , 1960) , pp . 466-67: "Hurban chcel v slovenskom kulturnom zivote dosled ne upl atn ova t' principy vedec kosti a kritickosti . . . . " 11 Winkler, pp . 157-59. See a lso V ladimir Petrik , "Slovenske pohl'ady 192 2- 1938 , " Slovenske pohl'ady , No. 7 (1964) , 8-14 , and Jozef Bzoch, "Slove nske pohl'ad y 1939- 1944, " Slo venske pohl'ady, o. 8 (1964), 6-9. 1 • See Liba , op . cir. 17 E.G., Iva n Ku sy, ed. , Timra va: Zobran e spisy, II (Bratisl ava: Slovenske vydavatel'stvo krasnej literatury , 1956), 287-88, and es pecially Marianna PridavkovaMinarikova , Textologicke a seylisticke problem y K.ukucinovho die/a (Bratislava: SA V, 1972), pp . 5, 13 , 15, and passim . " In 1935, for exa mpl e, th e lin guist r.udovit Novak argued for chan ges in th e Matica to provide greater finan cial support and to bring scientifi c freedom from political chan ges (Winkler , pp. 29-30 a nd 110- 12) ; in fact, th e J azy koved ny odbor had such ex treme organiza ti onal disagreements amo ng its members (especially Novak and H enri ch Ba rt ek) th a t once ( 1936) Hronsk y wanted to resign a nd later (1941) th e odbor was on th e verge of being di ssolved (see Winkler , pp . 30 a nd 131-32). On SA VU a nd SAV, see Slovenska ak adem ia vied (Bratislava: Vydavatcl'stvo SAV, 1969). " Peter Brock , The Slo,·ak National Awakenin g: An Essay in eh e lnt eJlecr ual Hiseory of Ease General Europe (Toronto a nd Buffalo: Universi ty of T oro nto Press, 1976), p. ix . Brock uses as a motto H ans Kohn's statement: " In Central and Eastern Europe it was the poe t, the phil ologist, and th e hi storian who crea ted th e nati onaliti es. " "' Elena Mar6th y-Soltcsova a nd J .C . H rons ky, " Slm-cnskej ve rej nos ti . Vysvetlenie vo veci podpisov pre navrh slov . spisova tcl'ov ," Narodnie novin y, May 1932 , p. 2. On th e Pra vidla , see Durovic, pp . 222-25 , and Robert Auty, " The R ole of Purism in th e Development of th e Sl avonic Lit erary Languages, " Slavonic R eview , LI Uul y 1973) , 335 -43. �SLOVAKIA 57 " 6urovic, pp . 225-26. " Z vole I'udu obnovena, ed s. Ivan Gegus and Mil os K ovacka (M a rtin : Matica slovenska , 1968 - ac tu all y 1969), pp. 6-9 a nd p assim . Novotnfs petty a nd tas teless behavior is outlin ed here also. " '' Matica slove nska v Amerike '' and '' Matica slovenska v J uh oslav ii ,' ' En cyklopedia Slovenska , Vol. III. On th e American Matica, see also K ons ta ntin C ul en , Slovenske casopisy ,· Amerike (Cleveland: Prva katolicka sloven ska jednota, 1970), pp . 19-21 , 52-53 , 70-71. " Stanislav M ecia r , Kukucfn if.ivy , 2 vols. ( Bu enos Aires: Knizni ca Slobodna Slovenska Kultu ra , 1958 and 1960) - stri ctl y speaking th ese books were no t published by the Matica but within that trad itio n; J. C. Hronsky , Poh ar z bruseneho skla , ed. S. Mcciar (Buenos Aires: Zahranicn a M ati ca Slovenska, 1964), and Na kriinych cescach , cd. S. Meciar (Bu enos Aires: Zahranicna Matica Sloven ska, 1966). " Stefana Yotrubova, Zivena. j ej osudy a praca (Martin: Zivena, 1931) , pp . 22-23; see a lso J a rmil a Tkadleckova-Yantuchova, Zivena-Spolok slovensk ych zien (Bra ti slava : Epocha , 1969). " See th e compariso n in An In cipienc Feminise: Slovak Scories by Timra, ·a , ed it ed and translated by No rm a Leigh Rudinsk y (Columbus: Slavica Publishers, In c. , in prep.). " J a n Tibensky , ed ., Slovensko: Dejiny (Bratislava: Obzor, 197 1), p . 543. " Dionyz Duri sin , Problem y Jic erarn ej komparacistik y (Bratislava: SA V, 1967), and Z dcjin a ce6rie Jicerarn ej kompara cisrik y (Bratislava: SA V , 1970) ; J an Stevcck, Nez badane pr6zy (Bratislava: Slovensky spisova tel' , 197 1), a nd L yrizovan a pr6za (B ra ti slava : Tatran , 1973). " Edwa rd Mozejko, " Survey: Slovak Theory of Litera ry Co mmuni ca ti on : Notes on th e Nitra School of Lit erary Criticism,' ' PTL: A j ourn al for Descripri,·e Poetics and Theory of Lircrarure , 4 (1979) , 37 1-8 4. �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1984, Vol. 31 Description An account of the resource Vol. 31 (No. 57), 1984. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1984 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 47 The Matica slovenska and Its Relation to the Development of Slovak Literature* Norma L. Rudin sky The distinctively Slavic institution of th e matica can perhaps b e best described as a national library, publishing house, university , scientific institute, acad emy of scholars, and nationalistic missionary society all in one. The earliest examples - the Matica srbska founded in 1826, Matice ceska in 1831, and Mati ce moravska in 1836 - were like the later Matica slovenska, founded in Turciansky Svaty Martin on August 4 , 1863, in playing an important role in literary development. 1 But the Slovak Matica assumed a special significance because of the much more desolate circumstan ces of the Slovaks in Hungary . This difference makes a particularly interesting study not only of the Slavic matica movement but also of the special place of literature in Slovak intellectual hi sto ry . In speaking of the relation of the Matica slovenska to Slovak literature, one has to distinguish between the effect of the actual institute as it existed (from its founding in 1863 to its closure by Magyar authorities in 1875 and since its reopening in 1919) and the effect of the spiritual/ psychological or symboli c nature of the Matica even when it did not exist , i.e ., 1875-1919 , and in a certain sense when it was "onl y" a national library without a membership base, from 195 1 to 1968 . One also has to consider the symbolic meaning whenever a Matica was established outsid e Slovakia , as ha s happened seve ral times . • Thi s is a rev ised ve rsio n of a pa per prese nt ed at th e panel " The M ati ca slove nsk a: 120 Yea rs of Survi va l" spo nso red by the Slova k Studies Associati on durin g th e Fiftee nth Nati onal C onve nti o n of th e Am eri can Association for th e Advan ce m ent of Slavic Studies held in Kan sas C it y, Mi ssouri in O ctober 1983 . 48 SLOVAKIA It is also necessary to distinguish the direct effects of the Matica from its indirect effects, that is , from all its general educational results, such as greater literacy and a higher cultural level that came from activities like publishing almanacs, setting up amateur theatricals, or dignifying folk literature by collecting and reciting it. By all such results the Matica contributed to the development of a social and intellect ual environment in which Slovak literature could arise. Literary works are always a response of an artist to a particular time and place; the general activities of the Matica provided a stimulus to literary talent and helped to secure an audience for that talent. But having mentioned this indirect effect, I shall confine myself to the direct effects of the Matica on Slovak literature, and first to those that occurred while the Matica actually existed. The special relation of the "t\1atica to both language and literature is indicated in the list of presidents and directors. The office of president (predseda), which until 1945 was an honorary position and could be held by two or three people at a time, has had over thirteen occupants; at least four were major writers Qan Francisci, Pavol OrszaghHviezdoslav, Ladislav Novomesky, and Vladimfr Minac - Novomesky having two terms, before and after his prison sentence), and five were literary historians or at least had strong literary interests (Stefan Moyses, Jozef Koza.eek , F.R. Osvald, Jur Janoska, and Marian Blaha). Of the seven directors (spravca), which is the chief administrative position , one was a major writer O. C. Hronsky) and three were major literary historians Qaroslav Vlcek, Jozef Skultety, and Jan Martak , who had two terms). 2 If the secretaries (tajomnfk) are added as major officers, they were all literary figures except Frantisek Hermansky, a lin gui st, and JozefCincik, an artist and art historian: Stefan Krcmery, RudolfKlacko, Hronsky ' Martak, and Stanislav Meciar. l It is hard to see much real effect upon literature from the first Matica, even though one of its functions was to publish and distribute literary works. The major Slovak writers of that tim e were only beginning to write and publish just before the Matica was closed. For example, Hviezdoslav's first poems were published in 1868 but in Skalica , not in Martin, as was also his journal Napred. Svetozar Hurban -Vajansky's first book, a coll ection of poems, came out in 1871 but again in Skalica, not Martin. Elena Mar6thy -Soltesova's first story was published in 1881, and Martin Kukucfn' s first story appeared in 1882 when th e Mati ca SLOVAKIA 49 was cl osed . In fact , proba bl y the only reall y signifi cant literary work durin g the tim e of the first Matica was the collectio n a nd preservation of folk litera ture, the two-volume collection Sbornfk sloven sk ych n arod- nych piesnf, povestf, prfslovf, p orek adiel, hadok , hier, obycaj ov a povier in 1870 and 1874, the second volum e of which was edited by P avo) Dobsin sky. This work was, of course, ve ry impo rta n t in th e establishm ent of Slovak fo lk literature as well as ethnography. Otherwi se, however , the twelve issu es of the a nnu al publicatio n L etopis M atice slo vensk ej a nd the 44 books published by the M a tica carried so m e li te ra ry hi stor y but prima ril y in rela tion to la n gu age, no t liter a ture. 4 Afte r the M atica was reopened in 19 19, its fi rst offi cial li te rary divisio n was the Lite rary Hi sto r y D ep a rtment (Litera rn ohi sto ri cky odbor MS ), whi ch was form ed o n M ay 11 , 19 22 b y separat in g the hi sto ry of li te ra tu re secti on (hi sto rickoli terarn a sekcia) from the Hi story D epartm ent (Historicky od bo r M S). T he latter ha d bee n establ ished at the second ge ner al asse mbl y of the M at ica in Au gust, 1920 . T he fi rst offi cers of the Literary Hi story D epartme n t we re J a roslav V lcek as pres ide nt , Albert Prazak as vice- preside nt , a nd Stefan Krcm ery as secreta ry, S and they gave the depa rtment its basic to ne for the next decade. T he D epartm en t was enl a rged in Febru a ry, 1925 by adding to it m an y writers from the literary sectio n of th e Art s D ep a rtm e nt (U m elecky odbo r M S), a nd its na m e was ch a n ged to th e Liter a ry a nd Literar y Hi sto ry D ep a rtm ent (Litera rn y a literarn ohi sto ri cky odbor MS) . But the old n am e was taken again the nex t year , a nd it remain ed the Li te ra rnohi sto ricky odbo r 6 until it was ended in 1953, when its work was taken over by several in stitutes, such as the Li te ra rn y archfv M S a n d the In sti tu te of Slovak Liter ature in the Slovak Academy of Sciences (Ustav sloven skej li teratury SA V) in Brat islava . 7 T h is n a m e, in fac t , in d icated its m a in fu nct io n : it collected manu scrip ts b io-b ibli ograp hi es, m emoris , a nd the li ke. 8 O ne of its first act ivit ies was to coll ect a nd pu bli sh Vl ce k 's hi story of Slovak li te ra tu re in 1923, a nd it co ntribu ted to th e S bornfk Ma tice slovensk ej pre j azykospyt, narodopis, dejepis a literarnu historiu , whi ch , howeve r , eve n th ou gh ed ited fi rs t by V lcek, the n by S kul tety, in its first d ecade co n ta in ed m u ch m o re o n ethn ograp hy a nd la n gu age tha n on li te ratu re . 9 Also, m u ch of the work do ne the n de pended upon Czech scholars who - li ke V lce k hi r.1self, Prazak, a nd Flora Kl einsch nitzova - trea ted Slovak li te rat ure as a b ra n ch of Czech li terat ure, whi ch affected their research goals a nd in te rests . 50 SLOVAKIA It has bee n said b y Lubomfr Durovic that althou gh the first Czechoslovak Republic de jure challenged the existence of the Slovak nation by the official theory of the '' Czechoslovak n a tion ,'' it de facto saved th e n a tion by m eans of the great opportunities it provided compared to the Hunga ri a n period . 10 This can be seen very clearly in the ch a n ges that occurred in th e Matica after 1930 when a n ew generat ion of Slovak scholars h ad been trained whose chief interest was in Slovak, not Czech , cu lture and who wanted to co nsider its specificity and its relation to other Slavic cultures, not to Czech culture alone . In 1935 the Sbornfk was divided into specialized pa rts with individu al editors : Ludovft Nova k edited th e la n gu age secti on a nd Stanislav M eciar the lite rary sect ion . The a rrival of su ch a literary schol a r as Andrej Mraz in 1930 m eant , therefore, a cha n ge in em phasis not only from narodopis or et hn ography to literature, but also from bio-bibliographical works to criti cal a nd evalu ative studies and monographs on individual authors, su ch as j a nko Kral' , J a n K alinciak , Samo Chalupka, a nd Ivan Krasko . 11 In add ition , seve ral foreig n Slavists, such as the Ru ssian Dmitri C izevskij an d the Pole Wl ad yslaw Bobek , contributed to the Sbornfk seve ral co mparative studi es rela tin g Slovak literature to th e ge ne ral stream of Slavic literatures a nd in importa n t respects cha n gin g the inte rpreta tion a nd pe riodi zation of Vlcek , which had been follow ed also by Albert Prazak in th e d oze n or m ore wo rks on Slovak li terature h e publi shed in th e M atica in the 1920s a nd after 1932 in th e U ce na spolocnost' Safarikova. In fact , it is inte resting that the first effort to determine a real pe riodization of Slovak literature in itself, not in terms of the peri odization of Czech lite ra ture as Vlcek a nd Prazak h ad don e, was m ade by the P ole Bobek in 193 7; li ttle work was done again on the p eri odizati on of earl y Slovak lite rature until the M a rxist hi stori a ns did it in 1958 in the first volume of the Academy of Sciences literary hi story . i Apa rt from literary history , however , there was really little formal esthetic a n alysis or study of th e theo ry of lite rature. Th e major exce pti on (and it is trul y m ajor) was th e publication in 1939 of the book Vyvin slo vensk eh o versa od skoly Sturo vej by th e Ru ssia n-born forma li st and stru cturali st Mikul as Bakos, who d eveloped a more modern es th etic a n alysis tha n an yone else had done. Accordin g to P avo! Stevcek, it has "remained a book of cardin al importance" to thi s d ay. 13 Th e Sbornfk was not th e on ly literary journ al publi shed by th e M at ica, howeve r . M o re impo rt ant was Sloven sk e pohl'a dy, wh ich has 1 SLOVAKIA 51 been, and still is, a sort of microcosm of Slovak cultural life since it was founded by JozefMiloslav Hurban in 1846. Hurban 's purpose in starting the periodical was " to apply consistently in Slovak cultural life the principles of science and criticism .'' 14 In the first six years of its existence (1846-52), it reflected the major events of Slovak intellectual life - including Hurban ' s defense of Stur's langu age codification in 1846 . Although halted by the censors and b y finan cial difficulties in 1852, it was resumed in M artin in 1881 and continued with first Vajansky as editor , then Jozef Skultety publishing and editing it until 1919 . In 1921 the M atica started it up again under the editorship of Stefan Krcmery, and it remained a monthly published by the Matica until 1953, when it was taken over b y the Slovak Writers' Union , whose organ it is today . In the Matica period, it was edited by Krcmery until illness forced his ret irem ent in 1932, then Andrej Mraz until 1938, and Stanislav M eciar until 1945; with a few exceptions in that period everyo ne published there: nationalists , internationalists, Catholics, Lutherans, Communists, realists, surrealists, social realists. 15 Unlike the Sbornfk, Slovenske pohl'ady always carried original works of literature - poetry and sto ries - as well as literary history and criticism . Thu s it contributed to the growth of literature itself, not just to literary criticism . Besides these two journals, however , the Literary History D epartm ent supported literature in another way: by republishin g the "classics" in collected editions, includin g all the works ofHviezdoslav, Vajansky, Kukucfn , Timrava, the Stur school , and also contemporary writers, such as janko j esensky , Hronsky , a nd M artin R azu s. 16 Unfortunately, these editions of the classics were not usually prepared accord ing to consistent, modern editorial principles, either in selection and arrange m ent of the m ate rial or in lin guistic and textual stand ards. Skultety , Mraz, and M eciar each followed his own editorial system , and editorial assistants acted even more freely. Numerous living authors complained about their treatm en t, and this was true after World War II as well as during and befo re. 17 Furthermore, the Matica did not always select fo r publication the best current works. It showed no interest in Kukucfn's Mat' vola (1 926-27) , published by G .A. Beza in Trnava, nor did it issue Milo Urban 's Zivy bic (Prague, 1927), which is generally rated as by far the best Slovak novel published in the 1920s. But this can be regarded as a sign of the times: In its early period the Matica could be in co ntact 52 SLOVAKIA with almost everything, but as Slovak opportunities grew geometrically with education and the other new advantages, the Matica and Martin could not hold everything in their own hands, and other literary centers were developing . Bratislava became the major competitor, not only because of the professors at the University, but also because of the newly-established Slovak Academy of Sciences and Arts (Slovenska akademia vied a umenf) in 1942, which eventually developed into the current Slovenska akademia vied. In fact, organizational changes in the Matica also became necessary to meet the increasingly specialized growth of knowledge itself in the second half of the twentieth century. 18 The changes in the Matica that occurred after World War II have to be seen in this context: No organization could continue as the sole cultural and scientific institution, as the arts and social sciences became much too complex to be governed in a single organization, especially an institute far away from the capital city, the chief metropolis, and the seat of the main university system. Major changes would have occurred even without the Communist takeover in 1948 or the Marxist-Leninist theories of internationalism and the leading role of the Party - all of which tended to diminish the importance of the Matica. When the law of 1954 reduced the Matica to the single function of a national library and bibliographic institute, I think the fact that it kept exactly its literary relations - its archival, bibliographic, library, and museum activities - is not at all surprising and indicated its basic function from the beginning . But with this point, we are faced with the symbolic meaning, the psychological/spiritual effect, of the Matica slovenska apart from its physical existence . This brings us to the second kind of effect upon literature the Matica has had . In the extreme Magyar persecution at the time of the Matica's early life, it became a sort of guardian and protector of the Slovak nation, which specifically came to mean the guardian of Slovak self-expression, of literature and language. Historians have recognized and shown how closely the Slovak sense of identity, the sense of self, is tied to language ; Peter Brock, for example, has called the Slovaks a "culturallinguistic nation.' ' 19 The Matica was literally the defender in the battle with Czech linguists over the Pravidla , and in the gathering of signatures of 128 writers - essentially all the practicing writers of the time - on a petition to request revision of the Pravidla, Slovaks were completely united on the language issue. The petition caused such bad feelings on SLOVAKIA 53 co nfessional and political grounds between ''Czechoslovaks ' ' and "Slovaks" that the Catholic J.C . Hronsky (who had collected the signatures) and the Lutheran Elena Mar6thy-Soltesova published a soothing joint letter in N arodnie novin y. But there was no disagreement on the language issue itself. 20 This need to defend the Slovak la nguage stopped after the period of the Slovak R epublic a nd Czech acceptance of Slovak individuality in the Kosice Program of 1945 , and the linguistic " purism" stopped when it was no longer needed as a defense. 21 Although Slovak language and literature did not still have to be protected as such, the Literarny archfv and the Literarnomuzejne oddelenie were co ntinuing the guardianship of the past, as allowed by the law of 1954 . Such a narrow view of the Matica as guardian, howeve r, is apparently not sufficient to satisfy the Slovak image of the M atica, because demands were made for a change in the liberal 1960s , especially a t the hundred-year jubilee in 1963 . The restrictive law of 1954 was replaced by the law of 1968 , which resto red the Matica's membership base, gave it a biographical department, and made it responsible for cultural relations with foreigners of Slovak ancestry. The insults of Pres ident Antonfn Novotny against the M atica were taken by Slovaks as insults against the whole nation and used by the liberals (Czech as well as Slovak) in 1968-69 both to remove Novotny from office and to improve the status of the Matica . The book published then , Z vole l'udu obnovena, expresses this continuing view of the Matica as a response to the people's need . 22 Clearly, the hi sto rical and the current concept of the Matica includes its ability to propagate (not only to preserve) among Slovaks their sense of identity in their lan guage and literature. This mission can be seen in another way . I have said that one also has to co nsider the psychological effect of the M a tica as a moveable institute that can be established by Slovaks outside Slovakia. This first occurred in 1893 when the "Matica slovenska in America " was founded in Chicago by American Slovaks ce ntered around the R everend Stefan Furd ek 's j ednota and Gustav Marsall-Petrovsky's Slovak V Amerike . It published several works before it dissolved in 1897 , including a literary journal similar to Slovenske pohl'ady. 23 A "Matica slovenska in Yugoslavia" was established in 1932 in Petrovec, near Novi Sad, where a large and compact gro up of Slovaks had lived for two hundred years; it lasted until 1948. The Zahranicna Matica Slovenska , founded by Sta ni slav Meciar a nd J .C. Hronsky after World War II in Argentina , 54 SLOVAKIA with collaborators in the United States and Canada, still exists. In all three examples, the literary activity (both planned and actually carried out) followed the traditional lines ofMatica activity . For example, Meciar collected and published material on Martin Kukucfn while he lived in Chile and also reprinted and analyzed certain works by J .C. Hronsky . 24 Even while the Matica was closed from 187 5 to 1919, it seemed to produce various alternatives to fill its place . For example , the women's organization Zivena was founded in 1869, but it was not closed by Magyar officials since it was just a women's organization, and therefore was presumably insignificant. Its annual meeting occurred in August because it had been founded at the Matica general assembly, so the August m eetings of Zivena became a substitute for the banned August general assembly of the Matica. 2 5 Zivena also developed a publishing program and an almanach , L etopis Zi ven y, to fill the gap left by the closed Matica. This substitution became possible because the Slovak women's movement was primarily an arm of the national movem ent rather than a genuine feminist drive. In part this was true because the Slovak nationalists, such as Ambro Pietor, were instiga tors in founding the women's organization ; they were looking for help in the struggle against Magyar domination. But it was also true because the leader of the women's movement soon became Elena Mar6thy-Soltesova, daughter of a poet of the Stur school, and more of a nationalist herself than a feminist in her own fiction (unlike the fiction of Timrava, which was more nearly feminist). 26 Therefore, I think the work of Zivena can be said to belon g to the Matica tradition . In the same period, but outside Turciansky Sviity M a rtin , other nationalist centers began to develop among Rom a n Catholics, such as the Spolok sv. Vojtecha in Trnava . In addition, K arol Salva's press in Ruzomberok began to compete with the M atica, as did the journal Dennica, ed ited b y T erezia Vansova in Pila . 2 7 In referring to physical effects as opposed to symbolic effects, or maticas abroad and alternative institutions, it is clear that I am co nsidering a movement rather than only the maj or in stitute that movem ent produced . The Matica movement was and is bigger than the institute itself, and in fac t has spread, I think , much farther and deeper in Slovak literary life than the institute itself indicates . For exam ple, one can see evidence of the identification of Slovak selfhood with literature in the theory of comparativistics of Dionyz Durisin in the Institute of SLOVAKIA 55 Literature of the Slovak Academy of Sciences, and also in the analysis of specifically Slovak elements in lyricized prose by Jan Stevcek of Comenius University . 18 I do not think it is stretching the point too much to say there is something distinctively Slovak about the ambitious attempt of the "Nitra School" of literary theory to utilize and adapt concepts from Czech and Polish structuralism and the Tartu semioticians to create what Edward Mozejko has called "the introduction of a new discipline - the poetics of metatexts . .. a universal metalanguage of art ... the investigation of so-called intersemiotic translation ... a new communicative poetics of literature and art. " 19 To conclude, therefore, the Matica slovenska as an institute resulted from the particular political situation of the Slovaks in Hungary, but it continued and has been periodically renewed because it is a symbol and a symptom of the historical Slovak self-identification with its language and literature. NOTES ' Sta nl ey B. Kimball , " The Serbian Marica - Prototype of Austro-Slav Litera ry Foundat ion s: The First Fifty Yea rs 1826-76 ," East European Quarterly, III (September l 969) , 353-70; Peter H errity, "The R ole of the M a ti ca a nd Similar Societies in the Development of the Slavoni c Literary Languages ,'' Slavon ic and East European R eview, LI Oul y 1973), 368-386 . ' John A. Bert a helped to compile this list; see also his " The Marica slovenska and Its R ole in Slovak Cultural D evelopment, 19 19- 1939" (Ph .D . disse rt a tion , SUNY Bingha mton , l 983). ' " M a ti ca slovenska, " En cyklopedia Slovenska, Vol. III (Bra tislava: SA V , 1979). • Peter Liba, V ydava tel'sk e die/a M a tice slovensk ej 1863-1954 (M artin : M ati ca slovenska , 1962) . ' T omas Winkler , M a rica slovensk a v rok och 1919- 1945: z p roblem ov a dokum entov ustredia MS (Martin: M ati ca slovenska, 1971 ), p . 149. ' Ibid ., p. 150. ' "Literarn ovedn y ustav Slovens kej akademie vied ," Encyklopedia S/ovenska , Vol. III. 8 Winkler, pp. 150-53. ' Ibid, pp. 152-53. SLOVAKIA 56 10 L ' ubomir Durov ic, "Slovak, " in Th e Slavic Lieerary Languages: Formaeion and Developmene, eds. A .M . Schenker and E. Stankiewicz (New H ave n : Yale Conciliu m on Internati ona l and Area Studies, 1980), p . 222. Owen V. Johnson has shown to what ex tent an education class developed in thi s period in his " The slovak Intelligentsia 19 18- 1938" in Russian and Slavic Hisrory , ed . D .K . Rowney and G.E. Orchard (Columbu s: Slavica Publishers, Inc., 1977), and also in his Ph .D . dissertati on , " Sociocultural a nd National D evelo pment in Slovakia , 1918-1 938: Education and It s Impact" (University of Mi chigan , 1978). 11 Winkler, pp . 153-55. ll 13 Jan Misianik , "Uvodom," D ejin y searsej slo venskej lieerac ury, ed s. J a n Misianik , J ozef Mina rik, Milena Mi chalcova, and Andrej Melichercik , Vol. I (Bratislava: SAV, 1958) , 5-6. The introduction is dated Dece mber 30, 1956. See also Winkler, p . 155. P avo! Stevcek, Coneemporary Slovak Lieeraeure (Bra ti slava: Obzo r, 1980), p . 119 ; Stevcek says Bakos was th e "fou nd er of lit era ry theory ." See also Winkler , p. 156. " Vi ctor K ochol , in D ejin y slovenskej lit eratury: Lieeraeura narodn eho obrodenia , eds . Milan Pisut , K arol R ose nbaum , Victor Kochol, Vol. II (Bratislava: SAY , 1960) , pp . 466-67: "Hurban chcel v slovenskom kulturnom zivote dosled ne upl atn ova t' principy vedec kosti a kritickosti . . . . " 11 Winkler, pp . 157-59. See a lso V ladimir Petrik , "Slovenske pohl'ady 192 2- 1938 , " Slovenske pohl'ady , No. 7 (1964) , 8-14 , and Jozef Bzoch, "Slove nske pohl'ad y 1939- 1944, " Slo venske pohl'ady, o. 8 (1964), 6-9. 1 • See Liba , op . cir. 17 E.G., Iva n Ku sy, ed. , Timra va: Zobran e spisy, II (Bratisl ava: Slovenske vydavatel'stvo krasnej literatury , 1956), 287-88, and es pecially Marianna PridavkovaMinarikova , Textologicke a seylisticke problem y K.ukucinovho die/a (Bratislava: SA V, 1972), pp . 5, 13 , 15, and passim . " In 1935, for exa mpl e, th e lin guist r.udovit Novak argued for chan ges in th e Matica to provide greater finan cial support and to bring scientifi c freedom from political chan ges (Winkler , pp. 29-30 a nd 110- 12) ; in fact, th e J azy koved ny odbor had such ex treme organiza ti onal disagreements amo ng its members (especially Novak and H enri ch Ba rt ek) th a t once ( 1936) Hronsk y wanted to resign a nd later (1941) th e odbor was on th e verge of being di ssolved (see Winkler , pp . 30 a nd 131-32). On SA VU a nd SAV, see Slovenska ak adem ia vied (Bratislava: Vydavatcl'stvo SAV, 1969). " Peter Brock , The Slo,·ak National Awakenin g: An Essay in eh e lnt eJlecr ual Hiseory of Ease General Europe (Toronto a nd Buffalo: Universi ty of T oro nto Press, 1976), p. ix . Brock uses as a motto H ans Kohn's statement: " In Central and Eastern Europe it was the poe t, the phil ologist, and th e hi storian who crea ted th e nati onaliti es. " "' Elena Mar6th y-Soltcsova a nd J .C . H rons ky, " Slm-cnskej ve rej nos ti . Vysvetlenie vo veci podpisov pre navrh slov . spisova tcl'ov ," Narodnie novin y, May 1932 , p. 2. On th e Pra vidla , see Durovic, pp . 222-25 , and Robert Auty, " The R ole of Purism in th e Development of th e Sl avonic Lit erary Languages, " Slavonic R eview , LI Uul y 1973) , 335 -43. SLOVAKIA 57 " 6urovic, pp . 225-26. " Z vole I'udu obnovena, ed s. Ivan Gegus and Mil os K ovacka (M a rtin : Matica slovenska , 1968 - ac tu all y 1969), pp. 6-9 a nd p assim . Novotnfs petty a nd tas teless behavior is outlin ed here also. " '' Matica slove nska v Amerike '' and '' Matica slovenska v J uh oslav ii ,' ' En cyklopedia Slovenska , Vol. III. On th e American Matica, see also K ons ta ntin C ul en , Slovenske casopisy ,· Amerike (Cleveland: Prva katolicka sloven ska jednota, 1970), pp . 19-21 , 52-53 , 70-71. " Stanislav M ecia r , Kukucfn if.ivy , 2 vols. ( Bu enos Aires: Knizni ca Slobodna Slovenska Kultu ra , 1958 and 1960) - stri ctl y speaking th ese books were no t published by the Matica but within that trad itio n; J. C. Hronsky , Poh ar z bruseneho skla , ed. S. Mcciar (Buenos Aires: Zahranicn a M ati ca Slovenska, 1964), and Na kriinych cescach , cd. S. Meciar (Bu enos Aires: Zahranicna Matica Sloven ska, 1966). " Stefana Yotrubova, Zivena. j ej osudy a praca (Martin: Zivena, 1931) , pp . 22-23; see a lso J a rmil a Tkadleckova-Yantuchova, Zivena-Spolok slovensk ych zien (Bra ti slava : Epocha , 1969). " See th e compariso n in An In cipienc Feminise: Slovak Scories by Timra, ·a , ed it ed and translated by No rm a Leigh Rudinsk y (Columbus: Slavica Publishers, In c. , in prep.). " J a n Tibensky , ed ., Slovensko: Dejiny (Bratislava: Obzor, 197 1), p . 543. " Dionyz Duri sin , Problem y Jic erarn ej komparacistik y (Bratislava: SA V, 1967), and Z dcjin a ce6rie Jicerarn ej kompara cisrik y (Bratislava: SA V , 1970) ; J an Stevcck, Nez badane pr6zy (Bratislava: Slovensky spisova tel' , 197 1), a nd L yrizovan a pr6za (B ra ti slava : Tatran , 1973). " Edwa rd Mozejko, " Survey: Slovak Theory of Litera ry Co mmuni ca ti on : Notes on th e Nitra School of Lit erary Criticism,' ' PTL: A j ourn al for Descripri,·e Poetics and Theory of Lircrarure , 4 (1979) , 37 1-8 4.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Matica slovenská and Its Relation to the Development of Slovak Literature Description An account of the resource Norma L. Rudinsky Slovakia, Vol. 31 (No. 57), 1984 pp. 47-57 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Rudinsky, Norma Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1984 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/556f66aa5a56254d37021922fbe960aa.pdf e1ced8063ac13be2ba366e5222b17c0a PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA-2017 61 THE SLOVAK ARMY ON THE EASTERN FRONT DURING WORLD WAR II Jan Rychlik Attempts to build separate Slovak military units under the command of Slovak officers within the framework of the Czecho-S lovak Armed Forces already existed in the period of autonomy (6 October 1938 to 14 March 1939). The government in Prague refused such demands but despite that many conscripts and officers of Slovak nationality were allowed to serve in Slovakia, which later enabled the relatively rapid creation of Slovak army units. The ruling Hlinka Slovak People ' s Party (Hlinkova slovenska l'udova strana - HSCS) already in this period had a party militia called the Hlinka Guard (Hlinkova garda - HG). The HG-men (gardisti) belonged to radical separatists within the HSCS. Many of them were admirers of German National Socialism and later became known for their terrorist acts against Czechs, Jews and opponents of the regime. Units of the newly-established Slovak army and volunteers of the HG took part in the defence of the eastern border against the Hungarian invasion of Eastern Slovakia (23- 31 March 1939) known as the "little war" . However, regular army officers considered the HG as dangerous fanatics with poor fighting abilities and opposed their inclusion in the armed forces. Also, President Josef Tiso did not like them because of their radicalism . The newly-established Slovak Army was at the beginning only a smaller version of the Czechoslovak Army of the first Republic ( 19 I 8-1938), which the Germans dissolved. The departure from the Czechoslovak model (new ranks, new emblems and symbols etc.) was a relatively lengthy process. At the beginning the army used the old Czechoslovak uniforms and was equipped mainly with Czechoslovak weapons and machinery, which was later partly replaced by German ones. Like the Czechoslovak Army, it was based on the conscript system and made compulsory for all able-bodied men, usually two years. Reservists cou ld be summoned for military training in �62 SLOVAKIA-2017 case of emergency. 1 However, the Slovak army initially lacked officers. In August of 1938 there were only 435 officers of Slovak nationality in the Czechoslovak army, which represented 3.4% of the officer corps. 2 Some officers of Czech nationality, mainly those with Slovak wives, were allowed to continue their service in the Slovak army, as well as some ethnic Germans . New officers were recruited from the reserve-officers of the former Czechoslovak anny, who were mainly teachers. Some of them were in fact mobilized against their will. A Slovak military academy was opened in Banska Bystrica, and military schools in Bratislava and Nitra. In July of 1939 the Slovak army consisted of 29,683 men ; in February 1940 33, 41 (including 1,0 IO officers); and in June of I 94 I 33,676 men, including 1,347 officers, 42 of them Czechs. 3 Jews, according the government decree of 2 1 June 1939, served in military labour units and the same applied to Roma (Gypsies). Ethnic Germans living in Slovakia, who were Slovak citizens, served first in the Slovak army in special units but later they were allowed to fulfil their military service in the German army and the SS-corps. In 1944 their service in the SS-corps became mandatory. There were people of different political opinions in the officer corps of the Slovak army. Certainly, there were officers devoted to independent Slovakia and even to the close cooperation of Slovakia with Germany, like Colonel (later General) Jozef Turanec, Colonel Rudolf Pilfousek or Lieutenant-Colonel Michal Loksik4 . Generally speaking, however, the Slovak officers were usually not adherents of the HSCS regime and very often were even hostile or at least indifferent to the idea of independent Slovakia. Some Slovak officers even joined the resistance movement. The Czech underground organization National Defence (Obrana naroda - ON), which specialized in sabotage and military intelligence, and was based in the Protectorate, also operated in Slovakia and some officers of the Slovak army were members. The reason for such behaviour was rather simple: 1 Frantisek Csefa lvay et al. , Vojenske dejiny Slovenska [Military Hi story of Slovakia] V. 1939- 1945. Brati slava: Magnet Press, 2008, 16-24. 2 Ibid ., 14. 3 Ibi d. , p. 22-3 . 4 Frantisek Csefalvay et al., Vojenske osobnosri dejin Slovenska 1939-/945 [Military Personalities in the History of Slovakia 1939- 1945). Brati slava: Vojensky histori cky ustav, 2013 , 153-4, 197-8, 250-5 1. �SLOVAKIA-2017 63 former Czechoslovak officers, who graduated from the Czechoslovak military schools (most notably at the Military Academy in Hranice), were educated in a pro-Czechoslovak and pro-democratic spirit. Czechoslovak counter-intelligence screened every candidate applying to study at the Military Academy. Members of Communist and various separatist parties or even sympathisers of Communism or separatist movements were not accepted. The same restrictions applied in the school for reserve officers who were recruited from conscripts with higher education. In addition, the professional officers before 1938 were often stationed in the Czech Lands and their wives were often Czechs. 5 They were integrated into the Czech secular milieu and the clerical character of the Slovak Republic was strange to them. Some former Czechoslovak officers of Slovak nationality were originally also Legionaries, that is, volunteers who had fought for an independent Czechoslovakia on the side of the Allies, especially in Russia during World War I. 6 The ex-Legionaries formed the elite of the inter-war Czechoslovak army. It is true that even among the Legionaries it was possible to find supporters of the l'udak regime (like General Ferdinand Catlos), but in principle, former Legionaries were rather hostile to it. Some even deserted from the Slovak army and offered their services to the Czechoslovak government-in-exile represented by Edvard Benes and joined the Czechoslovak Army abroad. This was the case of General Rudolf Viest, the only general of Slovak nationality, who escaped to Paris and became commander of the Czechoslovak Army in France. This army fought the advancing Germans during the spring campaign on the western front in May and June of 1940 and after the defeat of France was evacuated to Great Britain. From 14 March 1939 Slovakia was an independent state with its own army and foreign representation . Slovak sovereignty was, how5 Pavel Micianik, Slovenskci armada v t'ai eni proti Sovietskemu zviizu ( /941-1944) . 1. V opercicii Barbarossa. [The Slovak Army in the Campaign aga inst the Soviet Uni on. I 941-1944. Part I. In Operation Barbarossa) (hereafter cited as Micianik, I.), Banska Bystrica: Dali-BB, 2007, 30-31. 6 The Czechoslovak Legions were formed during WW I from prisoners of war of the Austro-Hunga ri an army of Czech and S lovak nationality and also the Czech and Slovak vo lunteers li ving in Entente states (mainly Russia , France) or neutral states (mainl y the USA up to 191 7). The Legions were formed in Russia, Italy and France. They fought against Germany and A ustri a-Hunga ry. The Legions in Russia also later fought aga inst the Red Army in th e Ru ssian C ivi l war. �64 SLOVAKIA-2017 ever, severely limited by special relations with Germany. According the "Treaty of Protection" (in German: Schutzvertrag), signed preliminarily in Vienna on 18 March and definitively in Berlin on 23 March 1939, Germany obtained the right to build freely , and according to her own needs, military bases in the so-called "Zone of Protection" (Schutzzone) which was situated in Western Slovakia between the White Carpathians and the border of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. Slovakia was also obliged to conduct her foreign and 7 defence policies according the interests of Germany. A secret protocol to the Schutzvertrag subordinated the Slovak economy to German needs. 8 The Treaty of Protection in fact meant that Slovakia could be forced to participate in war alongside Germany, if the German government so desired. On 2 1 August the German Auswdrtigesamt (Foreign Office) prepared a Note verbale informing the Slovak Government that German armed forces would enter Slovakia to protect her from the danger of a Polish attack.9 The content of the note (approved by Adolf Hitler) was first unofficially presented to the Slovak government by German Minister to Bratislava Hans Bernard on 24 August 1939 . 10 The Slovak government was also asked to take part in the military operations against Poland (the government was assured that the Slovak army would not be used outside of Slovak territory, 11 but this promise was broken). In exchange, Germany promised to guarantee the Slovak-Hungarian border. If Poland was defeated, Slovakia would regain the territories lost in the fall of 1938, and eventually those lost to Poland in 1920. 12 After some hesitation the Slovak government accepted the German demands. After that the German request was presented again officially on 27 August 13 and the Slovak government consented the next day. Mobilization started already on 26 August. Gradually 117,000 reservists were 7 Eduard Ni zi'i ansky et al. , Slovensko-nemecke vzt'ahy 1938-1 94 1 v dokumentech/Slovakisch-deutsche Beziehungen in Dokumenten 1938-/ 94 1 [Slovak-German Relations 193 8-1941 in Documents] I. (hierafter cited as SDBD I.] , Presov: Universum , 2009, doc. 96, pp. 305-06. 8 Ibid ., 307-08. 9 SBDB I. , doc. 202, pp. 576-7 . 10 Ibid, doc . 209, pp. 589-90. 11 Ibid., doc. 205 , p. 583. 12 Ibid., doc. 210, pp. 590-1 . 13 Ibid., doc. 216, pp. 604-5 , p. 610. �SLOVAKIA-2017 65 called up, of whom about 51,000 were assigned to the field army "Bernolak," under the command of General Ferdinand Catlos. While the main military operations were carried out by the Wehrmacht, which launched its attack on Poland also from Slovak soil, three Slovak divisions between 3- 5 September crossed the border and occupied a small piece of territory on the Polish side of the Tatra Mountains. On 17 September Poland was attacked from the east by the Red army, and was defeated and the Slovak army returned to Slovakia. It should be noted that Slovakia never formally declared war on Poland. The Slovak government presented the war against Poland as a struggle for the liberation of the territories which were annexed by Poland in 1920, 1924 and in 1938 (Upper Orava, Upper Spis and part of Javorina in the High Tatra Mountains). Germany indeed returned 14 these territories to Slovakia on 21 November 1939. The reclaimed territories were partly inhabited by ethnic Slovaks and so the war had some justification. Pro-German elements in HSCS, and especially the HG, welcomed the defeat of Poland . Generally speaking, however, the war was not very popular among Slovaks because many of them considered the Poles Slavs, like the Slovaks, and in addition to speaking a similar language, their kinsmen and brothers. The war was extremely unpopular among Slovak Lutherans in the western part of the country. After the defeat of Poland, Germany no longer required Slovak participation in German operations and the Slovak army did not take part in the war in the West. In June of 1940 France was defeated. Berlin, having now "free hands," decided to purge the Slovak government of "unreliable elements" and to strengthen the influence of the Germanophiles. On July 27, Hitler summoned President Tiso to Salzburg and forced him to fire Minister of Foreign Affairs Ferdinand Durcansky, who in the Spring had tried to negotiate with the British behind Germany's back. The new Minister of Foreign Affairs became the Germanophile Vojtech Tuka, who since 26 October 1939 had already been the Prime Minister. Another Germanphile, Alexander Mach, was appointed Minister of the Interior. The new government was definitivel y and exclusively oriented towards Germany. On 24 November 1940 Slovakia, together with Hungary and Romania, 1 ~ SDBD, I., doc. 25 1, pp. 683 -4. �66 SLOVAKIA-2017 joined the Tripartite Pact (Berlin-Rome-Tokyo). 15 In April of 1941 Slovakia did not participate in the campaign against Yugoslavia and Greece. On the other hand, when the war stared on 6 April, Bratislava severed diplomatic relations with Belgrade and on 10 April expressed a willingness to recognize the Independent State of Croatia. On 21 June 1941 the Chief of the German General Staff, General Franz Halder, visited Bratislava incognito. He informed the head of the German military mission, General Paul von Otto, that Hitler expected the participation of the Slovak army in the war against the Soviet Union. 16. The war started the next day. The German Minister to Bratislava, Hans Eluard Ludin, visited Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Vojtech Tuka and informed him about the German request for Slovak participation. Tuka agreed and offered (through Slovak Minister to Berlin Matus Cernak) military assistance to the German Foreign Office. 17 On the same afternoon diplomatic relations between the USSR and Slovakia were broken off 8 and Defence Minister Ferdinand Catlos summoned the reservists for "extraordinary military training. " Only on 24 June did the government approve Slovak participation in the war, which was officially announced on the radio. The Slovak Diet, which according the Constitution was the only body that could declare war, was not informed of the government's declaration . So, from the forma l point of view, the whole action was unconstitutional. It is worth mentioning that on 13 December 1941 , the Slovak government also formally declared war on Great Britain and the United States. 19 Again, the declaration of war was not presented to the Diet. Because the USA and Great Britain did not recognize Slovakia as an independent state, they ignored the declaration. No direct fighting took place between the Slovak army and the western allies, but both countries treated Slovakia as 15 SDBD, I. , doc. 359, pp. 270-2. SDBD, I. doc. 400, p. 1092. 17 Eduard Nizi\ansky et al. , Slovensko-nemecke vzt'ahy 194 1-1945 v dokumentech/Slovakisch-deutsche Beziehungen in Dokumenten 1941-1945 [Slovak-German Relati ons 1941 - 1945 in documents] II. (hierafter cited as SDBD 11.), Presov: Universum , 20 11 , doc.1,p.95 . 18 Ibid, doc. 3, p. 98 . 19 SDBS II. , doc. 34, p. 184. The declaration was announ ced in th e daily Slovenskci politika on 13 December 1941. 16 �SLOVAKIA-2017 67 enemy territory. Slovakia, including Bratislava, was repeatedly bombed in 1944. Accord ing to the unpublished memoirs of Ferdinand Catlos, at first onl y ministers Tuka and Mach advocated immediate participation in the war, whi le other ministers and President Tiso had some doubts . But after some hesitation all agreed. 20 Despite the fact that it was Gennany who reque sted military ass istance from Slovakia, it should be noted that the Slovak government had no objections. The government saw participation in the war against the Soviet Union as a good opportunity to show to Berlin that Slovakia was a better frie nd than Hungary, which also took part in the military campaign. Tuka and Tiso wanted to contribute more and faster. They believed that it in future it might be possible, with German help, to rev ise the Vienna Arbitration Award of 2 November 193 8, which deprived Slovakia of part of her southern territory in favour of Hungary. The openl y anti-communist policy and rhetoric of the l'udak regime also played a role. 2 1 Mobilization of the reservists lasted until 5 July. A total of 68,0 18 reservists were ca ll ed to arms, of whom 56,8 58 were registered . The total number of Slovak soldiers reached 90,533 . General Ferd inand Catlos formed in Eastern Slovakia an Anny Group (in Slovak : armadna skupina - AS) which consisted of two divisions nd (the I st Division commanded by Colone l Jozef Turanec and the 2 Divi sion com manded by Co lonel Augustin Malar). From a part of the 2nd Division and sma ll er units of specialized weapons (two artillery regiments, tank units, automob ile unit etc.), Catlos formed the so-called Mobile Group (in Slovak: rychla skupina , i.e. , the fast or rapid group) under the command of Colonel Rudolf Pilfousek, an officer who claimed to be an ethnic German, but according hi s name was probably partly Czech. The Mobile Group was the only almost full y motorized Slovak military unit and it was expected to move quickly with the advancing German army. The Slovak forces were first situated in northeast Slovakia, near the border of occupied Poland (the Genera l Governorate). Slovakia did not border on the Sovi20 Archiv literatt'.try a um eni a Slovenskej narodnej kn iznice (ALU SNK) [Archives of the Li terature and Arts of the Slovak National Library] in Martin, mem oirs of Ferdinand Catlos, sig. 129 E2, pp. 65 -66. 21 I.:ubomir Liptak, Slovensko v 20. storoci [Slovakia in the 20th Century]. 2nd ed., Bratislava: Kalli gram, 1998, 189. �68 SLOVAKIA-2017 et Union but Soviet territory was very close to the place of assembly. After the beginning of the war, the Slovak forces crossed the border and assembled in the General Govemorate near Brzoz6w, a village west of the River San, from 28 September 1939 the border between Germany and Soviet Union. The Slovak division s and the Mobile Group were included in the forces of the German Army Group South (commander: Field Marchal Gerd von Rundstedt). Within this Army group the Mobile Group was first subordinated to the command of the I ih German army (Commander: General Carl Heinrich von Stiilpnagel), which was part of the Army Group South. One of the goals of the I ih Army was to cross the San River and to break through the so-called Molotov defence line, 22 i.e. the chain of light bunkers built on the new Soviet western border (established after the defeat of Poland). The Mobile Group crossed the San on 25 June and continued to attack Sambor. On I July the Soviet army started to retreat to the so-called Stalin line, the chain of fortre sses built on the old (pre-17 September 1939) Soviet-Polish border. This allowed the advancing German I ih Army to continue to attack the region of Lvov (in Polish Lw6w, in Ukrainian Lviv) and the mobile group was ordered to mop up the territory South of Lvov. On 2 July, without firing a shot, the mobile group captured Stryj (a town about 60 km south ofLvov), which the Red Arm y decided not to defend. 23 On 7 July the Mobile Group, which was temporally subordinated again directly to General Catlos, was reorganized into the Mobile Brigade (195 officers, 52 sergeants and 4,655 soldiers, a company of 43 tanks - two squads , one battalion of armoured vehicles and th trucks, the I I Artillery Regiment, one squad of machine-guns, a scouting squad) and the next day started to move Eastward alongside the main axis Sambor - Temopol - Vinnyca. On 19 July the I 7th the th German Army broke the Stalin line and the 49 Mountain Army Corps occupied Vinnyca, led by Major-General Ludwig von Kubler. The German command believed that now was the time to di sperse the Red Army. Kubler ordered Pilfousek on 19 July to move the Mobile Brigade to Vinnyca, which was reached on 2 1 July. Pilfousek was then ordered to take Lypovec, a small town about 50 km East of Vinnyca on the main road to Bila Cerkva and Kiev . The attack start22 23 Micianik, I. , pp. Micianik, I. pp. 62-83. �SLOVAKIA-2017 69 ed on 22 July. Pilfousek had less than 5,000 men, 43 tanks and part th of the 11 Artillery Regiment with 123 cannons. The tanks did not have enough fuel and ammunition and had to halt the attack in the vi llage Scaslyva, west of the town. Pilfousek then made a fatal error when he ordered the infantry to continue the attack. Slovak so ldiers reached the center of the town but they were stopped by a counterattack by a division of the lih Soviet Army, which sent 15,000 men to reconquer the lost positions. The Slovaks were unable to hold the city without tanks but were saved due to the support of the 11 h Artillery Regiment, which held back the attacking Soviets. Only the arri va l of fresh German forces saved the Mobile Brigade from total defeat. A total of 75 Slovak soldiers died, 167 were wounded and 19 were taken prisoner. The Mobile Brigade lost four tanks, one armored car and tens of trucks. The next day, on 23 July, Lypovec was th occupied by the German 295 Infantry Division of Lieutenant24 General Karl Glimbel. The Mobile Group had in fact been defeated and General Ferdinand Catlos ordered most of the armored vehicles to return to Slovakia. Most of the soldiers remained in the Vinnyca region, while only a small Slovak unit of the Mobile Group, supported by the 11 th Artilth lery Regiment, continued the attack with the German 295 Infantry Di vision and on 30 July reached Granovo, West of the Dnepr (Dnipro) River. After that even these soldiers were sent back to Vinnyca. Slovak official propaganda presented the defeat at Lypovec as a "great victory" and also as a "symbol of Slovak-German friendship in arms." In 1942 a granite monument was erected at the battlefield and a military cemetery was located there. The monument stands to this day. About 600 Slovak soldiers, who died in the fighting in the Soviet Union (not only at Lypovec), are buried here. The First and Second Slovak Infantry Divisions, forming the Slovak army group (Armadna skupina - AS) were created partly from reservists who were mobilized at the end of June. The infantry divisions were concentrated in northeast Slovakia, near Medzilaborce, and later moved to the region of Sanok and Chyrov (in Polish: Chyr6w, in Ukrainian Chyriv, 16 km to the east from the UkrainianPolish border), where the command of the AS was temporally situated . The troops moved slowl y because they usually had to walk. They 24 Ibid ., pp. 12 1-37. �70 SLOVAKIA-2017 were used in July mainly to mop up the regions of eastern Galicia (South of the line Rava Ruska - Ternopol) of the dispersed units of the Soviet army as a part of the hinterland forces of the German Army Group South. 25 The Mobile Division After the defeat of the Mobile Brigade at Lypovec General Catlos decided to reorganize the Slovak armed forces. On 25 July 1941 two new divisions were formed : the Mobile Division (in Slovak: rychla divizia - RD), which was in fact a strengthened Mobile Brigade and the Security Division (in Slovak: Zaist'ovacia divizia ZD) which was to serve as a security and guard service on occupied Soviet territories in Ukraine. Their main region of operations was around Zitomir (Zhitomir, ukr. Zytomyr), a town about 130 km west of Kiev. While at the beginning of war the Slovak government wanted to show that Slovakia's participation in comparison to its population was high, now the situation changed. Most of the reservists, mobilized at the end of June and beginning of July to the Army Group (I st and 2 nd Infantry Division), were sent home. In the autumn of 1941 the number of soldiers was reduced to only about one-third of that in July 1941. The RD and the ZD were now formed mainly from professional soldiers and conscripts. The reservists formed about 17% of the total. They were mainly specialists of various types and drivers. On 10 September 8,862 men served in the ZD, 26 while the Mobile Division had 8,451 men on 20 August (including 30 I officers). 27 Despite its name, the Mobile Divison commanded by Colonel Jozef Turanec, was not fully motorized. The motorized section took part in the battle of Kiev at the end of August I 941. After the fall of Kiev (20 September 1941) the Mobile Division moved to the South st and was part of the 1 Tanlc Army Group of Colonel-General Ewald von Kleist, which moved in the direction of the Don River. It fought 25 Ibid, pp. 142-53 . Micianik, I. , p. 245. See also: P. Micianik, Slovenska armada v t'ai eni proti So vietskemu zviizu (1941 -1944). II. Zaist'ovacia divizia a ieleznicni pionieri. [Security Division and Ra ilway Pioneers]. (hereafter cited as Micianik, 11. ) Banska Bystrica : Dal-BB, 2008, p. 37. 27 Micianik, I. , p. 191. 26 �SLOVAKIA-2017 71 successfully in the Donbas Area. At the end of October the Mobile Division reached Rostov-on-the Don and the Azov Sea. At that time the Mobile Division had 287 officers, 386 sergeants and 7,081 men. The Slovak units were situated between Rostov and the mouth of the Don. Slovak soldiers were not prepared for the winter, which started in the middle of November. 28 On 27 November 1941 Colonel Turanec was replaced by Colonel Augustin Malar. After his arrival, he recognized the decline in morale and discipline and fighting ability among his soldiers. Malar wanted to move the division back to Slovakia but the German High Command refused because of the start of a Soviet counter-offensive at the end of November. Field Marshal von Rundstedt, the Commander of Army Group South, decided to retreat. On 28 November the Soviet army reconquered Rostov. Hitler recalled Rundstedt and substituted him with Field Marshal Walter von Reichenau, but Reichenau did not change the order and continued the retreat behind the River Mius. Here the Slovak RD was ordered to defend positions near the town of Golodajevka on the bank of the River Mius. The Soviet counteroffensive was then successfully stopped. As a result, Colonel Malar was promoted to the rank of General and later awarded the German Iron Cross. By the end of 1941 the RD had suffered 84 deaths, 3 78 wounded or frozen, 26 missing and 11 captured. 29 Between January and the beginning of March 1942 the Red Army launched its winter offensive at the Mius River.30 At the beginning of March the snow started to melt and the Mius overflowed. The flood stopped the Soviet offensive and within the next six weeks the front where the RD was stationed was relatively quiet but still between 1 January and the end of April the RD lost 143 men ( 124 killed, 12 missing and 7 captured). 31 On 25 April 1942 Jozef Turanec, promoted to the rank of General on 1 January, again took command of the RD. The Mobile division took part first in the battle of Charkov (Charkiv, Kharkiv) in the 28 P. Micianik, Slovenskci armada v t'aieni pro ti Sovietskemu zvdzu (1941-1944). !If. Rychla divizia [The Slovak Army in the Attack upon the Soviet Union ( 1941-1944). Ill. The Mobile Divison] (hereafter cited as Micianik, 111. ), Banska Bystrica: Dal88, 2009, 35 . 29 F. Csefalvay et al. , op. cit. , pp. 80-7 , 30 Micianik, Ill. , pp. 37-46. 31 F. Csefalvay et. al. , op. cit., p. 93. �72 SLOVAKIA-2017 spring and then in the summer offensive in Southern Russia, which started on 28 June 1942. At the end of July the RD participated in the reconquest of Rostov (for this operation Jozef Turanec was awarded the German Iron Cross). 32 Because the Soviet army retreated east of the Don, Hitler mistakenly thought that it was already defeated and divided his forces into two groups: the "A" Army group was to destroy the Soviet forces between the rivers Don and Kuban , and after that to continue the attack along the axis Nal'cik - Vladikavkaz Groznyj - Machackala (at the coast of the Caspian Sea) . After reaching Machackala, the army was to continue along the sea coast to the Oil fields around Baku. The "B" group was to hold the line on the Central Don and simultaneously continue the attack on Stalingrad (now Volgograd), on the Volga River. The Mobile Division was included in the "A" group commanded by Colonel-General Paul Ludwig Ewald von Kleist. While small units of the RD remained in Rostov, the main forces crossed the Don on 31 July and pursued the retreating Red Army across the Kuban Steppe. On 4 August the RD reached the Kuban River at Kropotkin (a town about 230 km east of Rostov) , crossed the river and continued to the rivers Laba and Psis (left inflows of the River Kuban). Here the RD reached the foot of the Caucasus Mountains, with their dense forests and small wild rivers and creeks. The roads were in very bad shape and narrow, and the retreating Red Army blew up the bridges. The tanks could not continue, and most of the armored cars and half-tracks were damaged and unable to continue. The troops of the RD, moving slowly and dispersed, were easy targets for small units of Russian partisans and raids by the Soviet Air Force. On 17 August Turanec received orders to move to the south and secure the territory around the town of Gorjacij Kljuc, with an important railway station on the main railway Rostov - Krasnodar. 33 The RD was again subordinated to the German I 7 th Army, which had orders to attack Novorossijsk and Tuapse on the Black Sea and to continue along the coast to the Turkish border. This attempt failed due to fierce Soviet resistance, and the RD was also stopped before Tuapse. 34 At the end of September Hitler ordered a new attack. The RD was included under the command of 32 33 34 P. Mi cianik, op. cit, pp. 11 8-24. Mi cianik, III. , pp. 146-70 . Ibid ., pp. 21 7-1 8. �SLOVAKIA-2017 73 Colonel Stefan Jurech, who replaced Jozef Turanec on 23 September. The attack of the RD started on 14 October but again failed. From 22 October the RD defended the right bank of the Psekups River. The Slovaks were under constant attack by the Soviet Air Force. ln August and September they lost 83 dead, 470 wounded, 10 missing and 3 captured; in November 19 dead and 97 wounded. 35 On 19 November 1942, the Red Army launched Operation Uranus, a two-pronged attack targeting the weaker Romanian and Hungarian forces protecting the German 6th Army's flanks. The Axis forces on the flanks were overrun and the 6th Army was cut off and surrounded in the Stalingrad area. Adolf Hitler ordered the army to stay in Stalingrad and make no attempt to break out; instead, attempts were made to supply the army by air and to break the encirclement from the outside. Heavy fighting continued for another two months. By the beginning of February 1943, the Axis forces in Stalingrad had exhausted their food and ammunition. The remnants of the 6th Army surrendered. th By Christmas of 1942 it became clear that the German 6 Army in Stalingrad was in big trouble and that the Soviets would soon launch an offensive against the German and Slovak armies in the th Caucasus. After completing the encirclement of the 6 Army, the Soviets moved to the west and reached a position 60 km east of Rostov. Colonel-General Erwald von Kleist, who replaced von Reichenau on 21 November, on 3 l December 1942 ordered an immediate retreat from Caucasus to Rostov. On 16 January 1943, the Soviet counteroffensive on the Caucasus front began. Due to this offensive, part of the Mobile Division was encircled in the village of Pencenskaja. Already during the Autumn of 1942, the Slovak soldiers were bombarded by propaganda leaflets. In them, Slovak soldiers who had deserted from the RD and also Slovak Communists wlio fled to the USSR after 1939, urged their fellow-soldiers not to fight the Russians but to surrender and cross-over to the Soviet side. This propaganda now increased. Colonel Stefan Jurech, promoted to the rank of General on I January 1943, in this new situation had no intention to st continue fighting . He secretly sent 1 Lieutenant Gustav Donoval to th the staff of the Soviet 60 Guard Rifle Army to negotiate a surrender. On 22 January 1943, the staff signed with Donoval an agreement 35 F. Csefal vay, op. cit. pp. 95-6. �74 SLOVAKIA-2017 by which the whole Mobile Division was to cross over to the Russians on 24 January. 36 This did not happen, however, because the German army broke the encirclement of Pencenskaja and the Slovaks retreated with the Germans. The Mobile Division then moved to the Kuban region from whence it was transported partly by boats and partly by air-lift to the Crimea and Perekop. During the Caucasus operations the RD lost 108 dead, 207 wounded and 157 were missing 37 and captured . During 1943 the Mobile Division lost its ability to fight due to low morale and defections. Many soldiers in Crimea established friendly relations with the locals, especially with women. Because the RD lost almost all its tanks and armored vehicles in the Caucast sus, it was reorganized as the 1 Infantry Division on 1 August 1943. At night from 29 to 30 October 1943, members of the division were suddenly attacked by the Red Army at Melitopol. The soldiers decided to surrender: 2300 soldiers and 45 officers were taken prisoner. st The German high command lost confidence in the I Division and argued that it should be used only as a labor unit. General Ferdinand Catlos agreed. On 4 May 1944 the 1st Division was transformed into the 1st Technical Division, which was moved to Romania and later to Hungary. The rest of the division was captured in March of 1945 by the Red Army. During 1941-1943, The Mobile Division suffered at least 600 dead, 2,400 wounded, 398 missing, and 88 captured. Only 42 men deserted to the Red Army. From the military point of view, it belonged to the elite of the Slovak army and even the German high command was satisfied with it. The Security Division The Security Division was stationed in the region of Northern Ukraine and Southern White Russia (Belarus) where it was to protect roads and railways, especially the line Pinsk - Gome), against attacks by partisan groups of different political affiliation. At the end of 1941 the only guerrilla fighters were those of Ukrainian nationalists, later known as the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), and the rest 36 37 Micianik, Ill., pp. 305-6 F. Csefal vay, Voj enske dejiny Slovenska, op. cit., p. 13 2. �SLOVAKIA-2017 75 were dispersed units of the Red Army. Ukrainian nationalists fought against the Red Army, because their goal was to establish an independent Ukraine. When the German authorities rejected this idea, the UP A started to fight against the Germans as well. Generally speaking, the Slovak units did not have much contact with the UPA underground units because their main bases were situated in the western part of Ukraine. At the end of 1942 and mainly in 1943 Soviet partisans appeared nd in the area. The attitude of the officers and soldiers of the Slovak 2 Division towards the partisans was rather complicated. Regiments, battalions and even companies were stationed in different places in an area almost as big as Slovakia. Very often the squads of one battalion were situated along the railway lines many miles each from another. It was practically impossible to protect the railways under such circumstances. It is difficult to define the relations between the Slovaks, the local civilian population and the partisans. On the one hand, the units of the 102" Regiment took part in the "pacification" actions against the Red partisans. Special battalions of the regiment destroyed several villages in which the civilians supported the partisans. Some squads even executed the partisans and civilian suspects. "Punishable expeditions" were especially active under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Michal Loksik, the commander of the regit ment. 38 Quite different was the situation in the 101 s Regiment. Here most of the officers looked the other way when their soldiers established friendly relations with both the partisans and the local population. Some commanders of dislocated squads and even battalions concluded an unofficial armistice with the Red partisans. Captain Jan Nalepka, chief of staff of the l O1st Regiment, established contacts with partisan leader General Saburov. When his activity was disclosed, he and two other officers deserted on 15 May 1943 to partisans near the village of Remezy. 39 On the Soviet side Nalepka orgast nized the I Czechoslovak Partisan Unit. This troop, under the command of Jan Nalepka, took part in the attack against the town of Ov- 38 F. Csefalvay et al. , Vojenske osobnosti dejin Slovenska, pp. 153-4. Loksik, who was born in Vienna in 1897, later claimed to be an ethnic German and joined the Waffen-SS . After the war he escaped from Slovakia and his further fate is unknown. 39 Micianik, II ., p. 213. �76 SLOVAKIA-2017 rue. Nalepka died in this raid on 16 November 1943 and was posthumously awarded the title Hero of the Soviet Union. 40 Despite the fact that Slovak desertions to the partisans were not very numerous - altogether only about 400 soldiers crossed over 41 they had military consequences: the German command started to consider the ZD unreliable and unable ( or unwilling) to fight against the partisans and decided to remove it from the UkrainianBelorussian borderland to Minsk and its surroundings. The transfer was completed in July of 1943 . On I August 1943 the ZD was transnd formed into the 2 Infantry Division, first under the command of Colonel Pilfousek, and later Colonel Karol Peknik. Soon it became clear that the division could not be effectively used against the partisans because most of the officers (including Colonel Peknik) and soldiers had lost confidence in a German victory. The German command did not agree with its return to Slovakia. Instead, it agreed to nd transform it into a labour unit named the 2 Technical Brigade (later nd the 2 Technical Division). At the end of October it numbered 3,413 and it was sent to Italy under the command of Colonel Jan Krnac. The Attitude of the Soldiers Towards the War Slovaks as a nation had no personal experience with Russia or the Soviet Union. Slovakia never coveted Russian or (later) Soviet territory and, except for the Russian " White" emigres, who came after 1918, there were no Russians in Slovakia. During World War I many Slovaks fought as soldiers in the Austro-Hungarian Army on the Eastern (Russian) front; the war not popular among Czechs and Slovaks and many deserted to the Russians and later formed the Czechoslovak Legions that fought against Austria-Hungary and for Czechoslovakia's independence. In Slovakia, traditional pro-Russian sympathies dated back to the 19 th century based on their common Slavic origin and language proximity. Unlike in Poland, Hungary or Romania, Russians were always seen as friends, not as enemies in Slovakia. Despite its communist regime, inter-war Czechoslovakia, ° 4 F: Csefalvay, Voj enske osobnosti, p. 176. In 2004 Jan Nalepka was promoted by the Slovak government to the rank of Brigadier-General in Memoriam. 41 Martin Lacko, Dezercie a zajatia prislusn ikov zaist'ovacej divizie v ZSSR v rokoch 1942-1 943. [Desertions and Captures of the Security Division Members in the USSR 1941-1943], Bratislava: UPN , 2007, 63 . �SLOVAKIA-2017 77 like France, in 1935 signed a treaty of alliance with the USSR. The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia acted legally until its dissolution in the autumn of 1938 and was quite strong and influential in Slovakia. Many Slovak soldiers before the war were members or sympathizers. They were very often ready to accept the picture of the USSR as heaven on earth. For all these reasons the war was not popular among Slovaks. On the other hand, it should be said that most of the mobilized Slovak soldiers faithfully served in the Slovak army, although without any enthusiasm, until the end of the campaign in 1944. From a strictly professional point of view, Slovak soldiers were neither better nor worse than other soldiers fighting on the eastern front in the years 1941-1944 Justification of the war against the Soviet Union was a big problem for Slovak propaganda. While the "small war" against Hungary in March 1939 was popular, because the army was defending Slovak territory, and the war against Poland could be at least justified as a fi ght for the return of territories annexed by Poland, there was no good reason for the fight against the USSR. Relations between Slovakia and the USSR were initially good, despite the openly anticommunist stand of the Slovak government. Slovakia did not have a common border with the Soviet Union and, therefore, there were no border disputes. The Slovaks saw no reason why they should fight against Ukrainians and Russians, Slavonic people like them , for the interest of Germany. Officially, the war was directed against "JudeoBolshevism," not against Russia or the Russian nation. On 26 June 1941 Minister Ferdinand Catlos openly declared: "This is not a struggle against the Russian nation or against Slavdom ... The struggle is for a new Europe where the Russian nation will find a better future. " Catlos also recalled the anti-Bolshevik struggle of the Czechoslovak Legions during the Civil war in Russia. 42 After crossing the San River, the Slovak soldiers found themselves on former Eastern Polish territory annexed by the Soviet Union in the autumn of 1939. Except for the Communists, the locals did not consider the USSR as their motherland and had no intention of defending it. The Ukrainian population hated Soviet rule and often welcomed German troops as liberators. Slovaks were welcomed even 42 Dagmar Cerna-Lantayova, Pohl'ady na vychod [The Outlooks to th e East] , Bratislava: Veda, 2002, I 86. �78 SLOVAKIA-2017 more cordially due to the language proximity; they were partly able communicate with the locals. The Slovak soldiers here also faced Soviet reality: unbelievable poverty, terrible roads, churches turned into warehouses or clubs (or simply destroyed). They also faced the evidence of massive terror when they found hundreds of dead bodies in the yards and cells of prisons in the towns near the border. These were the bodies of political prisoners who were executed by Soviet security forces before the retreat of the Red Army4 3 (the total number of those executed is today estimated to be around 15 ,000). All these facts improved the morale of the Slovak soldiers who could feel as liberators bringing freedom and a better life to the Ukrainian people. This did not last for long, however. Very soon the Slovak soldiers were confronted with the atrocities committed by advancing German forces against the Ukrainian and Russian civilians, and especially by the"Einsatzgruppen," which behind the front lines massively murdered Jews. In central and eastern Ukraine the local population did not welcome the Germans as liberators but fought against them. Morale and fighting ability fell mainly during the retreat in the Caucasus in the severe winter of 1942-1943 . By 1943 it became clear that Germany would not win the war and that Slovaks had no reason to participate in it. Similar developments met the Security Division in Ukraine and Belarus in 1943 . The Slovak government also gradually lost its enthusiasm for the war. By 1943 it became clear that the war would last for a long time and might exhaust Slovak human and economic reserves . Because Hungary also took part in the war, it was hi ghly unlikely that Germany would pressure Budapest to return to Slovakia the annexed territory of southern Slovakia. In this situation, the Minister of Defence decided to limit Slovak participation in the war to a bare minimum . The number of soldiers in both divisions on the Soviet front constantly shrank. From the end of 1941 only those Slovak so ldiers serving their basic military service, plus some specialists, were to be sent to the front and these, after finishing their two years of service, were to be replaced by newcomers. This practice was only partly enforced, 43 Martin Lacko (ed.), Dotyky s bolsevizmom. Dokumenty spravodaj srva slo venskej armcidy 1940-1941 [Contacts with Boshevism. Documents of th e Inteligence Service of the Slovak Army I 940-194 I] , Brati slava : Ustav pamati naroda, 2009, doc. 22 , pp. 124-5 , doc. 28, p. 15 1, doc. 3 1, pp. 155-6, doc. 38, pp. 188-98. �SLOVAKIA-2017 79 however: and some soldiers were not relieved because no newcomers arrived. Political Consequences of the War against the USSR The Soviet Union - unlike Great Britain44 and the USA - fully recognized Slovakia as an independent state on 16 September 1939.45 Slovak participation in the war against the USSR had its political consequences. On 8 July 1941 Soviet Ambassador to London Ivan Majskij announced to Czechoslovak-in-exile President Edvard Benes, that restitution of Czechoslovakia was one of the war aims of the USSR and that the Soviet government decided to recognize the Czechoslovak government de Jure as the legal government of the Czechoslovak Republic.46 On 18 July 1941 the Czechoslovak-Soviet Treaty of 16 May 1935 was renewed and the Soviet Union agreed with the formation of a Czechoslovak Anny in the Soviet Union. 47 The nucleus of this army was the Czechoslovak Legion established in Poland in the summer 1939, whose members were captured by the Soviets after the defeat of Poland. There were also escapees from Czechoslovakia who illegally crossed the border to the Soviet Union (such people were usuall y imprisoned by the Soviet infamous secret police NKVD and sent to labour camps for a minimum two years) . Later, some Slovak soldiers who were taken prisoner on the Russian front or who voluntarily crossed over to the Red Army, joined the Czechoslovak Army in the Soviet Union. In 1945 the Soviet army entered Slovakia and in May Czechoslovakia was restored. 44 Great Britain and France recognized Slovakia only ' de facto .' When Slovakia took part in the German invasion of Poland , they recalled their consuls from Bratislava. 45 Dokumenty vnesnej politiki SSSR [Documents on Soviet Foreign Policy), vol. 22, fart. I, Moskva [Moscow], 1992, doc. 585, p. 82. 6 • Dokumenty a materialy k dejinam ceskoslovensko-sovetskych vztahu [Documents and Materials on the History of Czechoslovak-Soviet Relations] , vol. 4, part. I, Praha: Academia, 1980, doc. 76, p. 136. 47 Libuse Otahalova - Milada Cervenkova (eds.) : Dokumenty z historie ceskoslovenske politiky I 939-1943 [Documents on the History of Czechoslovak Policy) , Vol. I. , Prague: Academia, 1966, Vol. I, doc. 204, pp. 248-9. On the same day ( 18 July 1941 ) the Czechoslovak gove rnm ent-in-exile was also recognized by Great Britain see ibid. , doc. 203 , pp. 247-8. �80 SLOVAKIA-2017 After the war, Slovak participation in the war against the Soviet was considered by Czechoslovak authorities as one of the biggest crimes of the "l'udak"war-time regime . It goes without saying that the communist regime, which lasted in Czechoslovakia for 41 years ( 1948-1989) had no use for it. Slovak emigres, i.e. prominent personalities of the Slovak State who managed to escape to the West, mainly to the USA and Canada, during the first part of the Cold war sometimes tried to present the war as Slovakia's fight against Communism .48 Later, in the l 960's, this explanation was abandoned and Slovak participation was explained rather as a result of German pressure. 49 Today, in the democratic independent Slovakia, mo st of Slovak historians consider participation in the Second World War on the side of Germany as a mistake and not something of which the Slovaks should be proud. so 48 Jozef Pauco, S/owici a komunizmus [Slovaks and Communi sm] , Middletown Pa.: Jednota Press, 1957, pp. I 07- 11 ; Andrej Cincura, " Duch slovenskej armady" [The Spirit of the Slovak Army] , in Mikulas Sprinc (ed.), S/ovenska repub/ika 1939-1949 [The Slovak Republic, 1939-1949], Scranton, Pa.: Obrana Press, 1949, pp. 130-32. 49 Milan Stanislav Durica, "S lovaki a During World War II" in Joseph M. Kirchbaum , Slovakia in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Toronto: Slovak World Congress, 1973, 183. 50 Julius Bartl , "M. S. Durica: Dejiny Slovenska a Slowikov" (A review article), in Historicky casopis, 45, 1997, No I, p. 120; Dagmar Ciem a-Lantayova, Poh/'ady na vychod, op. cit. , pp. 185-7, F. Csefalvay, Vojenske dejiny Slovenska, vo l. V. , op. cit., pp. 258-9; Valerian Bystri cky - Dusan Kovac - Jan Pesek a kol., K/'iicove prob/emy modernych s/ovenskych dejin 1848-1 992 (The Bas ic Problems of Modem Slovak Histo ry 1848- 1992], Bratislava: Veda, 20 12, pp. 225-6 ; Martin Lacko, Slovenska repub/ika 1939-45. Bratislava: UPN -Perfekt, 2008, pp. 93-5 ; I..:ubo mir Liptak, 2217 dni. S/ovensko v case druhej svetovej vojny (2217 Days . Slovaki a during WW 11] , Bratislava: Ka lligram , 20 11 , pp. 318-20; Katarin a Hradska - Ivan Kamenec et. al. , S/ovensko v 20. storoci. I V. S/ovenska Repub/ika 1939- 1945 [Slovakia in the 20 th Centu ry. IV . The Slovak Republic 1939- I 945] , Bratislava: Veda, 20 15, p. 331. � SLOVAKIA-2017 61 THE SLOVAK ARMY ON THE EASTERN FRONT DURING WORLD WAR II Jan Rychlik Attempts to build separate Slovak military units under the command of Slovak officers within the framework of the Czecho-S lovak Armed Forces already existed in the period of autonomy (6 October 1938 to 14 March 1939). The government in Prague refused such demands but despite that many conscripts and officers of Slovak nationality were allowed to serve in Slovakia, which later enabled the relatively rapid creation of Slovak army units. The ruling Hlinka Slovak People ' s Party (Hlinkova slovenska l'udova strana - HSCS) already in this period had a party militia called the Hlinka Guard (Hlinkova garda - HG). The HG-men (gardisti) belonged to radical separatists within the HSCS. Many of them were admirers of German National Socialism and later became known for their terrorist acts against Czechs, Jews and opponents of the regime. Units of the newly-established Slovak army and volunteers of the HG took part in the defence of the eastern border against the Hungarian invasion of Eastern Slovakia (23- 31 March 1939) known as the "little war" . However, regular army officers considered the HG as dangerous fanatics with poor fighting abilities and opposed their inclusion in the armed forces. Also, President Josef Tiso did not like them because of their radicalism . The newly-established Slovak Army was at the beginning only a smaller version of the Czechoslovak Army of the first Republic ( 19 I 8-1938), which the Germans dissolved. The departure from the Czechoslovak model (new ranks, new emblems and symbols etc.) was a relatively lengthy process. At the beginning the army used the old Czechoslovak uniforms and was equipped mainly with Czechoslovak weapons and machinery, which was later partly replaced by German ones. Like the Czechoslovak Army, it was based on the conscript system and made compulsory for all able-bodied men, usually two years. Reservists cou ld be summoned for military training in �62 SLOVAKIA-2017 case of emergency. 1 However, the Slovak army initially lacked officers. In August of 1938 there were only 435 officers of Slovak nationality in the Czechoslovak army, which represented 3.4% of the officer corps. 2 Some officers of Czech nationality, mainly those with Slovak wives, were allowed to continue their service in the Slovak army, as well as some ethnic Germans . New officers were recruited from the reserve-officers of the former Czechoslovak anny, who were mainly teachers. Some of them were in fact mobilized against their will. A Slovak military academy was opened in Banska Bystrica, and military schools in Bratislava and Nitra. In July of 1939 the Slovak army consisted of 29,683 men ; in February 1940 33, 41 (including 1,0 IO officers); and in June of I 94 I 33,676 men, including 1,347 officers, 42 of them Czechs. 3 Jews, according the government decree of 2 1 June 1939, served in military labour units and the same applied to Roma (Gypsies). Ethnic Germans living in Slovakia, who were Slovak citizens, served first in the Slovak army in special units but later they were allowed to fulfil their military service in the German army and the SS-corps. In 1944 their service in the SS-corps became mandatory. There were people of different political opinions in the officer corps of the Slovak army. Certainly, there were officers devoted to independent Slovakia and even to the close cooperation of Slovakia with Germany, like Colonel (later General) Jozef Turanec, Colonel Rudolf Pilfousek or Lieutenant-Colonel Michal Loksik4 . Generally speaking, however, the Slovak officers were usually not adherents of the HSCS regime and very often were even hostile or at least indifferent to the idea of independent Slovakia. Some Slovak officers even joined the resistance movement. The Czech underground organization National Defence (Obrana naroda - ON), which specialized in sabotage and military intelligence, and was based in the Protectorate, also operated in Slovakia and some officers of the Slovak army were members. The reason for such behaviour was rather simple: 1 Frantisek Csefa lvay et al. , Vojenske dejiny Slovenska [Military Hi story of Slovakia] V. 1939- 1945. Brati slava: Magnet Press, 2008, 16-24. 2 Ibid ., 14. 3 Ibi d. , p. 22-3 . 4 Frantisek Csefalvay et al., Vojenske osobnosri dejin Slovenska 1939-/945 [Military Personalities in the History of Slovakia 1939- 1945). Brati slava: Vojensky histori cky ustav, 2013 , 153-4, 197-8, 250-5 1. �SLOVAKIA-2017 63 former Czechoslovak officers, who graduated from the Czechoslovak military schools (most notably at the Military Academy in Hranice), were educated in a pro-Czechoslovak and pro-democratic spirit. Czechoslovak counter-intelligence screened every candidate applying to study at the Military Academy. Members of Communist and various separatist parties or even sympathisers of Communism or separatist movements were not accepted. The same restrictions applied in the school for reserve officers who were recruited from conscripts with higher education. In addition, the professional officers before 1938 were often stationed in the Czech Lands and their wives were often Czechs. 5 They were integrated into the Czech secular milieu and the clerical character of the Slovak Republic was strange to them. Some former Czechoslovak officers of Slovak nationality were originally also Legionaries, that is, volunteers who had fought for an independent Czechoslovakia on the side of the Allies, especially in Russia during World War I. 6 The ex-Legionaries formed the elite of the inter-war Czechoslovak army. It is true that even among the Legionaries it was possible to find supporters of the l'udak regime (like General Ferdinand Catlos), but in principle, former Legionaries were rather hostile to it. Some even deserted from the Slovak army and offered their services to the Czechoslovak government-in-exile represented by Edvard Benes and joined the Czechoslovak Army abroad. This was the case of General Rudolf Viest, the only general of Slovak nationality, who escaped to Paris and became commander of the Czechoslovak Army in France. This army fought the advancing Germans during the spring campaign on the western front in May and June of 1940 and after the defeat of France was evacuated to Great Britain. From 14 March 1939 Slovakia was an independent state with its own army and foreign representation . Slovak sovereignty was, how5 Pavel Micianik, Slovenskci armada v t'ai eni proti Sovietskemu zviizu ( /941-1944) . 1. V opercicii Barbarossa. [The Slovak Army in the Campaign aga inst the Soviet Uni on. I 941-1944. Part I. In Operation Barbarossa) (hereafter cited as Micianik, I.), Banska Bystrica: Dali-BB, 2007, 30-31. 6 The Czechoslovak Legions were formed during WW I from prisoners of war of the Austro-Hunga ri an army of Czech and S lovak nationality and also the Czech and Slovak vo lunteers li ving in Entente states (mainly Russia , France) or neutral states (mainl y the USA up to 191 7). The Legions were formed in Russia, Italy and France. They fought against Germany and A ustri a-Hunga ry. The Legions in Russia also later fought aga inst the Red Army in th e Ru ssian C ivi l war. �64 SLOVAKIA-2017 ever, severely limited by special relations with Germany. According the "Treaty of Protection" (in German: Schutzvertrag), signed preliminarily in Vienna on 18 March and definitively in Berlin on 23 March 1939, Germany obtained the right to build freely , and according to her own needs, military bases in the so-called "Zone of Protection" (Schutzzone) which was situated in Western Slovakia between the White Carpathians and the border of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. Slovakia was also obliged to conduct her foreign and 7 defence policies according the interests of Germany. A secret protocol to the Schutzvertrag subordinated the Slovak economy to German needs. 8 The Treaty of Protection in fact meant that Slovakia could be forced to participate in war alongside Germany, if the German government so desired. On 2 1 August the German Auswdrtigesamt (Foreign Office) prepared a Note verbale informing the Slovak Government that German armed forces would enter Slovakia to protect her from the danger of a Polish attack.9 The content of the note (approved by Adolf Hitler) was first unofficially presented to the Slovak government by German Minister to Bratislava Hans Bernard on 24 August 1939 . 10 The Slovak government was also asked to take part in the military operations against Poland (the government was assured that the Slovak army would not be used outside of Slovak territory, 11 but this promise was broken). In exchange, Germany promised to guarantee the Slovak-Hungarian border. If Poland was defeated, Slovakia would regain the territories lost in the fall of 1938, and eventually those lost to Poland in 1920. 12 After some hesitation the Slovak government accepted the German demands. After that the German request was presented again officially on 27 August 13 and the Slovak government consented the next day. Mobilization started already on 26 August. Gradually 117,000 reservists were 7 Eduard Ni zi'i ansky et al. , Slovensko-nemecke vzt'ahy 1938-1 94 1 v dokumentech/Slovakisch-deutsche Beziehungen in Dokumenten 1938-/ 94 1 [Slovak-German Relations 193 8-1941 in Documents] I. (hierafter cited as SDBD I.] , Presov: Universum , 2009, doc. 96, pp. 305-06. 8 Ibid ., 307-08. 9 SBDB I. , doc. 202, pp. 576-7 . 10 Ibid, doc . 209, pp. 589-90. 11 Ibid., doc. 205 , p. 583. 12 Ibid., doc. 210, pp. 590-1 . 13 Ibid., doc. 216, pp. 604-5 , p. 610. �SLOVAKIA-2017 65 called up, of whom about 51,000 were assigned to the field army "Bernolak," under the command of General Ferdinand Catlos. While the main military operations were carried out by the Wehrmacht, which launched its attack on Poland also from Slovak soil, three Slovak divisions between 3- 5 September crossed the border and occupied a small piece of territory on the Polish side of the Tatra Mountains. On 17 September Poland was attacked from the east by the Red army, and was defeated and the Slovak army returned to Slovakia. It should be noted that Slovakia never formally declared war on Poland. The Slovak government presented the war against Poland as a struggle for the liberation of the territories which were annexed by Poland in 1920, 1924 and in 1938 (Upper Orava, Upper Spis and part of Javorina in the High Tatra Mountains). Germany indeed returned 14 these territories to Slovakia on 21 November 1939. The reclaimed territories were partly inhabited by ethnic Slovaks and so the war had some justification. Pro-German elements in HSCS, and especially the HG, welcomed the defeat of Poland . Generally speaking, however, the war was not very popular among Slovaks because many of them considered the Poles Slavs, like the Slovaks, and in addition to speaking a similar language, their kinsmen and brothers. The war was extremely unpopular among Slovak Lutherans in the western part of the country. After the defeat of Poland, Germany no longer required Slovak participation in German operations and the Slovak army did not take part in the war in the West. In June of 1940 France was defeated. Berlin, having now "free hands," decided to purge the Slovak government of "unreliable elements" and to strengthen the influence of the Germanophiles. On July 27, Hitler summoned President Tiso to Salzburg and forced him to fire Minister of Foreign Affairs Ferdinand Durcansky, who in the Spring had tried to negotiate with the British behind Germany's back. The new Minister of Foreign Affairs became the Germanophile Vojtech Tuka, who since 26 October 1939 had already been the Prime Minister. Another Germanphile, Alexander Mach, was appointed Minister of the Interior. The new government was definitivel y and exclusively oriented towards Germany. On 24 November 1940 Slovakia, together with Hungary and Romania, 1 ~ SDBD, I., doc. 25 1, pp. 683 -4. �66 SLOVAKIA-2017 joined the Tripartite Pact (Berlin-Rome-Tokyo). 15 In April of 1941 Slovakia did not participate in the campaign against Yugoslavia and Greece. On the other hand, when the war stared on 6 April, Bratislava severed diplomatic relations with Belgrade and on 10 April expressed a willingness to recognize the Independent State of Croatia. On 21 June 1941 the Chief of the German General Staff, General Franz Halder, visited Bratislava incognito. He informed the head of the German military mission, General Paul von Otto, that Hitler expected the participation of the Slovak army in the war against the Soviet Union. 16. The war started the next day. The German Minister to Bratislava, Hans Eluard Ludin, visited Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Vojtech Tuka and informed him about the German request for Slovak participation. Tuka agreed and offered (through Slovak Minister to Berlin Matus Cernak) military assistance to the German Foreign Office. 17 On the same afternoon diplomatic relations between the USSR and Slovakia were broken off 8 and Defence Minister Ferdinand Catlos summoned the reservists for "extraordinary military training. " Only on 24 June did the government approve Slovak participation in the war, which was officially announced on the radio. The Slovak Diet, which according the Constitution was the only body that could declare war, was not informed of the government's declaration . So, from the forma l point of view, the whole action was unconstitutional. It is worth mentioning that on 13 December 1941 , the Slovak government also formally declared war on Great Britain and the United States. 19 Again, the declaration of war was not presented to the Diet. Because the USA and Great Britain did not recognize Slovakia as an independent state, they ignored the declaration. No direct fighting took place between the Slovak army and the western allies, but both countries treated Slovakia as 15 SDBD, I. , doc. 359, pp. 270-2. SDBD, I. doc. 400, p. 1092. 17 Eduard Nizi\ansky et al. , Slovensko-nemecke vzt'ahy 194 1-1945 v dokumentech/Slovakisch-deutsche Beziehungen in Dokumenten 1941-1945 [Slovak-German Relati ons 1941 - 1945 in documents] II. (hierafter cited as SDBD 11.), Presov: Universum , 20 11 , doc.1,p.95 . 18 Ibid, doc. 3, p. 98 . 19 SDBS II. , doc. 34, p. 184. The declaration was announ ced in th e daily Slovenskci politika on 13 December 1941. 16 �SLOVAKIA-2017 67 enemy territory. Slovakia, including Bratislava, was repeatedly bombed in 1944. Accord ing to the unpublished memoirs of Ferdinand Catlos, at first onl y ministers Tuka and Mach advocated immediate participation in the war, whi le other ministers and President Tiso had some doubts . But after some hesitation all agreed. 20 Despite the fact that it was Gennany who reque sted military ass istance from Slovakia, it should be noted that the Slovak government had no objections. The government saw participation in the war against the Soviet Union as a good opportunity to show to Berlin that Slovakia was a better frie nd than Hungary, which also took part in the military campaign. Tuka and Tiso wanted to contribute more and faster. They believed that it in future it might be possible, with German help, to rev ise the Vienna Arbitration Award of 2 November 193 8, which deprived Slovakia of part of her southern territory in favour of Hungary. The openl y anti-communist policy and rhetoric of the l'udak regime also played a role. 2 1 Mobilization of the reservists lasted until 5 July. A total of 68,0 18 reservists were ca ll ed to arms, of whom 56,8 58 were registered . The total number of Slovak soldiers reached 90,533 . General Ferd inand Catlos formed in Eastern Slovakia an Anny Group (in Slovak : armadna skupina - AS) which consisted of two divisions nd (the I st Division commanded by Colone l Jozef Turanec and the 2 Divi sion com manded by Co lonel Augustin Malar). From a part of the 2nd Division and sma ll er units of specialized weapons (two artillery regiments, tank units, automob ile unit etc.), Catlos formed the so-called Mobile Group (in Slovak: rychla skupina , i.e. , the fast or rapid group) under the command of Colonel Rudolf Pilfousek, an officer who claimed to be an ethnic German, but according hi s name was probably partly Czech. The Mobile Group was the only almost full y motorized Slovak military unit and it was expected to move quickly with the advancing German army. The Slovak forces were first situated in northeast Slovakia, near the border of occupied Poland (the Genera l Governorate). Slovakia did not border on the Sovi20 Archiv literatt'.try a um eni a Slovenskej narodnej kn iznice (ALU SNK) [Archives of the Li terature and Arts of the Slovak National Library] in Martin, mem oirs of Ferdinand Catlos, sig. 129 E2, pp. 65 -66. 21 I.:ubomir Liptak, Slovensko v 20. storoci [Slovakia in the 20th Century]. 2nd ed., Bratislava: Kalli gram, 1998, 189. �68 SLOVAKIA-2017 et Union but Soviet territory was very close to the place of assembly. After the beginning of the war, the Slovak forces crossed the border and assembled in the General Govemorate near Brzoz6w, a village west of the River San, from 28 September 1939 the border between Germany and Soviet Union. The Slovak division s and the Mobile Group were included in the forces of the German Army Group South (commander: Field Marchal Gerd von Rundstedt). Within this Army group the Mobile Group was first subordinated to the command of the I ih German army (Commander: General Carl Heinrich von Stiilpnagel), which was part of the Army Group South. One of the goals of the I ih Army was to cross the San River and to break through the so-called Molotov defence line, 22 i.e. the chain of light bunkers built on the new Soviet western border (established after the defeat of Poland). The Mobile Group crossed the San on 25 June and continued to attack Sambor. On I July the Soviet army started to retreat to the so-called Stalin line, the chain of fortre sses built on the old (pre-17 September 1939) Soviet-Polish border. This allowed the advancing German I ih Army to continue to attack the region of Lvov (in Polish Lw6w, in Ukrainian Lviv) and the mobile group was ordered to mop up the territory South of Lvov. On 2 July, without firing a shot, the mobile group captured Stryj (a town about 60 km south ofLvov), which the Red Arm y decided not to defend. 23 On 7 July the Mobile Group, which was temporally subordinated again directly to General Catlos, was reorganized into the Mobile Brigade (195 officers, 52 sergeants and 4,655 soldiers, a company of 43 tanks - two squads , one battalion of armoured vehicles and th trucks, the I I Artillery Regiment, one squad of machine-guns, a scouting squad) and the next day started to move Eastward alongside the main axis Sambor - Temopol - Vinnyca. On 19 July the I 7th the th German Army broke the Stalin line and the 49 Mountain Army Corps occupied Vinnyca, led by Major-General Ludwig von Kubler. The German command believed that now was the time to di sperse the Red Army. Kubler ordered Pilfousek on 19 July to move the Mobile Brigade to Vinnyca, which was reached on 2 1 July. Pilfousek was then ordered to take Lypovec, a small town about 50 km East of Vinnyca on the main road to Bila Cerkva and Kiev . The attack start22 23 Micianik, I. , pp. Micianik, I. pp. 62-83. �SLOVAKIA-2017 69 ed on 22 July. Pilfousek had less than 5,000 men, 43 tanks and part th of the 11 Artillery Regiment with 123 cannons. The tanks did not have enough fuel and ammunition and had to halt the attack in the vi llage Scaslyva, west of the town. Pilfousek then made a fatal error when he ordered the infantry to continue the attack. Slovak so ldiers reached the center of the town but they were stopped by a counterattack by a division of the lih Soviet Army, which sent 15,000 men to reconquer the lost positions. The Slovaks were unable to hold the city without tanks but were saved due to the support of the 11 h Artillery Regiment, which held back the attacking Soviets. Only the arri va l of fresh German forces saved the Mobile Brigade from total defeat. A total of 75 Slovak soldiers died, 167 were wounded and 19 were taken prisoner. The Mobile Brigade lost four tanks, one armored car and tens of trucks. The next day, on 23 July, Lypovec was th occupied by the German 295 Infantry Division of Lieutenant24 General Karl Glimbel. The Mobile Group had in fact been defeated and General Ferdinand Catlos ordered most of the armored vehicles to return to Slovakia. Most of the soldiers remained in the Vinnyca region, while only a small Slovak unit of the Mobile Group, supported by the 11 th Artilth lery Regiment, continued the attack with the German 295 Infantry Di vision and on 30 July reached Granovo, West of the Dnepr (Dnipro) River. After that even these soldiers were sent back to Vinnyca. Slovak official propaganda presented the defeat at Lypovec as a "great victory" and also as a "symbol of Slovak-German friendship in arms." In 1942 a granite monument was erected at the battlefield and a military cemetery was located there. The monument stands to this day. About 600 Slovak soldiers, who died in the fighting in the Soviet Union (not only at Lypovec), are buried here. The First and Second Slovak Infantry Divisions, forming the Slovak army group (Armadna skupina - AS) were created partly from reservists who were mobilized at the end of June. The infantry divisions were concentrated in northeast Slovakia, near Medzilaborce, and later moved to the region of Sanok and Chyrov (in Polish: Chyr6w, in Ukrainian Chyriv, 16 km to the east from the UkrainianPolish border), where the command of the AS was temporally situated . The troops moved slowl y because they usually had to walk. They 24 Ibid ., pp. 12 1-37. �70 SLOVAKIA-2017 were used in July mainly to mop up the regions of eastern Galicia (South of the line Rava Ruska - Ternopol) of the dispersed units of the Soviet army as a part of the hinterland forces of the German Army Group South. 25 The Mobile Division After the defeat of the Mobile Brigade at Lypovec General Catlos decided to reorganize the Slovak armed forces. On 25 July 1941 two new divisions were formed : the Mobile Division (in Slovak: rychla divizia - RD), which was in fact a strengthened Mobile Brigade and the Security Division (in Slovak: Zaist'ovacia divizia ZD) which was to serve as a security and guard service on occupied Soviet territories in Ukraine. Their main region of operations was around Zitomir (Zhitomir, ukr. Zytomyr), a town about 130 km west of Kiev. While at the beginning of war the Slovak government wanted to show that Slovakia's participation in comparison to its population was high, now the situation changed. Most of the reservists, mobilized at the end of June and beginning of July to the Army Group (I st and 2 nd Infantry Division), were sent home. In the autumn of 1941 the number of soldiers was reduced to only about one-third of that in July 1941. The RD and the ZD were now formed mainly from professional soldiers and conscripts. The reservists formed about 17% of the total. They were mainly specialists of various types and drivers. On 10 September 8,862 men served in the ZD, 26 while the Mobile Division had 8,451 men on 20 August (including 30 I officers). 27 Despite its name, the Mobile Divison commanded by Colonel Jozef Turanec, was not fully motorized. The motorized section took part in the battle of Kiev at the end of August I 941. After the fall of Kiev (20 September 1941) the Mobile Division moved to the South st and was part of the 1 Tanlc Army Group of Colonel-General Ewald von Kleist, which moved in the direction of the Don River. It fought 25 Ibid, pp. 142-53 . Micianik, I. , p. 245. See also: P. Micianik, Slovenska armada v t'ai eni proti So vietskemu zviizu (1941 -1944). II. Zaist'ovacia divizia a ieleznicni pionieri. [Security Division and Ra ilway Pioneers]. (hereafter cited as Micianik, 11. ) Banska Bystrica : Dal-BB, 2008, p. 37. 27 Micianik, I. , p. 191. 26 �SLOVAKIA-2017 71 successfully in the Donbas Area. At the end of October the Mobile Division reached Rostov-on-the Don and the Azov Sea. At that time the Mobile Division had 287 officers, 386 sergeants and 7,081 men. The Slovak units were situated between Rostov and the mouth of the Don. Slovak soldiers were not prepared for the winter, which started in the middle of November. 28 On 27 November 1941 Colonel Turanec was replaced by Colonel Augustin Malar. After his arrival, he recognized the decline in morale and discipline and fighting ability among his soldiers. Malar wanted to move the division back to Slovakia but the German High Command refused because of the start of a Soviet counter-offensive at the end of November. Field Marshal von Rundstedt, the Commander of Army Group South, decided to retreat. On 28 November the Soviet army reconquered Rostov. Hitler recalled Rundstedt and substituted him with Field Marshal Walter von Reichenau, but Reichenau did not change the order and continued the retreat behind the River Mius. Here the Slovak RD was ordered to defend positions near the town of Golodajevka on the bank of the River Mius. The Soviet counteroffensive was then successfully stopped. As a result, Colonel Malar was promoted to the rank of General and later awarded the German Iron Cross. By the end of 1941 the RD had suffered 84 deaths, 3 78 wounded or frozen, 26 missing and 11 captured. 29 Between January and the beginning of March 1942 the Red Army launched its winter offensive at the Mius River.30 At the beginning of March the snow started to melt and the Mius overflowed. The flood stopped the Soviet offensive and within the next six weeks the front where the RD was stationed was relatively quiet but still between 1 January and the end of April the RD lost 143 men ( 124 killed, 12 missing and 7 captured). 31 On 25 April 1942 Jozef Turanec, promoted to the rank of General on 1 January, again took command of the RD. The Mobile division took part first in the battle of Charkov (Charkiv, Kharkiv) in the 28 P. Micianik, Slovenskci armada v t'aieni pro ti Sovietskemu zvdzu (1941-1944). !If. Rychla divizia [The Slovak Army in the Attack upon the Soviet Union ( 1941-1944). Ill. The Mobile Divison] (hereafter cited as Micianik, 111. ), Banska Bystrica: Dal88, 2009, 35 . 29 F. Csefalvay et al. , op. cit. , pp. 80-7 , 30 Micianik, Ill. , pp. 37-46. 31 F. Csefalvay et. al. , op. cit., p. 93. �72 SLOVAKIA-2017 spring and then in the summer offensive in Southern Russia, which started on 28 June 1942. At the end of July the RD participated in the reconquest of Rostov (for this operation Jozef Turanec was awarded the German Iron Cross). 32 Because the Soviet army retreated east of the Don, Hitler mistakenly thought that it was already defeated and divided his forces into two groups: the "A" Army group was to destroy the Soviet forces between the rivers Don and Kuban , and after that to continue the attack along the axis Nal'cik - Vladikavkaz Groznyj - Machackala (at the coast of the Caspian Sea) . After reaching Machackala, the army was to continue along the sea coast to the Oil fields around Baku. The "B" group was to hold the line on the Central Don and simultaneously continue the attack on Stalingrad (now Volgograd), on the Volga River. The Mobile Division was included in the "A" group commanded by Colonel-General Paul Ludwig Ewald von Kleist. While small units of the RD remained in Rostov, the main forces crossed the Don on 31 July and pursued the retreating Red Army across the Kuban Steppe. On 4 August the RD reached the Kuban River at Kropotkin (a town about 230 km east of Rostov) , crossed the river and continued to the rivers Laba and Psis (left inflows of the River Kuban). Here the RD reached the foot of the Caucasus Mountains, with their dense forests and small wild rivers and creeks. The roads were in very bad shape and narrow, and the retreating Red Army blew up the bridges. The tanks could not continue, and most of the armored cars and half-tracks were damaged and unable to continue. The troops of the RD, moving slowly and dispersed, were easy targets for small units of Russian partisans and raids by the Soviet Air Force. On 17 August Turanec received orders to move to the south and secure the territory around the town of Gorjacij Kljuc, with an important railway station on the main railway Rostov - Krasnodar. 33 The RD was again subordinated to the German I 7 th Army, which had orders to attack Novorossijsk and Tuapse on the Black Sea and to continue along the coast to the Turkish border. This attempt failed due to fierce Soviet resistance, and the RD was also stopped before Tuapse. 34 At the end of September Hitler ordered a new attack. The RD was included under the command of 32 33 34 P. Mi cianik, op. cit, pp. 11 8-24. Mi cianik, III. , pp. 146-70 . Ibid ., pp. 21 7-1 8. �SLOVAKIA-2017 73 Colonel Stefan Jurech, who replaced Jozef Turanec on 23 September. The attack of the RD started on 14 October but again failed. From 22 October the RD defended the right bank of the Psekups River. The Slovaks were under constant attack by the Soviet Air Force. ln August and September they lost 83 dead, 470 wounded, 10 missing and 3 captured; in November 19 dead and 97 wounded. 35 On 19 November 1942, the Red Army launched Operation Uranus, a two-pronged attack targeting the weaker Romanian and Hungarian forces protecting the German 6th Army's flanks. The Axis forces on the flanks were overrun and the 6th Army was cut off and surrounded in the Stalingrad area. Adolf Hitler ordered the army to stay in Stalingrad and make no attempt to break out; instead, attempts were made to supply the army by air and to break the encirclement from the outside. Heavy fighting continued for another two months. By the beginning of February 1943, the Axis forces in Stalingrad had exhausted their food and ammunition. The remnants of the 6th Army surrendered. th By Christmas of 1942 it became clear that the German 6 Army in Stalingrad was in big trouble and that the Soviets would soon launch an offensive against the German and Slovak armies in the th Caucasus. After completing the encirclement of the 6 Army, the Soviets moved to the west and reached a position 60 km east of Rostov. Colonel-General Erwald von Kleist, who replaced von Reichenau on 21 November, on 3 l December 1942 ordered an immediate retreat from Caucasus to Rostov. On 16 January 1943, the Soviet counteroffensive on the Caucasus front began. Due to this offensive, part of the Mobile Division was encircled in the village of Pencenskaja. Already during the Autumn of 1942, the Slovak soldiers were bombarded by propaganda leaflets. In them, Slovak soldiers who had deserted from the RD and also Slovak Communists wlio fled to the USSR after 1939, urged their fellow-soldiers not to fight the Russians but to surrender and cross-over to the Soviet side. This propaganda now increased. Colonel Stefan Jurech, promoted to the rank of General on I January 1943, in this new situation had no intention to st continue fighting . He secretly sent 1 Lieutenant Gustav Donoval to th the staff of the Soviet 60 Guard Rifle Army to negotiate a surrender. On 22 January 1943, the staff signed with Donoval an agreement 35 F. Csefal vay, op. cit. pp. 95-6. �74 SLOVAKIA-2017 by which the whole Mobile Division was to cross over to the Russians on 24 January. 36 This did not happen, however, because the German army broke the encirclement of Pencenskaja and the Slovaks retreated with the Germans. The Mobile Division then moved to the Kuban region from whence it was transported partly by boats and partly by air-lift to the Crimea and Perekop. During the Caucasus operations the RD lost 108 dead, 207 wounded and 157 were missing 37 and captured . During 1943 the Mobile Division lost its ability to fight due to low morale and defections. Many soldiers in Crimea established friendly relations with the locals, especially with women. Because the RD lost almost all its tanks and armored vehicles in the Caucast sus, it was reorganized as the 1 Infantry Division on 1 August 1943. At night from 29 to 30 October 1943, members of the division were suddenly attacked by the Red Army at Melitopol. The soldiers decided to surrender: 2300 soldiers and 45 officers were taken prisoner. st The German high command lost confidence in the I Division and argued that it should be used only as a labor unit. General Ferdinand Catlos agreed. On 4 May 1944 the 1st Division was transformed into the 1st Technical Division, which was moved to Romania and later to Hungary. The rest of the division was captured in March of 1945 by the Red Army. During 1941-1943, The Mobile Division suffered at least 600 dead, 2,400 wounded, 398 missing, and 88 captured. Only 42 men deserted to the Red Army. From the military point of view, it belonged to the elite of the Slovak army and even the German high command was satisfied with it. The Security Division The Security Division was stationed in the region of Northern Ukraine and Southern White Russia (Belarus) where it was to protect roads and railways, especially the line Pinsk - Gome), against attacks by partisan groups of different political affiliation. At the end of 1941 the only guerrilla fighters were those of Ukrainian nationalists, later known as the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), and the rest 36 37 Micianik, Ill., pp. 305-6 F. Csefal vay, Voj enske dejiny Slovenska, op. cit., p. 13 2. �SLOVAKIA-2017 75 were dispersed units of the Red Army. Ukrainian nationalists fought against the Red Army, because their goal was to establish an independent Ukraine. When the German authorities rejected this idea, the UP A started to fight against the Germans as well. Generally speaking, the Slovak units did not have much contact with the UPA underground units because their main bases were situated in the western part of Ukraine. At the end of 1942 and mainly in 1943 Soviet partisans appeared nd in the area. The attitude of the officers and soldiers of the Slovak 2 Division towards the partisans was rather complicated. Regiments, battalions and even companies were stationed in different places in an area almost as big as Slovakia. Very often the squads of one battalion were situated along the railway lines many miles each from another. It was practically impossible to protect the railways under such circumstances. It is difficult to define the relations between the Slovaks, the local civilian population and the partisans. On the one hand, the units of the 102" Regiment took part in the "pacification" actions against the Red partisans. Special battalions of the regiment destroyed several villages in which the civilians supported the partisans. Some squads even executed the partisans and civilian suspects. "Punishable expeditions" were especially active under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Michal Loksik, the commander of the regit ment. 38 Quite different was the situation in the 101 s Regiment. Here most of the officers looked the other way when their soldiers established friendly relations with both the partisans and the local population. Some commanders of dislocated squads and even battalions concluded an unofficial armistice with the Red partisans. Captain Jan Nalepka, chief of staff of the l O1st Regiment, established contacts with partisan leader General Saburov. When his activity was disclosed, he and two other officers deserted on 15 May 1943 to partisans near the village of Remezy. 39 On the Soviet side Nalepka orgast nized the I Czechoslovak Partisan Unit. This troop, under the command of Jan Nalepka, took part in the attack against the town of Ov- 38 F. Csefalvay et al. , Vojenske osobnosti dejin Slovenska, pp. 153-4. Loksik, who was born in Vienna in 1897, later claimed to be an ethnic German and joined the Waffen-SS . After the war he escaped from Slovakia and his further fate is unknown. 39 Micianik, II ., p. 213. �76 SLOVAKIA-2017 rue. Nalepka died in this raid on 16 November 1943 and was posthumously awarded the title Hero of the Soviet Union. 40 Despite the fact that Slovak desertions to the partisans were not very numerous - altogether only about 400 soldiers crossed over 41 they had military consequences: the German command started to consider the ZD unreliable and unable ( or unwilling) to fight against the partisans and decided to remove it from the UkrainianBelorussian borderland to Minsk and its surroundings. The transfer was completed in July of 1943 . On I August 1943 the ZD was transnd formed into the 2 Infantry Division, first under the command of Colonel Pilfousek, and later Colonel Karol Peknik. Soon it became clear that the division could not be effectively used against the partisans because most of the officers (including Colonel Peknik) and soldiers had lost confidence in a German victory. The German command did not agree with its return to Slovakia. Instead, it agreed to nd transform it into a labour unit named the 2 Technical Brigade (later nd the 2 Technical Division). At the end of October it numbered 3,413 and it was sent to Italy under the command of Colonel Jan Krnac. The Attitude of the Soldiers Towards the War Slovaks as a nation had no personal experience with Russia or the Soviet Union. Slovakia never coveted Russian or (later) Soviet territory and, except for the Russian " White" emigres, who came after 1918, there were no Russians in Slovakia. During World War I many Slovaks fought as soldiers in the Austro-Hungarian Army on the Eastern (Russian) front; the war not popular among Czechs and Slovaks and many deserted to the Russians and later formed the Czechoslovak Legions that fought against Austria-Hungary and for Czechoslovakia's independence. In Slovakia, traditional pro-Russian sympathies dated back to the 19 th century based on their common Slavic origin and language proximity. Unlike in Poland, Hungary or Romania, Russians were always seen as friends, not as enemies in Slovakia. Despite its communist regime, inter-war Czechoslovakia, ° 4 F: Csefalvay, Voj enske osobnosti, p. 176. In 2004 Jan Nalepka was promoted by the Slovak government to the rank of Brigadier-General in Memoriam. 41 Martin Lacko, Dezercie a zajatia prislusn ikov zaist'ovacej divizie v ZSSR v rokoch 1942-1 943. [Desertions and Captures of the Security Division Members in the USSR 1941-1943], Bratislava: UPN , 2007, 63 . �SLOVAKIA-2017 77 like France, in 1935 signed a treaty of alliance with the USSR. The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia acted legally until its dissolution in the autumn of 1938 and was quite strong and influential in Slovakia. Many Slovak soldiers before the war were members or sympathizers. They were very often ready to accept the picture of the USSR as heaven on earth. For all these reasons the war was not popular among Slovaks. On the other hand, it should be said that most of the mobilized Slovak soldiers faithfully served in the Slovak army, although without any enthusiasm, until the end of the campaign in 1944. From a strictly professional point of view, Slovak soldiers were neither better nor worse than other soldiers fighting on the eastern front in the years 1941-1944 Justification of the war against the Soviet Union was a big problem for Slovak propaganda. While the "small war" against Hungary in March 1939 was popular, because the army was defending Slovak territory, and the war against Poland could be at least justified as a fi ght for the return of territories annexed by Poland, there was no good reason for the fight against the USSR. Relations between Slovakia and the USSR were initially good, despite the openly anticommunist stand of the Slovak government. Slovakia did not have a common border with the Soviet Union and, therefore, there were no border disputes. The Slovaks saw no reason why they should fight against Ukrainians and Russians, Slavonic people like them , for the interest of Germany. Officially, the war was directed against "JudeoBolshevism," not against Russia or the Russian nation. On 26 June 1941 Minister Ferdinand Catlos openly declared: "This is not a struggle against the Russian nation or against Slavdom ... The struggle is for a new Europe where the Russian nation will find a better future. " Catlos also recalled the anti-Bolshevik struggle of the Czechoslovak Legions during the Civil war in Russia. 42 After crossing the San River, the Slovak soldiers found themselves on former Eastern Polish territory annexed by the Soviet Union in the autumn of 1939. Except for the Communists, the locals did not consider the USSR as their motherland and had no intention of defending it. The Ukrainian population hated Soviet rule and often welcomed German troops as liberators. Slovaks were welcomed even 42 Dagmar Cerna-Lantayova, Pohl'ady na vychod [The Outlooks to th e East] , Bratislava: Veda, 2002, I 86. �78 SLOVAKIA-2017 more cordially due to the language proximity; they were partly able communicate with the locals. The Slovak soldiers here also faced Soviet reality: unbelievable poverty, terrible roads, churches turned into warehouses or clubs (or simply destroyed). They also faced the evidence of massive terror when they found hundreds of dead bodies in the yards and cells of prisons in the towns near the border. These were the bodies of political prisoners who were executed by Soviet security forces before the retreat of the Red Army4 3 (the total number of those executed is today estimated to be around 15 ,000). All these facts improved the morale of the Slovak soldiers who could feel as liberators bringing freedom and a better life to the Ukrainian people. This did not last for long, however. Very soon the Slovak soldiers were confronted with the atrocities committed by advancing German forces against the Ukrainian and Russian civilians, and especially by the"Einsatzgruppen," which behind the front lines massively murdered Jews. In central and eastern Ukraine the local population did not welcome the Germans as liberators but fought against them. Morale and fighting ability fell mainly during the retreat in the Caucasus in the severe winter of 1942-1943 . By 1943 it became clear that Germany would not win the war and that Slovaks had no reason to participate in it. Similar developments met the Security Division in Ukraine and Belarus in 1943 . The Slovak government also gradually lost its enthusiasm for the war. By 1943 it became clear that the war would last for a long time and might exhaust Slovak human and economic reserves . Because Hungary also took part in the war, it was hi ghly unlikely that Germany would pressure Budapest to return to Slovakia the annexed territory of southern Slovakia. In this situation, the Minister of Defence decided to limit Slovak participation in the war to a bare minimum . The number of soldiers in both divisions on the Soviet front constantly shrank. From the end of 1941 only those Slovak so ldiers serving their basic military service, plus some specialists, were to be sent to the front and these, after finishing their two years of service, were to be replaced by newcomers. This practice was only partly enforced, 43 Martin Lacko (ed.), Dotyky s bolsevizmom. Dokumenty spravodaj srva slo venskej armcidy 1940-1941 [Contacts with Boshevism. Documents of th e Inteligence Service of the Slovak Army I 940-194 I] , Brati slava : Ustav pamati naroda, 2009, doc. 22 , pp. 124-5 , doc. 28, p. 15 1, doc. 3 1, pp. 155-6, doc. 38, pp. 188-98. �SLOVAKIA-2017 79 however: and some soldiers were not relieved because no newcomers arrived. Political Consequences of the War against the USSR The Soviet Union - unlike Great Britain44 and the USA - fully recognized Slovakia as an independent state on 16 September 1939.45 Slovak participation in the war against the USSR had its political consequences. On 8 July 1941 Soviet Ambassador to London Ivan Majskij announced to Czechoslovak-in-exile President Edvard Benes, that restitution of Czechoslovakia was one of the war aims of the USSR and that the Soviet government decided to recognize the Czechoslovak government de Jure as the legal government of the Czechoslovak Republic.46 On 18 July 1941 the Czechoslovak-Soviet Treaty of 16 May 1935 was renewed and the Soviet Union agreed with the formation of a Czechoslovak Anny in the Soviet Union. 47 The nucleus of this army was the Czechoslovak Legion established in Poland in the summer 1939, whose members were captured by the Soviets after the defeat of Poland. There were also escapees from Czechoslovakia who illegally crossed the border to the Soviet Union (such people were usuall y imprisoned by the Soviet infamous secret police NKVD and sent to labour camps for a minimum two years) . Later, some Slovak soldiers who were taken prisoner on the Russian front or who voluntarily crossed over to the Red Army, joined the Czechoslovak Army in the Soviet Union. In 1945 the Soviet army entered Slovakia and in May Czechoslovakia was restored. 44 Great Britain and France recognized Slovakia only ' de facto .' When Slovakia took part in the German invasion of Poland , they recalled their consuls from Bratislava. 45 Dokumenty vnesnej politiki SSSR [Documents on Soviet Foreign Policy), vol. 22, fart. I, Moskva [Moscow], 1992, doc. 585, p. 82. 6 • Dokumenty a materialy k dejinam ceskoslovensko-sovetskych vztahu [Documents and Materials on the History of Czechoslovak-Soviet Relations] , vol. 4, part. I, Praha: Academia, 1980, doc. 76, p. 136. 47 Libuse Otahalova - Milada Cervenkova (eds.) : Dokumenty z historie ceskoslovenske politiky I 939-1943 [Documents on the History of Czechoslovak Policy) , Vol. I. , Prague: Academia, 1966, Vol. I, doc. 204, pp. 248-9. On the same day ( 18 July 1941 ) the Czechoslovak gove rnm ent-in-exile was also recognized by Great Britain see ibid. , doc. 203 , pp. 247-8. �80 SLOVAKIA-2017 After the war, Slovak participation in the war against the Soviet was considered by Czechoslovak authorities as one of the biggest crimes of the "l'udak"war-time regime . It goes without saying that the communist regime, which lasted in Czechoslovakia for 41 years ( 1948-1989) had no use for it. Slovak emigres, i.e. prominent personalities of the Slovak State who managed to escape to the West, mainly to the USA and Canada, during the first part of the Cold war sometimes tried to present the war as Slovakia's fight against Communism .48 Later, in the l 960's, this explanation was abandoned and Slovak participation was explained rather as a result of German pressure. 49 Today, in the democratic independent Slovakia, mo st of Slovak historians consider participation in the Second World War on the side of Germany as a mistake and not something of which the Slovaks should be proud. so 48 Jozef Pauco, S/owici a komunizmus [Slovaks and Communi sm] , Middletown Pa.: Jednota Press, 1957, pp. I 07- 11 ; Andrej Cincura, " Duch slovenskej armady" [The Spirit of the Slovak Army] , in Mikulas Sprinc (ed.), S/ovenska repub/ika 1939-1949 [The Slovak Republic, 1939-1949], Scranton, Pa.: Obrana Press, 1949, pp. 130-32. 49 Milan Stanislav Durica, "S lovaki a During World War II" in Joseph M. Kirchbaum , Slovakia in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Toronto: Slovak World Congress, 1973, 183. 50 Julius Bartl , "M. S. Durica: Dejiny Slovenska a Slowikov" (A review article), in Historicky casopis, 45, 1997, No I, p. 120; Dagmar Ciem a-Lantayova, Poh/'ady na vychod, op. cit. , pp. 185-7, F. Csefalvay, Vojenske dejiny Slovenska, vo l. V. , op. cit., pp. 258-9; Valerian Bystri cky - Dusan Kovac - Jan Pesek a kol., K/'iicove prob/emy modernych s/ovenskych dejin 1848-1 992 (The Bas ic Problems of Modem Slovak Histo ry 1848- 1992], Bratislava: Veda, 20 12, pp. 225-6 ; Martin Lacko, Slovenska repub/ika 1939-45. Bratislava: UPN -Perfekt, 2008, pp. 93-5 ; I..:ubo mir Liptak, 2217 dni. S/ovensko v case druhej svetovej vojny (2217 Days . Slovaki a during WW 11] , Bratislava: Ka lligram , 20 11 , pp. 318-20; Katarin a Hradska - Ivan Kamenec et. al. , S/ovensko v 20. storoci. I V. S/ovenska Repub/ika 1939- 1945 [Slovakia in the 20 th Centu ry. IV . The Slovak Republic 1939- I 945] , Bratislava: Veda, 20 15, p. 331. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017, Vol. 43 Description An account of the resource Vol. 43 (No. 80-81), 2017. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA-2017 61 THE SLOVAK ARMY ON THE EASTERN FRONT DURING WORLD WAR II Jan Rychlik Attempts to build separate Slovak military units under the command of Slovak officers within the framework of the Czecho-S lovak Armed Forces already existed in the period of autonomy (6 October 1938 to 14 March 1939). The government in Prague refused such demands but despite that many conscripts and officers of Slovak nationality were allowed to serve in Slovakia, which later enabled the relatively rapid creation of Slovak army units. The ruling Hlinka Slovak People ' s Party (Hlinkova slovenska l'udova strana - HSCS) already in this period had a party militia called the Hlinka Guard (Hlinkova garda - HG). The HG-men (gardisti) belonged to radical separatists within the HSCS. Many of them were admirers of German National Socialism and later became known for their terrorist acts against Czechs, Jews and opponents of the regime. Units of the newly-established Slovak army and volunteers of the HG took part in the defence of the eastern border against the Hungarian invasion of Eastern Slovakia (23- 31 March 1939) known as the "little war" . However, regular army officers considered the HG as dangerous fanatics with poor fighting abilities and opposed their inclusion in the armed forces. Also, President Josef Tiso did not like them because of their radicalism . The newly-established Slovak Army was at the beginning only a smaller version of the Czechoslovak Army of the first Republic ( 19 I 8-1938), which the Germans dissolved. The departure from the Czechoslovak model (new ranks, new emblems and symbols etc.) was a relatively lengthy process. At the beginning the army used the old Czechoslovak uniforms and was equipped mainly with Czechoslovak weapons and machinery, which was later partly replaced by German ones. Like the Czechoslovak Army, it was based on the conscript system and made compulsory for all able-bodied men, usually two years. Reservists cou ld be summoned for military training in 62 SLOVAKIA-2017 case of emergency. 1 However, the Slovak army initially lacked officers. In August of 1938 there were only 435 officers of Slovak nationality in the Czechoslovak army, which represented 3.4% of the officer corps. 2 Some officers of Czech nationality, mainly those with Slovak wives, were allowed to continue their service in the Slovak army, as well as some ethnic Germans . New officers were recruited from the reserve-officers of the former Czechoslovak anny, who were mainly teachers. Some of them were in fact mobilized against their will. A Slovak military academy was opened in Banska Bystrica, and military schools in Bratislava and Nitra. In July of 1939 the Slovak army consisted of 29,683 men ; in February 1940 33, 41 (including 1,0 IO officers); and in June of I 94 I 33,676 men, including 1,347 officers, 42 of them Czechs. 3 Jews, according the government decree of 2 1 June 1939, served in military labour units and the same applied to Roma (Gypsies). Ethnic Germans living in Slovakia, who were Slovak citizens, served first in the Slovak army in special units but later they were allowed to fulfil their military service in the German army and the SS-corps. In 1944 their service in the SS-corps became mandatory. There were people of different political opinions in the officer corps of the Slovak army. Certainly, there were officers devoted to independent Slovakia and even to the close cooperation of Slovakia with Germany, like Colonel (later General) Jozef Turanec, Colonel Rudolf Pilfousek or Lieutenant-Colonel Michal Loksik4 . Generally speaking, however, the Slovak officers were usually not adherents of the HSCS regime and very often were even hostile or at least indifferent to the idea of independent Slovakia. Some Slovak officers even joined the resistance movement. The Czech underground organization National Defence (Obrana naroda - ON), which specialized in sabotage and military intelligence, and was based in the Protectorate, also operated in Slovakia and some officers of the Slovak army were members. The reason for such behaviour was rather simple: 1 Frantisek Csefa lvay et al. , Vojenske dejiny Slovenska [Military Hi story of Slovakia] V. 1939- 1945. Brati slava: Magnet Press, 2008, 16-24. 2 Ibid ., 14. 3 Ibi d. , p. 22-3 . 4 Frantisek Csefalvay et al., Vojenske osobnosri dejin Slovenska 1939-/945 [Military Personalities in the History of Slovakia 1939- 1945). Brati slava: Vojensky histori cky ustav, 2013 , 153-4, 197-8, 250-5 1. SLOVAKIA-2017 63 former Czechoslovak officers, who graduated from the Czechoslovak military schools (most notably at the Military Academy in Hranice), were educated in a pro-Czechoslovak and pro-democratic spirit. Czechoslovak counter-intelligence screened every candidate applying to study at the Military Academy. Members of Communist and various separatist parties or even sympathisers of Communism or separatist movements were not accepted. The same restrictions applied in the school for reserve officers who were recruited from conscripts with higher education. In addition, the professional officers before 1938 were often stationed in the Czech Lands and their wives were often Czechs. 5 They were integrated into the Czech secular milieu and the clerical character of the Slovak Republic was strange to them. Some former Czechoslovak officers of Slovak nationality were originally also Legionaries, that is, volunteers who had fought for an independent Czechoslovakia on the side of the Allies, especially in Russia during World War I. 6 The ex-Legionaries formed the elite of the inter-war Czechoslovak army. It is true that even among the Legionaries it was possible to find supporters of the l'udak regime (like General Ferdinand Catlos), but in principle, former Legionaries were rather hostile to it. Some even deserted from the Slovak army and offered their services to the Czechoslovak government-in-exile represented by Edvard Benes and joined the Czechoslovak Army abroad. This was the case of General Rudolf Viest, the only general of Slovak nationality, who escaped to Paris and became commander of the Czechoslovak Army in France. This army fought the advancing Germans during the spring campaign on the western front in May and June of 1940 and after the defeat of France was evacuated to Great Britain. From 14 March 1939 Slovakia was an independent state with its own army and foreign representation . Slovak sovereignty was, how5 Pavel Micianik, Slovenskci armada v t'ai eni proti Sovietskemu zviizu ( /941-1944) . 1. V opercicii Barbarossa. [The Slovak Army in the Campaign aga inst the Soviet Uni on. I 941-1944. Part I. In Operation Barbarossa) (hereafter cited as Micianik, I.), Banska Bystrica: Dali-BB, 2007, 30-31. 6 The Czechoslovak Legions were formed during WW I from prisoners of war of the Austro-Hunga ri an army of Czech and S lovak nationality and also the Czech and Slovak vo lunteers li ving in Entente states (mainly Russia , France) or neutral states (mainl y the USA up to 191 7). The Legions were formed in Russia, Italy and France. They fought against Germany and A ustri a-Hunga ry. The Legions in Russia also later fought aga inst the Red Army in th e Ru ssian C ivi l war. 64 SLOVAKIA-2017 ever, severely limited by special relations with Germany. According the "Treaty of Protection" (in German: Schutzvertrag), signed preliminarily in Vienna on 18 March and definitively in Berlin on 23 March 1939, Germany obtained the right to build freely , and according to her own needs, military bases in the so-called "Zone of Protection" (Schutzzone) which was situated in Western Slovakia between the White Carpathians and the border of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. Slovakia was also obliged to conduct her foreign and 7 defence policies according the interests of Germany. A secret protocol to the Schutzvertrag subordinated the Slovak economy to German needs. 8 The Treaty of Protection in fact meant that Slovakia could be forced to participate in war alongside Germany, if the German government so desired. On 2 1 August the German Auswdrtigesamt (Foreign Office) prepared a Note verbale informing the Slovak Government that German armed forces would enter Slovakia to protect her from the danger of a Polish attack.9 The content of the note (approved by Adolf Hitler) was first unofficially presented to the Slovak government by German Minister to Bratislava Hans Bernard on 24 August 1939 . 10 The Slovak government was also asked to take part in the military operations against Poland (the government was assured that the Slovak army would not be used outside of Slovak territory, 11 but this promise was broken). In exchange, Germany promised to guarantee the Slovak-Hungarian border. If Poland was defeated, Slovakia would regain the territories lost in the fall of 1938, and eventually those lost to Poland in 1920. 12 After some hesitation the Slovak government accepted the German demands. After that the German request was presented again officially on 27 August 13 and the Slovak government consented the next day. Mobilization started already on 26 August. Gradually 117,000 reservists were 7 Eduard Ni zi'i ansky et al. , Slovensko-nemecke vzt'ahy 1938-1 94 1 v dokumentech/Slovakisch-deutsche Beziehungen in Dokumenten 1938-/ 94 1 [Slovak-German Relations 193 8-1941 in Documents] I. (hierafter cited as SDBD I.] , Presov: Universum , 2009, doc. 96, pp. 305-06. 8 Ibid ., 307-08. 9 SBDB I. , doc. 202, pp. 576-7 . 10 Ibid, doc . 209, pp. 589-90. 11 Ibid., doc. 205 , p. 583. 12 Ibid., doc. 210, pp. 590-1 . 13 Ibid., doc. 216, pp. 604-5 , p. 610. SLOVAKIA-2017 65 called up, of whom about 51,000 were assigned to the field army "Bernolak," under the command of General Ferdinand Catlos. While the main military operations were carried out by the Wehrmacht, which launched its attack on Poland also from Slovak soil, three Slovak divisions between 3- 5 September crossed the border and occupied a small piece of territory on the Polish side of the Tatra Mountains. On 17 September Poland was attacked from the east by the Red army, and was defeated and the Slovak army returned to Slovakia. It should be noted that Slovakia never formally declared war on Poland. The Slovak government presented the war against Poland as a struggle for the liberation of the territories which were annexed by Poland in 1920, 1924 and in 1938 (Upper Orava, Upper Spis and part of Javorina in the High Tatra Mountains). Germany indeed returned 14 these territories to Slovakia on 21 November 1939. The reclaimed territories were partly inhabited by ethnic Slovaks and so the war had some justification. Pro-German elements in HSCS, and especially the HG, welcomed the defeat of Poland . Generally speaking, however, the war was not very popular among Slovaks because many of them considered the Poles Slavs, like the Slovaks, and in addition to speaking a similar language, their kinsmen and brothers. The war was extremely unpopular among Slovak Lutherans in the western part of the country. After the defeat of Poland, Germany no longer required Slovak participation in German operations and the Slovak army did not take part in the war in the West. In June of 1940 France was defeated. Berlin, having now "free hands," decided to purge the Slovak government of "unreliable elements" and to strengthen the influence of the Germanophiles. On July 27, Hitler summoned President Tiso to Salzburg and forced him to fire Minister of Foreign Affairs Ferdinand Durcansky, who in the Spring had tried to negotiate with the British behind Germany's back. The new Minister of Foreign Affairs became the Germanophile Vojtech Tuka, who since 26 October 1939 had already been the Prime Minister. Another Germanphile, Alexander Mach, was appointed Minister of the Interior. The new government was definitivel y and exclusively oriented towards Germany. On 24 November 1940 Slovakia, together with Hungary and Romania, 1 ~ SDBD, I., doc. 25 1, pp. 683 -4. 66 SLOVAKIA-2017 joined the Tripartite Pact (Berlin-Rome-Tokyo). 15 In April of 1941 Slovakia did not participate in the campaign against Yugoslavia and Greece. On the other hand, when the war stared on 6 April, Bratislava severed diplomatic relations with Belgrade and on 10 April expressed a willingness to recognize the Independent State of Croatia. On 21 June 1941 the Chief of the German General Staff, General Franz Halder, visited Bratislava incognito. He informed the head of the German military mission, General Paul von Otto, that Hitler expected the participation of the Slovak army in the war against the Soviet Union. 16. The war started the next day. The German Minister to Bratislava, Hans Eluard Ludin, visited Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Vojtech Tuka and informed him about the German request for Slovak participation. Tuka agreed and offered (through Slovak Minister to Berlin Matus Cernak) military assistance to the German Foreign Office. 17 On the same afternoon diplomatic relations between the USSR and Slovakia were broken off 8 and Defence Minister Ferdinand Catlos summoned the reservists for "extraordinary military training. " Only on 24 June did the government approve Slovak participation in the war, which was officially announced on the radio. The Slovak Diet, which according the Constitution was the only body that could declare war, was not informed of the government's declaration . So, from the forma l point of view, the whole action was unconstitutional. It is worth mentioning that on 13 December 1941 , the Slovak government also formally declared war on Great Britain and the United States. 19 Again, the declaration of war was not presented to the Diet. Because the USA and Great Britain did not recognize Slovakia as an independent state, they ignored the declaration. No direct fighting took place between the Slovak army and the western allies, but both countries treated Slovakia as 15 SDBD, I. , doc. 359, pp. 270-2. SDBD, I. doc. 400, p. 1092. 17 Eduard Nizi\ansky et al. , Slovensko-nemecke vzt'ahy 194 1-1945 v dokumentech/Slovakisch-deutsche Beziehungen in Dokumenten 1941-1945 [Slovak-German Relati ons 1941 - 1945 in documents] II. (hierafter cited as SDBD 11.), Presov: Universum , 20 11 , doc.1,p.95 . 18 Ibid, doc. 3, p. 98 . 19 SDBS II. , doc. 34, p. 184. The declaration was announ ced in th e daily Slovenskci politika on 13 December 1941. 16 SLOVAKIA-2017 67 enemy territory. Slovakia, including Bratislava, was repeatedly bombed in 1944. Accord ing to the unpublished memoirs of Ferdinand Catlos, at first onl y ministers Tuka and Mach advocated immediate participation in the war, whi le other ministers and President Tiso had some doubts . But after some hesitation all agreed. 20 Despite the fact that it was Gennany who reque sted military ass istance from Slovakia, it should be noted that the Slovak government had no objections. The government saw participation in the war against the Soviet Union as a good opportunity to show to Berlin that Slovakia was a better frie nd than Hungary, which also took part in the military campaign. Tuka and Tiso wanted to contribute more and faster. They believed that it in future it might be possible, with German help, to rev ise the Vienna Arbitration Award of 2 November 193 8, which deprived Slovakia of part of her southern territory in favour of Hungary. The openl y anti-communist policy and rhetoric of the l'udak regime also played a role. 2 1 Mobilization of the reservists lasted until 5 July. A total of 68,0 18 reservists were ca ll ed to arms, of whom 56,8 58 were registered . The total number of Slovak soldiers reached 90,533 . General Ferd inand Catlos formed in Eastern Slovakia an Anny Group (in Slovak : armadna skupina - AS) which consisted of two divisions nd (the I st Division commanded by Colone l Jozef Turanec and the 2 Divi sion com manded by Co lonel Augustin Malar). From a part of the 2nd Division and sma ll er units of specialized weapons (two artillery regiments, tank units, automob ile unit etc.), Catlos formed the so-called Mobile Group (in Slovak: rychla skupina , i.e. , the fast or rapid group) under the command of Colonel Rudolf Pilfousek, an officer who claimed to be an ethnic German, but according hi s name was probably partly Czech. The Mobile Group was the only almost full y motorized Slovak military unit and it was expected to move quickly with the advancing German army. The Slovak forces were first situated in northeast Slovakia, near the border of occupied Poland (the Genera l Governorate). Slovakia did not border on the Sovi20 Archiv literatt'.try a um eni a Slovenskej narodnej kn iznice (ALU SNK) [Archives of the Li terature and Arts of the Slovak National Library] in Martin, mem oirs of Ferdinand Catlos, sig. 129 E2, pp. 65 -66. 21 I.:ubomir Liptak, Slovensko v 20. storoci [Slovakia in the 20th Century]. 2nd ed., Bratislava: Kalli gram, 1998, 189. 68 SLOVAKIA-2017 et Union but Soviet territory was very close to the place of assembly. After the beginning of the war, the Slovak forces crossed the border and assembled in the General Govemorate near Brzoz6w, a village west of the River San, from 28 September 1939 the border between Germany and Soviet Union. The Slovak division s and the Mobile Group were included in the forces of the German Army Group South (commander: Field Marchal Gerd von Rundstedt). Within this Army group the Mobile Group was first subordinated to the command of the I ih German army (Commander: General Carl Heinrich von Stiilpnagel), which was part of the Army Group South. One of the goals of the I ih Army was to cross the San River and to break through the so-called Molotov defence line, 22 i.e. the chain of light bunkers built on the new Soviet western border (established after the defeat of Poland). The Mobile Group crossed the San on 25 June and continued to attack Sambor. On I July the Soviet army started to retreat to the so-called Stalin line, the chain of fortre sses built on the old (pre-17 September 1939) Soviet-Polish border. This allowed the advancing German I ih Army to continue to attack the region of Lvov (in Polish Lw6w, in Ukrainian Lviv) and the mobile group was ordered to mop up the territory South of Lvov. On 2 July, without firing a shot, the mobile group captured Stryj (a town about 60 km south ofLvov), which the Red Arm y decided not to defend. 23 On 7 July the Mobile Group, which was temporally subordinated again directly to General Catlos, was reorganized into the Mobile Brigade (195 officers, 52 sergeants and 4,655 soldiers, a company of 43 tanks - two squads , one battalion of armoured vehicles and th trucks, the I I Artillery Regiment, one squad of machine-guns, a scouting squad) and the next day started to move Eastward alongside the main axis Sambor - Temopol - Vinnyca. On 19 July the I 7th the th German Army broke the Stalin line and the 49 Mountain Army Corps occupied Vinnyca, led by Major-General Ludwig von Kubler. The German command believed that now was the time to di sperse the Red Army. Kubler ordered Pilfousek on 19 July to move the Mobile Brigade to Vinnyca, which was reached on 2 1 July. Pilfousek was then ordered to take Lypovec, a small town about 50 km East of Vinnyca on the main road to Bila Cerkva and Kiev . The attack start22 23 Micianik, I. , pp. Micianik, I. pp. 62-83. SLOVAKIA-2017 69 ed on 22 July. Pilfousek had less than 5,000 men, 43 tanks and part th of the 11 Artillery Regiment with 123 cannons. The tanks did not have enough fuel and ammunition and had to halt the attack in the vi llage Scaslyva, west of the town. Pilfousek then made a fatal error when he ordered the infantry to continue the attack. Slovak so ldiers reached the center of the town but they were stopped by a counterattack by a division of the lih Soviet Army, which sent 15,000 men to reconquer the lost positions. The Slovaks were unable to hold the city without tanks but were saved due to the support of the 11 h Artillery Regiment, which held back the attacking Soviets. Only the arri va l of fresh German forces saved the Mobile Brigade from total defeat. A total of 75 Slovak soldiers died, 167 were wounded and 19 were taken prisoner. The Mobile Brigade lost four tanks, one armored car and tens of trucks. The next day, on 23 July, Lypovec was th occupied by the German 295 Infantry Division of Lieutenant24 General Karl Glimbel. The Mobile Group had in fact been defeated and General Ferdinand Catlos ordered most of the armored vehicles to return to Slovakia. Most of the soldiers remained in the Vinnyca region, while only a small Slovak unit of the Mobile Group, supported by the 11 th Artilth lery Regiment, continued the attack with the German 295 Infantry Di vision and on 30 July reached Granovo, West of the Dnepr (Dnipro) River. After that even these soldiers were sent back to Vinnyca. Slovak official propaganda presented the defeat at Lypovec as a "great victory" and also as a "symbol of Slovak-German friendship in arms." In 1942 a granite monument was erected at the battlefield and a military cemetery was located there. The monument stands to this day. About 600 Slovak soldiers, who died in the fighting in the Soviet Union (not only at Lypovec), are buried here. The First and Second Slovak Infantry Divisions, forming the Slovak army group (Armadna skupina - AS) were created partly from reservists who were mobilized at the end of June. The infantry divisions were concentrated in northeast Slovakia, near Medzilaborce, and later moved to the region of Sanok and Chyrov (in Polish: Chyr6w, in Ukrainian Chyriv, 16 km to the east from the UkrainianPolish border), where the command of the AS was temporally situated . The troops moved slowl y because they usually had to walk. They 24 Ibid ., pp. 12 1-37. 70 SLOVAKIA-2017 were used in July mainly to mop up the regions of eastern Galicia (South of the line Rava Ruska - Ternopol) of the dispersed units of the Soviet army as a part of the hinterland forces of the German Army Group South. 25 The Mobile Division After the defeat of the Mobile Brigade at Lypovec General Catlos decided to reorganize the Slovak armed forces. On 25 July 1941 two new divisions were formed : the Mobile Division (in Slovak: rychla divizia - RD), which was in fact a strengthened Mobile Brigade and the Security Division (in Slovak: Zaist'ovacia divizia ZD) which was to serve as a security and guard service on occupied Soviet territories in Ukraine. Their main region of operations was around Zitomir (Zhitomir, ukr. Zytomyr), a town about 130 km west of Kiev. While at the beginning of war the Slovak government wanted to show that Slovakia's participation in comparison to its population was high, now the situation changed. Most of the reservists, mobilized at the end of June and beginning of July to the Army Group (I st and 2 nd Infantry Division), were sent home. In the autumn of 1941 the number of soldiers was reduced to only about one-third of that in July 1941. The RD and the ZD were now formed mainly from professional soldiers and conscripts. The reservists formed about 17% of the total. They were mainly specialists of various types and drivers. On 10 September 8,862 men served in the ZD, 26 while the Mobile Division had 8,451 men on 20 August (including 30 I officers). 27 Despite its name, the Mobile Divison commanded by Colonel Jozef Turanec, was not fully motorized. The motorized section took part in the battle of Kiev at the end of August I 941. After the fall of Kiev (20 September 1941) the Mobile Division moved to the South st and was part of the 1 Tanlc Army Group of Colonel-General Ewald von Kleist, which moved in the direction of the Don River. It fought 25 Ibid, pp. 142-53 . Micianik, I. , p. 245. See also: P. Micianik, Slovenska armada v t'ai eni proti So vietskemu zviizu (1941 -1944). II. Zaist'ovacia divizia a ieleznicni pionieri. [Security Division and Ra ilway Pioneers]. (hereafter cited as Micianik, 11. ) Banska Bystrica : Dal-BB, 2008, p. 37. 27 Micianik, I. , p. 191. 26 SLOVAKIA-2017 71 successfully in the Donbas Area. At the end of October the Mobile Division reached Rostov-on-the Don and the Azov Sea. At that time the Mobile Division had 287 officers, 386 sergeants and 7,081 men. The Slovak units were situated between Rostov and the mouth of the Don. Slovak soldiers were not prepared for the winter, which started in the middle of November. 28 On 27 November 1941 Colonel Turanec was replaced by Colonel Augustin Malar. After his arrival, he recognized the decline in morale and discipline and fighting ability among his soldiers. Malar wanted to move the division back to Slovakia but the German High Command refused because of the start of a Soviet counter-offensive at the end of November. Field Marshal von Rundstedt, the Commander of Army Group South, decided to retreat. On 28 November the Soviet army reconquered Rostov. Hitler recalled Rundstedt and substituted him with Field Marshal Walter von Reichenau, but Reichenau did not change the order and continued the retreat behind the River Mius. Here the Slovak RD was ordered to defend positions near the town of Golodajevka on the bank of the River Mius. The Soviet counteroffensive was then successfully stopped. As a result, Colonel Malar was promoted to the rank of General and later awarded the German Iron Cross. By the end of 1941 the RD had suffered 84 deaths, 3 78 wounded or frozen, 26 missing and 11 captured. 29 Between January and the beginning of March 1942 the Red Army launched its winter offensive at the Mius River.30 At the beginning of March the snow started to melt and the Mius overflowed. The flood stopped the Soviet offensive and within the next six weeks the front where the RD was stationed was relatively quiet but still between 1 January and the end of April the RD lost 143 men ( 124 killed, 12 missing and 7 captured). 31 On 25 April 1942 Jozef Turanec, promoted to the rank of General on 1 January, again took command of the RD. The Mobile division took part first in the battle of Charkov (Charkiv, Kharkiv) in the 28 P. Micianik, Slovenskci armada v t'aieni pro ti Sovietskemu zvdzu (1941-1944). !If. Rychla divizia [The Slovak Army in the Attack upon the Soviet Union ( 1941-1944). Ill. The Mobile Divison] (hereafter cited as Micianik, 111. ), Banska Bystrica: Dal88, 2009, 35 . 29 F. Csefalvay et al. , op. cit. , pp. 80-7 , 30 Micianik, Ill. , pp. 37-46. 31 F. Csefalvay et. al. , op. cit., p. 93. 72 SLOVAKIA-2017 spring and then in the summer offensive in Southern Russia, which started on 28 June 1942. At the end of July the RD participated in the reconquest of Rostov (for this operation Jozef Turanec was awarded the German Iron Cross). 32 Because the Soviet army retreated east of the Don, Hitler mistakenly thought that it was already defeated and divided his forces into two groups: the "A" Army group was to destroy the Soviet forces between the rivers Don and Kuban , and after that to continue the attack along the axis Nal'cik - Vladikavkaz Groznyj - Machackala (at the coast of the Caspian Sea) . After reaching Machackala, the army was to continue along the sea coast to the Oil fields around Baku. The "B" group was to hold the line on the Central Don and simultaneously continue the attack on Stalingrad (now Volgograd), on the Volga River. The Mobile Division was included in the "A" group commanded by Colonel-General Paul Ludwig Ewald von Kleist. While small units of the RD remained in Rostov, the main forces crossed the Don on 31 July and pursued the retreating Red Army across the Kuban Steppe. On 4 August the RD reached the Kuban River at Kropotkin (a town about 230 km east of Rostov) , crossed the river and continued to the rivers Laba and Psis (left inflows of the River Kuban). Here the RD reached the foot of the Caucasus Mountains, with their dense forests and small wild rivers and creeks. The roads were in very bad shape and narrow, and the retreating Red Army blew up the bridges. The tanks could not continue, and most of the armored cars and half-tracks were damaged and unable to continue. The troops of the RD, moving slowly and dispersed, were easy targets for small units of Russian partisans and raids by the Soviet Air Force. On 17 August Turanec received orders to move to the south and secure the territory around the town of Gorjacij Kljuc, with an important railway station on the main railway Rostov - Krasnodar. 33 The RD was again subordinated to the German I 7 th Army, which had orders to attack Novorossijsk and Tuapse on the Black Sea and to continue along the coast to the Turkish border. This attempt failed due to fierce Soviet resistance, and the RD was also stopped before Tuapse. 34 At the end of September Hitler ordered a new attack. The RD was included under the command of 32 33 34 P. Mi cianik, op. cit, pp. 11 8-24. Mi cianik, III. , pp. 146-70 . Ibid ., pp. 21 7-1 8. SLOVAKIA-2017 73 Colonel Stefan Jurech, who replaced Jozef Turanec on 23 September. The attack of the RD started on 14 October but again failed. From 22 October the RD defended the right bank of the Psekups River. The Slovaks were under constant attack by the Soviet Air Force. ln August and September they lost 83 dead, 470 wounded, 10 missing and 3 captured; in November 19 dead and 97 wounded. 35 On 19 November 1942, the Red Army launched Operation Uranus, a two-pronged attack targeting the weaker Romanian and Hungarian forces protecting the German 6th Army's flanks. The Axis forces on the flanks were overrun and the 6th Army was cut off and surrounded in the Stalingrad area. Adolf Hitler ordered the army to stay in Stalingrad and make no attempt to break out; instead, attempts were made to supply the army by air and to break the encirclement from the outside. Heavy fighting continued for another two months. By the beginning of February 1943, the Axis forces in Stalingrad had exhausted their food and ammunition. The remnants of the 6th Army surrendered. th By Christmas of 1942 it became clear that the German 6 Army in Stalingrad was in big trouble and that the Soviets would soon launch an offensive against the German and Slovak armies in the th Caucasus. After completing the encirclement of the 6 Army, the Soviets moved to the west and reached a position 60 km east of Rostov. Colonel-General Erwald von Kleist, who replaced von Reichenau on 21 November, on 3 l December 1942 ordered an immediate retreat from Caucasus to Rostov. On 16 January 1943, the Soviet counteroffensive on the Caucasus front began. Due to this offensive, part of the Mobile Division was encircled in the village of Pencenskaja. Already during the Autumn of 1942, the Slovak soldiers were bombarded by propaganda leaflets. In them, Slovak soldiers who had deserted from the RD and also Slovak Communists wlio fled to the USSR after 1939, urged their fellow-soldiers not to fight the Russians but to surrender and cross-over to the Soviet side. This propaganda now increased. Colonel Stefan Jurech, promoted to the rank of General on I January 1943, in this new situation had no intention to st continue fighting . He secretly sent 1 Lieutenant Gustav Donoval to th the staff of the Soviet 60 Guard Rifle Army to negotiate a surrender. On 22 January 1943, the staff signed with Donoval an agreement 35 F. Csefal vay, op. cit. pp. 95-6. 74 SLOVAKIA-2017 by which the whole Mobile Division was to cross over to the Russians on 24 January. 36 This did not happen, however, because the German army broke the encirclement of Pencenskaja and the Slovaks retreated with the Germans. The Mobile Division then moved to the Kuban region from whence it was transported partly by boats and partly by air-lift to the Crimea and Perekop. During the Caucasus operations the RD lost 108 dead, 207 wounded and 157 were missing 37 and captured . During 1943 the Mobile Division lost its ability to fight due to low morale and defections. Many soldiers in Crimea established friendly relations with the locals, especially with women. Because the RD lost almost all its tanks and armored vehicles in the Caucast sus, it was reorganized as the 1 Infantry Division on 1 August 1943. At night from 29 to 30 October 1943, members of the division were suddenly attacked by the Red Army at Melitopol. The soldiers decided to surrender: 2300 soldiers and 45 officers were taken prisoner. st The German high command lost confidence in the I Division and argued that it should be used only as a labor unit. General Ferdinand Catlos agreed. On 4 May 1944 the 1st Division was transformed into the 1st Technical Division, which was moved to Romania and later to Hungary. The rest of the division was captured in March of 1945 by the Red Army. During 1941-1943, The Mobile Division suffered at least 600 dead, 2,400 wounded, 398 missing, and 88 captured. Only 42 men deserted to the Red Army. From the military point of view, it belonged to the elite of the Slovak army and even the German high command was satisfied with it. The Security Division The Security Division was stationed in the region of Northern Ukraine and Southern White Russia (Belarus) where it was to protect roads and railways, especially the line Pinsk - Gome), against attacks by partisan groups of different political affiliation. At the end of 1941 the only guerrilla fighters were those of Ukrainian nationalists, later known as the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), and the rest 36 37 Micianik, Ill., pp. 305-6 F. Csefal vay, Voj enske dejiny Slovenska, op. cit., p. 13 2. SLOVAKIA-2017 75 were dispersed units of the Red Army. Ukrainian nationalists fought against the Red Army, because their goal was to establish an independent Ukraine. When the German authorities rejected this idea, the UP A started to fight against the Germans as well. Generally speaking, the Slovak units did not have much contact with the UPA underground units because their main bases were situated in the western part of Ukraine. At the end of 1942 and mainly in 1943 Soviet partisans appeared nd in the area. The attitude of the officers and soldiers of the Slovak 2 Division towards the partisans was rather complicated. Regiments, battalions and even companies were stationed in different places in an area almost as big as Slovakia. Very often the squads of one battalion were situated along the railway lines many miles each from another. It was practically impossible to protect the railways under such circumstances. It is difficult to define the relations between the Slovaks, the local civilian population and the partisans. On the one hand, the units of the 102" Regiment took part in the "pacification" actions against the Red partisans. Special battalions of the regiment destroyed several villages in which the civilians supported the partisans. Some squads even executed the partisans and civilian suspects. "Punishable expeditions" were especially active under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Michal Loksik, the commander of the regit ment. 38 Quite different was the situation in the 101 s Regiment. Here most of the officers looked the other way when their soldiers established friendly relations with both the partisans and the local population. Some commanders of dislocated squads and even battalions concluded an unofficial armistice with the Red partisans. Captain Jan Nalepka, chief of staff of the l O1st Regiment, established contacts with partisan leader General Saburov. When his activity was disclosed, he and two other officers deserted on 15 May 1943 to partisans near the village of Remezy. 39 On the Soviet side Nalepka orgast nized the I Czechoslovak Partisan Unit. This troop, under the command of Jan Nalepka, took part in the attack against the town of Ov- 38 F. Csefalvay et al. , Vojenske osobnosti dejin Slovenska, pp. 153-4. Loksik, who was born in Vienna in 1897, later claimed to be an ethnic German and joined the Waffen-SS . After the war he escaped from Slovakia and his further fate is unknown. 39 Micianik, II ., p. 213. 76 SLOVAKIA-2017 rue. Nalepka died in this raid on 16 November 1943 and was posthumously awarded the title Hero of the Soviet Union. 40 Despite the fact that Slovak desertions to the partisans were not very numerous - altogether only about 400 soldiers crossed over 41 they had military consequences: the German command started to consider the ZD unreliable and unable ( or unwilling) to fight against the partisans and decided to remove it from the UkrainianBelorussian borderland to Minsk and its surroundings. The transfer was completed in July of 1943 . On I August 1943 the ZD was transnd formed into the 2 Infantry Division, first under the command of Colonel Pilfousek, and later Colonel Karol Peknik. Soon it became clear that the division could not be effectively used against the partisans because most of the officers (including Colonel Peknik) and soldiers had lost confidence in a German victory. The German command did not agree with its return to Slovakia. Instead, it agreed to nd transform it into a labour unit named the 2 Technical Brigade (later nd the 2 Technical Division). At the end of October it numbered 3,413 and it was sent to Italy under the command of Colonel Jan Krnac. The Attitude of the Soldiers Towards the War Slovaks as a nation had no personal experience with Russia or the Soviet Union. Slovakia never coveted Russian or (later) Soviet territory and, except for the Russian " White" emigres, who came after 1918, there were no Russians in Slovakia. During World War I many Slovaks fought as soldiers in the Austro-Hungarian Army on the Eastern (Russian) front; the war not popular among Czechs and Slovaks and many deserted to the Russians and later formed the Czechoslovak Legions that fought against Austria-Hungary and for Czechoslovakia's independence. In Slovakia, traditional pro-Russian sympathies dated back to the 19 th century based on their common Slavic origin and language proximity. Unlike in Poland, Hungary or Romania, Russians were always seen as friends, not as enemies in Slovakia. Despite its communist regime, inter-war Czechoslovakia, ° 4 F: Csefalvay, Voj enske osobnosti, p. 176. In 2004 Jan Nalepka was promoted by the Slovak government to the rank of Brigadier-General in Memoriam. 41 Martin Lacko, Dezercie a zajatia prislusn ikov zaist'ovacej divizie v ZSSR v rokoch 1942-1 943. [Desertions and Captures of the Security Division Members in the USSR 1941-1943], Bratislava: UPN , 2007, 63 . SLOVAKIA-2017 77 like France, in 1935 signed a treaty of alliance with the USSR. The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia acted legally until its dissolution in the autumn of 1938 and was quite strong and influential in Slovakia. Many Slovak soldiers before the war were members or sympathizers. They were very often ready to accept the picture of the USSR as heaven on earth. For all these reasons the war was not popular among Slovaks. On the other hand, it should be said that most of the mobilized Slovak soldiers faithfully served in the Slovak army, although without any enthusiasm, until the end of the campaign in 1944. From a strictly professional point of view, Slovak soldiers were neither better nor worse than other soldiers fighting on the eastern front in the years 1941-1944 Justification of the war against the Soviet Union was a big problem for Slovak propaganda. While the "small war" against Hungary in March 1939 was popular, because the army was defending Slovak territory, and the war against Poland could be at least justified as a fi ght for the return of territories annexed by Poland, there was no good reason for the fight against the USSR. Relations between Slovakia and the USSR were initially good, despite the openly anticommunist stand of the Slovak government. Slovakia did not have a common border with the Soviet Union and, therefore, there were no border disputes. The Slovaks saw no reason why they should fight against Ukrainians and Russians, Slavonic people like them , for the interest of Germany. Officially, the war was directed against "JudeoBolshevism," not against Russia or the Russian nation. On 26 June 1941 Minister Ferdinand Catlos openly declared: "This is not a struggle against the Russian nation or against Slavdom ... The struggle is for a new Europe where the Russian nation will find a better future. " Catlos also recalled the anti-Bolshevik struggle of the Czechoslovak Legions during the Civil war in Russia. 42 After crossing the San River, the Slovak soldiers found themselves on former Eastern Polish territory annexed by the Soviet Union in the autumn of 1939. Except for the Communists, the locals did not consider the USSR as their motherland and had no intention of defending it. The Ukrainian population hated Soviet rule and often welcomed German troops as liberators. Slovaks were welcomed even 42 Dagmar Cerna-Lantayova, Pohl'ady na vychod [The Outlooks to th e East] , Bratislava: Veda, 2002, I 86. 78 SLOVAKIA-2017 more cordially due to the language proximity; they were partly able communicate with the locals. The Slovak soldiers here also faced Soviet reality: unbelievable poverty, terrible roads, churches turned into warehouses or clubs (or simply destroyed). They also faced the evidence of massive terror when they found hundreds of dead bodies in the yards and cells of prisons in the towns near the border. These were the bodies of political prisoners who were executed by Soviet security forces before the retreat of the Red Army4 3 (the total number of those executed is today estimated to be around 15 ,000). All these facts improved the morale of the Slovak soldiers who could feel as liberators bringing freedom and a better life to the Ukrainian people. This did not last for long, however. Very soon the Slovak soldiers were confronted with the atrocities committed by advancing German forces against the Ukrainian and Russian civilians, and especially by the"Einsatzgruppen," which behind the front lines massively murdered Jews. In central and eastern Ukraine the local population did not welcome the Germans as liberators but fought against them. Morale and fighting ability fell mainly during the retreat in the Caucasus in the severe winter of 1942-1943 . By 1943 it became clear that Germany would not win the war and that Slovaks had no reason to participate in it. Similar developments met the Security Division in Ukraine and Belarus in 1943 . The Slovak government also gradually lost its enthusiasm for the war. By 1943 it became clear that the war would last for a long time and might exhaust Slovak human and economic reserves . Because Hungary also took part in the war, it was hi ghly unlikely that Germany would pressure Budapest to return to Slovakia the annexed territory of southern Slovakia. In this situation, the Minister of Defence decided to limit Slovak participation in the war to a bare minimum . The number of soldiers in both divisions on the Soviet front constantly shrank. From the end of 1941 only those Slovak so ldiers serving their basic military service, plus some specialists, were to be sent to the front and these, after finishing their two years of service, were to be replaced by newcomers. This practice was only partly enforced, 43 Martin Lacko (ed.), Dotyky s bolsevizmom. Dokumenty spravodaj srva slo venskej armcidy 1940-1941 [Contacts with Boshevism. Documents of th e Inteligence Service of the Slovak Army I 940-194 I] , Brati slava : Ustav pamati naroda, 2009, doc. 22 , pp. 124-5 , doc. 28, p. 15 1, doc. 3 1, pp. 155-6, doc. 38, pp. 188-98. SLOVAKIA-2017 79 however: and some soldiers were not relieved because no newcomers arrived. Political Consequences of the War against the USSR The Soviet Union - unlike Great Britain44 and the USA - fully recognized Slovakia as an independent state on 16 September 1939.45 Slovak participation in the war against the USSR had its political consequences. On 8 July 1941 Soviet Ambassador to London Ivan Majskij announced to Czechoslovak-in-exile President Edvard Benes, that restitution of Czechoslovakia was one of the war aims of the USSR and that the Soviet government decided to recognize the Czechoslovak government de Jure as the legal government of the Czechoslovak Republic.46 On 18 July 1941 the Czechoslovak-Soviet Treaty of 16 May 1935 was renewed and the Soviet Union agreed with the formation of a Czechoslovak Anny in the Soviet Union. 47 The nucleus of this army was the Czechoslovak Legion established in Poland in the summer 1939, whose members were captured by the Soviets after the defeat of Poland. There were also escapees from Czechoslovakia who illegally crossed the border to the Soviet Union (such people were usuall y imprisoned by the Soviet infamous secret police NKVD and sent to labour camps for a minimum two years) . Later, some Slovak soldiers who were taken prisoner on the Russian front or who voluntarily crossed over to the Red Army, joined the Czechoslovak Army in the Soviet Union. In 1945 the Soviet army entered Slovakia and in May Czechoslovakia was restored. 44 Great Britain and France recognized Slovakia only ' de facto .' When Slovakia took part in the German invasion of Poland , they recalled their consuls from Bratislava. 45 Dokumenty vnesnej politiki SSSR [Documents on Soviet Foreign Policy), vol. 22, fart. I, Moskva [Moscow], 1992, doc. 585, p. 82. 6 • Dokumenty a materialy k dejinam ceskoslovensko-sovetskych vztahu [Documents and Materials on the History of Czechoslovak-Soviet Relations] , vol. 4, part. I, Praha: Academia, 1980, doc. 76, p. 136. 47 Libuse Otahalova - Milada Cervenkova (eds.) : Dokumenty z historie ceskoslovenske politiky I 939-1943 [Documents on the History of Czechoslovak Policy) , Vol. I. , Prague: Academia, 1966, Vol. I, doc. 204, pp. 248-9. On the same day ( 18 July 1941 ) the Czechoslovak gove rnm ent-in-exile was also recognized by Great Britain see ibid. , doc. 203 , pp. 247-8. 80 SLOVAKIA-2017 After the war, Slovak participation in the war against the Soviet was considered by Czechoslovak authorities as one of the biggest crimes of the "l'udak"war-time regime . It goes without saying that the communist regime, which lasted in Czechoslovakia for 41 years ( 1948-1989) had no use for it. Slovak emigres, i.e. prominent personalities of the Slovak State who managed to escape to the West, mainly to the USA and Canada, during the first part of the Cold war sometimes tried to present the war as Slovakia's fight against Communism .48 Later, in the l 960's, this explanation was abandoned and Slovak participation was explained rather as a result of German pressure. 49 Today, in the democratic independent Slovakia, mo st of Slovak historians consider participation in the Second World War on the side of Germany as a mistake and not something of which the Slovaks should be proud. so 48 Jozef Pauco, S/owici a komunizmus [Slovaks and Communi sm] , Middletown Pa.: Jednota Press, 1957, pp. I 07- 11 ; Andrej Cincura, " Duch slovenskej armady" [The Spirit of the Slovak Army] , in Mikulas Sprinc (ed.), S/ovenska repub/ika 1939-1949 [The Slovak Republic, 1939-1949], Scranton, Pa.: Obrana Press, 1949, pp. 130-32. 49 Milan Stanislav Durica, "S lovaki a During World War II" in Joseph M. Kirchbaum , Slovakia in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Toronto: Slovak World Congress, 1973, 183. 50 Julius Bartl , "M. S. Durica: Dejiny Slovenska a Slowikov" (A review article), in Historicky casopis, 45, 1997, No I, p. 120; Dagmar Ciem a-Lantayova, Poh/'ady na vychod, op. cit. , pp. 185-7, F. Csefalvay, Vojenske dejiny Slovenska, vo l. V. , op. cit., pp. 258-9; Valerian Bystri cky - Dusan Kovac - Jan Pesek a kol., K/'iicove prob/emy modernych s/ovenskych dejin 1848-1 992 (The Bas ic Problems of Modem Slovak Histo ry 1848- 1992], Bratislava: Veda, 20 12, pp. 225-6 ; Martin Lacko, Slovenska repub/ika 1939-45. Bratislava: UPN -Perfekt, 2008, pp. 93-5 ; I..:ubo mir Liptak, 2217 dni. S/ovensko v case druhej svetovej vojny (2217 Days . Slovaki a during WW 11] , Bratislava: Ka lligram , 20 11 , pp. 318-20; Katarin a Hradska - Ivan Kamenec et. al. , S/ovensko v 20. storoci. I V. S/ovenska Repub/ika 1939- 1945 [Slovakia in the 20 th Centu ry. IV . The Slovak Republic 1939- I 945] , Bratislava: Veda, 20 15, p. 331.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovak Army on the Eastern Front During World War II Description An account of the resource Jan Rychlík Slovakia, Vol. 43 (No. 80-81), 2017 pp. 61-80 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Rychlík, Jan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/cc95dcff198ab0f0d9f8cf94c98703d5.pdf 31701ba8374c84847f687ba1aa345854 PDF Text Text 112 SLOVAKIA Kukucfn's Village Stories and Shukshin's ''Snowball Berry-Red" Gerald J. Sabo The topic of this article stems from an experien ce I had in Slovakia some years ago attending a showing of Vasily Shukshin ' s film Kalina Krasnaja (Snowball Berry- R ed), which is based on his story of the same name. The showing, indeed every showing of the movie, w as sold out. When I attended, the audience was predominantly university students, and I wondered what valu es and per spectives from this contempora ry Russian story in a rural setting reson a ted with this mostly young and urban Slovak audience. Why were they captivated b y the story of a n ex-convict who struggles to find a place in peasant , rural society only to be killed by his form er gang just as he is finding p eace of soul? In deciding , then , on a topic for the panel o n the village in Slovak literature, I chose to compare co untry livin g in Shukshin as ex pressed in the story and film " Snowball Berry- R ed " with several village stories b y Martin Kukucfn: a contemporary Ru ss ia n author, indeed a prominent write r in the "rural or village prose" genre, and a Slovak writer of the late nineteenth-early twentieth century , whose positive evalu a tion of the Slova k village as the best repository of ethnic and human values is well known . F rom Kukucfn 's corpus, I have chosen three stories . 2 Neprebuden y (The Unawakened Boy) , published in 1886, is con sidered " the paramount work of the years 1884-86 . " 3 Dies irae, L atin for "Day of Wrath , " 4 published some seven years a fter Neprebudeny, is seen as belonging to "the best Slovak stories of all, " 5 as " indisputably the summi t ofKukucfn's creative work in the story genre." 6 And finall y, Na obecnom salasi (At the Community Sheepfold), published just sh ortl y a fter Neprebuden y in 1886 , can be considered Kukucfn 's paean to Slovak village and salas or mountain-shepherdin g life. 7 In the story " At the Community Sheepfold," the na rrator , in effect Kukucfn 's persona, is a n urban a dult who is remini scing a bout an especially m emorable boyhood visit to a village and salas. From the begin1 �SLOVAKIA 11 3 ning of the story, the narrator shows a definite Slovak ethnic consciousness. He insists that the vill age of his m emorable visit will always be known as Topol'any, the Slovak name for it, rather than Topoian, the Magyar designation for his beloved village . The narrator's description of Topol'a ny 's location conveys the natural , distinctive beauty of the village, so close to nature and as though protected by nature against any encroachments from outside the village environs. Even though the boy's father is a confirmed city dweller, his godfather is the richta.r (village mayor) ofTopol'any. Like his father, the boy is and will be urban , but through visits to the village of his godfather - someone who is a father to him in spirit and religion - he nurtures a spiritual relationship to village life. His parents may be very intent on his becoming someone through education in the city, yet ironically success in his formal studies gives him an opportunity to deepen his knowledge precisely in that area from which his parents try to keep him isolated: village life . Because of a good academic report, the parents accede to their son's wish to visit his godfather, the richtar of Topol'any . It is this visit that will prove the most memorable and influential of all his stays. From the arrival of the narrator as a boy in Topol'any through the last sentences of the story, the reader witnesses a significant change in his outlook on life and self-appreciation. On his arrival, he perce ives himself as a stranger in this rural setting. Indeed, he is too self-conscious. Gradually, though, as he spends time in the village and especially in the salas, that sense of strangeness disappears. By the end of the story, he has become an intiate, in a very real sense, a spiritual m e mber of village and salas society. Now even nature h as becom e an attractive and deepl y a ppreciated part of his living. The boy readily admits that he has n ever been in a salas, when the opportunity to visit one presents itself. His visit to the salas and his actual stay in it mark the turning point in his special sojourn in Topol'any . As he becomes more familiar with the various aspects of salas life and society, he increasin gly eulogizes this way of living: To know all the markings, to remember every sh eep : what kind of wool it has ; where it was born, where it was bought, for what price, when, h ow old it is, how good it is for milking, and besides all this to give it a name . These people know their responsibilities and their flo ck. It was not in vain that the Savior had before his eyes the example of the good �114 SLOVAKIA shepherd when he said: "I am the good shepherd and I know mine and mine know me." (III, 73) H owever much he tries to play the devil's advocate in evalu ating salas life, his comments and reflections reveal a growing admiration for the salas and his desire to be very much a part of it: This fresh, fine-smelling air, the immediate friendly closeness to great nature, this free view of life, the sun's morning rise and evening setting: I envied them all of this .. .. Salas - salas! To remain here, to forget everything that I have learned ... and to learn to recognize the ancient signs of the sheep's ears .. . . To forget also algebra . .. and to study rather from the baca [head-shepherd] . . . the passage of large sph eres in the heavens. (I II , 76) The aspiration of Kukucfn's narrator is especially for ta vol'nost' (that freedom) of salas life, ''wide and not restricted by anyone,'' ' ' what was dearest" to him (II I , 78). His aspiration for ta vol'nost' resonates with the consuming desire of Shukshin's Egor Prokudin for volja (freedom) . Indeed, for Shukshin in general, and for Egor in particular, volja is a key word. 8 Just as for the narrator of Kukucfn' s story, so for Egor of'' Snowball Berry-Red,'' freedom is associated with nature and rural settings. In the beginning of the story, Egor links freedom with spring, that time of year when nature is new, fresh, and alive: "Freedom and Spring! What else does a person need?" (208/ 128) There are also a number of scenes with the white birches when Egor is so at ease with himself and the natural world around him. 9 For instance: All around was an unbroken birch forest.... Egor leaned against a birch tree and looked around. "Well, will you look at what we have here!" he said with quiet rapture . He turned toward the birch tree and stroked it with the palm of his hand. "Hullo, there! Ah, you look so ... You're like a bride . Are you waiting for your groom? Soon, soon he'll come." (210/ 131) And there spread out before his eyes was a birch grove: the entire numerous family of trees seemed to run up and greet him . "Ah, you!" he said. And he walked into the grove. �SLOVAKIA 115 He strolled among the birches . . .. He stepped back and admired them from the side . . . . He felt a lot better now. (255/ 1 79) For the narrator of Kukucfn 's story, the salas is an especially apt setting in which to express his d esire for vol'nost'. For in Slovak history and culture, the salas and valasi or mountain shepherds have acquired a tradition of special associations. In Kukucfn 's time as even today, the salas and valasi connote a closeness to nature, a distinctively Slovak consciousness, and a special status of freedom and movement in a society more and more regimented and organized. 10 The eventful night spent by the narrator as a boy in the salas, his description of the baca, the good-natured trick played on him by the valasi, and finally the appropriate sharing of story, bowl , and spoon all these show how deeply and irrevocably he has become a member of this Slovak village and salas life. Indeed, the last sentences of the story aptly express this as well in the readiness of the villagers to defend what they , like the narrator , know to be most important to their being their village and salas way oflife. As the narrator notes, the mackintosh worn by him that fateful night in the salas is always taken along by him on his trips to Topol'any . And the then honelnfk (young shepherd), now the baca, retorts to the narrator's reminder of the form er' s teasing on that fateful night: "Akf su pani, takf budeme i my (We'll act just like the gentlemen)" (III, 86). From the story '' At the Community Sheepfold,' ' the reader would have the impression that Slovak village life is the perfect repository of Slovak ethnic and human values. Yet just as Topol'any is a single village in the Slovak countryside, so this story is simply one expression of Kukucfn's appreciation of village society and living. Indeed, Kukucfn's awe for the village and salas in this story does give way to a credible, rather realistic view of human relations in a rural setting in the stories " The Unawaken ed Boy ," and Dies irae. In Dies irae , the focus is on self, strongly accentuated by the element of money , m aterial gain and possession. Indeed, Julius N oge con tends in writing about Dies irae that money is "merely the physically graspable expression of the societal system that rules and permeates the morality, economics, psychology, and emotional relations of this era.'' 11 From the very beginning of Dies irae, three forces course through the lives of the villagers of Lomnica: the cholera epidemic, money, and �116 SLOVAKIA a related concern for self. Together , these three forces drastically change the lives of so m any in Lomni ca. Indeed , the physical infection of the cholera epidemic seems to refl ect in a way the serious infection eating away at the life of the village , many of whose inhabitants a re focused on themselves and are concerned with the role of money in their lives. The ex treme situation caused by the cholera epidemic h elps to bring to the surface what has been for a long time an undercurrent in the lives of many villagers: concern for money and, relatedl y, for self. Greed and egotism pervade the character of Sykora, the vice-rich tar (deputy mayor) of the village, who drove his older sonjan into the army. Sykora' s younger son J uro is in love with Evka, the daughter of Sykora' s rival, the richtar Jan Zima, but Sykora's concern for his mon ey" leads him to suspect - quite incorrectly - that the Zima family is luring Juro into marriage with Evka for the sake of Sykora 's money . Sykora, in effect , forcesjuro to leave his family home, and even whenjuro catches cholera, Sykora goes to the Zima ho use where J uro is a ilin g for only one reason: to see the rich tar about some lost money. In Kukucfn's characterization of Sykora, the latter is virtually the embodiment of evil. Even Sykora's house is aptly described as "cold and dark, " suitable words not only for the house but for Sykora's character (V, 342 and 362). Money also plays a definite role in the lives of all the other major characters. For them, however , unlike for'Sykora, money is not an end in itself. Eithe r money is used to achieve some non-materialistic end , or they becom e its suffering victims. Masliacka, a former sweetheart of the rich tar Zima , uses money to avenge herself on Zima and also his family . In his secret borrowings from Masliacka for the sake of the village community, Zim a jeopardizes himself as rich tar but most of all his marriage and family. On hearing about h er husband 's secret meetings with Masliacka, Zim a's wife Katre na alternately expresses jealousy of Masliacka , anger at her husband, and bitte r self- castigation for marryin g Zima. (Still , she must h ave been aware that Masliacka was pregnant by Zima before his marriage to herself and that he r own riches were a factor in their marriage .) A stock character - the village usurer , here the Jewish tave rnkeeper Mojzis - is not depicted in the usual negative, anti-Semitic tone. 12 Rather , his Christian-like characterization and tran sfe r of money to his wife are very positive features of the story. Still , throughout the narrative, Mojzis suffers because of money-related activities, done actually for old Sykora. �SLOVAKIA 117 Although the young characters, Evka Zima a nd espec iall y Juro Sykora, suffer from the ill e ffects o f m o ney graspin g a nd u se, their characterization s help to counter the evil the reb y cau sed a nd bode well for the future of the vill age community. Indeed , each of them becomes for others a catalyst to change for the bette r - Evka for Masliacka and her father, J uro for his father. Because of Evka a nd J uro , love and forgiveness are the fate of Masliacka, Zima , and old Sykora . For Zima but especially for old Sykora, the ir childre n become the m edium for m etanoia . 13 The basically good village r s a mong th e m ajo r characters, Evka a nd Juro , em bod y well the co ntrast to old Sykora's d efinition of a n ob ec (co mmunity) as con suming but neve r helpin g (V, 292 ). Disd a ining the e ntrapm ent o f m on etary and m a te rial accumul at ion , Evka a nd J uro essentiall y forget th emselves for the sake o f othe rs. In Shukshin 's "S nowb all Berry- R ed," m o ney a nd co ncern for self pl ay a d e finite role in the characte rizatio n o f Egor Prokudin . Through money, Egor tries to satisfy th e longing of his sou l for a holiday. H owever much he tries to achieve this, he never su cceeds . Gradually, though, perhaps only subconsciously, Egor appreciates tha t m o ney d oes not bring real happiness . Finally , he gives up trying to give his soul peace through mon ey -related activities. Money and concern for self give way to newly rece ived feelin gs for hi s mothe r , to actions in d efen se of his '' pe n pal'' L yuba against her for m er alcoholic hu sband , a nd above all , to an ever growin g closeness to n ature, as yet unspoiled b y the so-call ed prog ress of civili zatio n . Unfortunately, Egor's unexpected murder by hi s former gan g cut s short the hope ful glimme rs o f hum a n life that hi s ex iste nce had been showing. "S nowb all Be rry- R ed " h as its m ost signifi can t resonance w ith Kukucfn 's sto ry "The Unawakened Boy." H ere, as in "S nowball BerryR ed," good triumph s over evil but only with th e death of the main ch aracter. Like the characte r a nd death of Egor Prokudin , those of Ondras Machu Fa are poignantly depicted. This m ay be o ne of the reasons why these stories stand ou t among the writings of their respective authors. In " The Unawakened Boy , " there is a stro ng contrast between real ity and im agin at io n/ appearan ce, cru cia l to th e plot a nd present from the first se nte nce of the story . The focal ch aracte r o f the sto ry, Ondras M achul'a, is called a hu sar. 14 I s he a hu ssar-husar , the dashing youn g soldie r who steals th e hearts of v ill age g irl s o nl y to run off to b attle or to a nother village for furth e r a morou s co nqu ests? Or is Ondras a �118 SLOVAKIA goose herd-hu sar , whose occupation is usuall y performed by girls and women but hardly eve r by a man ? Within a few sentences, it becomes clear that Ondras is a gooseherd but with hussar fantasies. The stark co ntrast between what matters are a nd what they m ay be imagined or may a ppear to be is continuou sly ev ident in the story becau se of certain human flaws and weaknesses : caprice and presumptu ousness, fear and shame , a lack of forthright but sensitive honesty , and a lack of committed genuine feeling for another whatever this entails . In their fallibility and human frailty, the characters of " The Unawakened Boy" act in ways that may seem good and apt but merely co ntribute to the power of evil in their lives . In his hu sacia respublika (Republic of G eese), Ondras may play a prominent role, but in village society, he occupies a special caste of one . Th rou gh no fault of hi s ow n , hi s m ental retardation and less than attractive physical a ppearance make him a problem , a cause of difficulty in the village. Even though he is a human being like everyone else, Ondras simpl y does not m easure up to the expectations of others - not that of his father who becom es a drunkard and abandons the family nor those of the other villagers. As his mother observes , " People always look for what they d o not have . What they do have, they value less than a gra in of poppyseed " (II, 177). So many of the villagers seem to forget that in Ondras , there is a soul as in everyone else. Eve n though Ondras is twenty years old , young children are his peers in society , for among them , he ge ts along best because in some ways Ondras is childlike but also perhaps becau se among the young children , he is treated seriously a nd respectfully accepted as a peer. The conflict in the story arises from a caprice of the village girl Zuzka Bezan, a contemporary of Ondras. After giving Ondras his lunch out in the fi elds where he is tending the geese, Zuzka becomes upset tha t Ondras is apparently not his u su al submissive self before her. In order to re-asse rt her hold over him and his affections, she lead s Ondras to believe that he has a cha nce to becom e her betrothed and hu sband even though she is betrothed to J ano Dubrav . For Ondras, Zu zka then becom es the em bodiment of the fairytale princess whom in hi s d aydreams he seeks to win for him self. In the course of the story , Zuzka and her mother never really tell Ondras that he will not realize hi s dream of marrying Zuzka, while hi s aunt cannot reason with him . Ondras, always relating to others do vern e (trustingly) (II , 182 a nd 195), rem a ins co n- �SLOVAKIA 119 vinced of Zuzka' s capricious proposal almost to the tragic end of the story. The "evil" world of the village is evident among the villagers on the wedding day of Zuzka and J ano Dubrav. The young men may be happy for J ano in his marriage to Zuzka, but they are also glad that he would no longer be competing with them for the young girls. Many villagers do attend the wedding ceremony, but especially to see whether Zuzka wears a flower wreath as a sign of her virginity, for she had rarely been seen outside her house before the wedding day. Zuzka does wear the wreath, for she is not pregnant as some villagers suspect. Belatedly, the suspicions about Zuzka aroused by moving forward the wedding date are further shown groundless by the wedding celebration. For the quality of the feast and the music are the effects of long-range planning and not the result of rush preparation . After escaping from the room where his aunt locked him up, Ondras arrives at the wedding celebration in the Bezan home. Ironically, the first person he meets all alone in the yard is the zvac, the villager who invites people to wedding celebrations in the village . The zvac whom Ondras meets is quite drunk and heading for the hayshed with a cigar stump in his mouth. The irony here is that Ondras should meet the man who called people to Zuzka's wedding withjano but not with Ondras as Ondras had hoped. Even more ironic is that the zvac will be the one whose condition - drunk and smoking in the hayshed - is the cause of the fire for which Ondras will be accused and in which the two of them will perish. The zvac, then, the man who heralded the happiness of Zuzka, seems also to have been the unwitting instrument of God's punishment against her and her mother for their carelessness and insensitivity in dealing with Ondras. 15 Like the wedding ceremony and celebration, the fire provides another occasion for the villagers to reveal their true character. The dancers go from an extreme mood of carefreeness to a frenetic rush through doors and windows to save their own lives. The villagers whose homes are close by run first of all to save their own possessions. As the fire consumes the hayshed, Zuzka's mother realizes that her most productive goose is trapped in the burning hayshed. To her pleas to save the goose, one bystander replies , "Aja ie co! (And what am I!) " (II, 227). For him, his human life outweighs that of a goose . For Ondras, though, the pleas are a different matter. He attempts to save the goose, �120 SLO VAKIA a m ember of hi s husacia respublika, onl y to peri sh with it a mid the fl am es ben eath the coll a p sin g hayshed roof. P rofo und gri ef ove r Ondras's death overcom es virtu all y all of the v ill age rs w ho h a d see n the hayshed roof coll a p se. The gooseherd 's a unt ex presses tha t now at least O ndras "won ' t be in a n yo ne's way" (II , 228). Onl y the starejsf (M aster of C erem o ni es) m a r s the scen e of grief with hi s in sen sitiv ity . Ri gh teou sly , he n o tes tha t su ch is God 's punishm en t fo r a rsoni sts who can n eve r escape Him . In th e last two sentences, Kuku cfn see m s to impl y th a t a t last even the cl ever, ri gh teo u s M C m ay also b e sha rin g to som e exte n t in the profound gri e f ex pressed b y so m a n y a t the d eath of On dras: "They co uld n o t find th e zvac a n yw here. Th e cleve r MC n o lo n ge r no ted : ' H e re's the puni shm e nt of G od , the puni shm ent of God ... ' " (II , 228). Fro m the tragic end of the sto ry, it m ight seem tha t Ond ras dies a senseless d eath for th e sake of a goose. P erha p s by th e stand ards of th e vill age world, dy in g for a goose is folly, but Ondras' a ttempt to help on e of hi s own , eve n if it is a goose, is m ore exe mpl a ry th a n a t first reali zed. It is Ond ras w ho lays d own his life, n ot Zu zka's m other wh o so treasu red the goose but n o t e nou gh to end a n ge r her own life. The m a n who was m ade a foo l ofb y the d a u ghte r of the goose's own er shows a ce rta in selfl essn ess th at few, if a n y, of the vill age rs ex hibi t in the sto ry. Un a bl e to reali ze hi s hu ssar-husar fantasy of marryin g Zu zka, Ondras gives up hi s life as wh a t he is - a gooseh e rd-hu sa.r . H e m ay n o t h ave saved th e goose, bu t in hi s death , h e sobe rs the vill ager s. Indeed , in Kuku cfn 's ve ry sympathet ic po r trayal o fO ndras th rough o u t th e story, a ce rta in desc ript ion sta n ds ou t whi ch may be a clue to O nd ras' proto type. Ju st before the fire, the n arrato r d escribes him as " tich y ak a j ahniatko (qui e t as a la mb)" (II , 21 9). T he wo rd s brin g to m ind a ve rse fro m th e d esc rip tio n of th e S u ffe rin g Se rvant b y the prophe t I saia h a d esc rip tio n u su all y associa ted in C h r isti an interp re ta ti o n w ith C hri st : H e was oppressed , a n d he was a ffli cted, ye t he o pened n o t hi mou th ; like a lamb that is led to the sla u ghter a nd like a sheep before it s sh eare rs is du m b , so he o pe ned n o t hi s mo u th . I s. 53:7 Eve n more str ikin g are man y of th e o th er ver ses in the passage on the Suffe rin g Se rvan t w he n compared to Kuku cfn 's characte ri zatio n of O nd ras: �SLOVAKIA 121 H e had not form or co m elin ess that we shou ld look at him and no beauty th a t we should des ire him. H e was d espised and rejected by m en ; a m a n of sorrows a nd acqu a inted with grief a nd as one from whom m e n hid e the ir faces, he was despised a nd we es tee m ed him not. Surely, he h as b o rne our griefs a nd carri ed o ut so rrows; yet we esteem ed him st ri cke n b y God a nd a ffli cted. But he was wounded for o ur transgressions, he was brui sed for ou r iniquiti es; upo n him was the ch astisement th a t m ad e us whole ... All we like sh eep have go ne astray ; we h ave turn ed eve ryon e to his own way ; a nd the Lord has la id on him th e iniqui ty of u s all. (Verse 7 quoted above occurs here.) By op press io n a nd judg m ent , he was taken away ...... he had d one no violen ce a nd there was no deceit in hi s m outh . Ye t it was th e will of th e Lord to bruise him ; he has put him to g ri ef; when he makes himself an offering for sin ... T he refo re I will divide him a portion with the g reat , ... becau se he poured out hi s sou l to death and was numbe red with the tra nsgresso rs; ye t he bore the sin of m a n y a nd m ade inte rcess ion for the transgressor s. (vv. 26-12) Lik e th e Isaian Suffe rin g Se rva nt (and Christ) , Ondras is not a handsom e person , a nd he suffers in variou s ways a t the hands of o ther human beings. Acco rdin g to the vol'a bozia (God 's will) (II , 219) , Ondras' life , but es pec iall y hi s death , have so m e bene fi cia l effect on those ame persons who rejected him a nd ot hers who m a li gn ed him without cause. If we co mpare th e portrayal of Ondras with the ch aracterization of Shukshin's Egor Prokudin , ce rt a in points of simila rity a r e ev ide nt. Lik e Ondras, Egor Prokudin finds som e sort of ease and peace in a na tura l se ttin g. For Ondras, it is with hi s geese in th e fi eld s, but for Ego r , it is espec iall y with the white birches, as already noted a bove in rela ti on to " At th e Comm unity Sheepfold." Indeed , Shukshin 's portrayal of Egor's dying a nd death shows th at Egor is n ot on ly close to nature but even o nce again rooted in it : H e stagge red, clutchin g at the trees with hi s ot he r ha nd . And o n the white birches bri g ht -red sta in s appeared. �122 SLOVAKIA ... A single tear squeezed out from Egor's closed eyelids, rolled down his scalp toward his ear, hung there a minute, detached itself and fell into the grass. Egor was dead . And there he lay, a Russian peasant [krestJanin] on his native steppe, not far from home ... He lay with his cheek pressed to the earth , as though he were listening to something that only he could hear. That was how he had listened to telegraph poles in his childhood . (271- 72/196-98) In the film version of the story, in a scene just after what is quoted above, the gang member Fat Lip , Egor 's murderer , says of him : " He was not even a man. H e was a muzhik [Russian peasant/country dweller as opposed to urban resident]. And of these Rus ' [ ancient name for Russian area] has many. '' 16 In the movie, this comment further emphasizes Egor's rural roots and commitment to historical country living in Rus ' . Like Ondras, Egor stands out in the rural collective where Lyuba his "pen pal " lives with her family, and where Egor was finally beginning to settle down . Here, though, it is not a matter of mental condition and physical appearance, but criminal background that distinguishes Egor from others. As the story of Egor proceeds, his criminal past becomes less damning. As Geoffrey Hosking has said: Egor is a classic victim of Soviet social experimentation. Brought up as a small child in a Siberian village, he becomes separated from his mother during the terrible famine of 1933 , and has never seen her since (till the events of the story). When the old people of the villages round about get together , they discuss the fates which befell their families at the times of "dekulakization," so that we know this is a memory which is still living, indeed dominant , in the villagers' life .... The collectivization, dekulakization, and famine form the setting in which Egor's life must be seen. 17 Under the circumstances, Egor has learned to live as best he could. Like the tragic love story of Ondras which ends in his death, the search of Egor for his much desired freedom also ends unhappily with his d eath . It is notewo rthy that among the various meanings associated with the kalina plant (in the title and the song sung in a couple of places in the story) is one with a tragic love quality. "According to popular �SLOVAKIA 123 belief, the red kalina berry is a symbol of first love, more often than not, of unhappy love." 18 In Egor's search for volja, d eath prevents him from really achieving his deeply felt and loved goal of freedom. The most striking similarity of characterization b etween Ondras and Egor is their respective religious associations and interpretations. As noted above, Ondras' characterization seems to resemble the depiction of Isaiah's Suffering Servant extended in Christian interpretation to J esus Christ. Egor, whose nickname is Gore (Grief/Sorrow) (212/132), can also be seen as refl ecting the Suffering Servant. Even more , however, Donald Fiene contends and shows extensively that the story of Egor Prokudin makes sense psychologically and literarily only if we see it as a modern hagiograph y modeled on the ancient Russian saints' lives. What this means is that Egor's often strangely unaccountable pacifistic behavior is ... the embodiment of an ancient Russian ideal of kenotic martyrdom exemplified by Boris and Gleb, the first saints canonized by the Russian church . What is of interest in Boris and Gleb is . .. that they yielded voluntarily to dea th. Ultimately, this act of nonresistance becomes a national Ru ssian feature, which G . P . Fedotov in the Russian R eligious Mind considers an "authentic religious discovery of the newly-converted Russian Christians . '' 19 Allegorically, Egor is a disciple of the Russian Christ both as an innocent sufferer in the tradition of the suffering Ru ssian p eople (the narod) 20 and as a voluntary sufferer in the kenotic tradition of Boris and Gleb . But in the Ru ssian kenotic tradition , the Christian is not m erely a follower of Christ , but an imitator of him. One is saved only through suffering in the image of a meek and suffering Christ. 21 In his death, then , Egor, like Ondras, is not acting foolishl y or even commiting suicide. Indeed, in his dying , Egor shows a certain forgetfuln ess of self in hi s own unfolding tragedy. As he is dying, he implores L yu ba : " 'Mo ney .. .' Egor strained to get out his last words . 'in jacket. .share it. .. with my mothe r. . .' "(272/197) In the film , to spare Lyuba the sight of him dying, he sends her for some water nearby. When she returns, he is dead. In response to his death , P etro, Lyuba's brother, then chases the gan g in his truck a nd drives them an d their car into �124 SLOVAKIA th e ri ve r. G ood does triumph ove r ev il even if, o r pe rh a p s more appropriately sa id, especially if there has bee n some selfl ess sacrifi ce of life . In th e Christian view of life, the death of Egor , like that of Ondras , becomes m eaningful a nd in some way even bene fi cial fo r ot hers ' sake. n At first sight, a comparison of Kukucfn with Shukshin is provocative but somewhat farfetched . Chronologically, they a re not co ntempora ries. Kuku cfn died in 1928, while Shukshin was born in 1929 . They may both be Slavs ·but from distinctly diffe re nt n a tional gro up s - the b as icall y C a tholic or Lutheran , Western Slav ic Slovaks vs. the Ru ss ian Orthodox, Easte rn Slavic Ru ssians. Eve n more, the soc iet ies a nd a udie n ces of these two a uthQrs a re d ec id edly di stin ctive. For Kuku cfn , society m ay be ex pe rie ncing some of the e ffects of urba nization , but for Shukshin , urbani zed livin g is the predomin a nt mode of ex istence that e ncroaches even upon re mote rural coll ect ions. In his writing , Kuku cfn con veys a " fightin g cha nce" for village life, while Shukshin depicts rather nostalgicall y country livin g which is found in creasingly furth er from the primary co nce rn s of Soviet n at ional consciou sness. These diffe re nces, then , betwee n Kuku cfn a nd Shukshin a re re fl ect io n s of time a nd socie ty , of histor ical, cultural background . The two writers are similar or co ncur precisely in valu es a nd perspect ives that transce nd tim e, culture , a nd society. In the writings o f both , th ere i~ a d e finit e d es ire for freedom - a hum a ne freedom whi ch is often assoc iated with n a tural set tings. Ind eed , both a utho rs show a great se n sit iv ity to nat ure a nd its beaut y in hum an li ving. In Kuku cfn, as wel l as in Shukshin , there is a d e finit e se nse o f the tra n sce nde ntal, espec ially as ex pre ·sed th rough the J udaeo Chri stia n traditi o n . D o nald Fiene conte nds tha t es peciall y in " Snowball Be rr y- R ed ," '' Shukshin 's basic m essage is ... all m e n a re Christ; we must love one a not her o r die. " 23 And as Geoffrey H os kin g has noted: "Shuk shin h as red iscovered an d dram a ti zed m a n 's dri ve towa rds the t ra n sce nd e nt a l , whi ch M a rxi sm d e ni ed a nd Socia li st R eali sm di storted. " 24 Th e importance of C h r isti an love a nd to le rance, a nd the stro n g feelin g th at these a re in so m e way integral to vill age li fe is evid ent in bo th write rs: Christian se lfless ness is worthy co ndu ct , eve n if its conseq ue nce is as drastic as death, whi le ac tion s pursu ed for th e sake o f money or through the m edium o f mon ey o ffer little, if any, real human happin ess. It might th e n be sa id that Kuku cfn a nd Shukshin do differ in some obvious ways but substantively rese mbl e each othe r a nd even �SLOVAKIA 125 concur in principles of human li ving that are in ext ri cably pa rt of and especially evident in rural life. NOTES ' Vasil y Shukshin , " K alina krasnaj a," Kin opovesti (M oscow: Isku ss tvo , 1975), pp . 205-72 ; " Snowba ll Berry-Red ," S nowball Berry-R ed and Oth er Stories, D onald Fiene, ed. (Ann Arbor, Michi gan : Ardis , 1979), pp . 125 -199. H ereaft er , references for qu otations from this wo rk will be given in the text with Ru ssia n page number(s) first , th en those for th e Engli sh ve rsion . ' The stories a re taken from the criti cal edition of Kuku cfn 's works: M artin Kuku cin : Die/o , M arian na Prfdav kova- Min a rikova , ed ., 21 vols. (Brati slava, 195 7-74). An English translation of all three is in Seven Slovak Stories by M artin Kukucfn , Norma Rudin sky, tr. and ed . (Clevela nd and Rom e: Slova k I nstitute , 1980). H ereaft er , volu me a nd page refere nces of th e Slovak ve rsion are give n in the text. ' Juliu s N oge, Martin Kukucfn: tradicionalista a novator (Zivot a die/o 1860-1 907) (Brat islava: Y yd avatel'stvo Slove nskej akademie v ied, 1962), p . 75. • The phrase Dies irae co mes from Zephaniah 1:15: "A day of wrath is th at d ay, a d ay o f distress and angui sh , a day of ruin a nd devastat ion , a day of d a rkn ess and gloom ," Th e New Ox fo rd Annotated Bible with th e Apocryph a (New Yo rk : O xford University Press, 1977) , p . 1141 . 5 Noge, p. 182. 6 N oge , p . 183. ' On pages 85 and 86, Noge discusses Kuku cfn 's familiarity with and documentary- like prese ntat ion of th e sa/a s. 8 Michel H elle r , " Vasil y Shukshin: In Search of Freedom ," George G utsche, tr. , Sn owball Berry -R ed and Och er Stories, Donald Fiene , ed. (A nn Arbor, Michigan : Ardi s, 1979),), pp . 2 15 an d 2 17 especiall y. For volja , see: " Snowba ll ," 205 / 125; 207 / 128; 208/ 128; 2 18/ 139; 248/ 171 ; a nd 253/ 177. On page 225, H elle r notes that in his stories , " Shukshin 's hero is look ing for freedom .... The sea rch ... bears a speculative character, a philosophical character. In Shukshin 's world an answe r to the 'main quest ions' is sought with unu sual intensity, with a powerful pass ion : I n what is the mean ing of life, what is death , wha t is God ?" 9 Besides those cited, see also: 253/ 177 a nd 263/ 188-1 89. On pages 228-29, H eller notes that in th e film ve rsion , a " white church - and th e white birches - appea r on th e sc ree n each time Egor P ro kudin pond ers the mea nin g of his life.'' 0 ' On th·e histo ry and culture of va/asi , especiall y in Slovaki a, see: Gerald J. Sabo , "Slova k Didac ti c Poet ry: G av lovic's V alask a Skala, V olum e I - Introdu ctory Stud y, " Ph .D . d isse rt at ion , Yale, 1978, pp . 37-38 a nd rela ted footno tes. Also , J an Podolak, " The Pas toral C ul ture o f th e Carpathi ans as a Subjec t of an Ethnological Study , " E thn ologica s/avica, 1 ( 1969), especiall y 70-77; a nd Encyklopedia Slovenska , Y I ( 1982) , sub verbo " Valasi," " Y a lass ka l'udova pieseil. ," a nd " V a!ass ke pravo ." For oth er sources , see foo tnote 24 of m y a rticl e on Hu golfn Gav lovic in cluded in th is journal issue. �126 SLOVAKIA " N oge , p . 183. " In her in trodu ctory commentary for Dies irae, N orma Rudin sky is probabl y the first crit ic to d iscuss Kuku cfn 's fa vorable depiction of M oj zis; this portrayal contras ts with those of other J ewish characters in Kukucin and other Slovak writers where the J ewish fi gure is d epicted in th e negative tones of ant i-Semi tism : Seven Slovak Stories by M artin Kuku cfn , pp . 160-62. " Indeed , the narrator as Kukucin 's persona comments in two places especially to make clear the indictmen t of Sykora and fathers like him who treat their children so poo rly: Dies irae, (V , 367 -68). Acco rdin g to Noge (p. 138), Kuku cin wro te in a lette r to Skultety that the authori al comm enta ry on page 367 noted above was a very importan t part of the text. W ere it to be removed, Kukucin would have bee n "gri eved ." " In contemporar y, standard Slova k, hu sar is a hussar : Slo vnfk slo ven sk eh o j azyk a: I die], a-k , 2nd editi on (Bratislava: Vyd ava tel'stvo Slovenskej akad emie vied , 197 1), p . 542. T hat hu sar also can m ean a gooseherd (hu siar in contem po rary, standard Slova k) is clear from K a rel Kalal and Mi ros lav K alal, Sloven sk y slovn fk z literatury aj n arecf (Banska Bys trica: Slovenska gra fi a, 1923), p . 192. " Indeed , the fire, even Ond ras' death , seem in a way to be G od's response to the word s ofOnd ras ' aunt ju st a short time before the fire is noti ced : " W ell let God's will (vol'a boiia) be done. I entru st everything to Him . H e knows best what is needed" (II , 219). For Zu zka, her wedding day will always rem ain a sad even t; fo r her moth er, her precious goose tha t perishes in the fire will be gone fo rever , but for Ondras , death in th e fire see m s almos t a blessing. " Donald Fiene, "Vasily Shukshin 's 'Kalina krasania ', " Snowball Berry-R ed and O ther Stories, D onald Fiene, ed . (Ann A rbor , Michi gan : Ardis, 1979), pp. 2 11-1 2, footnote 12. Michel H eller notes this same informati on on page 217. 11 G eoffrey H oskin g, " V asily Shukshin ," Beyond Socialist R ealism : S oviet Fiction Since I van D enisovich (New York : H olmes a nd M eier Publishers, I nc., 1980), p . 166. " Fiene, p . 202. 19 Th e Ru ssian R eligious Min d (I ), volume 3 in the Collected Wo rks of George P . Fed otov (Belmont , M ass: N ordland Publishin g C ompan y, 1975) p . 104. 0 ' In his foo tn ote 12 (pp . 211-1 2), Fiene notes tha t Fat Li p's comments about Ego r as a mu zhik in Ru s' emphas ize in the fil m Egor as a symbolic represe ntati ve of the sufferin g n arod. H e also ind icates tha t Fat Lip ' s co mments do not appear in the published film sc ript . Fiene hi mself used as the text for th ese comments the ve rsion of them quoted by J urii Tiurin in ' ' 'Kalina k rasn aia ' - kin opovest' i fil'm , '' M osk va, 4 (1976), 194 . " Fiene, pp. 206-07 . " M y m em ory of the film 's endin g is not perfect , but I do recall th a t th e last sce ne, unli ke that of the pu blished story, has Lyuba mentally recalling wo rds by Ego r about living, about wha t it mean s to li ve and how one should live. T here m ay also have bee n menti oned so methin g about pass ing th is info rm a ti on on to othe rs an d oth er genera tions. If eve n a pa rt of wh a t I have noted is correct , this woul d furth er affirm the m eanin gfuln ess and benefit of Egor 's life and deat h . " Fiene, p . 2 11 . M ichel H eller notes on page 229: " The th eme of fa ith and God whi ch parallels the th em e of death - occu pies a place in Shukshin 's short stories �SLOVAKIA 127 that gradually becomes more and more noticable.'' And also on page 23 2, in Shukshin's stories, the " hero . .. fill s the emptiness in his soul with a faith in Russia which is more and m ore oft en symbolized by a church. " " Hosking, p. 179 . Presented in Pa nel 65 , " The Village in Slovak Literature," at the AAASS conventi on in Asiloma r , C alifornia on 21 September 1981. � 112 SLOVAKIA Kukucfn's Village Stories and Shukshin's ''Snowball Berry-Red" Gerald J. Sabo The topic of this article stems from an experien ce I had in Slovakia some years ago attending a showing of Vasily Shukshin ' s film Kalina Krasnaja (Snowball Berry- R ed), which is based on his story of the same name. The showing, indeed every showing of the movie, w as sold out. When I attended, the audience was predominantly university students, and I wondered what valu es and per spectives from this contempora ry Russian story in a rural setting reson a ted with this mostly young and urban Slovak audience. Why were they captivated b y the story of a n ex-convict who struggles to find a place in peasant , rural society only to be killed by his form er gang just as he is finding p eace of soul? In deciding , then , on a topic for the panel o n the village in Slovak literature, I chose to compare co untry livin g in Shukshin as ex pressed in the story and film " Snowball Berry- R ed " with several village stories b y Martin Kukucfn: a contemporary Ru ss ia n author, indeed a prominent write r in the "rural or village prose" genre, and a Slovak writer of the late nineteenth-early twentieth century , whose positive evalu a tion of the Slova k village as the best repository of ethnic and human values is well known . F rom Kukucfn 's corpus, I have chosen three stories . 2 Neprebuden y (The Unawakened Boy) , published in 1886, is con sidered " the paramount work of the years 1884-86 . " 3 Dies irae, L atin for "Day of Wrath , " 4 published some seven years a fter Neprebudeny, is seen as belonging to "the best Slovak stories of all, " 5 as " indisputably the summi t ofKukucfn's creative work in the story genre." 6 And finall y, Na obecnom salasi (At the Community Sheepfold), published just sh ortl y a fter Neprebuden y in 1886 , can be considered Kukucfn 's paean to Slovak village and salas or mountain-shepherdin g life. 7 In the story " At the Community Sheepfold," the na rrator , in effect Kukucfn 's persona, is a n urban a dult who is remini scing a bout an especially m emorable boyhood visit to a village and salas. From the begin1 �SLOVAKIA 11 3 ning of the story, the narrator shows a definite Slovak ethnic consciousness. He insists that the vill age of his m emorable visit will always be known as Topol'any, the Slovak name for it, rather than Topoian, the Magyar designation for his beloved village . The narrator's description of Topol'a ny 's location conveys the natural , distinctive beauty of the village, so close to nature and as though protected by nature against any encroachments from outside the village environs. Even though the boy's father is a confirmed city dweller, his godfather is the richta.r (village mayor) ofTopol'any. Like his father, the boy is and will be urban , but through visits to the village of his godfather - someone who is a father to him in spirit and religion - he nurtures a spiritual relationship to village life. His parents may be very intent on his becoming someone through education in the city, yet ironically success in his formal studies gives him an opportunity to deepen his knowledge precisely in that area from which his parents try to keep him isolated: village life . Because of a good academic report, the parents accede to their son's wish to visit his godfather, the richtar of Topol'any . It is this visit that will prove the most memorable and influential of all his stays. From the arrival of the narrator as a boy in Topol'any through the last sentences of the story, the reader witnesses a significant change in his outlook on life and self-appreciation. On his arrival, he perce ives himself as a stranger in this rural setting. Indeed, he is too self-conscious. Gradually, though, as he spends time in the village and especially in the salas, that sense of strangeness disappears. By the end of the story, he has become an intiate, in a very real sense, a spiritual m e mber of village and salas society. Now even nature h as becom e an attractive and deepl y a ppreciated part of his living. The boy readily admits that he has n ever been in a salas, when the opportunity to visit one presents itself. His visit to the salas and his actual stay in it mark the turning point in his special sojourn in Topol'any . As he becomes more familiar with the various aspects of salas life and society, he increasin gly eulogizes this way of living: To know all the markings, to remember every sh eep : what kind of wool it has ; where it was born, where it was bought, for what price, when, h ow old it is, how good it is for milking, and besides all this to give it a name . These people know their responsibilities and their flo ck. It was not in vain that the Savior had before his eyes the example of the good �114 SLOVAKIA shepherd when he said: "I am the good shepherd and I know mine and mine know me." (III, 73) H owever much he tries to play the devil's advocate in evalu ating salas life, his comments and reflections reveal a growing admiration for the salas and his desire to be very much a part of it: This fresh, fine-smelling air, the immediate friendly closeness to great nature, this free view of life, the sun's morning rise and evening setting: I envied them all of this .. .. Salas - salas! To remain here, to forget everything that I have learned ... and to learn to recognize the ancient signs of the sheep's ears .. . . To forget also algebra . .. and to study rather from the baca [head-shepherd] . . . the passage of large sph eres in the heavens. (I II , 76) The aspiration of Kukucfn's narrator is especially for ta vol'nost' (that freedom) of salas life, ''wide and not restricted by anyone,'' ' ' what was dearest" to him (II I , 78). His aspiration for ta vol'nost' resonates with the consuming desire of Shukshin's Egor Prokudin for volja (freedom) . Indeed, for Shukshin in general, and for Egor in particular, volja is a key word. 8 Just as for the narrator of Kukucfn' s story, so for Egor of'' Snowball Berry-Red,'' freedom is associated with nature and rural settings. In the beginning of the story, Egor links freedom with spring, that time of year when nature is new, fresh, and alive: "Freedom and Spring! What else does a person need?" (208/ 128) There are also a number of scenes with the white birches when Egor is so at ease with himself and the natural world around him. 9 For instance: All around was an unbroken birch forest.... Egor leaned against a birch tree and looked around. "Well, will you look at what we have here!" he said with quiet rapture . He turned toward the birch tree and stroked it with the palm of his hand. "Hullo, there! Ah, you look so ... You're like a bride . Are you waiting for your groom? Soon, soon he'll come." (210/ 131) And there spread out before his eyes was a birch grove: the entire numerous family of trees seemed to run up and greet him . "Ah, you!" he said. And he walked into the grove. �SLOVAKIA 115 He strolled among the birches . . .. He stepped back and admired them from the side . . . . He felt a lot better now. (255/ 1 79) For the narrator of Kukucfn 's story, the salas is an especially apt setting in which to express his d esire for vol'nost'. For in Slovak history and culture, the salas and valasi or mountain shepherds have acquired a tradition of special associations. In Kukucfn 's time as even today, the salas and valasi connote a closeness to nature, a distinctively Slovak consciousness, and a special status of freedom and movement in a society more and more regimented and organized. 10 The eventful night spent by the narrator as a boy in the salas, his description of the baca, the good-natured trick played on him by the valasi, and finally the appropriate sharing of story, bowl , and spoon all these show how deeply and irrevocably he has become a member of this Slovak village and salas life. Indeed, the last sentences of the story aptly express this as well in the readiness of the villagers to defend what they , like the narrator , know to be most important to their being their village and salas way oflife. As the narrator notes, the mackintosh worn by him that fateful night in the salas is always taken along by him on his trips to Topol'any . And the then honelnfk (young shepherd), now the baca, retorts to the narrator's reminder of the form er' s teasing on that fateful night: "Akf su pani, takf budeme i my (We'll act just like the gentlemen)" (III, 86). From the story '' At the Community Sheepfold,' ' the reader would have the impression that Slovak village life is the perfect repository of Slovak ethnic and human values. Yet just as Topol'any is a single village in the Slovak countryside, so this story is simply one expression of Kukucfn's appreciation of village society and living. Indeed, Kukucfn's awe for the village and salas in this story does give way to a credible, rather realistic view of human relations in a rural setting in the stories " The Unawaken ed Boy ," and Dies irae. In Dies irae , the focus is on self, strongly accentuated by the element of money , m aterial gain and possession. Indeed, Julius N oge con tends in writing about Dies irae that money is "merely the physically graspable expression of the societal system that rules and permeates the morality, economics, psychology, and emotional relations of this era.'' 11 From the very beginning of Dies irae, three forces course through the lives of the villagers of Lomnica: the cholera epidemic, money, and �116 SLOVAKIA a related concern for self. Together , these three forces drastically change the lives of so m any in Lomni ca. Indeed , the physical infection of the cholera epidemic seems to refl ect in a way the serious infection eating away at the life of the village , many of whose inhabitants a re focused on themselves and are concerned with the role of money in their lives. The ex treme situation caused by the cholera epidemic h elps to bring to the surface what has been for a long time an undercurrent in the lives of many villagers: concern for money and, relatedl y, for self. Greed and egotism pervade the character of Sykora, the vice-rich tar (deputy mayor) of the village, who drove his older sonjan into the army. Sykora' s younger son J uro is in love with Evka, the daughter of Sykora' s rival, the richtar Jan Zima, but Sykora's concern for his mon ey" leads him to suspect - quite incorrectly - that the Zima family is luring Juro into marriage with Evka for the sake of Sykora 's money . Sykora, in effect , forcesjuro to leave his family home, and even whenjuro catches cholera, Sykora goes to the Zima ho use where J uro is a ilin g for only one reason: to see the rich tar about some lost money. In Kukucfn's characterization of Sykora, the latter is virtually the embodiment of evil. Even Sykora's house is aptly described as "cold and dark, " suitable words not only for the house but for Sykora's character (V, 342 and 362). Money also plays a definite role in the lives of all the other major characters. For them, however , unlike for'Sykora, money is not an end in itself. Eithe r money is used to achieve some non-materialistic end , or they becom e its suffering victims. Masliacka, a former sweetheart of the rich tar Zima , uses money to avenge herself on Zima and also his family . In his secret borrowings from Masliacka for the sake of the village community, Zim a jeopardizes himself as rich tar but most of all his marriage and family. On hearing about h er husband 's secret meetings with Masliacka, Zim a's wife Katre na alternately expresses jealousy of Masliacka , anger at her husband, and bitte r self- castigation for marryin g Zima. (Still , she must h ave been aware that Masliacka was pregnant by Zima before his marriage to herself and that he r own riches were a factor in their marriage .) A stock character - the village usurer , here the Jewish tave rnkeeper Mojzis - is not depicted in the usual negative, anti-Semitic tone. 12 Rather , his Christian-like characterization and tran sfe r of money to his wife are very positive features of the story. Still , throughout the narrative, Mojzis suffers because of money-related activities, done actually for old Sykora. �SLOVAKIA 117 Although the young characters, Evka Zima a nd espec iall y Juro Sykora, suffer from the ill e ffects o f m o ney graspin g a nd u se, their characterization s help to counter the evil the reb y cau sed a nd bode well for the future of the vill age community. Indeed , each of them becomes for others a catalyst to change for the bette r - Evka for Masliacka and her father, J uro for his father. Because of Evka a nd J uro , love and forgiveness are the fate of Masliacka, Zima , and old Sykora . For Zima but especially for old Sykora, the ir childre n become the m edium for m etanoia . 13 The basically good village r s a mong th e m ajo r characters, Evka a nd Juro , em bod y well the co ntrast to old Sykora's d efinition of a n ob ec (co mmunity) as con suming but neve r helpin g (V, 292 ). Disd a ining the e ntrapm ent o f m on etary and m a te rial accumul at ion , Evka a nd J uro essentiall y forget th emselves for the sake o f othe rs. In Shukshin 's "S nowb all Berry- R ed," m o ney a nd co ncern for self pl ay a d e finite role in the characte rizatio n o f Egor Prokudin . Through money, Egor tries to satisfy th e longing of his sou l for a holiday. H owever much he tries to achieve this, he never su cceeds . Gradually, though, perhaps only subconsciously, Egor appreciates tha t m o ney d oes not bring real happiness . Finally , he gives up trying to give his soul peace through mon ey -related activities. Money and concern for self give way to newly rece ived feelin gs for hi s mothe r , to actions in d efen se of his '' pe n pal'' L yuba against her for m er alcoholic hu sband , a nd above all , to an ever growin g closeness to n ature, as yet unspoiled b y the so-call ed prog ress of civili zatio n . Unfortunately, Egor's unexpected murder by hi s former gan g cut s short the hope ful glimme rs o f hum a n life that hi s ex iste nce had been showing. "S nowb all Be rry- R ed " h as its m ost signifi can t resonance w ith Kukucfn 's sto ry "The Unawakened Boy." H ere, as in "S nowball BerryR ed," good triumph s over evil but only with th e death of the main ch aracter. Like the characte r a nd death of Egor Prokudin , those of Ondras Machu Fa are poignantly depicted. This m ay be o ne of the reasons why these stories stand ou t among the writings of their respective authors. In " The Unawakened Boy , " there is a stro ng contrast between real ity and im agin at io n/ appearan ce, cru cia l to th e plot a nd present from the first se nte nce of the story . The focal ch aracte r o f the sto ry, Ondras M achul'a, is called a hu sar. 14 I s he a hu ssar-husar , the dashing youn g soldie r who steals th e hearts of v ill age g irl s o nl y to run off to b attle or to a nother village for furth e r a morou s co nqu ests? Or is Ondras a �118 SLOVAKIA goose herd-hu sar , whose occupation is usuall y performed by girls and women but hardly eve r by a man ? Within a few sentences, it becomes clear that Ondras is a gooseherd but with hussar fantasies. The stark co ntrast between what matters are a nd what they m ay be imagined or may a ppear to be is continuou sly ev ident in the story becau se of certain human flaws and weaknesses : caprice and presumptu ousness, fear and shame , a lack of forthright but sensitive honesty , and a lack of committed genuine feeling for another whatever this entails . In their fallibility and human frailty, the characters of " The Unawakened Boy" act in ways that may seem good and apt but merely co ntribute to the power of evil in their lives . In his hu sacia respublika (Republic of G eese), Ondras may play a prominent role, but in village society, he occupies a special caste of one . Th rou gh no fault of hi s ow n , hi s m ental retardation and less than attractive physical a ppearance make him a problem , a cause of difficulty in the village. Even though he is a human being like everyone else, Ondras simpl y does not m easure up to the expectations of others - not that of his father who becom es a drunkard and abandons the family nor those of the other villagers. As his mother observes , " People always look for what they d o not have . What they do have, they value less than a gra in of poppyseed " (II, 177). So many of the villagers seem to forget that in Ondras , there is a soul as in everyone else. Eve n though Ondras is twenty years old , young children are his peers in society , for among them , he ge ts along best because in some ways Ondras is childlike but also perhaps becau se among the young children , he is treated seriously a nd respectfully accepted as a peer. The conflict in the story arises from a caprice of the village girl Zuzka Bezan, a contemporary of Ondras. After giving Ondras his lunch out in the fi elds where he is tending the geese, Zuzka becomes upset tha t Ondras is apparently not his u su al submissive self before her. In order to re-asse rt her hold over him and his affections, she lead s Ondras to believe that he has a cha nce to becom e her betrothed and hu sband even though she is betrothed to J ano Dubrav . For Ondras, Zu zka then becom es the em bodiment of the fairytale princess whom in hi s d aydreams he seeks to win for him self. In the course of the story , Zuzka and her mother never really tell Ondras that he will not realize hi s dream of marrying Zuzka, while hi s aunt cannot reason with him . Ondras, always relating to others do vern e (trustingly) (II , 182 a nd 195), rem a ins co n- �SLOVAKIA 119 vinced of Zuzka' s capricious proposal almost to the tragic end of the story. The "evil" world of the village is evident among the villagers on the wedding day of Zuzka and J ano Dubrav. The young men may be happy for J ano in his marriage to Zuzka, but they are also glad that he would no longer be competing with them for the young girls. Many villagers do attend the wedding ceremony, but especially to see whether Zuzka wears a flower wreath as a sign of her virginity, for she had rarely been seen outside her house before the wedding day. Zuzka does wear the wreath, for she is not pregnant as some villagers suspect. Belatedly, the suspicions about Zuzka aroused by moving forward the wedding date are further shown groundless by the wedding celebration. For the quality of the feast and the music are the effects of long-range planning and not the result of rush preparation . After escaping from the room where his aunt locked him up, Ondras arrives at the wedding celebration in the Bezan home. Ironically, the first person he meets all alone in the yard is the zvac, the villager who invites people to wedding celebrations in the village . The zvac whom Ondras meets is quite drunk and heading for the hayshed with a cigar stump in his mouth. The irony here is that Ondras should meet the man who called people to Zuzka's wedding withjano but not with Ondras as Ondras had hoped. Even more ironic is that the zvac will be the one whose condition - drunk and smoking in the hayshed - is the cause of the fire for which Ondras will be accused and in which the two of them will perish. The zvac, then, the man who heralded the happiness of Zuzka, seems also to have been the unwitting instrument of God's punishment against her and her mother for their carelessness and insensitivity in dealing with Ondras. 15 Like the wedding ceremony and celebration, the fire provides another occasion for the villagers to reveal their true character. The dancers go from an extreme mood of carefreeness to a frenetic rush through doors and windows to save their own lives. The villagers whose homes are close by run first of all to save their own possessions. As the fire consumes the hayshed, Zuzka's mother realizes that her most productive goose is trapped in the burning hayshed. To her pleas to save the goose, one bystander replies , "Aja ie co! (And what am I!) " (II, 227). For him, his human life outweighs that of a goose . For Ondras, though, the pleas are a different matter. He attempts to save the goose, �120 SLO VAKIA a m ember of hi s husacia respublika, onl y to peri sh with it a mid the fl am es ben eath the coll a p sin g hayshed roof. P rofo und gri ef ove r Ondras's death overcom es virtu all y all of the v ill age rs w ho h a d see n the hayshed roof coll a p se. The gooseherd 's a unt ex presses tha t now at least O ndras "won ' t be in a n yo ne's way" (II , 228). Onl y the starejsf (M aster of C erem o ni es) m a r s the scen e of grief with hi s in sen sitiv ity . Ri gh teou sly , he n o tes tha t su ch is God 's punishm en t fo r a rsoni sts who can n eve r escape Him . In th e last two sentences, Kuku cfn see m s to impl y th a t a t last even the cl ever, ri gh teo u s M C m ay also b e sha rin g to som e exte n t in the profound gri e f ex pressed b y so m a n y a t the d eath of On dras: "They co uld n o t find th e zvac a n yw here. Th e cleve r MC n o lo n ge r no ted : ' H e re's the puni shm e nt of G od , the puni shm ent of God ... ' " (II , 228). Fro m the tragic end of the sto ry, it m ight seem tha t Ond ras dies a senseless d eath for th e sake of a goose. P erha p s by th e stand ards of th e vill age world, dy in g for a goose is folly, but Ondras' a ttempt to help on e of hi s own , eve n if it is a goose, is m ore exe mpl a ry th a n a t first reali zed. It is Ond ras w ho lays d own his life, n ot Zu zka's m other wh o so treasu red the goose but n o t e nou gh to end a n ge r her own life. The m a n who was m ade a foo l ofb y the d a u ghte r of the goose's own er shows a ce rta in selfl essn ess th at few, if a n y, of the vill age rs ex hibi t in the sto ry. Un a bl e to reali ze hi s hu ssar-husar fantasy of marryin g Zu zka, Ondras gives up hi s life as wh a t he is - a gooseh e rd-hu sa.r . H e m ay n o t h ave saved th e goose, bu t in hi s death , h e sobe rs the vill ager s. Indeed , in Kuku cfn 's ve ry sympathet ic po r trayal o fO ndras th rough o u t th e story, a ce rta in desc ript ion sta n ds ou t whi ch may be a clue to O nd ras' proto type. Ju st before the fire, the n arrato r d escribes him as " tich y ak a j ahniatko (qui e t as a la mb)" (II , 21 9). T he wo rd s brin g to m ind a ve rse fro m th e d esc rip tio n of th e S u ffe rin g Se rvant b y the prophe t I saia h a d esc rip tio n u su all y associa ted in C h r isti an interp re ta ti o n w ith C hri st : H e was oppressed , a n d he was a ffli cted, ye t he o pened n o t hi mou th ; like a lamb that is led to the sla u ghter a nd like a sheep before it s sh eare rs is du m b , so he o pe ned n o t hi s mo u th . I s. 53:7 Eve n more str ikin g are man y of th e o th er ver ses in the passage on the Suffe rin g Se rvan t w he n compared to Kuku cfn 's characte ri zatio n of O nd ras: �SLOVAKIA 121 H e had not form or co m elin ess that we shou ld look at him and no beauty th a t we should des ire him. H e was d espised and rejected by m en ; a m a n of sorrows a nd acqu a inted with grief a nd as one from whom m e n hid e the ir faces, he was despised a nd we es tee m ed him not. Surely, he h as b o rne our griefs a nd carri ed o ut so rrows; yet we esteem ed him st ri cke n b y God a nd a ffli cted. But he was wounded for o ur transgressions, he was brui sed for ou r iniquiti es; upo n him was the ch astisement th a t m ad e us whole ... All we like sh eep have go ne astray ; we h ave turn ed eve ryon e to his own way ; a nd the Lord has la id on him th e iniqui ty of u s all. (Verse 7 quoted above occurs here.) By op press io n a nd judg m ent , he was taken away ...... he had d one no violen ce a nd there was no deceit in hi s m outh . Ye t it was th e will of th e Lord to bruise him ; he has put him to g ri ef; when he makes himself an offering for sin ... T he refo re I will divide him a portion with the g reat , ... becau se he poured out hi s sou l to death and was numbe red with the tra nsgresso rs; ye t he bore the sin of m a n y a nd m ade inte rcess ion for the transgressor s. (vv. 26-12) Lik e th e Isaian Suffe rin g Se rva nt (and Christ) , Ondras is not a handsom e person , a nd he suffers in variou s ways a t the hands of o ther human beings. Acco rdin g to the vol'a bozia (God 's will) (II , 219) , Ondras' life , but es pec iall y hi s death , have so m e bene fi cia l effect on those ame persons who rejected him a nd ot hers who m a li gn ed him without cause. If we co mpare th e portrayal of Ondras with the ch aracterization of Shukshin's Egor Prokudin , ce rt a in points of simila rity a r e ev ide nt. Lik e Ondras, Egor Prokudin finds som e sort of ease and peace in a na tura l se ttin g. For Ondras, it is with hi s geese in th e fi eld s, but for Ego r , it is espec iall y with the white birches, as already noted a bove in rela ti on to " At th e Comm unity Sheepfold." Indeed , Shukshin 's portrayal of Egor's dying a nd death shows th at Egor is n ot on ly close to nature but even o nce again rooted in it : H e stagge red, clutchin g at the trees with hi s ot he r ha nd . And o n the white birches bri g ht -red sta in s appeared. �122 SLOVAKIA ... A single tear squeezed out from Egor's closed eyelids, rolled down his scalp toward his ear, hung there a minute, detached itself and fell into the grass. Egor was dead . And there he lay, a Russian peasant [krestJanin] on his native steppe, not far from home ... He lay with his cheek pressed to the earth , as though he were listening to something that only he could hear. That was how he had listened to telegraph poles in his childhood . (271- 72/196-98) In the film version of the story, in a scene just after what is quoted above, the gang member Fat Lip , Egor 's murderer , says of him : " He was not even a man. H e was a muzhik [Russian peasant/country dweller as opposed to urban resident]. And of these Rus ' [ ancient name for Russian area] has many. '' 16 In the movie, this comment further emphasizes Egor's rural roots and commitment to historical country living in Rus ' . Like Ondras, Egor stands out in the rural collective where Lyuba his "pen pal " lives with her family, and where Egor was finally beginning to settle down . Here, though, it is not a matter of mental condition and physical appearance, but criminal background that distinguishes Egor from others. As the story of Egor proceeds, his criminal past becomes less damning. As Geoffrey Hosking has said: Egor is a classic victim of Soviet social experimentation. Brought up as a small child in a Siberian village, he becomes separated from his mother during the terrible famine of 1933 , and has never seen her since (till the events of the story). When the old people of the villages round about get together , they discuss the fates which befell their families at the times of "dekulakization," so that we know this is a memory which is still living, indeed dominant , in the villagers' life .... The collectivization, dekulakization, and famine form the setting in which Egor's life must be seen. 17 Under the circumstances, Egor has learned to live as best he could. Like the tragic love story of Ondras which ends in his death, the search of Egor for his much desired freedom also ends unhappily with his d eath . It is notewo rthy that among the various meanings associated with the kalina plant (in the title and the song sung in a couple of places in the story) is one with a tragic love quality. "According to popular �SLOVAKIA 123 belief, the red kalina berry is a symbol of first love, more often than not, of unhappy love." 18 In Egor's search for volja, d eath prevents him from really achieving his deeply felt and loved goal of freedom. The most striking similarity of characterization b etween Ondras and Egor is their respective religious associations and interpretations. As noted above, Ondras' characterization seems to resemble the depiction of Isaiah's Suffering Servant extended in Christian interpretation to J esus Christ. Egor, whose nickname is Gore (Grief/Sorrow) (212/132), can also be seen as refl ecting the Suffering Servant. Even more , however, Donald Fiene contends and shows extensively that the story of Egor Prokudin makes sense psychologically and literarily only if we see it as a modern hagiograph y modeled on the ancient Russian saints' lives. What this means is that Egor's often strangely unaccountable pacifistic behavior is ... the embodiment of an ancient Russian ideal of kenotic martyrdom exemplified by Boris and Gleb, the first saints canonized by the Russian church . What is of interest in Boris and Gleb is . .. that they yielded voluntarily to dea th. Ultimately, this act of nonresistance becomes a national Ru ssian feature, which G . P . Fedotov in the Russian R eligious Mind considers an "authentic religious discovery of the newly-converted Russian Christians . '' 19 Allegorically, Egor is a disciple of the Russian Christ both as an innocent sufferer in the tradition of the suffering Ru ssian p eople (the narod) 20 and as a voluntary sufferer in the kenotic tradition of Boris and Gleb . But in the Ru ssian kenotic tradition , the Christian is not m erely a follower of Christ , but an imitator of him. One is saved only through suffering in the image of a meek and suffering Christ. 21 In his death, then , Egor, like Ondras, is not acting foolishl y or even commiting suicide. Indeed, in his dying , Egor shows a certain forgetfuln ess of self in hi s own unfolding tragedy. As he is dying, he implores L yu ba : " 'Mo ney .. .' Egor strained to get out his last words . 'in jacket. .share it. .. with my mothe r. . .' "(272/197) In the film , to spare Lyuba the sight of him dying, he sends her for some water nearby. When she returns, he is dead. In response to his death , P etro, Lyuba's brother, then chases the gan g in his truck a nd drives them an d their car into �124 SLOVAKIA th e ri ve r. G ood does triumph ove r ev il even if, o r pe rh a p s more appropriately sa id, especially if there has bee n some selfl ess sacrifi ce of life . In th e Christian view of life, the death of Egor , like that of Ondras , becomes m eaningful a nd in some way even bene fi cial fo r ot hers ' sake. n At first sight, a comparison of Kukucfn with Shukshin is provocative but somewhat farfetched . Chronologically, they a re not co ntempora ries. Kuku cfn died in 1928, while Shukshin was born in 1929 . They may both be Slavs ·but from distinctly diffe re nt n a tional gro up s - the b as icall y C a tholic or Lutheran , Western Slav ic Slovaks vs. the Ru ss ian Orthodox, Easte rn Slavic Ru ssians. Eve n more, the soc iet ies a nd a udie n ces of these two a uthQrs a re d ec id edly di stin ctive. For Kuku cfn , society m ay be ex pe rie ncing some of the e ffects of urba nization , but for Shukshin , urbani zed livin g is the predomin a nt mode of ex istence that e ncroaches even upon re mote rural coll ect ions. In his writing , Kuku cfn con veys a " fightin g cha nce" for village life, while Shukshin depicts rather nostalgicall y country livin g which is found in creasingly furth er from the primary co nce rn s of Soviet n at ional consciou sness. These diffe re nces, then , betwee n Kuku cfn a nd Shukshin a re re fl ect io n s of time a nd socie ty , of histor ical, cultural background . The two writers are similar or co ncur precisely in valu es a nd perspect ives that transce nd tim e, culture , a nd society. In the writings o f both , th ere i~ a d e finit e d es ire for freedom - a hum a ne freedom whi ch is often assoc iated with n a tural set tings. Ind eed , both a utho rs show a great se n sit iv ity to nat ure a nd its beaut y in hum an li ving. In Kuku cfn, as wel l as in Shukshin , there is a d e finit e se nse o f the tra n sce nde ntal, espec ially as ex pre ·sed th rough the J udaeo Chri stia n traditi o n . D o nald Fiene conte nds tha t es peciall y in " Snowball Be rr y- R ed ," '' Shukshin 's basic m essage is ... all m e n a re Christ; we must love one a not her o r die. " 23 And as Geoffrey H os kin g has noted: "Shuk shin h as red iscovered an d dram a ti zed m a n 's dri ve towa rds the t ra n sce nd e nt a l , whi ch M a rxi sm d e ni ed a nd Socia li st R eali sm di storted. " 24 Th e importance of C h r isti an love a nd to le rance, a nd the stro n g feelin g th at these a re in so m e way integral to vill age li fe is evid ent in bo th write rs: Christian se lfless ness is worthy co ndu ct , eve n if its conseq ue nce is as drastic as death, whi le ac tion s pursu ed for th e sake o f money or through the m edium o f mon ey o ffer little, if any, real human happin ess. It might th e n be sa id that Kuku cfn a nd Shukshin do differ in some obvious ways but substantively rese mbl e each othe r a nd even �SLOVAKIA 125 concur in principles of human li ving that are in ext ri cably pa rt of and especially evident in rural life. NOTES ' Vasil y Shukshin , " K alina krasnaj a," Kin opovesti (M oscow: Isku ss tvo , 1975), pp . 205-72 ; " Snowba ll Berry-Red ," S nowball Berry-R ed and Oth er Stories, D onald Fiene, ed. (Ann Arbor, Michi gan : Ardis , 1979), pp . 125 -199. H ereaft er , references for qu otations from this wo rk will be given in the text with Ru ssia n page number(s) first , th en those for th e Engli sh ve rsion . ' The stories a re taken from the criti cal edition of Kuku cfn 's works: M artin Kuku cin : Die/o , M arian na Prfdav kova- Min a rikova , ed ., 21 vols. (Brati slava, 195 7-74). An English translation of all three is in Seven Slovak Stories by M artin Kukucfn , Norma Rudin sky, tr. and ed . (Clevela nd and Rom e: Slova k I nstitute , 1980). H ereaft er , volu me a nd page refere nces of th e Slovak ve rsion are give n in the text. ' Juliu s N oge, Martin Kukucfn: tradicionalista a novator (Zivot a die/o 1860-1 907) (Brat islava: Y yd avatel'stvo Slove nskej akademie v ied, 1962), p . 75. • The phrase Dies irae co mes from Zephaniah 1:15: "A day of wrath is th at d ay, a d ay o f distress and angui sh , a day of ruin a nd devastat ion , a day of d a rkn ess and gloom ," Th e New Ox fo rd Annotated Bible with th e Apocryph a (New Yo rk : O xford University Press, 1977) , p . 1141 . 5 Noge, p. 182. 6 N oge , p . 183. ' On pages 85 and 86, Noge discusses Kuku cfn 's familiarity with and documentary- like prese ntat ion of th e sa/a s. 8 Michel H elle r , " Vasil y Shukshin: In Search of Freedom ," George G utsche, tr. , Sn owball Berry -R ed and Och er Stories, Donald Fiene , ed. (A nn Arbor, Michigan : Ardi s, 1979),), pp . 2 15 an d 2 17 especiall y. For volja , see: " Snowba ll ," 205 / 125; 207 / 128; 208/ 128; 2 18/ 139; 248/ 171 ; a nd 253/ 177. On page 225, H elle r notes that in his stories , " Shukshin 's hero is look ing for freedom .... The sea rch ... bears a speculative character, a philosophical character. In Shukshin 's world an answe r to the 'main quest ions' is sought with unu sual intensity, with a powerful pass ion : I n what is the mean ing of life, what is death , wha t is God ?" 9 Besides those cited, see also: 253/ 177 a nd 263/ 188-1 89. On pages 228-29, H eller notes that in th e film ve rsion , a " white church - and th e white birches - appea r on th e sc ree n each time Egor P ro kudin pond ers the mea nin g of his life.'' 0 ' On th·e histo ry and culture of va/asi , especiall y in Slovaki a, see: Gerald J. Sabo , "Slova k Didac ti c Poet ry: G av lovic's V alask a Skala, V olum e I - Introdu ctory Stud y, " Ph .D . d isse rt at ion , Yale, 1978, pp . 37-38 a nd rela ted footno tes. Also , J an Podolak, " The Pas toral C ul ture o f th e Carpathi ans as a Subjec t of an Ethnological Study , " E thn ologica s/avica, 1 ( 1969), especiall y 70-77; a nd Encyklopedia Slovenska , Y I ( 1982) , sub verbo " Valasi," " Y a lass ka l'udova pieseil. ," a nd " V a!ass ke pravo ." For oth er sources , see foo tnote 24 of m y a rticl e on Hu golfn Gav lovic in cluded in th is journal issue. �126 SLOVAKIA " N oge , p . 183. " In her in trodu ctory commentary for Dies irae, N orma Rudin sky is probabl y the first crit ic to d iscuss Kuku cfn 's fa vorable depiction of M oj zis; this portrayal contras ts with those of other J ewish characters in Kukucin and other Slovak writers where the J ewish fi gure is d epicted in th e negative tones of ant i-Semi tism : Seven Slovak Stories by M artin Kuku cfn , pp . 160-62. " Indeed , the narrator as Kukucin 's persona comments in two places especially to make clear the indictmen t of Sykora and fathers like him who treat their children so poo rly: Dies irae, (V , 367 -68). Acco rdin g to Noge (p. 138), Kuku cin wro te in a lette r to Skultety that the authori al comm enta ry on page 367 noted above was a very importan t part of the text. W ere it to be removed, Kukucin would have bee n "gri eved ." " In contemporar y, standard Slova k, hu sar is a hussar : Slo vnfk slo ven sk eh o j azyk a: I die], a-k , 2nd editi on (Bratislava: Vyd ava tel'stvo Slovenskej akad emie vied , 197 1), p . 542. T hat hu sar also can m ean a gooseherd (hu siar in contem po rary, standard Slova k) is clear from K a rel Kalal and Mi ros lav K alal, Sloven sk y slovn fk z literatury aj n arecf (Banska Bys trica: Slovenska gra fi a, 1923), p . 192. " Indeed , the fire, even Ond ras' death , seem in a way to be G od's response to the word s ofOnd ras ' aunt ju st a short time before the fire is noti ced : " W ell let God's will (vol'a boiia) be done. I entru st everything to Him . H e knows best what is needed" (II , 219). For Zu zka, her wedding day will always rem ain a sad even t; fo r her moth er, her precious goose tha t perishes in the fire will be gone fo rever , but for Ondras , death in th e fire see m s almos t a blessing. " Donald Fiene, "Vasily Shukshin 's 'Kalina krasania ', " Snowball Berry-R ed and O ther Stories, D onald Fiene, ed . (Ann A rbor , Michi gan : Ardis, 1979), pp. 2 11-1 2, footnote 12. Michel H eller notes this same informati on on page 217. 11 G eoffrey H oskin g, " V asily Shukshin ," Beyond Socialist R ealism : S oviet Fiction Since I van D enisovich (New York : H olmes a nd M eier Publishers, I nc., 1980), p . 166. " Fiene, p . 202. 19 Th e Ru ssian R eligious Min d (I ), volume 3 in the Collected Wo rks of George P . Fed otov (Belmont , M ass: N ordland Publishin g C ompan y, 1975) p . 104. 0 ' In his foo tn ote 12 (pp . 211-1 2), Fiene notes tha t Fat Li p's comments about Ego r as a mu zhik in Ru s' emphas ize in the fil m Egor as a symbolic represe ntati ve of the sufferin g n arod. H e also ind icates tha t Fat Lip ' s co mments do not appear in the published film sc ript . Fiene hi mself used as the text for th ese comments the ve rsion of them quoted by J urii Tiurin in ' ' 'Kalina k rasn aia ' - kin opovest' i fil'm , '' M osk va, 4 (1976), 194 . " Fiene, pp. 206-07 . " M y m em ory of the film 's endin g is not perfect , but I do recall th a t th e last sce ne, unli ke that of the pu blished story, has Lyuba mentally recalling wo rds by Ego r about living, about wha t it mean s to li ve and how one should live. T here m ay also have bee n menti oned so methin g about pass ing th is info rm a ti on on to othe rs an d oth er genera tions. If eve n a pa rt of wh a t I have noted is correct , this woul d furth er affirm the m eanin gfuln ess and benefit of Egor 's life and deat h . " Fiene, p . 2 11 . M ichel H eller notes on page 229: " The th eme of fa ith and God whi ch parallels the th em e of death - occu pies a place in Shukshin 's short stories �SLOVAKIA 127 that gradually becomes more and more noticable.'' And also on page 23 2, in Shukshin's stories, the " hero . .. fill s the emptiness in his soul with a faith in Russia which is more and m ore oft en symbolized by a church. " " Hosking, p. 179 . Presented in Pa nel 65 , " The Village in Slovak Literature," at the AAASS conventi on in Asiloma r , C alifornia on 21 September 1981. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1982-83, Vol. 30 Description An account of the resource Vol. 30 (No. 55-56), 1982-83. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982-83 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 112 SLOVAKIA Kukucfn's Village Stories and Shukshin's ''Snowball Berry-Red" Gerald J. Sabo The topic of this article stems from an experien ce I had in Slovakia some years ago attending a showing of Vasily Shukshin ' s film Kalina Krasnaja (Snowball Berry- R ed), which is based on his story of the same name. The showing, indeed every showing of the movie, w as sold out. When I attended, the audience was predominantly university students, and I wondered what valu es and per spectives from this contempora ry Russian story in a rural setting reson a ted with this mostly young and urban Slovak audience. Why were they captivated b y the story of a n ex-convict who struggles to find a place in peasant , rural society only to be killed by his form er gang just as he is finding p eace of soul? In deciding , then , on a topic for the panel o n the village in Slovak literature, I chose to compare co untry livin g in Shukshin as ex pressed in the story and film " Snowball Berry- R ed " with several village stories b y Martin Kukucfn: a contemporary Ru ss ia n author, indeed a prominent write r in the "rural or village prose" genre, and a Slovak writer of the late nineteenth-early twentieth century , whose positive evalu a tion of the Slova k village as the best repository of ethnic and human values is well known . F rom Kukucfn 's corpus, I have chosen three stories . 2 Neprebuden y (The Unawakened Boy) , published in 1886, is con sidered " the paramount work of the years 1884-86 . " 3 Dies irae, L atin for "Day of Wrath , " 4 published some seven years a fter Neprebudeny, is seen as belonging to "the best Slovak stories of all, " 5 as " indisputably the summi t ofKukucfn's creative work in the story genre." 6 And finall y, Na obecnom salasi (At the Community Sheepfold), published just sh ortl y a fter Neprebuden y in 1886 , can be considered Kukucfn 's paean to Slovak village and salas or mountain-shepherdin g life. 7 In the story " At the Community Sheepfold," the na rrator , in effect Kukucfn 's persona, is a n urban a dult who is remini scing a bout an especially m emorable boyhood visit to a village and salas. From the begin1 SLOVAKIA 11 3 ning of the story, the narrator shows a definite Slovak ethnic consciousness. He insists that the vill age of his m emorable visit will always be known as Topol'any, the Slovak name for it, rather than Topoian, the Magyar designation for his beloved village . The narrator's description of Topol'a ny 's location conveys the natural , distinctive beauty of the village, so close to nature and as though protected by nature against any encroachments from outside the village environs. Even though the boy's father is a confirmed city dweller, his godfather is the richta.r (village mayor) ofTopol'any. Like his father, the boy is and will be urban , but through visits to the village of his godfather - someone who is a father to him in spirit and religion - he nurtures a spiritual relationship to village life. His parents may be very intent on his becoming someone through education in the city, yet ironically success in his formal studies gives him an opportunity to deepen his knowledge precisely in that area from which his parents try to keep him isolated: village life . Because of a good academic report, the parents accede to their son's wish to visit his godfather, the richtar of Topol'any . It is this visit that will prove the most memorable and influential of all his stays. From the arrival of the narrator as a boy in Topol'any through the last sentences of the story, the reader witnesses a significant change in his outlook on life and self-appreciation. On his arrival, he perce ives himself as a stranger in this rural setting. Indeed, he is too self-conscious. Gradually, though, as he spends time in the village and especially in the salas, that sense of strangeness disappears. By the end of the story, he has become an intiate, in a very real sense, a spiritual m e mber of village and salas society. Now even nature h as becom e an attractive and deepl y a ppreciated part of his living. The boy readily admits that he has n ever been in a salas, when the opportunity to visit one presents itself. His visit to the salas and his actual stay in it mark the turning point in his special sojourn in Topol'any . As he becomes more familiar with the various aspects of salas life and society, he increasin gly eulogizes this way of living: To know all the markings, to remember every sh eep : what kind of wool it has ; where it was born, where it was bought, for what price, when, h ow old it is, how good it is for milking, and besides all this to give it a name . These people know their responsibilities and their flo ck. It was not in vain that the Savior had before his eyes the example of the good 114 SLOVAKIA shepherd when he said: "I am the good shepherd and I know mine and mine know me." (III, 73) H owever much he tries to play the devil's advocate in evalu ating salas life, his comments and reflections reveal a growing admiration for the salas and his desire to be very much a part of it: This fresh, fine-smelling air, the immediate friendly closeness to great nature, this free view of life, the sun's morning rise and evening setting: I envied them all of this .. .. Salas - salas! To remain here, to forget everything that I have learned ... and to learn to recognize the ancient signs of the sheep's ears .. . . To forget also algebra . .. and to study rather from the baca [head-shepherd] . . . the passage of large sph eres in the heavens. (I II , 76) The aspiration of Kukucfn's narrator is especially for ta vol'nost' (that freedom) of salas life, ''wide and not restricted by anyone,'' ' ' what was dearest" to him (II I , 78). His aspiration for ta vol'nost' resonates with the consuming desire of Shukshin's Egor Prokudin for volja (freedom) . Indeed, for Shukshin in general, and for Egor in particular, volja is a key word. 8 Just as for the narrator of Kukucfn' s story, so for Egor of'' Snowball Berry-Red,'' freedom is associated with nature and rural settings. In the beginning of the story, Egor links freedom with spring, that time of year when nature is new, fresh, and alive: "Freedom and Spring! What else does a person need?" (208/ 128) There are also a number of scenes with the white birches when Egor is so at ease with himself and the natural world around him. 9 For instance: All around was an unbroken birch forest.... Egor leaned against a birch tree and looked around. "Well, will you look at what we have here!" he said with quiet rapture . He turned toward the birch tree and stroked it with the palm of his hand. "Hullo, there! Ah, you look so ... You're like a bride . Are you waiting for your groom? Soon, soon he'll come." (210/ 131) And there spread out before his eyes was a birch grove: the entire numerous family of trees seemed to run up and greet him . "Ah, you!" he said. And he walked into the grove. SLOVAKIA 115 He strolled among the birches . . .. He stepped back and admired them from the side . . . . He felt a lot better now. (255/ 1 79) For the narrator of Kukucfn 's story, the salas is an especially apt setting in which to express his d esire for vol'nost'. For in Slovak history and culture, the salas and valasi or mountain shepherds have acquired a tradition of special associations. In Kukucfn 's time as even today, the salas and valasi connote a closeness to nature, a distinctively Slovak consciousness, and a special status of freedom and movement in a society more and more regimented and organized. 10 The eventful night spent by the narrator as a boy in the salas, his description of the baca, the good-natured trick played on him by the valasi, and finally the appropriate sharing of story, bowl , and spoon all these show how deeply and irrevocably he has become a member of this Slovak village and salas life. Indeed, the last sentences of the story aptly express this as well in the readiness of the villagers to defend what they , like the narrator , know to be most important to their being their village and salas way oflife. As the narrator notes, the mackintosh worn by him that fateful night in the salas is always taken along by him on his trips to Topol'any . And the then honelnfk (young shepherd), now the baca, retorts to the narrator's reminder of the form er' s teasing on that fateful night: "Akf su pani, takf budeme i my (We'll act just like the gentlemen)" (III, 86). From the story '' At the Community Sheepfold,' ' the reader would have the impression that Slovak village life is the perfect repository of Slovak ethnic and human values. Yet just as Topol'any is a single village in the Slovak countryside, so this story is simply one expression of Kukucfn's appreciation of village society and living. Indeed, Kukucfn's awe for the village and salas in this story does give way to a credible, rather realistic view of human relations in a rural setting in the stories " The Unawaken ed Boy ," and Dies irae. In Dies irae , the focus is on self, strongly accentuated by the element of money , m aterial gain and possession. Indeed, Julius N oge con tends in writing about Dies irae that money is "merely the physically graspable expression of the societal system that rules and permeates the morality, economics, psychology, and emotional relations of this era.'' 11 From the very beginning of Dies irae, three forces course through the lives of the villagers of Lomnica: the cholera epidemic, money, and 116 SLOVAKIA a related concern for self. Together , these three forces drastically change the lives of so m any in Lomni ca. Indeed , the physical infection of the cholera epidemic seems to refl ect in a way the serious infection eating away at the life of the village , many of whose inhabitants a re focused on themselves and are concerned with the role of money in their lives. The ex treme situation caused by the cholera epidemic h elps to bring to the surface what has been for a long time an undercurrent in the lives of many villagers: concern for money and, relatedl y, for self. Greed and egotism pervade the character of Sykora, the vice-rich tar (deputy mayor) of the village, who drove his older sonjan into the army. Sykora' s younger son J uro is in love with Evka, the daughter of Sykora' s rival, the richtar Jan Zima, but Sykora's concern for his mon ey" leads him to suspect - quite incorrectly - that the Zima family is luring Juro into marriage with Evka for the sake of Sykora 's money . Sykora, in effect , forcesjuro to leave his family home, and even whenjuro catches cholera, Sykora goes to the Zima ho use where J uro is a ilin g for only one reason: to see the rich tar about some lost money. In Kukucfn's characterization of Sykora, the latter is virtually the embodiment of evil. Even Sykora's house is aptly described as "cold and dark, " suitable words not only for the house but for Sykora's character (V, 342 and 362). Money also plays a definite role in the lives of all the other major characters. For them, however , unlike for'Sykora, money is not an end in itself. Eithe r money is used to achieve some non-materialistic end , or they becom e its suffering victims. Masliacka, a former sweetheart of the rich tar Zima , uses money to avenge herself on Zima and also his family . In his secret borrowings from Masliacka for the sake of the village community, Zim a jeopardizes himself as rich tar but most of all his marriage and family. On hearing about h er husband 's secret meetings with Masliacka, Zim a's wife Katre na alternately expresses jealousy of Masliacka , anger at her husband, and bitte r self- castigation for marryin g Zima. (Still , she must h ave been aware that Masliacka was pregnant by Zima before his marriage to herself and that he r own riches were a factor in their marriage .) A stock character - the village usurer , here the Jewish tave rnkeeper Mojzis - is not depicted in the usual negative, anti-Semitic tone. 12 Rather , his Christian-like characterization and tran sfe r of money to his wife are very positive features of the story. Still , throughout the narrative, Mojzis suffers because of money-related activities, done actually for old Sykora. SLOVAKIA 117 Although the young characters, Evka Zima a nd espec iall y Juro Sykora, suffer from the ill e ffects o f m o ney graspin g a nd u se, their characterization s help to counter the evil the reb y cau sed a nd bode well for the future of the vill age community. Indeed , each of them becomes for others a catalyst to change for the bette r - Evka for Masliacka and her father, J uro for his father. Because of Evka a nd J uro , love and forgiveness are the fate of Masliacka, Zima , and old Sykora . For Zima but especially for old Sykora, the ir childre n become the m edium for m etanoia . 13 The basically good village r s a mong th e m ajo r characters, Evka a nd Juro , em bod y well the co ntrast to old Sykora's d efinition of a n ob ec (co mmunity) as con suming but neve r helpin g (V, 292 ). Disd a ining the e ntrapm ent o f m on etary and m a te rial accumul at ion , Evka a nd J uro essentiall y forget th emselves for the sake o f othe rs. In Shukshin 's "S nowb all Berry- R ed," m o ney a nd co ncern for self pl ay a d e finite role in the characte rizatio n o f Egor Prokudin . Through money, Egor tries to satisfy th e longing of his sou l for a holiday. H owever much he tries to achieve this, he never su cceeds . Gradually, though, perhaps only subconsciously, Egor appreciates tha t m o ney d oes not bring real happiness . Finally , he gives up trying to give his soul peace through mon ey -related activities. Money and concern for self give way to newly rece ived feelin gs for hi s mothe r , to actions in d efen se of his '' pe n pal'' L yuba against her for m er alcoholic hu sband , a nd above all , to an ever growin g closeness to n ature, as yet unspoiled b y the so-call ed prog ress of civili zatio n . Unfortunately, Egor's unexpected murder by hi s former gan g cut s short the hope ful glimme rs o f hum a n life that hi s ex iste nce had been showing. "S nowb all Be rry- R ed " h as its m ost signifi can t resonance w ith Kukucfn 's sto ry "The Unawakened Boy." H ere, as in "S nowball BerryR ed," good triumph s over evil but only with th e death of the main ch aracter. Like the characte r a nd death of Egor Prokudin , those of Ondras Machu Fa are poignantly depicted. This m ay be o ne of the reasons why these stories stand ou t among the writings of their respective authors. In " The Unawakened Boy , " there is a stro ng contrast between real ity and im agin at io n/ appearan ce, cru cia l to th e plot a nd present from the first se nte nce of the story . The focal ch aracte r o f the sto ry, Ondras M achul'a, is called a hu sar. 14 I s he a hu ssar-husar , the dashing youn g soldie r who steals th e hearts of v ill age g irl s o nl y to run off to b attle or to a nother village for furth e r a morou s co nqu ests? Or is Ondras a 118 SLOVAKIA goose herd-hu sar , whose occupation is usuall y performed by girls and women but hardly eve r by a man ? Within a few sentences, it becomes clear that Ondras is a gooseherd but with hussar fantasies. The stark co ntrast between what matters are a nd what they m ay be imagined or may a ppear to be is continuou sly ev ident in the story becau se of certain human flaws and weaknesses : caprice and presumptu ousness, fear and shame , a lack of forthright but sensitive honesty , and a lack of committed genuine feeling for another whatever this entails . In their fallibility and human frailty, the characters of " The Unawakened Boy" act in ways that may seem good and apt but merely co ntribute to the power of evil in their lives . In his hu sacia respublika (Republic of G eese), Ondras may play a prominent role, but in village society, he occupies a special caste of one . Th rou gh no fault of hi s ow n , hi s m ental retardation and less than attractive physical a ppearance make him a problem , a cause of difficulty in the village. Even though he is a human being like everyone else, Ondras simpl y does not m easure up to the expectations of others - not that of his father who becom es a drunkard and abandons the family nor those of the other villagers. As his mother observes , " People always look for what they d o not have . What they do have, they value less than a gra in of poppyseed " (II, 177). So many of the villagers seem to forget that in Ondras , there is a soul as in everyone else. Eve n though Ondras is twenty years old , young children are his peers in society , for among them , he ge ts along best because in some ways Ondras is childlike but also perhaps becau se among the young children , he is treated seriously a nd respectfully accepted as a peer. The conflict in the story arises from a caprice of the village girl Zuzka Bezan, a contemporary of Ondras. After giving Ondras his lunch out in the fi elds where he is tending the geese, Zuzka becomes upset tha t Ondras is apparently not his u su al submissive self before her. In order to re-asse rt her hold over him and his affections, she lead s Ondras to believe that he has a cha nce to becom e her betrothed and hu sband even though she is betrothed to J ano Dubrav . For Ondras, Zu zka then becom es the em bodiment of the fairytale princess whom in hi s d aydreams he seeks to win for him self. In the course of the story , Zuzka and her mother never really tell Ondras that he will not realize hi s dream of marrying Zuzka, while hi s aunt cannot reason with him . Ondras, always relating to others do vern e (trustingly) (II , 182 a nd 195), rem a ins co n- SLOVAKIA 119 vinced of Zuzka' s capricious proposal almost to the tragic end of the story. The "evil" world of the village is evident among the villagers on the wedding day of Zuzka and J ano Dubrav. The young men may be happy for J ano in his marriage to Zuzka, but they are also glad that he would no longer be competing with them for the young girls. Many villagers do attend the wedding ceremony, but especially to see whether Zuzka wears a flower wreath as a sign of her virginity, for she had rarely been seen outside her house before the wedding day. Zuzka does wear the wreath, for she is not pregnant as some villagers suspect. Belatedly, the suspicions about Zuzka aroused by moving forward the wedding date are further shown groundless by the wedding celebration. For the quality of the feast and the music are the effects of long-range planning and not the result of rush preparation . After escaping from the room where his aunt locked him up, Ondras arrives at the wedding celebration in the Bezan home. Ironically, the first person he meets all alone in the yard is the zvac, the villager who invites people to wedding celebrations in the village . The zvac whom Ondras meets is quite drunk and heading for the hayshed with a cigar stump in his mouth. The irony here is that Ondras should meet the man who called people to Zuzka's wedding withjano but not with Ondras as Ondras had hoped. Even more ironic is that the zvac will be the one whose condition - drunk and smoking in the hayshed - is the cause of the fire for which Ondras will be accused and in which the two of them will perish. The zvac, then, the man who heralded the happiness of Zuzka, seems also to have been the unwitting instrument of God's punishment against her and her mother for their carelessness and insensitivity in dealing with Ondras. 15 Like the wedding ceremony and celebration, the fire provides another occasion for the villagers to reveal their true character. The dancers go from an extreme mood of carefreeness to a frenetic rush through doors and windows to save their own lives. The villagers whose homes are close by run first of all to save their own possessions. As the fire consumes the hayshed, Zuzka's mother realizes that her most productive goose is trapped in the burning hayshed. To her pleas to save the goose, one bystander replies , "Aja ie co! (And what am I!) " (II, 227). For him, his human life outweighs that of a goose . For Ondras, though, the pleas are a different matter. He attempts to save the goose, 120 SLO VAKIA a m ember of hi s husacia respublika, onl y to peri sh with it a mid the fl am es ben eath the coll a p sin g hayshed roof. P rofo und gri ef ove r Ondras's death overcom es virtu all y all of the v ill age rs w ho h a d see n the hayshed roof coll a p se. The gooseherd 's a unt ex presses tha t now at least O ndras "won ' t be in a n yo ne's way" (II , 228). Onl y the starejsf (M aster of C erem o ni es) m a r s the scen e of grief with hi s in sen sitiv ity . Ri gh teou sly , he n o tes tha t su ch is God 's punishm en t fo r a rsoni sts who can n eve r escape Him . In th e last two sentences, Kuku cfn see m s to impl y th a t a t last even the cl ever, ri gh teo u s M C m ay also b e sha rin g to som e exte n t in the profound gri e f ex pressed b y so m a n y a t the d eath of On dras: "They co uld n o t find th e zvac a n yw here. Th e cleve r MC n o lo n ge r no ted : ' H e re's the puni shm e nt of G od , the puni shm ent of God ... ' " (II , 228). Fro m the tragic end of the sto ry, it m ight seem tha t Ond ras dies a senseless d eath for th e sake of a goose. P erha p s by th e stand ards of th e vill age world, dy in g for a goose is folly, but Ondras' a ttempt to help on e of hi s own , eve n if it is a goose, is m ore exe mpl a ry th a n a t first reali zed. It is Ond ras w ho lays d own his life, n ot Zu zka's m other wh o so treasu red the goose but n o t e nou gh to end a n ge r her own life. The m a n who was m ade a foo l ofb y the d a u ghte r of the goose's own er shows a ce rta in selfl essn ess th at few, if a n y, of the vill age rs ex hibi t in the sto ry. Un a bl e to reali ze hi s hu ssar-husar fantasy of marryin g Zu zka, Ondras gives up hi s life as wh a t he is - a gooseh e rd-hu sa.r . H e m ay n o t h ave saved th e goose, bu t in hi s death , h e sobe rs the vill ager s. Indeed , in Kuku cfn 's ve ry sympathet ic po r trayal o fO ndras th rough o u t th e story, a ce rta in desc ript ion sta n ds ou t whi ch may be a clue to O nd ras' proto type. Ju st before the fire, the n arrato r d escribes him as " tich y ak a j ahniatko (qui e t as a la mb)" (II , 21 9). T he wo rd s brin g to m ind a ve rse fro m th e d esc rip tio n of th e S u ffe rin g Se rvant b y the prophe t I saia h a d esc rip tio n u su all y associa ted in C h r isti an interp re ta ti o n w ith C hri st : H e was oppressed , a n d he was a ffli cted, ye t he o pened n o t hi mou th ; like a lamb that is led to the sla u ghter a nd like a sheep before it s sh eare rs is du m b , so he o pe ned n o t hi s mo u th . I s. 53:7 Eve n more str ikin g are man y of th e o th er ver ses in the passage on the Suffe rin g Se rvan t w he n compared to Kuku cfn 's characte ri zatio n of O nd ras: SLOVAKIA 121 H e had not form or co m elin ess that we shou ld look at him and no beauty th a t we should des ire him. H e was d espised and rejected by m en ; a m a n of sorrows a nd acqu a inted with grief a nd as one from whom m e n hid e the ir faces, he was despised a nd we es tee m ed him not. Surely, he h as b o rne our griefs a nd carri ed o ut so rrows; yet we esteem ed him st ri cke n b y God a nd a ffli cted. But he was wounded for o ur transgressions, he was brui sed for ou r iniquiti es; upo n him was the ch astisement th a t m ad e us whole ... All we like sh eep have go ne astray ; we h ave turn ed eve ryon e to his own way ; a nd the Lord has la id on him th e iniqui ty of u s all. (Verse 7 quoted above occurs here.) By op press io n a nd judg m ent , he was taken away ...... he had d one no violen ce a nd there was no deceit in hi s m outh . Ye t it was th e will of th e Lord to bruise him ; he has put him to g ri ef; when he makes himself an offering for sin ... T he refo re I will divide him a portion with the g reat , ... becau se he poured out hi s sou l to death and was numbe red with the tra nsgresso rs; ye t he bore the sin of m a n y a nd m ade inte rcess ion for the transgressor s. (vv. 26-12) Lik e th e Isaian Suffe rin g Se rva nt (and Christ) , Ondras is not a handsom e person , a nd he suffers in variou s ways a t the hands of o ther human beings. Acco rdin g to the vol'a bozia (God 's will) (II , 219) , Ondras' life , but es pec iall y hi s death , have so m e bene fi cia l effect on those ame persons who rejected him a nd ot hers who m a li gn ed him without cause. If we co mpare th e portrayal of Ondras with the ch aracterization of Shukshin's Egor Prokudin , ce rt a in points of simila rity a r e ev ide nt. Lik e Ondras, Egor Prokudin finds som e sort of ease and peace in a na tura l se ttin g. For Ondras, it is with hi s geese in th e fi eld s, but for Ego r , it is espec iall y with the white birches, as already noted a bove in rela ti on to " At th e Comm unity Sheepfold." Indeed , Shukshin 's portrayal of Egor's dying a nd death shows th at Egor is n ot on ly close to nature but even o nce again rooted in it : H e stagge red, clutchin g at the trees with hi s ot he r ha nd . And o n the white birches bri g ht -red sta in s appeared. 122 SLOVAKIA ... A single tear squeezed out from Egor's closed eyelids, rolled down his scalp toward his ear, hung there a minute, detached itself and fell into the grass. Egor was dead . And there he lay, a Russian peasant [krestJanin] on his native steppe, not far from home ... He lay with his cheek pressed to the earth , as though he were listening to something that only he could hear. That was how he had listened to telegraph poles in his childhood . (271- 72/196-98) In the film version of the story, in a scene just after what is quoted above, the gang member Fat Lip , Egor 's murderer , says of him : " He was not even a man. H e was a muzhik [Russian peasant/country dweller as opposed to urban resident]. And of these Rus ' [ ancient name for Russian area] has many. '' 16 In the movie, this comment further emphasizes Egor's rural roots and commitment to historical country living in Rus ' . Like Ondras, Egor stands out in the rural collective where Lyuba his "pen pal " lives with her family, and where Egor was finally beginning to settle down . Here, though, it is not a matter of mental condition and physical appearance, but criminal background that distinguishes Egor from others. As the story of Egor proceeds, his criminal past becomes less damning. As Geoffrey Hosking has said: Egor is a classic victim of Soviet social experimentation. Brought up as a small child in a Siberian village, he becomes separated from his mother during the terrible famine of 1933 , and has never seen her since (till the events of the story). When the old people of the villages round about get together , they discuss the fates which befell their families at the times of "dekulakization," so that we know this is a memory which is still living, indeed dominant , in the villagers' life .... The collectivization, dekulakization, and famine form the setting in which Egor's life must be seen. 17 Under the circumstances, Egor has learned to live as best he could. Like the tragic love story of Ondras which ends in his death, the search of Egor for his much desired freedom also ends unhappily with his d eath . It is notewo rthy that among the various meanings associated with the kalina plant (in the title and the song sung in a couple of places in the story) is one with a tragic love quality. "According to popular SLOVAKIA 123 belief, the red kalina berry is a symbol of first love, more often than not, of unhappy love." 18 In Egor's search for volja, d eath prevents him from really achieving his deeply felt and loved goal of freedom. The most striking similarity of characterization b etween Ondras and Egor is their respective religious associations and interpretations. As noted above, Ondras' characterization seems to resemble the depiction of Isaiah's Suffering Servant extended in Christian interpretation to J esus Christ. Egor, whose nickname is Gore (Grief/Sorrow) (212/132), can also be seen as refl ecting the Suffering Servant. Even more , however, Donald Fiene contends and shows extensively that the story of Egor Prokudin makes sense psychologically and literarily only if we see it as a modern hagiograph y modeled on the ancient Russian saints' lives. What this means is that Egor's often strangely unaccountable pacifistic behavior is ... the embodiment of an ancient Russian ideal of kenotic martyrdom exemplified by Boris and Gleb, the first saints canonized by the Russian church . What is of interest in Boris and Gleb is . .. that they yielded voluntarily to dea th. Ultimately, this act of nonresistance becomes a national Ru ssian feature, which G . P . Fedotov in the Russian R eligious Mind considers an "authentic religious discovery of the newly-converted Russian Christians . '' 19 Allegorically, Egor is a disciple of the Russian Christ both as an innocent sufferer in the tradition of the suffering Ru ssian p eople (the narod) 20 and as a voluntary sufferer in the kenotic tradition of Boris and Gleb . But in the Ru ssian kenotic tradition , the Christian is not m erely a follower of Christ , but an imitator of him. One is saved only through suffering in the image of a meek and suffering Christ. 21 In his death, then , Egor, like Ondras, is not acting foolishl y or even commiting suicide. Indeed, in his dying , Egor shows a certain forgetfuln ess of self in hi s own unfolding tragedy. As he is dying, he implores L yu ba : " 'Mo ney .. .' Egor strained to get out his last words . 'in jacket. .share it. .. with my mothe r. . .' "(272/197) In the film , to spare Lyuba the sight of him dying, he sends her for some water nearby. When she returns, he is dead. In response to his death , P etro, Lyuba's brother, then chases the gan g in his truck a nd drives them an d their car into 124 SLOVAKIA th e ri ve r. G ood does triumph ove r ev il even if, o r pe rh a p s more appropriately sa id, especially if there has bee n some selfl ess sacrifi ce of life . In th e Christian view of life, the death of Egor , like that of Ondras , becomes m eaningful a nd in some way even bene fi cial fo r ot hers ' sake. n At first sight, a comparison of Kukucfn with Shukshin is provocative but somewhat farfetched . Chronologically, they a re not co ntempora ries. Kuku cfn died in 1928, while Shukshin was born in 1929 . They may both be Slavs ·but from distinctly diffe re nt n a tional gro up s - the b as icall y C a tholic or Lutheran , Western Slav ic Slovaks vs. the Ru ss ian Orthodox, Easte rn Slavic Ru ssians. Eve n more, the soc iet ies a nd a udie n ces of these two a uthQrs a re d ec id edly di stin ctive. For Kuku cfn , society m ay be ex pe rie ncing some of the e ffects of urba nization , but for Shukshin , urbani zed livin g is the predomin a nt mode of ex istence that e ncroaches even upon re mote rural coll ect ions. In his writing , Kuku cfn con veys a " fightin g cha nce" for village life, while Shukshin depicts rather nostalgicall y country livin g which is found in creasingly furth er from the primary co nce rn s of Soviet n at ional consciou sness. These diffe re nces, then , betwee n Kuku cfn a nd Shukshin a re re fl ect io n s of time a nd socie ty , of histor ical, cultural background . The two writers are similar or co ncur precisely in valu es a nd perspect ives that transce nd tim e, culture , a nd society. In the writings o f both , th ere i~ a d e finit e d es ire for freedom - a hum a ne freedom whi ch is often assoc iated with n a tural set tings. Ind eed , both a utho rs show a great se n sit iv ity to nat ure a nd its beaut y in hum an li ving. In Kuku cfn, as wel l as in Shukshin , there is a d e finit e se nse o f the tra n sce nde ntal, espec ially as ex pre ·sed th rough the J udaeo Chri stia n traditi o n . D o nald Fiene conte nds tha t es peciall y in " Snowball Be rr y- R ed ," '' Shukshin 's basic m essage is ... all m e n a re Christ; we must love one a not her o r die. " 23 And as Geoffrey H os kin g has noted: "Shuk shin h as red iscovered an d dram a ti zed m a n 's dri ve towa rds the t ra n sce nd e nt a l , whi ch M a rxi sm d e ni ed a nd Socia li st R eali sm di storted. " 24 Th e importance of C h r isti an love a nd to le rance, a nd the stro n g feelin g th at these a re in so m e way integral to vill age li fe is evid ent in bo th write rs: Christian se lfless ness is worthy co ndu ct , eve n if its conseq ue nce is as drastic as death, whi le ac tion s pursu ed for th e sake o f money or through the m edium o f mon ey o ffer little, if any, real human happin ess. It might th e n be sa id that Kuku cfn a nd Shukshin do differ in some obvious ways but substantively rese mbl e each othe r a nd even SLOVAKIA 125 concur in principles of human li ving that are in ext ri cably pa rt of and especially evident in rural life. NOTES ' Vasil y Shukshin , " K alina krasnaj a," Kin opovesti (M oscow: Isku ss tvo , 1975), pp . 205-72 ; " Snowba ll Berry-Red ," S nowball Berry-R ed and Oth er Stories, D onald Fiene, ed. (Ann Arbor, Michi gan : Ardis , 1979), pp . 125 -199. H ereaft er , references for qu otations from this wo rk will be given in the text with Ru ssia n page number(s) first , th en those for th e Engli sh ve rsion . ' The stories a re taken from the criti cal edition of Kuku cfn 's works: M artin Kuku cin : Die/o , M arian na Prfdav kova- Min a rikova , ed ., 21 vols. (Brati slava, 195 7-74). An English translation of all three is in Seven Slovak Stories by M artin Kukucfn , Norma Rudin sky, tr. and ed . (Clevela nd and Rom e: Slova k I nstitute , 1980). H ereaft er , volu me a nd page refere nces of th e Slovak ve rsion are give n in the text. ' Juliu s N oge, Martin Kukucfn: tradicionalista a novator (Zivot a die/o 1860-1 907) (Brat islava: Y yd avatel'stvo Slove nskej akademie v ied, 1962), p . 75. • The phrase Dies irae co mes from Zephaniah 1:15: "A day of wrath is th at d ay, a d ay o f distress and angui sh , a day of ruin a nd devastat ion , a day of d a rkn ess and gloom ," Th e New Ox fo rd Annotated Bible with th e Apocryph a (New Yo rk : O xford University Press, 1977) , p . 1141 . 5 Noge, p. 182. 6 N oge , p . 183. ' On pages 85 and 86, Noge discusses Kuku cfn 's familiarity with and documentary- like prese ntat ion of th e sa/a s. 8 Michel H elle r , " Vasil y Shukshin: In Search of Freedom ," George G utsche, tr. , Sn owball Berry -R ed and Och er Stories, Donald Fiene , ed. (A nn Arbor, Michigan : Ardi s, 1979),), pp . 2 15 an d 2 17 especiall y. For volja , see: " Snowba ll ," 205 / 125; 207 / 128; 208/ 128; 2 18/ 139; 248/ 171 ; a nd 253/ 177. On page 225, H elle r notes that in his stories , " Shukshin 's hero is look ing for freedom .... The sea rch ... bears a speculative character, a philosophical character. In Shukshin 's world an answe r to the 'main quest ions' is sought with unu sual intensity, with a powerful pass ion : I n what is the mean ing of life, what is death , wha t is God ?" 9 Besides those cited, see also: 253/ 177 a nd 263/ 188-1 89. On pages 228-29, H eller notes that in th e film ve rsion , a " white church - and th e white birches - appea r on th e sc ree n each time Egor P ro kudin pond ers the mea nin g of his life.'' 0 ' On th·e histo ry and culture of va/asi , especiall y in Slovaki a, see: Gerald J. Sabo , "Slova k Didac ti c Poet ry: G av lovic's V alask a Skala, V olum e I - Introdu ctory Stud y, " Ph .D . d isse rt at ion , Yale, 1978, pp . 37-38 a nd rela ted footno tes. Also , J an Podolak, " The Pas toral C ul ture o f th e Carpathi ans as a Subjec t of an Ethnological Study , " E thn ologica s/avica, 1 ( 1969), especiall y 70-77; a nd Encyklopedia Slovenska , Y I ( 1982) , sub verbo " Valasi," " Y a lass ka l'udova pieseil. ," a nd " V a!ass ke pravo ." For oth er sources , see foo tnote 24 of m y a rticl e on Hu golfn Gav lovic in cluded in th is journal issue. 126 SLOVAKIA " N oge , p . 183. " In her in trodu ctory commentary for Dies irae, N orma Rudin sky is probabl y the first crit ic to d iscuss Kuku cfn 's fa vorable depiction of M oj zis; this portrayal contras ts with those of other J ewish characters in Kukucin and other Slovak writers where the J ewish fi gure is d epicted in th e negative tones of ant i-Semi tism : Seven Slovak Stories by M artin Kuku cfn , pp . 160-62. " Indeed , the narrator as Kukucin 's persona comments in two places especially to make clear the indictmen t of Sykora and fathers like him who treat their children so poo rly: Dies irae, (V , 367 -68). Acco rdin g to Noge (p. 138), Kuku cin wro te in a lette r to Skultety that the authori al comm enta ry on page 367 noted above was a very importan t part of the text. W ere it to be removed, Kukucin would have bee n "gri eved ." " In contemporar y, standard Slova k, hu sar is a hussar : Slo vnfk slo ven sk eh o j azyk a: I die], a-k , 2nd editi on (Bratislava: Vyd ava tel'stvo Slovenskej akad emie vied , 197 1), p . 542. T hat hu sar also can m ean a gooseherd (hu siar in contem po rary, standard Slova k) is clear from K a rel Kalal and Mi ros lav K alal, Sloven sk y slovn fk z literatury aj n arecf (Banska Bys trica: Slovenska gra fi a, 1923), p . 192. " Indeed , the fire, even Ond ras' death , seem in a way to be G od's response to the word s ofOnd ras ' aunt ju st a short time before the fire is noti ced : " W ell let God's will (vol'a boiia) be done. I entru st everything to Him . H e knows best what is needed" (II , 219). For Zu zka, her wedding day will always rem ain a sad even t; fo r her moth er, her precious goose tha t perishes in the fire will be gone fo rever , but for Ondras , death in th e fire see m s almos t a blessing. " Donald Fiene, "Vasily Shukshin 's 'Kalina krasania ', " Snowball Berry-R ed and O ther Stories, D onald Fiene, ed . (Ann A rbor , Michi gan : Ardis, 1979), pp. 2 11-1 2, footnote 12. Michel H eller notes this same informati on on page 217. 11 G eoffrey H oskin g, " V asily Shukshin ," Beyond Socialist R ealism : S oviet Fiction Since I van D enisovich (New York : H olmes a nd M eier Publishers, I nc., 1980), p . 166. " Fiene, p . 202. 19 Th e Ru ssian R eligious Min d (I ), volume 3 in the Collected Wo rks of George P . Fed otov (Belmont , M ass: N ordland Publishin g C ompan y, 1975) p . 104. 0 ' In his foo tn ote 12 (pp . 211-1 2), Fiene notes tha t Fat Li p's comments about Ego r as a mu zhik in Ru s' emphas ize in the fil m Egor as a symbolic represe ntati ve of the sufferin g n arod. H e also ind icates tha t Fat Lip ' s co mments do not appear in the published film sc ript . Fiene hi mself used as the text for th ese comments the ve rsion of them quoted by J urii Tiurin in ' ' 'Kalina k rasn aia ' - kin opovest' i fil'm , '' M osk va, 4 (1976), 194 . " Fiene, pp. 206-07 . " M y m em ory of the film 's endin g is not perfect , but I do recall th a t th e last sce ne, unli ke that of the pu blished story, has Lyuba mentally recalling wo rds by Ego r about living, about wha t it mean s to li ve and how one should live. T here m ay also have bee n menti oned so methin g about pass ing th is info rm a ti on on to othe rs an d oth er genera tions. If eve n a pa rt of wh a t I have noted is correct , this woul d furth er affirm the m eanin gfuln ess and benefit of Egor 's life and deat h . " Fiene, p . 2 11 . M ichel H eller notes on page 229: " The th eme of fa ith and God whi ch parallels the th em e of death - occu pies a place in Shukshin 's short stories SLOVAKIA 127 that gradually becomes more and more noticable.'' And also on page 23 2, in Shukshin's stories, the " hero . .. fill s the emptiness in his soul with a faith in Russia which is more and m ore oft en symbolized by a church. " " Hosking, p. 179 . Presented in Pa nel 65 , " The Village in Slovak Literature," at the AAASS conventi on in Asiloma r , C alifornia on 21 September 1981.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Kukučín's Village Stories and Shukshin's "Snowball Berry-Red" Description An account of the resource Gerald J. Sabo Slovakia, Vol. 30 (No. 55-56), 1982-83 pp. 112-127 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sabo, Gerald J., 1945–2020 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982-83 LCNAF+dates https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/aca28d01eb176a6710664a7553ed389f.pdf 1249ab6b1575119e79e968ef5117fb0a PDF Text Text 80 SLOVAKIA Hugolfn Gavlovic's Valaska Skala and Skala Krest'anska Gerald J . Sabo For most Slavists, the eighteenth century in Slovak history and culture remains pretty much unknown territory. Even among specialists in Slovak studies, that era m ay bring to mind simply Anton Bernol ak and possibly J a n Baltaza r M agin . Bernolak should certa inly stand out as the first cod ifer of the Slovak language , a nd Magin deserves more than a few brief sentences for hi s de fense of Slovak ethnic a nd cultural rights . Y et m any other writers from the e ighteenth ce ntury deserve not onl y mention but substantial comm entary , because their writings in the Slovak vernacular before Bernolak's codificat ion exem plified and promoted Slovak consciousness. Amon g these a uthors a prominent place is occupied by the Franciscan priest Hugolfn Gavlovic. Gavlovic was born in 17 12 in Czarny Dunaj ec, Poland, yet he spent virtually his entire life in Slovak-speaking areas. 2 H e di ed in 1787, th e year Bernolak publicly began his codification effort s. G avlovic considered himself ethnically Polish. Still , as far as can be ascertained, the only Slavic la n gu age in which h e wrote was the contemporary Slovak vernacul ar. In a number of hi s writings, he even explicity expres~ed his awareness of writing in Slovak. 3 Gavlovic's co n scious Slovak writing but Polish e thnicity is more th an some curiously interest ing point. I t is especially strikin g again st the b ackground of in tense nationalistic fr iction at that time . This nationalisti c frict ion was between Slovaks a nd various ethnic gro u ps, but in particula r th e Hun garians. The effects of th is fri ct ion reached even into Franciscan foundations and affected th e governan ce of Franciscan eccles iastical provin ces. 4 Gavlovic began writing in 1745 after he had finished his Franciscan course of studies and h ad become a priest. From 1745 until h is death in 1 787 , he composed nearly twenty distin ct pieces of Slovak writin g in prose o r poetry . Among his poetic writings, the most prominent are Valask a Skala (Th e Shepherd ' s School) and Skala Krest'anska (A C h ris1 �SLOVAKIA 81 tian School). Though Valaska Skala and Skala Krest'anska are di stinct pieces of writing, they should be treated together for a number of reasons. Both are written for the same audience - Franciscan T e rti aries,6 that is , lay persons who pattern their lives according to prescript s of Franciscan spirituality and traditions . Also , in both compositions is found a poetic form peculiar only to them : Gavlovic called this form koncept. 7 A koncept consists of twelve verses or six rhymed couplets ; each verse has fourteen syllables with a caesura-like pause after the eighth sylla bl e. Usual ly , some rhymed couplets of varying length are related to a koncept . At times, the various pictorial illustrations in both Gavlovic "schools" are connected with kon cepty as well as other verse units . 8 Thus , in Valaska Skala but especially in Skala Krest'anska , the format of the koncept a nd other verse units could be said to resem ble emblematic poetry: a verse-motto, a versified elaboration of the motto, and the related illustration. 9 Besides similarities in a udience and poetic units, the two "schools " are explicitly related to each oth er by Gavlovic him self. According to Gavlovic, Val ask a Skala was written to foster the reader ' s " moral ch aracter, " Skol a Krest'ansk a his "holiness." 10 Gavlovic has also described Valaska Skala as "cheese," someth in g that would n ourish th e reader. In its author 's view, Skala Krest'an sk a represents a " pleasant sce nt '' from a b ouqu et of fl owers. 11 Clearly , Gavlovic expressed a contrast between the physical a nd external against the non-physical a nd internal. Also , the epigraphs fo r the two "schools" show their contrasting emphases and areas of con centration . For Valask a Skala, it is the H oratian utile-dulci - the practically beneficial made palatably pleasant ; this epigraph aptly expresses the mundane yet religiously instructive character of Val ask a Sk ala . 11 T he epigraph for Skala Krest'anska is the last verse from th e seventh chapte r of the Biblical book Sirach: " R emember the last thin gs, a nd you will never sin ." 13 From a reading of the two ''schools,'' it is evide n t that for Gavlovic, they represented the two states in Christia n spiri tualit y: th e act ive an d contemplative ways of livin g. In the active life, as in Val ask a Skol a, the goal of a Christian is the practice of good morals and virtues a nd all this entail s. In the co n templative life , as in Skala Krest'anska , the aim is the conte mpl ation of God , sp iritu al matters , espec iall y of th e '' four last things,'' d eath, judgment, hell , and heaven. 14 I n effect, then, through th ese writings Gavlovic offered the �82 SLOVAKIA reader a sort of program for good Christian living and thinking . In appreciatin g these two "schools," the Christian reader could then set about reali zing the active a nd contemplative ways of living in his earthly existe n ce. Gavlovic completed Valaska Skala in March , 1755, and Skala Krest'an ska in August, 17 58. 15 At what dates he began to write each "sch ool " can not at present be d etermin ed. In the letter of the ecclesiastical cen sor for Skala Krest'an sk a, Gavlovic is n amed as the a uthor. 16 This identification has in turn contributed to verifying Gavlovic 's autho rship of Valaska Skala. Val ask a Skala and Skala Krest'anska are extensive pieces of poetry. Valaska Skala comprises nearly e ighteen th ousand verses, virtually all of which are fourteen syll ables in length ; there are also some twentyfour hundred verses of varyin g length for the couplet- mottoes above the kan cepty as well as numerous related mottoes beside the k ancep ty. In Valaska Skala, there are twenty-seven illu strations, but only nine in Skala Krest'an ska. 17 The mass of verses and illustrations in each ''school'' is a rranged accord in g to schemes wh ere symmetry and numerical sym bolism play d efinite roles. 18 Valask a Skala has three major divisions: first, an introductory portion with twelve parts of varying length ; second, a main body with twentytwo subdivisions known as naty (nata in the sin gul ar); a nd third, a co ncluding portion with two parts of unequal length . The introductory and concludin g portions - virtually equal in length - fram e the main body . In the m a in body, the predominant textual unit is the kancept ; in each of the twenty-two subdivions or naty , there are fifty-nin e kancepty. The major motif of Valaska Skala is J esus the Good Shepherd as portrayed in St. J ohn 's Gospel. 19 In the main body , Gavlovic presented a series of stories on Biblical shepherds. Th ese stories are part of the introdu cto ry narrative for each of the first twenty-one naty . Abel is the first shepherd prese nted, and the shepherds of Be thlehem are the subjects that introdu ce th e twenty-first nata. Th e twenty-second nata has no introdu ctory n arrat ive but begins with a kancept about the resurrected Christ; the risen J esus is comm issionin g Peter to feed his sheep, the Christian Church . otably, then, the lin e of Biblical shephe rds in the twenty-two naty forms a chronologically linear presentation of Biblical history - from the era of Adam through that of the resurrected Christ, the Second Adam. T he two concluding sections of Valask a Skala are �SLOVAKIA 83 on death and the Last judgment; they aptly complete the Christian timespectrum presented in the preceding main body. The most prominent instance of numerical symbolism in Valaska Skala involves the first twenty-one naty of the main body. Gavlovic was very explicit that Valaska Skala comprised only twenty-one naty. 10 Yet he included a twenty-second nata, and the two concluding sections on death and the Last Judgment. The explanation for this is based on the symbolic number of 1260 from the Biblical book Apocalypse. Symbolically, the number 1260 represents a time period when evil and extreme suffering are the lot of God's people ; this period is to be followed by a new era under the leadership of Christ. 21 In Valaska Skala, 1260 is the number of textual units in the first twenty-one naty . The last kancept of nata twenty-one clearly expresses a definite finality: Buch ge Alpha y Omega wsseckeho stworeni, A bez neho w clowekovi ni c d obre ho neni* On ge sprawedliweg laski wzdy horicy plamen , Nech ho dussa ma milu ge Az na weki Amen . (XXI , lix , 1-2 , 11-12) God is the Alpha and Omega of all creati on , And without him there is nothing of goodness in a person• He is always the burning flam e of just a ffec tion , M ay my soul love him Until forever Amen. Even the pagination of the first twenty-one naty contributes to understanding their extent according to the symbolic number 1260. 11 These naty are that period of suffering and patient waiting before the reign of Christ. Aptly, then, the twenty-second nata begins with the resurrected Christ and his future vicar Peter. This new era is traditionally known as the "last times," that era from Christ 's resurrection until his Second Coming at the end of the world and of time. ll The next crucial moments in a Christian 's existence during the "last times" are his death and the Last Judgment. These two moments form the them es for the concluding sections of Valaska Skala . In effect, then , Gavlovic also used a specific number of textual units to present symbolically his Christian view of time and history. In the main body of Valaska Skala, Gavlovic presented much more than Biblical material. In the introductory narratives for the naty, Gavlovic occasionally included comments on valasi, i.e. the Slovak mountain shepherds who represent a distinctive group in Slovak history and culture. 24 The valasi in Valaska Skala are contemporary figures who �84 SLOVAKIA illustrate actions that foster or d etract from proper Christian conduct. In the nearly thirteen hundred koncepty , there is a range of topics all to show what helps make a good Christian citizen of this world and the next. Whatever has to do with the total human b eing and Christian is treated - social deportment , catechetical matters, virtues, vices , and points of health . Nothing seems too trivial for discussion. Examples of the more religious kon cept as well as of the more mundane type will illustrate this, as the following two show : 25 Powinn os t P as tyru • Kryst u s poru ca swe owce Petrow i k pase ni , By wssech podl e sweg moznos ti priwad zal k Spaseni . K azdy wrchni na podda nych musy sta rost miti , Aby ned al od Spase ni fa dn emu bluditi. Otec di tkam , Pan podd a nym , gazd a sweg celedi* Z poru ceni Krystoweho nech uz itek hl edi . An o y ty twoge g Du sse pastyrem bi t musyss, Ga k gu stratiss gakokoli w , hrozny Sud okus iss . Co mu ze byt ku Spaseni ginym , nezanedbag, Al e negprw n a twu Duss u neglepssi pozo r dag . G ak twu Du ssu , a y gin ych priwedess k Spa seni , Budess Srdcy Krys towemu giste k potesse ni. (XXII, i) R esponsibility of the Shepherd Chri st entrusts his sheep to Peter for past ure, So th at he would bring them all to Salvation . Each superi or must have conce rn for th ose subj ec t to him , So tha t he would not permit any of th em to stray . A fa ther fo r his children , a master for his se rfs, a householder for his se rvants* Let him see k benefi t because of the cha rge of C hrist. Yes a nd you must be the shepherd of your Soul , If you so mehow lose it , you will taste a terribl e Jud gm ent. Don ' t neglect wh at can be to others' Salvat ion , But first give the bes t attenti on to yo ur Soul. If you bring your soul and oth ers to Salvati on , You will surely be a consola ti on to C hrist 's H ea rt . Pan owi chud obn y N ech neni • podobn y Ml ce t pred Pa nem Slu ssy gak a men T ak obcu ge bohac z chud ym , gako wlk z baranem , Gestli mu zess , nem eg nikd y spolec nost z pa nem . G ak te vola k sobe , nechot, • kd yz budess negiti, Gak se odd aliss od neho , budess pokog m iti . Kd yz b ud ess s nim , tehdy nemlu w wsselico slobodne , Newe r mn ohim reca m geho, snat m lu wi podwodn e. Bude te mn ohimi slowmi p robowa t libezne , �SLOVAKIA 85 Dokud negake tagemstw i od teba newez ne . Bude se te usmiwagic wsselico spytowa t , A twe recy w swogeg hl awe pilne pa matowa t . Gak od teba zw i to co chce , hn et twa r swu promeni , Zabyge te z twym gaz ikem krem twe ho domnen i. (XV II , xxv) May a poor ma n not be like to a lord/ master It is as fit as an Amen to be silent before a lord/ master A ri ch man associates with a poor ma n just as a wolf wit h a shee p, If you ca n , don't ever have a ny dealin gs wi th a lord/ mas ter . When he calls you to him , don ' t go , • when you wi ll n ot go, When you distance yourself from him , you 'II have peace. W hen you wi ll be with him , th en don ' t speak all kind s of thi ngs freely, Don ' t believe hi s man y speec hes/wo rds , pe rh a ps he spea ks decept ively. H e wi ll tes t/ probe you kindly with many words, Unt il he h as taken some secrets from you. H e will smilingly ask you a ll so rt s of thin gs, And wi ll recall laboriousl y/we ll your speeches in his head. As soo n as/ when he learns from you wha.t he wants, at once his face will chan ge, H e will kill you with your tongue beyond anything you can imagine. Compared to Valaska Skala , Skala Krest'anska h as a simpl er compositional arran gement. This is probably because Skala Krest'an sk a conce rns only four m atte rs: death, judgment, hell , and heave n - the traditional "four las t things ." Yet , as in Valaska Skala, the kan cepty of Skala Krest'anska are crucial to a ppreciating the symmetry a nd numerical symbolism in this composition. Skala Krest'an ska has two maj o r divisions: an introductory po rti on of four parts that vary in le n gth , a nd a main body of four equ al subdivisions th at are simila r in format. Each of the fo ur subdiv isions in the main body h as o ne of the "four last things " as its guiding theme. In Valaska Skala , J esus the Good Shepherd had his counterpart in the good contemporary valach or shepherd. In Skala Krest'anska, the reader is also presented with the hum a n counterp a rt of Christ - St. Franc is of Assisi with stigmata. The stigmata are '' marks resem blin g the wounds on the cru cified body of C hrist [o n the hand s, the fee t , a nd the right side o f C hrist's chest; these marks are ] believed to have bee n supe rnat u rall y impressed upon the bod ies of certain pe rso ns , as St. Francis of Assisi.' ' 26 Among the illustrations and texts about the '' fo ur last things' ' are also illustrations of St. Fra ncis with st igmata as he refl ects on each of the "four last things ." The escha tology presented in text and illustrations is further empha- �86 SLOVAKIA sized b y the numerical sy mbolism used in com posin g the four subdivisions o f the m ain body. Each subdivision has k on cepty on 144 pages. Indeed , in each subdivision , only the pages with koncepty are numbered; the rem a ining pages in each subdivi sion and the pages of the introductory port ion are not numbered. The number 144 is related to the sym bolic number 144 ,000 ; thi s latter number sym bolically represents the number of Christians saved at the end of time as noted in the Biblical boo k Apocalypse . 17 Thus , the apocalyptic number of Christians saved - 144 ,000 - is associated with th e 144 pages of kon cepty for each of the "four last things ." For G avlovic , the readin g of these koncepty was to help number th e reader among those saved . ·After all , that was the primary aspiration of Gavlovic not only for his reader but also for himself. Th e very last kon cept - the end - of Skala Krest'anska clearly conveys this othe r-worldly view offered by G avlovic to his reader : Prigd k nam kralows twi twe" Co nce ptus hie S. Laurentij Ju stin* D ag na m n ebe weeny Boze Nassa mdl ost k nemu nemoze Otce nass, ktery sy w Nebi, Prigd k nam kralows twi twe, Nebo k dobrem u cyn eni Srdce w nas ge mrtwe. Zustawame w ned osta tku , a y w leniwosti, Nemu ze me dostat nebe bez twogeg mil os ti . M i do nebe nepri gde me; zosta neme w bide, Gak kra lows twi twe z tweg wu le k na m bidnym neprigde . Eliasse na ohni wem woze wzals do neb e, Y nas prigmi w tweg milosti , to prosime tebe. Zaden ku Krystu negide, gak ho netahn ess ty, Tahni n as w p rowaskach laski , neb sy we wssem Swaty. Abi sme spaseni byli , prigd twe kralowstwi k n am, A ty Boze az na we ki panu g n ad nami sam . (0 Nebi , 288) Your kingdom co me to us This kon ceptlco nce pt (from] St. Law rence Ju stinia n" Give us heave n ete rnal God Our wea kn ess cannot reach/approach it Our Fa ther , who a re in H eave n , Your kin gd om com e to us, For our H eart is dead to good d eeds. W e rema in want ing , a nd in laz iness, W e cannot att ain heave n without yo ur grace. W e will not reach heave n ; we will re main in misery, If you r kin gdom does not com e to wretched u s by your will. Elias was ra ised to heave n on a fi ery ve hicl e/cha ri ot, R eceive also us in your grace, thi s we implore you . No one co mes to C hri st , if you do not draw him yourself, Draw us in the bonds of love/affection , for you are H oly in everythin g. �SLOVAKIA 87 T hat we mi ght be saved, yo ur kin gdom co m e to us , And you God yourself rul e ove r u s fo reve r . A s two pieces of Slovak writing, V alaska Skol a and Skol a Krest'anska d o di splay som e litera ry ima gina tion in their compositional a rra n gem ent and co nten t. Y et the ir purposes wer e n o t belles lettres ente rta inment bu t the fosterin g of the C h r istia n read er 's m oral ch a racter a nd holiness. Their m or ali stic a nd religiou s ch a racters sh ould n o t , a nd in truth , do no t d e trac t fro m their place in Slovak histo ry a nd culture. T h ey remain p rominen t a nd substantive exampl es of con sciously Slovak writing lo n g before Slovaks were al lowed to exe rcise the ir righ ts as a di st inct Slavic peopl e. NOTES ' An example of thi s lim ited view of Slovak writing is the first sentence of Pete r Brock 's otherwise good study The Slovak Nat ional Awakening (T oron to: Uni ve rsity of Toronto Press, I 976), p . 3 : " A Slovak ve rn acul a r was fir st used for literary purposes in the 1780s when it replaced C zec h a m ong the Slovak Cat hol ic in tell ige nts ia.'' ' For a more deta iled biography of Gavlovic and a d iscuss ion of his writin gs, see Gerald J. Sabo, "Slovak Did actic Poetry: Gav lovic 's Valask a Skala. Volum e I: Introdu ctory Study. Volume II : Edition of V alask a Skala ," Di ss. Yale 1978, l , 1-8. This is the only English source fo r thi s information. Signi fi cant Slovak sources on Gavlovic and hi s w ritin gs a re: Celes tin Le pacek , " Zivot a dic lo P . H ugolfna G avlovica, " V yrocne zpravy sukromneho gymnazia rad u sv . Franc isk a v M ala ck ach , 5- 10 ( 1932 -3 7); Lepace k, " Zlomky z d'alsfch Gavlovifovych ruko pisov ," Literarno-historick y sbornik M atice slovenskej , 2-3 , Nos. 1-2 ( 1945-46), 79-84 ; J ozef' Min ari k , " Hu golfn Gav lovic: Va lask a skola, mravuv stodola (l itera rn o-esteti cky rozbo r 16 vyb ranyc h bas nf)," Tri lirerarn o-esrerick e rozbory zo starsej slovenskej Jic era tury (Bratis lava: Slovenske pedagogic ke nakl ada tel'stvo, 1973) , pp. 61-98; G izela Slavkovsk a, "Gavlov icova Valaska Skala." eq ui valen t of a docto ra l dissert a ti on ( Bra tislava: U niv e rzita Komens keho , prob. 1972); Slavkovs ka , " Gavlov ifova Va laska Skala," S lovcnska lic era ru ra, 2 1, o. 5 ( 1974), 459-480. ' In Valaska Skala , in eight inst ances (fi ve times " na slowenski gazik . " two times " na slowenski , '· a nd once '' w slowensk em gazik u "), Gav lov ic expressed th e phrase '' in the Slovak lang uage" when he tra nslat ed a H e brew Bibli cal name in1 0 its Slovak meaning : nota I. introductory na rrati ve, line 33: V. int rodu ctory narrative, 9: VIII. in trodu ctory narrativ e. 3; X. introductory na rrative. 49; XI. in troduuory na rrativ e, 7; X III , int roductory na rrati ve. 1: X IV , introdu cto ry narrative. 6; a nd X IX, in troclu c1ory narrat ivc , 7. Linguist s agree tha t Gavlovi c wrote in Slova k , e.g. l.'..ubomfr 6urovic, "Slovak," The Slavic Lircrar_v Languages: Fonnacion and Dnwlopmenr. Alex a nder Sc hen ker and Edwa rd Stankiewicz , eds . ( New H aven: Yale Concilium o n Intern a ti onal and Arca Studies, 1980), p. 214. Of this la nguage in genera l, Eugen Paul inv wrote: �88 SLOVAKIA The Slova ki zing process went so far that by th e end of th e fir st half of the 18th ce ntury, we alread y have among Slovak Catholics a sufficiently firmly normali zed national written language whi ch on account of esse nti al deviation s from Czech ca nnot be called on ly Slovakized Czech. N or mu st it be disting uish ed from Czech only on th e lin guistic side. Import antly, that is, n ot even its users and writers con sidered it as Czech. Th ey considered it, h ere more, ch ere less explicic y, as ch e dom escic Slovak language. The term " J esuit Slovak " was at one time coined for this language. This d es ignation would perhaps m eta pho ri call y do just ice to th e fa ct that thi s language was used in Catholic writin g. H oweve r , it is necessa ry, of course, to reali ze th at thi s la nguage did no t origin a te in Slovak Catholic writing , but that Catholics took it over as esse ntiall y set, and that it was u sed as cultural W es t-Sl ovak eve n in oth er functions. Further one must reali ze that in Catholic writing, not onl y J esuits used this language, even if th ese la tt er were th e most act ive in the rc-Ca tholi cization of Slovaki a. (Dejin y spisovnej slovenciny, I [ 1966 ; rpt. Brati slava : Slove nske pedagogicke nakl ada tel'stvo, 1971], p. 78. Ita li cs a nd tra nsla ti on a re min e .) ' See Sabo, pp . 50-56 , for nati onalistic friction in gene ral, and pp. 58-62 for nati onalisti c fri ct io n in Franciscan founda ti ons. Also , Ysevlad J oze f Gajdos, 0 . F . M. , Franciskani v slovens½ej lit eracure (C levela nd : First Catholic Slova k Union, 1979), pp . 23-26. In this work, Gajdos also has a sho rt biograph y of Gavlovi c, a brief co mm ent a ry o n so m e of his writings, a li st of m ost of hi s works , and a sm all bibli ogra phy on G av lovic. Thi s book co nt a ins a wealth of m a terial on Francisca n trai nin g and activiti es in Slovak areas. 5 Both m a nu script s, actually a ut og raphs b y Gavlov ic him self, a re prese rved in th e Lite rarny archiv M a ti ce slovenskej (LAMS) in Martin unde r th e signa ture B89 for V alask a Skala and MJ3 3 1 for Skala Krest'a nska. V alask a S k ala ha had three editi o n s. In th e first editi o n do ne in two volum es in 1830-3 1, th e auto gra ph was d evasta tin gly altered allegedl y by Mi cha l R eset ka acco rdin g to th e lin gui st ic no rm s of Bernolak-S lova k , bern olaccin a . In th e seco nd edi ti o n of 197 1, Rudolf Kraj covic, th e ed itor , re prod uced the tex t in questionab le fo rm at a nd form , but most unfortunately deleted some forty-seven percent of th e aut ogra ph tex t. The third edition is a reprintin g o f th e Kraj cov ic second ed itio n , but now with som e fift y- li ve perce nt of th e autograph text deleted. Non e of the pictori al illu stra tion s of Valaska Skala was reprodu ced in a ny o f th e three ed iti ons. As rega rd s Skala Kresc'a nsk a, a few selections - some two perce nt of th e a ut ogra ph text - ca n be found in Gizela Slavkovska's edited workja miluji, nesmfm provfdaci ... : Ancol6gia zo slovenskej barokovej poezie (Bratislava: T a tra n , 1977) , pp . 275-30 1. 6 Th is is made clea r in Valaska Skala in th e dedication immed ia tely after th e titl epage a nd first illustra ti o n as we ll as in the int rodu cto ry part " D arowa ni Ku uiicku cwemu ," line 57; and in Skala Kresc'a n ska, o n th e titl e page a nd in th e introducto ry part " Darowani Trecimu R adu Seraflin skemu ," pages 13-1 6 of th e aut ogra ph (wi th titl e-page as page one). Fo r possible reasons for Gavlovic dedi ca tin g these two works to Tertiaries, see Sabo , pp . 66-7 1. ' For details on Gav lovic ' s kon cepc form, see, Sabo, pp . 86-94. A koncepc is also found �SLOVAKIA ' 9 ' 0 " " 13 14 15 16 11 " 19 ' 0 89 in Gavlovi i''s "last will a nd testament, " and an inco mplete one (one sentence short) among fragm entary autograph s of Gavlovic. In my thesis , I discuss the a rtist of the illustrations for Valaska Skala on pages 79-82. Subsequ entl y, Slavkovska studied th e same m a tt er and published her co mments in " ' Tajomstva ' prveho vydania Valaskej Skoly ," Slovenska literatura , 25, No. 6 ( 1978) , 663-669 . John L. Lievsay , "Embl em ," Princeton Encyclopedia of Poet1y and Poetics, enlarged edition , Alex Preminger et al. ed. (Princeton: Princeton Uni ve rsity Press, 1974). Bes id es variou s pl aces in V alaska Skala , wh e re Gavlovic speaks of Valaska Skala in these terms, he co mpa res the two "school s" in Skala Krest'anska on page fourtee n with titl e-page as page one in " D aro wani Tretimu Radu S eraffinskemu ," lin es 45 -46. Valaska Skala, "Darowani Ku uiitku twemu ," line 44 ; Skala Krest'ansk a, " Darowani Tretimu Radu S eraffin sk emu ," lines 33-34. On the title-page of Valaska Skala , Gavlovic cited :Omne tulit pun ctum , qui miscuit utile dulci (H e ha s won eve ry vote who has bl end ed profit a nd pleas ure . .. ), verse 343, H. Ru shton Fairclough , trans., Horace: Satires, Epistles, and Ars Poetica (London and Cambridge, Mass. : William H eine m a n , Ltd. , 1970), pp. 478-479. For other pl aces wh ere G av lovic ex pressed th e se nse of this Horati a n ve rse, see Sabo , p. 68 , note 101. On the page immediat ely preceding th e titl e-page, it is cited in La tin a nd in a Slovak translation. In th e Vulgate ve rsion th a t I u sed , Alberto Colun ga a nd La urentio Turrado, ed ., 4th ed. , se ri es Bibliateca d e autores Christianos , Madrid , 1975, the last verse is forty , but in English ve rsions of this chapter, th e verse is thirt y-six. Karl Rahn e r , " Last Things , " Sa cram entum Mundi: An Encyclopedia of Th eology (New York: H e rd e r a nd H e rd er , 1969) , 274-2 76. Th ese da tes a re found on the d edi cation page of Valaska Skala right after th e titlepage a nd fir st illu stration , and for Skala Krest'a nska on th e prese nt titl e- page. Thi s letter is found at th e ve ry beginning of the bound autograph of Skala Krest'anska. Fo r a de tai led stud y ofGavlovic's a uthorship of th ese writings, see Sabo, pp. 11-15. From my st ud y of the sy mm etri cal structure of Skala Krest'anska , it is evident that th e re were probab ly at least nin e illustration s, four of which are mi ssing, and th a t some of the text which introduces th e k on cept y on d ea th and those on judgment is also mi ss in g. Bes id es th e numerical sy mboli sm ex pl a in ed in the subsequent text of m y article , furth e r num eri cal sy mboli sm in V a/ask a Skala is discussed in Sabo, pp. 124-28. The Gospel a nd th e Bibli cal book Apocalypse a ttribut ed to St. John th e Eva n geli st had a signifi can t influ e nce on th e format a nd mat e rial co nt ent of V a/aska Skala as we ll as on those of ot he r writings by Ga vlo vic: Sabo , pp. 114- 2 1. In " D arowan i Ku uzi tku twemu, " lin es 37-38 , Gavlovii' spec ifi ed twe nt y- one noty, ye t he added a twenty-second which he called " Pridawek or Additi on. " It is m y strong belief that Gavlov ic's spec ifi c in sistence o n twe nt y-o ne noty and hi s present at ion of th e m with Biblical shepherds introdu cin g eac h infl uenced J a n Holl y's stru cturin g of hi s Selanky or Pasto rals where th ere a re twent y-o ne pastoral so ng subdivi sion s; lik e Gav lov ic, Holl y begins hi s twe nt y-first (a nd las t) pastoral with referen ce to th e �90 " " " " " ' 0 " " SLOVAKIA Bet hl ehem shepherds . In a let ter of May 6, 183 1, Holly spoke of Gavlovic and his Valaska Skala: " Lette r #32 to M a rtin Hamuljak ," Jozef Ambrus , ed ., Korespondencia jan Holleho (M a rtin : M a tica slovenska , 1967), p . 74. The Selanky began to be published in 1835 some four years after the publicati on of R ese tka's ed ition of Valaska Skala: Encyklopedia Slovenska, II (1978) , sub verbo " Holl y, Jan. " An ed ition of the Selanky with a modern verse rendition was published by Tatran in J 970 as volume 22 of its se ri es Citanie studuju cej mladeze . Sabo , p . 125, note 13 1, a nd p . 126. Also, J ean-Loui s D ' Aragon, S.J ., " The Apocalypse ,'' The J erome Biblical Com m entary (Englewood Cliffs, N .J .: PrenticeH all , In c., 1968), p. 480. Sabo, p. 126 , not e 133: " In each n ota , the introducto ry section a nd first kon cept ac tu ally cover th ese three autograph pages, yet Gavlovic pagin ated th em on the third page as a sin gle Arabic-numbered page . Thus, acco rdin g to thi s peculi a r pagination , each nota has thirty pages. And this m eans th at the twenty-on e noty spec ifi ed by Gavlovic have six hundred and thirty pages or half of the 1260 , the number of textu al units that a ppear o n th ese 630 pages." As regards th e co ncept o f the " last times ," see Karl Lowith , " The Biblical View of Hi sto~y, " Meaning in History (C hi cago and London : Un iversity of Ch icago Press, 1949 , Phoenix paperback, 1957), p . 188 . As rega rds ,,alasi, for an English ource see Sa b o, pp . 37-38; and for Slovak sources see J a n Podolak, " The P asto ral Cu ltu re of th e Ca rpathian as a Subject of an Ethnological Study," Ethnologica slavica , 1 ( 1969), especial ly 70-77, a nd Encyklopedia Sloven ska , V I ( 1982), sub vcrbo " Valasi," " Valasska l'udova piesen," and '' Valasske pravo." Old so urces a bout valasi , their culture, a nd their wa y of li vin g a re: And rej K i!v ulj ak , " Val as i na Slove n sku: Ora vs ky pod za mok ," Sbornik n a pocest' jozefa Skulte1yh o (Turciansky Svii ty M a rtin : M at ica slovenska , 1933), pp . 336 -374; Karel K ad lec, Valasi a valassk e pravo v zem ich slovansk ych a uh erskych (Pra ha: Ces ka akadcmia cisare Frantiska J osefa, 19 16) ; V aclav C halo upec ky, Valasi na S lovensku (Praha: Slovansky u stav , 1947); a ndjosef Macurek, Valasi v za padnfch K a1pa1ech v 15. - 18 scole1f (Ost rava: K rajske naklad a telstvf, 1959). Th e ca pital R oman numera l is th e no/a number; th e sm a ll Roman num eral is th e k on cep1 numb er in thar 1101 a. Beca use of space limit ;itions , th e side- m otto here has bee n placed a bove the k oncep1. In th e text of Valask a Skala . Gav lov ic also in corporated fo lk ex press ions such as prove rbs and sayings that ca n be fo un d in ex tant compil a ti ons o f suc h ex pre. siuns as we ll ·as ones or his own ('rca ti u n ; sec Sa bo , pp . 168- 171, and Vojtcch Sarluska, " Piit's to prfslovf, " Li1er,im ya rchf, - 1975 . 12 (Mart in: M a ti ca sloven ska, 1976), 135- 167. Webs 1er·.- New C ollcgiait· Diction ary , 1961, su/.J v(·rbo ' ·Sri gma. " Sabo, p. 127, note 134; J ea n-Loui s D ' Aragon , " Th e Apondy p;e," p. 47 8 . In Skala K res1'anska , a couplet-m o tto or vary in g leng rh rs found aboH: a koncepl with o ne a nd nea rl y a lwa ys two re lated mot toes on the side . Beca use o f spate limitation s, I hav e placed in o rd er th e first a nd sclond side- m ottoe for th e koncep1 above the couplet-mono found at th e head of the koncepl . �SLOVAKIA 91 ,. Th e New Ca th olic Encyclopedia ( l 967), sub verbo " Lawrence Justini an , St ." My study of Gavlovic was greatl y facilitied b y Docent J ozef Minarik of th e Filozofi cka faku lta Univerzity Kom enskeho a nd Gi zela Slavkovska of the Litera rn ovedny Ustav Slove nskej Akadem ie Vied , both of Bra tisla va, while I was on th e exchange program of th e Intern ati onal R esea rch and Exchanges Board and on a Fulbright-H ays grant in 1975 -76. This pape r is based on a docto ral disse rt ation, " Slovak Didact ic Poetry: G avlovic's Va/aska S kala " at Ya le Univers ity, 1978. Prese nted in Pa nel 128 , "Slovak Litera ture as a Mirror of the Na tional Awakenin g," a t th e AAASS convention in Philadelphi a on 8 November 1980. � 80 SLOVAKIA Hugolfn Gavlovic's Valaska Skala and Skala Krest'anska Gerald J . Sabo For most Slavists, the eighteenth century in Slovak history and culture remains pretty much unknown territory. Even among specialists in Slovak studies, that era m ay bring to mind simply Anton Bernol ak and possibly J a n Baltaza r M agin . Bernolak should certa inly stand out as the first cod ifer of the Slovak language , a nd Magin deserves more than a few brief sentences for hi s de fense of Slovak ethnic a nd cultural rights . Y et m any other writers from the e ighteenth ce ntury deserve not onl y mention but substantial comm entary , because their writings in the Slovak vernacular before Bernolak's codificat ion exem plified and promoted Slovak consciousness. Amon g these a uthors a prominent place is occupied by the Franciscan priest Hugolfn Gavlovic. Gavlovic was born in 17 12 in Czarny Dunaj ec, Poland, yet he spent virtually his entire life in Slovak-speaking areas. 2 H e di ed in 1787, th e year Bernolak publicly began his codification effort s. G avlovic considered himself ethnically Polish. Still , as far as can be ascertained, the only Slavic la n gu age in which h e wrote was the contemporary Slovak vernacul ar. In a number of hi s writings, he even explicity expres~ed his awareness of writing in Slovak. 3 Gavlovic's co n scious Slovak writing but Polish e thnicity is more th an some curiously interest ing point. I t is especially strikin g again st the b ackground of in tense nationalistic fr iction at that time . This nationalisti c frict ion was between Slovaks a nd various ethnic gro u ps, but in particula r th e Hun garians. The effects of th is fri ct ion reached even into Franciscan foundations and affected th e governan ce of Franciscan eccles iastical provin ces. 4 Gavlovic began writing in 1745 after he had finished his Franciscan course of studies and h ad become a priest. From 1745 until h is death in 1 787 , he composed nearly twenty distin ct pieces of Slovak writin g in prose o r poetry . Among his poetic writings, the most prominent are Valask a Skala (Th e Shepherd ' s School) and Skala Krest'anska (A C h ris1 �SLOVAKIA 81 tian School). Though Valaska Skala and Skala Krest'anska are di stinct pieces of writing, they should be treated together for a number of reasons. Both are written for the same audience - Franciscan T e rti aries,6 that is , lay persons who pattern their lives according to prescript s of Franciscan spirituality and traditions . Also , in both compositions is found a poetic form peculiar only to them : Gavlovic called this form koncept. 7 A koncept consists of twelve verses or six rhymed couplets ; each verse has fourteen syllables with a caesura-like pause after the eighth sylla bl e. Usual ly , some rhymed couplets of varying length are related to a koncept . At times, the various pictorial illustrations in both Gavlovic "schools" are connected with kon cepty as well as other verse units . 8 Thus , in Valaska Skala but especially in Skala Krest'anska , the format of the koncept a nd other verse units could be said to resem ble emblematic poetry: a verse-motto, a versified elaboration of the motto, and the related illustration. 9 Besides similarities in a udience and poetic units, the two "schools " are explicitly related to each oth er by Gavlovic him self. According to Gavlovic, Val ask a Skala was written to foster the reader ' s " moral ch aracter, " Skol a Krest'ansk a his "holiness." 10 Gavlovic has also described Valaska Skala as "cheese," someth in g that would n ourish th e reader. In its author 's view, Skala Krest'an sk a represents a " pleasant sce nt '' from a b ouqu et of fl owers. 11 Clearly , Gavlovic expressed a contrast between the physical a nd external against the non-physical a nd internal. Also , the epigraphs fo r the two "schools" show their contrasting emphases and areas of con centration . For Valask a Skala, it is the H oratian utile-dulci - the practically beneficial made palatably pleasant ; this epigraph aptly expresses the mundane yet religiously instructive character of Val ask a Sk ala . 11 T he epigraph for Skala Krest'anska is the last verse from th e seventh chapte r of the Biblical book Sirach: " R emember the last thin gs, a nd you will never sin ." 13 From a reading of the two ''schools,'' it is evide n t that for Gavlovic, they represented the two states in Christia n spiri tualit y: th e act ive an d contemplative ways of livin g. In the active life, as in Val ask a Skol a, the goal of a Christian is the practice of good morals and virtues a nd all this entail s. In the co n templative life , as in Skala Krest'anska , the aim is the conte mpl ation of God , sp iritu al matters , espec iall y of th e '' four last things,'' d eath, judgment, hell , and heaven. 14 I n effect, then, through th ese writings Gavlovic offered the �82 SLOVAKIA reader a sort of program for good Christian living and thinking . In appreciatin g these two "schools," the Christian reader could then set about reali zing the active a nd contemplative ways of living in his earthly existe n ce. Gavlovic completed Valaska Skala in March , 1755, and Skala Krest'an ska in August, 17 58. 15 At what dates he began to write each "sch ool " can not at present be d etermin ed. In the letter of the ecclesiastical cen sor for Skala Krest'an sk a, Gavlovic is n amed as the a uthor. 16 This identification has in turn contributed to verifying Gavlovic 's autho rship of Valaska Skala. Val ask a Skala and Skala Krest'anska are extensive pieces of poetry. Valaska Skala comprises nearly e ighteen th ousand verses, virtually all of which are fourteen syll ables in length ; there are also some twentyfour hundred verses of varyin g length for the couplet- mottoes above the kan cepty as well as numerous related mottoes beside the k ancep ty. In Valaska Skala, there are twenty-seven illu strations, but only nine in Skala Krest'an ska. 17 The mass of verses and illustrations in each ''school'' is a rranged accord in g to schemes wh ere symmetry and numerical sym bolism play d efinite roles. 18 Valask a Skala has three major divisions: first, an introductory portion with twelve parts of varying length ; second, a main body with twentytwo subdivisions known as naty (nata in the sin gul ar); a nd third, a co ncluding portion with two parts of unequal length . The introductory and concludin g portions - virtually equal in length - fram e the main body . In the m a in body, the predominant textual unit is the kancept ; in each of the twenty-two subdivions or naty , there are fifty-nin e kancepty. The major motif of Valaska Skala is J esus the Good Shepherd as portrayed in St. J ohn 's Gospel. 19 In the main body , Gavlovic presented a series of stories on Biblical shepherds. Th ese stories are part of the introdu cto ry narrative for each of the first twenty-one naty . Abel is the first shepherd prese nted, and the shepherds of Be thlehem are the subjects that introdu ce th e twenty-first nata. Th e twenty-second nata has no introdu ctory n arrat ive but begins with a kancept about the resurrected Christ; the risen J esus is comm issionin g Peter to feed his sheep, the Christian Church . otably, then, the lin e of Biblical shephe rds in the twenty-two naty forms a chronologically linear presentation of Biblical history - from the era of Adam through that of the resurrected Christ, the Second Adam. T he two concluding sections of Valask a Skala are �SLOVAKIA 83 on death and the Last judgment; they aptly complete the Christian timespectrum presented in the preceding main body. The most prominent instance of numerical symbolism in Valaska Skala involves the first twenty-one naty of the main body. Gavlovic was very explicit that Valaska Skala comprised only twenty-one naty. 10 Yet he included a twenty-second nata, and the two concluding sections on death and the Last Judgment. The explanation for this is based on the symbolic number of 1260 from the Biblical book Apocalypse. Symbolically, the number 1260 represents a time period when evil and extreme suffering are the lot of God's people ; this period is to be followed by a new era under the leadership of Christ. 21 In Valaska Skala, 1260 is the number of textual units in the first twenty-one naty . The last kancept of nata twenty-one clearly expresses a definite finality: Buch ge Alpha y Omega wsseckeho stworeni, A bez neho w clowekovi ni c d obre ho neni* On ge sprawedliweg laski wzdy horicy plamen , Nech ho dussa ma milu ge Az na weki Amen . (XXI , lix , 1-2 , 11-12) God is the Alpha and Omega of all creati on , And without him there is nothing of goodness in a person• He is always the burning flam e of just a ffec tion , M ay my soul love him Until forever Amen. Even the pagination of the first twenty-one naty contributes to understanding their extent according to the symbolic number 1260. 11 These naty are that period of suffering and patient waiting before the reign of Christ. Aptly, then, the twenty-second nata begins with the resurrected Christ and his future vicar Peter. This new era is traditionally known as the "last times," that era from Christ 's resurrection until his Second Coming at the end of the world and of time. ll The next crucial moments in a Christian 's existence during the "last times" are his death and the Last Judgment. These two moments form the them es for the concluding sections of Valaska Skala . In effect, then , Gavlovic also used a specific number of textual units to present symbolically his Christian view of time and history. In the main body of Valaska Skala, Gavlovic presented much more than Biblical material. In the introductory narratives for the naty, Gavlovic occasionally included comments on valasi, i.e. the Slovak mountain shepherds who represent a distinctive group in Slovak history and culture. 24 The valasi in Valaska Skala are contemporary figures who �84 SLOVAKIA illustrate actions that foster or d etract from proper Christian conduct. In the nearly thirteen hundred koncepty , there is a range of topics all to show what helps make a good Christian citizen of this world and the next. Whatever has to do with the total human b eing and Christian is treated - social deportment , catechetical matters, virtues, vices , and points of health . Nothing seems too trivial for discussion. Examples of the more religious kon cept as well as of the more mundane type will illustrate this, as the following two show : 25 Powinn os t P as tyru • Kryst u s poru ca swe owce Petrow i k pase ni , By wssech podl e sweg moznos ti priwad zal k Spaseni . K azdy wrchni na podda nych musy sta rost miti , Aby ned al od Spase ni fa dn emu bluditi. Otec di tkam , Pan podd a nym , gazd a sweg celedi* Z poru ceni Krystoweho nech uz itek hl edi . An o y ty twoge g Du sse pastyrem bi t musyss, Ga k gu stratiss gakokoli w , hrozny Sud okus iss . Co mu ze byt ku Spaseni ginym , nezanedbag, Al e negprw n a twu Duss u neglepssi pozo r dag . G ak twu Du ssu , a y gin ych priwedess k Spa seni , Budess Srdcy Krys towemu giste k potesse ni. (XXII, i) R esponsibility of the Shepherd Chri st entrusts his sheep to Peter for past ure, So th at he would bring them all to Salvation . Each superi or must have conce rn for th ose subj ec t to him , So tha t he would not permit any of th em to stray . A fa ther fo r his children , a master for his se rfs, a householder for his se rvants* Let him see k benefi t because of the cha rge of C hrist. Yes a nd you must be the shepherd of your Soul , If you so mehow lose it , you will taste a terribl e Jud gm ent. Don ' t neglect wh at can be to others' Salvat ion , But first give the bes t attenti on to yo ur Soul. If you bring your soul and oth ers to Salvati on , You will surely be a consola ti on to C hrist 's H ea rt . Pan owi chud obn y N ech neni • podobn y Ml ce t pred Pa nem Slu ssy gak a men T ak obcu ge bohac z chud ym , gako wlk z baranem , Gestli mu zess , nem eg nikd y spolec nost z pa nem . G ak te vola k sobe , nechot, • kd yz budess negiti, Gak se odd aliss od neho , budess pokog m iti . Kd yz b ud ess s nim , tehdy nemlu w wsselico slobodne , Newe r mn ohim reca m geho, snat m lu wi podwodn e. Bude te mn ohimi slowmi p robowa t libezne , �SLOVAKIA 85 Dokud negake tagemstw i od teba newez ne . Bude se te usmiwagic wsselico spytowa t , A twe recy w swogeg hl awe pilne pa matowa t . Gak od teba zw i to co chce , hn et twa r swu promeni , Zabyge te z twym gaz ikem krem twe ho domnen i. (XV II , xxv) May a poor ma n not be like to a lord/ master It is as fit as an Amen to be silent before a lord/ master A ri ch man associates with a poor ma n just as a wolf wit h a shee p, If you ca n , don't ever have a ny dealin gs wi th a lord/ mas ter . When he calls you to him , don ' t go , • when you wi ll n ot go, When you distance yourself from him , you 'II have peace. W hen you wi ll be with him , th en don ' t speak all kind s of thi ngs freely, Don ' t believe hi s man y speec hes/wo rds , pe rh a ps he spea ks decept ively. H e wi ll tes t/ probe you kindly with many words, Unt il he h as taken some secrets from you. H e will smilingly ask you a ll so rt s of thin gs, And wi ll recall laboriousl y/we ll your speeches in his head. As soo n as/ when he learns from you wha.t he wants, at once his face will chan ge, H e will kill you with your tongue beyond anything you can imagine. Compared to Valaska Skala , Skala Krest'anska h as a simpl er compositional arran gement. This is probably because Skala Krest'an sk a conce rns only four m atte rs: death, judgment, hell , and heave n - the traditional "four las t things ." Yet , as in Valaska Skala, the kan cepty of Skala Krest'anska are crucial to a ppreciating the symmetry a nd numerical symbolism in this composition. Skala Krest'an ska has two maj o r divisions: an introductory po rti on of four parts that vary in le n gth , a nd a main body of four equ al subdivisions th at are simila r in format. Each of the fo ur subdiv isions in the main body h as o ne of the "four last things " as its guiding theme. In Valaska Skala , J esus the Good Shepherd had his counterpart in the good contemporary valach or shepherd. In Skala Krest'anska, the reader is also presented with the hum a n counterp a rt of Christ - St. Franc is of Assisi with stigmata. The stigmata are '' marks resem blin g the wounds on the cru cified body of C hrist [o n the hand s, the fee t , a nd the right side o f C hrist's chest; these marks are ] believed to have bee n supe rnat u rall y impressed upon the bod ies of certain pe rso ns , as St. Francis of Assisi.' ' 26 Among the illustrations and texts about the '' fo ur last things' ' are also illustrations of St. Fra ncis with st igmata as he refl ects on each of the "four last things ." The escha tology presented in text and illustrations is further empha- �86 SLOVAKIA sized b y the numerical sy mbolism used in com posin g the four subdivisions o f the m ain body. Each subdivision has k on cepty on 144 pages. Indeed , in each subdivision , only the pages with koncepty are numbered; the rem a ining pages in each subdivi sion and the pages of the introductory port ion are not numbered. The number 144 is related to the sym bolic number 144 ,000 ; thi s latter number sym bolically represents the number of Christians saved at the end of time as noted in the Biblical boo k Apocalypse . 17 Thus , the apocalyptic number of Christians saved - 144 ,000 - is associated with th e 144 pages of kon cepty for each of the "four last things ." For G avlovic , the readin g of these koncepty was to help number th e reader among those saved . ·After all , that was the primary aspiration of Gavlovic not only for his reader but also for himself. Th e very last kon cept - the end - of Skala Krest'anska clearly conveys this othe r-worldly view offered by G avlovic to his reader : Prigd k nam kralows twi twe" Co nce ptus hie S. Laurentij Ju stin* D ag na m n ebe weeny Boze Nassa mdl ost k nemu nemoze Otce nass, ktery sy w Nebi, Prigd k nam kralows twi twe, Nebo k dobrem u cyn eni Srdce w nas ge mrtwe. Zustawame w ned osta tku , a y w leniwosti, Nemu ze me dostat nebe bez twogeg mil os ti . M i do nebe nepri gde me; zosta neme w bide, Gak kra lows twi twe z tweg wu le k na m bidnym neprigde . Eliasse na ohni wem woze wzals do neb e, Y nas prigmi w tweg milosti , to prosime tebe. Zaden ku Krystu negide, gak ho netahn ess ty, Tahni n as w p rowaskach laski , neb sy we wssem Swaty. Abi sme spaseni byli , prigd twe kralowstwi k n am, A ty Boze az na we ki panu g n ad nami sam . (0 Nebi , 288) Your kingdom co me to us This kon ceptlco nce pt (from] St. Law rence Ju stinia n" Give us heave n ete rnal God Our wea kn ess cannot reach/approach it Our Fa ther , who a re in H eave n , Your kin gd om com e to us, For our H eart is dead to good d eeds. W e rema in want ing , a nd in laz iness, W e cannot att ain heave n without yo ur grace. W e will not reach heave n ; we will re main in misery, If you r kin gdom does not com e to wretched u s by your will. Elias was ra ised to heave n on a fi ery ve hicl e/cha ri ot, R eceive also us in your grace, thi s we implore you . No one co mes to C hri st , if you do not draw him yourself, Draw us in the bonds of love/affection , for you are H oly in everythin g. �SLOVAKIA 87 T hat we mi ght be saved, yo ur kin gdom co m e to us , And you God yourself rul e ove r u s fo reve r . A s two pieces of Slovak writing, V alaska Skol a and Skol a Krest'anska d o di splay som e litera ry ima gina tion in their compositional a rra n gem ent and co nten t. Y et the ir purposes wer e n o t belles lettres ente rta inment bu t the fosterin g of the C h r istia n read er 's m oral ch a racter a nd holiness. Their m or ali stic a nd religiou s ch a racters sh ould n o t , a nd in truth , do no t d e trac t fro m their place in Slovak histo ry a nd culture. T h ey remain p rominen t a nd substantive exampl es of con sciously Slovak writing lo n g before Slovaks were al lowed to exe rcise the ir righ ts as a di st inct Slavic peopl e. NOTES ' An example of thi s lim ited view of Slovak writing is the first sentence of Pete r Brock 's otherwise good study The Slovak Nat ional Awakening (T oron to: Uni ve rsity of Toronto Press, I 976), p . 3 : " A Slovak ve rn acul a r was fir st used for literary purposes in the 1780s when it replaced C zec h a m ong the Slovak Cat hol ic in tell ige nts ia.'' ' For a more deta iled biography of Gavlovic and a d iscuss ion of his writin gs, see Gerald J. Sabo, "Slovak Did actic Poetry: Gav lovic 's Valask a Skala. Volum e I: Introdu ctory Study. Volume II : Edition of V alask a Skala ," Di ss. Yale 1978, l , 1-8. This is the only English source fo r thi s information. Signi fi cant Slovak sources on Gavlovic and hi s w ritin gs a re: Celes tin Le pacek , " Zivot a dic lo P . H ugolfna G avlovica, " V yrocne zpravy sukromneho gymnazia rad u sv . Franc isk a v M ala ck ach , 5- 10 ( 1932 -3 7); Lepace k, " Zlomky z d'alsfch Gavlovifovych ruko pisov ," Literarno-historick y sbornik M atice slovenskej , 2-3 , Nos. 1-2 ( 1945-46), 79-84 ; J ozef' Min ari k , " Hu golfn Gav lovic: Va lask a skola, mravuv stodola (l itera rn o-esteti cky rozbo r 16 vyb ranyc h bas nf)," Tri lirerarn o-esrerick e rozbory zo starsej slovenskej Jic era tury (Bratis lava: Slovenske pedagogic ke nakl ada tel'stvo, 1973) , pp. 61-98; G izela Slavkovsk a, "Gavlov icova Valaska Skala." eq ui valen t of a docto ra l dissert a ti on ( Bra tislava: U niv e rzita Komens keho , prob. 1972); Slavkovs ka , " Gavlov ifova Va laska Skala," S lovcnska lic era ru ra, 2 1, o. 5 ( 1974), 459-480. ' In Valaska Skala , in eight inst ances (fi ve times " na slowenski gazik . " two times " na slowenski , '· a nd once '' w slowensk em gazik u "), Gav lov ic expressed th e phrase '' in the Slovak lang uage" when he tra nslat ed a H e brew Bibli cal name in1 0 its Slovak meaning : nota I. introductory na rrati ve, line 33: V. int rodu ctory narrative, 9: VIII. in trodu ctory narrativ e. 3; X. introductory na rrative. 49; XI. in troduuory na rrativ e, 7; X III , int roductory na rrati ve. 1: X IV , introdu cto ry narrative. 6; a nd X IX, in troclu c1ory narrat ivc , 7. Linguist s agree tha t Gavlovi c wrote in Slova k , e.g. l.'..ubomfr 6urovic, "Slovak," The Slavic Lircrar_v Languages: Fonnacion and Dnwlopmenr. Alex a nder Sc hen ker and Edwa rd Stankiewicz , eds . ( New H aven: Yale Concilium o n Intern a ti onal and Arca Studies, 1980), p. 214. Of this la nguage in genera l, Eugen Paul inv wrote: �88 SLOVAKIA The Slova ki zing process went so far that by th e end of th e fir st half of the 18th ce ntury, we alread y have among Slovak Catholics a sufficiently firmly normali zed national written language whi ch on account of esse nti al deviation s from Czech ca nnot be called on ly Slovakized Czech. N or mu st it be disting uish ed from Czech only on th e lin guistic side. Import antly, that is, n ot even its users and writers con sidered it as Czech. Th ey considered it, h ere more, ch ere less explicic y, as ch e dom escic Slovak language. The term " J esuit Slovak " was at one time coined for this language. This d es ignation would perhaps m eta pho ri call y do just ice to th e fa ct that thi s language was used in Catholic writin g. H oweve r , it is necessa ry, of course, to reali ze th at thi s la nguage did no t origin a te in Slovak Catholic writing , but that Catholics took it over as esse ntiall y set, and that it was u sed as cultural W es t-Sl ovak eve n in oth er functions. Further one must reali ze that in Catholic writing, not onl y J esuits used this language, even if th ese la tt er were th e most act ive in the rc-Ca tholi cization of Slovaki a. (Dejin y spisovnej slovenciny, I [ 1966 ; rpt. Brati slava : Slove nske pedagogicke nakl ada tel'stvo, 1971], p. 78. Ita li cs a nd tra nsla ti on a re min e .) ' See Sabo, pp . 50-56 , for nati onalistic friction in gene ral, and pp. 58-62 for nati onalisti c fri ct io n in Franciscan founda ti ons. Also , Ysevlad J oze f Gajdos, 0 . F . M. , Franciskani v slovens½ej lit eracure (C levela nd : First Catholic Slova k Union, 1979), pp . 23-26. In this work, Gajdos also has a sho rt biograph y of Gavlovi c, a brief co mm ent a ry o n so m e of his writings, a li st of m ost of hi s works , and a sm all bibli ogra phy on G av lovic. Thi s book co nt a ins a wealth of m a terial on Francisca n trai nin g and activiti es in Slovak areas. 5 Both m a nu script s, actually a ut og raphs b y Gavlov ic him self, a re prese rved in th e Lite rarny archiv M a ti ce slovenskej (LAMS) in Martin unde r th e signa ture B89 for V alask a Skala and MJ3 3 1 for Skala Krest'a nska. V alask a S k ala ha had three editi o n s. In th e first editi o n do ne in two volum es in 1830-3 1, th e auto gra ph was d evasta tin gly altered allegedl y by Mi cha l R eset ka acco rdin g to th e lin gui st ic no rm s of Bernolak-S lova k , bern olaccin a . In th e seco nd edi ti o n of 197 1, Rudolf Kraj covic, th e ed itor , re prod uced the tex t in questionab le fo rm at a nd form , but most unfortunately deleted some forty-seven percent of th e aut ogra ph tex t. The third edition is a reprintin g o f th e Kraj cov ic second ed itio n , but now with som e fift y- li ve perce nt of th e autograph text deleted. Non e of the pictori al illu stra tion s of Valaska Skala was reprodu ced in a ny o f th e three ed iti ons. As rega rd s Skala Kresc'a nsk a, a few selections - some two perce nt of th e a ut ogra ph text - ca n be found in Gizela Slavkovska's edited workja miluji, nesmfm provfdaci ... : Ancol6gia zo slovenskej barokovej poezie (Bratislava: T a tra n , 1977) , pp . 275-30 1. 6 Th is is made clea r in Valaska Skala in th e dedication immed ia tely after th e titl epage a nd first illustra ti o n as we ll as in the int rodu cto ry part " D arowa ni Ku uiicku cwemu ," line 57; and in Skala Kresc'a n ska, o n th e titl e page a nd in th e introducto ry part " Darowani Trecimu R adu Seraflin skemu ," pages 13-1 6 of th e aut ogra ph (wi th titl e-page as page one). Fo r possible reasons for Gavlovic dedi ca tin g these two works to Tertiaries, see Sabo , pp . 66-7 1. ' For details on Gav lovic ' s kon cepc form, see, Sabo, pp . 86-94. A koncepc is also found �SLOVAKIA ' 9 ' 0 " " 13 14 15 16 11 " 19 ' 0 89 in Gavlovi i''s "last will a nd testament, " and an inco mplete one (one sentence short) among fragm entary autograph s of Gavlovic. In my thesis , I discuss the a rtist of the illustrations for Valaska Skala on pages 79-82. Subsequ entl y, Slavkovska studied th e same m a tt er and published her co mments in " ' Tajomstva ' prveho vydania Valaskej Skoly ," Slovenska literatura , 25, No. 6 ( 1978) , 663-669 . John L. Lievsay , "Embl em ," Princeton Encyclopedia of Poet1y and Poetics, enlarged edition , Alex Preminger et al. ed. (Princeton: Princeton Uni ve rsity Press, 1974). Bes id es variou s pl aces in V alaska Skala , wh e re Gavlovic speaks of Valaska Skala in these terms, he co mpa res the two "school s" in Skala Krest'anska on page fourtee n with titl e-page as page one in " D aro wani Tretimu Radu S eraffinskemu ," lin es 45 -46. Valaska Skala, "Darowani Ku uiitku twemu ," line 44 ; Skala Krest'ansk a, " Darowani Tretimu Radu S eraffin sk emu ," lines 33-34. On the title-page of Valaska Skala , Gavlovic cited :Omne tulit pun ctum , qui miscuit utile dulci (H e ha s won eve ry vote who has bl end ed profit a nd pleas ure . .. ), verse 343, H. Ru shton Fairclough , trans., Horace: Satires, Epistles, and Ars Poetica (London and Cambridge, Mass. : William H eine m a n , Ltd. , 1970), pp. 478-479. For other pl aces wh ere G av lovic ex pressed th e se nse of this Horati a n ve rse, see Sabo , p. 68 , note 101. On the page immediat ely preceding th e titl e-page, it is cited in La tin a nd in a Slovak translation. In th e Vulgate ve rsion th a t I u sed , Alberto Colun ga a nd La urentio Turrado, ed ., 4th ed. , se ri es Bibliateca d e autores Christianos , Madrid , 1975, the last verse is forty , but in English ve rsions of this chapter, th e verse is thirt y-six. Karl Rahn e r , " Last Things , " Sa cram entum Mundi: An Encyclopedia of Th eology (New York: H e rd e r a nd H e rd er , 1969) , 274-2 76. Th ese da tes a re found on the d edi cation page of Valaska Skala right after th e titlepage a nd fir st illu stration , and for Skala Krest'a nska on th e prese nt titl e- page. Thi s letter is found at th e ve ry beginning of the bound autograph of Skala Krest'anska. Fo r a de tai led stud y ofGavlovic's a uthorship of th ese writings, see Sabo, pp. 11-15. From my st ud y of the sy mm etri cal structure of Skala Krest'anska , it is evident that th e re were probab ly at least nin e illustration s, four of which are mi ssing, and th a t some of the text which introduces th e k on cept y on d ea th and those on judgment is also mi ss in g. Bes id es th e numerical sy mboli sm ex pl a in ed in the subsequent text of m y article , furth e r num eri cal sy mboli sm in V a/ask a Skala is discussed in Sabo, pp. 124-28. The Gospel a nd th e Bibli cal book Apocalypse a ttribut ed to St. John th e Eva n geli st had a signifi can t influ e nce on th e format a nd mat e rial co nt ent of V a/aska Skala as we ll as on those of ot he r writings by Ga vlo vic: Sabo , pp. 114- 2 1. In " D arowan i Ku uzi tku twemu, " lin es 37-38 , Gavlovii' spec ifi ed twe nt y- one noty, ye t he added a twenty-second which he called " Pridawek or Additi on. " It is m y strong belief that Gavlov ic's spec ifi c in sistence o n twe nt y-o ne noty and hi s present at ion of th e m with Biblical shepherds introdu cin g eac h infl uenced J a n Holl y's stru cturin g of hi s Selanky or Pasto rals where th ere a re twent y-o ne pastoral so ng subdivi sion s; lik e Gav lov ic, Holl y begins hi s twe nt y-first (a nd las t) pastoral with referen ce to th e �90 " " " " " ' 0 " " SLOVAKIA Bet hl ehem shepherds . In a let ter of May 6, 183 1, Holly spoke of Gavlovic and his Valaska Skala: " Lette r #32 to M a rtin Hamuljak ," Jozef Ambrus , ed ., Korespondencia jan Holleho (M a rtin : M a tica slovenska , 1967), p . 74. The Selanky began to be published in 1835 some four years after the publicati on of R ese tka's ed ition of Valaska Skala: Encyklopedia Slovenska, II (1978) , sub verbo " Holl y, Jan. " An ed ition of the Selanky with a modern verse rendition was published by Tatran in J 970 as volume 22 of its se ri es Citanie studuju cej mladeze . Sabo , p . 125, note 13 1, a nd p . 126. Also, J ean-Loui s D ' Aragon, S.J ., " The Apocalypse ,'' The J erome Biblical Com m entary (Englewood Cliffs, N .J .: PrenticeH all , In c., 1968), p. 480. Sabo, p. 126 , not e 133: " In each n ota , the introducto ry section a nd first kon cept ac tu ally cover th ese three autograph pages, yet Gavlovic pagin ated th em on the third page as a sin gle Arabic-numbered page . Thus, acco rdin g to thi s peculi a r pagination , each nota has thirty pages. And this m eans th at the twenty-on e noty spec ifi ed by Gavlovic have six hundred and thirty pages or half of the 1260 , the number of textu al units that a ppear o n th ese 630 pages." As regards th e co ncept o f the " last times ," see Karl Lowith , " The Biblical View of Hi sto~y, " Meaning in History (C hi cago and London : Un iversity of Ch icago Press, 1949 , Phoenix paperback, 1957), p . 188 . As rega rds ,,alasi, for an English ource see Sa b o, pp . 37-38; and for Slovak sources see J a n Podolak, " The P asto ral Cu ltu re of th e Ca rpathian as a Subject of an Ethnological Study," Ethnologica slavica , 1 ( 1969), especial ly 70-77, a nd Encyklopedia Sloven ska , V I ( 1982), sub vcrbo " Valasi," " Valasska l'udova piesen," and '' Valasske pravo." Old so urces a bout valasi , their culture, a nd their wa y of li vin g a re: And rej K i!v ulj ak , " Val as i na Slove n sku: Ora vs ky pod za mok ," Sbornik n a pocest' jozefa Skulte1yh o (Turciansky Svii ty M a rtin : M at ica slovenska , 1933), pp . 336 -374; Karel K ad lec, Valasi a valassk e pravo v zem ich slovansk ych a uh erskych (Pra ha: Ces ka akadcmia cisare Frantiska J osefa, 19 16) ; V aclav C halo upec ky, Valasi na S lovensku (Praha: Slovansky u stav , 1947); a ndjosef Macurek, Valasi v za padnfch K a1pa1ech v 15. - 18 scole1f (Ost rava: K rajske naklad a telstvf, 1959). Th e ca pital R oman numera l is th e no/a number; th e sm a ll Roman num eral is th e k on cep1 numb er in thar 1101 a. Beca use of space limit ;itions , th e side- m otto here has bee n placed a bove the k oncep1. In th e text of Valask a Skala . Gav lov ic also in corporated fo lk ex press ions such as prove rbs and sayings that ca n be fo un d in ex tant compil a ti ons o f suc h ex pre. siuns as we ll ·as ones or his own ('rca ti u n ; sec Sa bo , pp . 168- 171, and Vojtcch Sarluska, " Piit's to prfslovf, " Li1er,im ya rchf, - 1975 . 12 (Mart in: M a ti ca sloven ska, 1976), 135- 167. Webs 1er·.- New C ollcgiait· Diction ary , 1961, su/.J v(·rbo ' ·Sri gma. " Sabo, p. 127, note 134; J ea n-Loui s D ' Aragon , " Th e Apondy p;e," p. 47 8 . In Skala K res1'anska , a couplet-m o tto or vary in g leng rh rs found aboH: a koncepl with o ne a nd nea rl y a lwa ys two re lated mot toes on the side . Beca use o f spate limitation s, I hav e placed in o rd er th e first a nd sclond side- m ottoe for th e koncep1 above the couplet-mono found at th e head of the koncepl . �SLOVAKIA 91 ,. Th e New Ca th olic Encyclopedia ( l 967), sub verbo " Lawrence Justini an , St ." My study of Gavlovic was greatl y facilitied b y Docent J ozef Minarik of th e Filozofi cka faku lta Univerzity Kom enskeho a nd Gi zela Slavkovska of the Litera rn ovedny Ustav Slove nskej Akadem ie Vied , both of Bra tisla va, while I was on th e exchange program of th e Intern ati onal R esea rch and Exchanges Board and on a Fulbright-H ays grant in 1975 -76. This pape r is based on a docto ral disse rt ation, " Slovak Didact ic Poetry: G avlovic's Va/aska S kala " at Ya le Univers ity, 1978. Prese nted in Pa nel 128 , "Slovak Litera ture as a Mirror of the Na tional Awakenin g," a t th e AAASS convention in Philadelphi a on 8 November 1980. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1982-83, Vol. 30 Description An account of the resource Vol. 30 (No. 55-56), 1982-83. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982-83 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 80 SLOVAKIA Hugolfn Gavlovic's Valaska Skala and Skala Krest'anska Gerald J . Sabo For most Slavists, the eighteenth century in Slovak history and culture remains pretty much unknown territory. Even among specialists in Slovak studies, that era m ay bring to mind simply Anton Bernol ak and possibly J a n Baltaza r M agin . Bernolak should certa inly stand out as the first cod ifer of the Slovak language , a nd Magin deserves more than a few brief sentences for hi s de fense of Slovak ethnic a nd cultural rights . Y et m any other writers from the e ighteenth ce ntury deserve not onl y mention but substantial comm entary , because their writings in the Slovak vernacular before Bernolak's codificat ion exem plified and promoted Slovak consciousness. Amon g these a uthors a prominent place is occupied by the Franciscan priest Hugolfn Gavlovic. Gavlovic was born in 17 12 in Czarny Dunaj ec, Poland, yet he spent virtually his entire life in Slovak-speaking areas. 2 H e di ed in 1787, th e year Bernolak publicly began his codification effort s. G avlovic considered himself ethnically Polish. Still , as far as can be ascertained, the only Slavic la n gu age in which h e wrote was the contemporary Slovak vernacul ar. In a number of hi s writings, he even explicity expres~ed his awareness of writing in Slovak. 3 Gavlovic's co n scious Slovak writing but Polish e thnicity is more th an some curiously interest ing point. I t is especially strikin g again st the b ackground of in tense nationalistic fr iction at that time . This nationalisti c frict ion was between Slovaks a nd various ethnic gro u ps, but in particula r th e Hun garians. The effects of th is fri ct ion reached even into Franciscan foundations and affected th e governan ce of Franciscan eccles iastical provin ces. 4 Gavlovic began writing in 1745 after he had finished his Franciscan course of studies and h ad become a priest. From 1745 until h is death in 1 787 , he composed nearly twenty distin ct pieces of Slovak writin g in prose o r poetry . Among his poetic writings, the most prominent are Valask a Skala (Th e Shepherd ' s School) and Skala Krest'anska (A C h ris1 SLOVAKIA 81 tian School). Though Valaska Skala and Skala Krest'anska are di stinct pieces of writing, they should be treated together for a number of reasons. Both are written for the same audience - Franciscan T e rti aries,6 that is , lay persons who pattern their lives according to prescript s of Franciscan spirituality and traditions . Also , in both compositions is found a poetic form peculiar only to them : Gavlovic called this form koncept. 7 A koncept consists of twelve verses or six rhymed couplets ; each verse has fourteen syllables with a caesura-like pause after the eighth sylla bl e. Usual ly , some rhymed couplets of varying length are related to a koncept . At times, the various pictorial illustrations in both Gavlovic "schools" are connected with kon cepty as well as other verse units . 8 Thus , in Valaska Skala but especially in Skala Krest'anska , the format of the koncept a nd other verse units could be said to resem ble emblematic poetry: a verse-motto, a versified elaboration of the motto, and the related illustration. 9 Besides similarities in a udience and poetic units, the two "schools " are explicitly related to each oth er by Gavlovic him self. According to Gavlovic, Val ask a Skala was written to foster the reader ' s " moral ch aracter, " Skol a Krest'ansk a his "holiness." 10 Gavlovic has also described Valaska Skala as "cheese," someth in g that would n ourish th e reader. In its author 's view, Skala Krest'an sk a represents a " pleasant sce nt '' from a b ouqu et of fl owers. 11 Clearly , Gavlovic expressed a contrast between the physical a nd external against the non-physical a nd internal. Also , the epigraphs fo r the two "schools" show their contrasting emphases and areas of con centration . For Valask a Skala, it is the H oratian utile-dulci - the practically beneficial made palatably pleasant ; this epigraph aptly expresses the mundane yet religiously instructive character of Val ask a Sk ala . 11 T he epigraph for Skala Krest'anska is the last verse from th e seventh chapte r of the Biblical book Sirach: " R emember the last thin gs, a nd you will never sin ." 13 From a reading of the two ''schools,'' it is evide n t that for Gavlovic, they represented the two states in Christia n spiri tualit y: th e act ive an d contemplative ways of livin g. In the active life, as in Val ask a Skol a, the goal of a Christian is the practice of good morals and virtues a nd all this entail s. In the co n templative life , as in Skala Krest'anska , the aim is the conte mpl ation of God , sp iritu al matters , espec iall y of th e '' four last things,'' d eath, judgment, hell , and heaven. 14 I n effect, then, through th ese writings Gavlovic offered the 82 SLOVAKIA reader a sort of program for good Christian living and thinking . In appreciatin g these two "schools," the Christian reader could then set about reali zing the active a nd contemplative ways of living in his earthly existe n ce. Gavlovic completed Valaska Skala in March , 1755, and Skala Krest'an ska in August, 17 58. 15 At what dates he began to write each "sch ool " can not at present be d etermin ed. In the letter of the ecclesiastical cen sor for Skala Krest'an sk a, Gavlovic is n amed as the a uthor. 16 This identification has in turn contributed to verifying Gavlovic 's autho rship of Valaska Skala. Val ask a Skala and Skala Krest'anska are extensive pieces of poetry. Valaska Skala comprises nearly e ighteen th ousand verses, virtually all of which are fourteen syll ables in length ; there are also some twentyfour hundred verses of varyin g length for the couplet- mottoes above the kan cepty as well as numerous related mottoes beside the k ancep ty. In Valaska Skala, there are twenty-seven illu strations, but only nine in Skala Krest'an ska. 17 The mass of verses and illustrations in each ''school'' is a rranged accord in g to schemes wh ere symmetry and numerical sym bolism play d efinite roles. 18 Valask a Skala has three major divisions: first, an introductory portion with twelve parts of varying length ; second, a main body with twentytwo subdivisions known as naty (nata in the sin gul ar); a nd third, a co ncluding portion with two parts of unequal length . The introductory and concludin g portions - virtually equal in length - fram e the main body . In the m a in body, the predominant textual unit is the kancept ; in each of the twenty-two subdivions or naty , there are fifty-nin e kancepty. The major motif of Valaska Skala is J esus the Good Shepherd as portrayed in St. J ohn 's Gospel. 19 In the main body , Gavlovic presented a series of stories on Biblical shepherds. Th ese stories are part of the introdu cto ry narrative for each of the first twenty-one naty . Abel is the first shepherd prese nted, and the shepherds of Be thlehem are the subjects that introdu ce th e twenty-first nata. Th e twenty-second nata has no introdu ctory n arrat ive but begins with a kancept about the resurrected Christ; the risen J esus is comm issionin g Peter to feed his sheep, the Christian Church . otably, then, the lin e of Biblical shephe rds in the twenty-two naty forms a chronologically linear presentation of Biblical history - from the era of Adam through that of the resurrected Christ, the Second Adam. T he two concluding sections of Valask a Skala are SLOVAKIA 83 on death and the Last judgment; they aptly complete the Christian timespectrum presented in the preceding main body. The most prominent instance of numerical symbolism in Valaska Skala involves the first twenty-one naty of the main body. Gavlovic was very explicit that Valaska Skala comprised only twenty-one naty. 10 Yet he included a twenty-second nata, and the two concluding sections on death and the Last Judgment. The explanation for this is based on the symbolic number of 1260 from the Biblical book Apocalypse. Symbolically, the number 1260 represents a time period when evil and extreme suffering are the lot of God's people ; this period is to be followed by a new era under the leadership of Christ. 21 In Valaska Skala, 1260 is the number of textual units in the first twenty-one naty . The last kancept of nata twenty-one clearly expresses a definite finality: Buch ge Alpha y Omega wsseckeho stworeni, A bez neho w clowekovi ni c d obre ho neni* On ge sprawedliweg laski wzdy horicy plamen , Nech ho dussa ma milu ge Az na weki Amen . (XXI , lix , 1-2 , 11-12) God is the Alpha and Omega of all creati on , And without him there is nothing of goodness in a person• He is always the burning flam e of just a ffec tion , M ay my soul love him Until forever Amen. Even the pagination of the first twenty-one naty contributes to understanding their extent according to the symbolic number 1260. 11 These naty are that period of suffering and patient waiting before the reign of Christ. Aptly, then, the twenty-second nata begins with the resurrected Christ and his future vicar Peter. This new era is traditionally known as the "last times," that era from Christ 's resurrection until his Second Coming at the end of the world and of time. ll The next crucial moments in a Christian 's existence during the "last times" are his death and the Last Judgment. These two moments form the them es for the concluding sections of Valaska Skala . In effect, then , Gavlovic also used a specific number of textual units to present symbolically his Christian view of time and history. In the main body of Valaska Skala, Gavlovic presented much more than Biblical material. In the introductory narratives for the naty, Gavlovic occasionally included comments on valasi, i.e. the Slovak mountain shepherds who represent a distinctive group in Slovak history and culture. 24 The valasi in Valaska Skala are contemporary figures who 84 SLOVAKIA illustrate actions that foster or d etract from proper Christian conduct. In the nearly thirteen hundred koncepty , there is a range of topics all to show what helps make a good Christian citizen of this world and the next. Whatever has to do with the total human b eing and Christian is treated - social deportment , catechetical matters, virtues, vices , and points of health . Nothing seems too trivial for discussion. Examples of the more religious kon cept as well as of the more mundane type will illustrate this, as the following two show : 25 Powinn os t P as tyru • Kryst u s poru ca swe owce Petrow i k pase ni , By wssech podl e sweg moznos ti priwad zal k Spaseni . K azdy wrchni na podda nych musy sta rost miti , Aby ned al od Spase ni fa dn emu bluditi. Otec di tkam , Pan podd a nym , gazd a sweg celedi* Z poru ceni Krystoweho nech uz itek hl edi . An o y ty twoge g Du sse pastyrem bi t musyss, Ga k gu stratiss gakokoli w , hrozny Sud okus iss . Co mu ze byt ku Spaseni ginym , nezanedbag, Al e negprw n a twu Duss u neglepssi pozo r dag . G ak twu Du ssu , a y gin ych priwedess k Spa seni , Budess Srdcy Krys towemu giste k potesse ni. (XXII, i) R esponsibility of the Shepherd Chri st entrusts his sheep to Peter for past ure, So th at he would bring them all to Salvation . Each superi or must have conce rn for th ose subj ec t to him , So tha t he would not permit any of th em to stray . A fa ther fo r his children , a master for his se rfs, a householder for his se rvants* Let him see k benefi t because of the cha rge of C hrist. Yes a nd you must be the shepherd of your Soul , If you so mehow lose it , you will taste a terribl e Jud gm ent. Don ' t neglect wh at can be to others' Salvat ion , But first give the bes t attenti on to yo ur Soul. If you bring your soul and oth ers to Salvati on , You will surely be a consola ti on to C hrist 's H ea rt . Pan owi chud obn y N ech neni • podobn y Ml ce t pred Pa nem Slu ssy gak a men T ak obcu ge bohac z chud ym , gako wlk z baranem , Gestli mu zess , nem eg nikd y spolec nost z pa nem . G ak te vola k sobe , nechot, • kd yz budess negiti, Gak se odd aliss od neho , budess pokog m iti . Kd yz b ud ess s nim , tehdy nemlu w wsselico slobodne , Newe r mn ohim reca m geho, snat m lu wi podwodn e. Bude te mn ohimi slowmi p robowa t libezne , SLOVAKIA 85 Dokud negake tagemstw i od teba newez ne . Bude se te usmiwagic wsselico spytowa t , A twe recy w swogeg hl awe pilne pa matowa t . Gak od teba zw i to co chce , hn et twa r swu promeni , Zabyge te z twym gaz ikem krem twe ho domnen i. (XV II , xxv) May a poor ma n not be like to a lord/ master It is as fit as an Amen to be silent before a lord/ master A ri ch man associates with a poor ma n just as a wolf wit h a shee p, If you ca n , don't ever have a ny dealin gs wi th a lord/ mas ter . When he calls you to him , don ' t go , • when you wi ll n ot go, When you distance yourself from him , you 'II have peace. W hen you wi ll be with him , th en don ' t speak all kind s of thi ngs freely, Don ' t believe hi s man y speec hes/wo rds , pe rh a ps he spea ks decept ively. H e wi ll tes t/ probe you kindly with many words, Unt il he h as taken some secrets from you. H e will smilingly ask you a ll so rt s of thin gs, And wi ll recall laboriousl y/we ll your speeches in his head. As soo n as/ when he learns from you wha.t he wants, at once his face will chan ge, H e will kill you with your tongue beyond anything you can imagine. Compared to Valaska Skala , Skala Krest'anska h as a simpl er compositional arran gement. This is probably because Skala Krest'an sk a conce rns only four m atte rs: death, judgment, hell , and heave n - the traditional "four las t things ." Yet , as in Valaska Skala, the kan cepty of Skala Krest'anska are crucial to a ppreciating the symmetry a nd numerical symbolism in this composition. Skala Krest'an ska has two maj o r divisions: an introductory po rti on of four parts that vary in le n gth , a nd a main body of four equ al subdivisions th at are simila r in format. Each of the fo ur subdiv isions in the main body h as o ne of the "four last things " as its guiding theme. In Valaska Skala , J esus the Good Shepherd had his counterpart in the good contemporary valach or shepherd. In Skala Krest'anska, the reader is also presented with the hum a n counterp a rt of Christ - St. Franc is of Assisi with stigmata. The stigmata are '' marks resem blin g the wounds on the cru cified body of C hrist [o n the hand s, the fee t , a nd the right side o f C hrist's chest; these marks are ] believed to have bee n supe rnat u rall y impressed upon the bod ies of certain pe rso ns , as St. Francis of Assisi.' ' 26 Among the illustrations and texts about the '' fo ur last things' ' are also illustrations of St. Fra ncis with st igmata as he refl ects on each of the "four last things ." The escha tology presented in text and illustrations is further empha- 86 SLOVAKIA sized b y the numerical sy mbolism used in com posin g the four subdivisions o f the m ain body. Each subdivision has k on cepty on 144 pages. Indeed , in each subdivision , only the pages with koncepty are numbered; the rem a ining pages in each subdivi sion and the pages of the introductory port ion are not numbered. The number 144 is related to the sym bolic number 144 ,000 ; thi s latter number sym bolically represents the number of Christians saved at the end of time as noted in the Biblical boo k Apocalypse . 17 Thus , the apocalyptic number of Christians saved - 144 ,000 - is associated with th e 144 pages of kon cepty for each of the "four last things ." For G avlovic , the readin g of these koncepty was to help number th e reader among those saved . ·After all , that was the primary aspiration of Gavlovic not only for his reader but also for himself. Th e very last kon cept - the end - of Skala Krest'anska clearly conveys this othe r-worldly view offered by G avlovic to his reader : Prigd k nam kralows twi twe" Co nce ptus hie S. Laurentij Ju stin* D ag na m n ebe weeny Boze Nassa mdl ost k nemu nemoze Otce nass, ktery sy w Nebi, Prigd k nam kralows twi twe, Nebo k dobrem u cyn eni Srdce w nas ge mrtwe. Zustawame w ned osta tku , a y w leniwosti, Nemu ze me dostat nebe bez twogeg mil os ti . M i do nebe nepri gde me; zosta neme w bide, Gak kra lows twi twe z tweg wu le k na m bidnym neprigde . Eliasse na ohni wem woze wzals do neb e, Y nas prigmi w tweg milosti , to prosime tebe. Zaden ku Krystu negide, gak ho netahn ess ty, Tahni n as w p rowaskach laski , neb sy we wssem Swaty. Abi sme spaseni byli , prigd twe kralowstwi k n am, A ty Boze az na we ki panu g n ad nami sam . (0 Nebi , 288) Your kingdom co me to us This kon ceptlco nce pt (from] St. Law rence Ju stinia n" Give us heave n ete rnal God Our wea kn ess cannot reach/approach it Our Fa ther , who a re in H eave n , Your kin gd om com e to us, For our H eart is dead to good d eeds. W e rema in want ing , a nd in laz iness, W e cannot att ain heave n without yo ur grace. W e will not reach heave n ; we will re main in misery, If you r kin gdom does not com e to wretched u s by your will. Elias was ra ised to heave n on a fi ery ve hicl e/cha ri ot, R eceive also us in your grace, thi s we implore you . No one co mes to C hri st , if you do not draw him yourself, Draw us in the bonds of love/affection , for you are H oly in everythin g. SLOVAKIA 87 T hat we mi ght be saved, yo ur kin gdom co m e to us , And you God yourself rul e ove r u s fo reve r . A s two pieces of Slovak writing, V alaska Skol a and Skol a Krest'anska d o di splay som e litera ry ima gina tion in their compositional a rra n gem ent and co nten t. Y et the ir purposes wer e n o t belles lettres ente rta inment bu t the fosterin g of the C h r istia n read er 's m oral ch a racter a nd holiness. Their m or ali stic a nd religiou s ch a racters sh ould n o t , a nd in truth , do no t d e trac t fro m their place in Slovak histo ry a nd culture. T h ey remain p rominen t a nd substantive exampl es of con sciously Slovak writing lo n g before Slovaks were al lowed to exe rcise the ir righ ts as a di st inct Slavic peopl e. NOTES ' An example of thi s lim ited view of Slovak writing is the first sentence of Pete r Brock 's otherwise good study The Slovak Nat ional Awakening (T oron to: Uni ve rsity of Toronto Press, I 976), p . 3 : " A Slovak ve rn acul a r was fir st used for literary purposes in the 1780s when it replaced C zec h a m ong the Slovak Cat hol ic in tell ige nts ia.'' ' For a more deta iled biography of Gavlovic and a d iscuss ion of his writin gs, see Gerald J. Sabo, "Slovak Did actic Poetry: Gav lovic 's Valask a Skala. Volum e I: Introdu ctory Study. Volume II : Edition of V alask a Skala ," Di ss. Yale 1978, l , 1-8. This is the only English source fo r thi s information. Signi fi cant Slovak sources on Gavlovic and hi s w ritin gs a re: Celes tin Le pacek , " Zivot a dic lo P . H ugolfna G avlovica, " V yrocne zpravy sukromneho gymnazia rad u sv . Franc isk a v M ala ck ach , 5- 10 ( 1932 -3 7); Lepace k, " Zlomky z d'alsfch Gavlovifovych ruko pisov ," Literarno-historick y sbornik M atice slovenskej , 2-3 , Nos. 1-2 ( 1945-46), 79-84 ; J ozef' Min ari k , " Hu golfn Gav lovic: Va lask a skola, mravuv stodola (l itera rn o-esteti cky rozbo r 16 vyb ranyc h bas nf)," Tri lirerarn o-esrerick e rozbory zo starsej slovenskej Jic era tury (Bratis lava: Slovenske pedagogic ke nakl ada tel'stvo, 1973) , pp. 61-98; G izela Slavkovsk a, "Gavlov icova Valaska Skala." eq ui valen t of a docto ra l dissert a ti on ( Bra tislava: U niv e rzita Komens keho , prob. 1972); Slavkovs ka , " Gavlov ifova Va laska Skala," S lovcnska lic era ru ra, 2 1, o. 5 ( 1974), 459-480. ' In Valaska Skala , in eight inst ances (fi ve times " na slowenski gazik . " two times " na slowenski , '· a nd once '' w slowensk em gazik u "), Gav lov ic expressed th e phrase '' in the Slovak lang uage" when he tra nslat ed a H e brew Bibli cal name in1 0 its Slovak meaning : nota I. introductory na rrati ve, line 33: V. int rodu ctory narrative, 9: VIII. in trodu ctory narrativ e. 3; X. introductory na rrative. 49; XI. in troduuory na rrativ e, 7; X III , int roductory na rrati ve. 1: X IV , introdu cto ry narrative. 6; a nd X IX, in troclu c1ory narrat ivc , 7. Linguist s agree tha t Gavlovi c wrote in Slova k , e.g. l.'..ubomfr 6urovic, "Slovak," The Slavic Lircrar_v Languages: Fonnacion and Dnwlopmenr. Alex a nder Sc hen ker and Edwa rd Stankiewicz , eds . ( New H aven: Yale Concilium o n Intern a ti onal and Arca Studies, 1980), p. 214. Of this la nguage in genera l, Eugen Paul inv wrote: 88 SLOVAKIA The Slova ki zing process went so far that by th e end of th e fir st half of the 18th ce ntury, we alread y have among Slovak Catholics a sufficiently firmly normali zed national written language whi ch on account of esse nti al deviation s from Czech ca nnot be called on ly Slovakized Czech. N or mu st it be disting uish ed from Czech only on th e lin guistic side. Import antly, that is, n ot even its users and writers con sidered it as Czech. Th ey considered it, h ere more, ch ere less explicic y, as ch e dom escic Slovak language. The term " J esuit Slovak " was at one time coined for this language. This d es ignation would perhaps m eta pho ri call y do just ice to th e fa ct that thi s language was used in Catholic writin g. H oweve r , it is necessa ry, of course, to reali ze th at thi s la nguage did no t origin a te in Slovak Catholic writing , but that Catholics took it over as esse ntiall y set, and that it was u sed as cultural W es t-Sl ovak eve n in oth er functions. Further one must reali ze that in Catholic writing, not onl y J esuits used this language, even if th ese la tt er were th e most act ive in the rc-Ca tholi cization of Slovaki a. (Dejin y spisovnej slovenciny, I [ 1966 ; rpt. Brati slava : Slove nske pedagogicke nakl ada tel'stvo, 1971], p. 78. Ita li cs a nd tra nsla ti on a re min e .) ' See Sabo, pp . 50-56 , for nati onalistic friction in gene ral, and pp. 58-62 for nati onalisti c fri ct io n in Franciscan founda ti ons. Also , Ysevlad J oze f Gajdos, 0 . F . M. , Franciskani v slovens½ej lit eracure (C levela nd : First Catholic Slova k Union, 1979), pp . 23-26. In this work, Gajdos also has a sho rt biograph y of Gavlovi c, a brief co mm ent a ry o n so m e of his writings, a li st of m ost of hi s works , and a sm all bibli ogra phy on G av lovic. Thi s book co nt a ins a wealth of m a terial on Francisca n trai nin g and activiti es in Slovak areas. 5 Both m a nu script s, actually a ut og raphs b y Gavlov ic him self, a re prese rved in th e Lite rarny archiv M a ti ce slovenskej (LAMS) in Martin unde r th e signa ture B89 for V alask a Skala and MJ3 3 1 for Skala Krest'a nska. V alask a S k ala ha had three editi o n s. In th e first editi o n do ne in two volum es in 1830-3 1, th e auto gra ph was d evasta tin gly altered allegedl y by Mi cha l R eset ka acco rdin g to th e lin gui st ic no rm s of Bernolak-S lova k , bern olaccin a . In th e seco nd edi ti o n of 197 1, Rudolf Kraj covic, th e ed itor , re prod uced the tex t in questionab le fo rm at a nd form , but most unfortunately deleted some forty-seven percent of th e aut ogra ph tex t. The third edition is a reprintin g o f th e Kraj cov ic second ed itio n , but now with som e fift y- li ve perce nt of th e autograph text deleted. Non e of the pictori al illu stra tion s of Valaska Skala was reprodu ced in a ny o f th e three ed iti ons. As rega rd s Skala Kresc'a nsk a, a few selections - some two perce nt of th e a ut ogra ph text - ca n be found in Gizela Slavkovska's edited workja miluji, nesmfm provfdaci ... : Ancol6gia zo slovenskej barokovej poezie (Bratislava: T a tra n , 1977) , pp . 275-30 1. 6 Th is is made clea r in Valaska Skala in th e dedication immed ia tely after th e titl epage a nd first illustra ti o n as we ll as in the int rodu cto ry part " D arowa ni Ku uiicku cwemu ," line 57; and in Skala Kresc'a n ska, o n th e titl e page a nd in th e introducto ry part " Darowani Trecimu R adu Seraflin skemu ," pages 13-1 6 of th e aut ogra ph (wi th titl e-page as page one). Fo r possible reasons for Gavlovic dedi ca tin g these two works to Tertiaries, see Sabo , pp . 66-7 1. ' For details on Gav lovic ' s kon cepc form, see, Sabo, pp . 86-94. A koncepc is also found SLOVAKIA ' 9 ' 0 " " 13 14 15 16 11 " 19 ' 0 89 in Gavlovi i''s "last will a nd testament, " and an inco mplete one (one sentence short) among fragm entary autograph s of Gavlovic. In my thesis , I discuss the a rtist of the illustrations for Valaska Skala on pages 79-82. Subsequ entl y, Slavkovska studied th e same m a tt er and published her co mments in " ' Tajomstva ' prveho vydania Valaskej Skoly ," Slovenska literatura , 25, No. 6 ( 1978) , 663-669 . John L. Lievsay , "Embl em ," Princeton Encyclopedia of Poet1y and Poetics, enlarged edition , Alex Preminger et al. ed. (Princeton: Princeton Uni ve rsity Press, 1974). Bes id es variou s pl aces in V alaska Skala , wh e re Gavlovic speaks of Valaska Skala in these terms, he co mpa res the two "school s" in Skala Krest'anska on page fourtee n with titl e-page as page one in " D aro wani Tretimu Radu S eraffinskemu ," lin es 45 -46. Valaska Skala, "Darowani Ku uiitku twemu ," line 44 ; Skala Krest'ansk a, " Darowani Tretimu Radu S eraffin sk emu ," lines 33-34. On the title-page of Valaska Skala , Gavlovic cited :Omne tulit pun ctum , qui miscuit utile dulci (H e ha s won eve ry vote who has bl end ed profit a nd pleas ure . .. ), verse 343, H. Ru shton Fairclough , trans., Horace: Satires, Epistles, and Ars Poetica (London and Cambridge, Mass. : William H eine m a n , Ltd. , 1970), pp. 478-479. For other pl aces wh ere G av lovic ex pressed th e se nse of this Horati a n ve rse, see Sabo , p. 68 , note 101. On the page immediat ely preceding th e titl e-page, it is cited in La tin a nd in a Slovak translation. In th e Vulgate ve rsion th a t I u sed , Alberto Colun ga a nd La urentio Turrado, ed ., 4th ed. , se ri es Bibliateca d e autores Christianos , Madrid , 1975, the last verse is forty , but in English ve rsions of this chapter, th e verse is thirt y-six. Karl Rahn e r , " Last Things , " Sa cram entum Mundi: An Encyclopedia of Th eology (New York: H e rd e r a nd H e rd er , 1969) , 274-2 76. Th ese da tes a re found on the d edi cation page of Valaska Skala right after th e titlepage a nd fir st illu stration , and for Skala Krest'a nska on th e prese nt titl e- page. Thi s letter is found at th e ve ry beginning of the bound autograph of Skala Krest'anska. Fo r a de tai led stud y ofGavlovic's a uthorship of th ese writings, see Sabo, pp. 11-15. From my st ud y of the sy mm etri cal structure of Skala Krest'anska , it is evident that th e re were probab ly at least nin e illustration s, four of which are mi ssing, and th a t some of the text which introduces th e k on cept y on d ea th and those on judgment is also mi ss in g. Bes id es th e numerical sy mboli sm ex pl a in ed in the subsequent text of m y article , furth e r num eri cal sy mboli sm in V a/ask a Skala is discussed in Sabo, pp. 124-28. The Gospel a nd th e Bibli cal book Apocalypse a ttribut ed to St. John th e Eva n geli st had a signifi can t influ e nce on th e format a nd mat e rial co nt ent of V a/aska Skala as we ll as on those of ot he r writings by Ga vlo vic: Sabo , pp. 114- 2 1. In " D arowan i Ku uzi tku twemu, " lin es 37-38 , Gavlovii' spec ifi ed twe nt y- one noty, ye t he added a twenty-second which he called " Pridawek or Additi on. " It is m y strong belief that Gavlov ic's spec ifi c in sistence o n twe nt y-o ne noty and hi s present at ion of th e m with Biblical shepherds introdu cin g eac h infl uenced J a n Holl y's stru cturin g of hi s Selanky or Pasto rals where th ere a re twent y-o ne pastoral so ng subdivi sion s; lik e Gav lov ic, Holl y begins hi s twe nt y-first (a nd las t) pastoral with referen ce to th e 90 " " " " " ' 0 " " SLOVAKIA Bet hl ehem shepherds . In a let ter of May 6, 183 1, Holly spoke of Gavlovic and his Valaska Skala: " Lette r #32 to M a rtin Hamuljak ," Jozef Ambrus , ed ., Korespondencia jan Holleho (M a rtin : M a tica slovenska , 1967), p . 74. The Selanky began to be published in 1835 some four years after the publicati on of R ese tka's ed ition of Valaska Skala: Encyklopedia Slovenska, II (1978) , sub verbo " Holl y, Jan. " An ed ition of the Selanky with a modern verse rendition was published by Tatran in J 970 as volume 22 of its se ri es Citanie studuju cej mladeze . Sabo , p . 125, note 13 1, a nd p . 126. Also, J ean-Loui s D ' Aragon, S.J ., " The Apocalypse ,'' The J erome Biblical Com m entary (Englewood Cliffs, N .J .: PrenticeH all , In c., 1968), p. 480. Sabo, p. 126 , not e 133: " In each n ota , the introducto ry section a nd first kon cept ac tu ally cover th ese three autograph pages, yet Gavlovic pagin ated th em on the third page as a sin gle Arabic-numbered page . Thus, acco rdin g to thi s peculi a r pagination , each nota has thirty pages. And this m eans th at the twenty-on e noty spec ifi ed by Gavlovic have six hundred and thirty pages or half of the 1260 , the number of textu al units that a ppear o n th ese 630 pages." As regards th e co ncept o f the " last times ," see Karl Lowith , " The Biblical View of Hi sto~y, " Meaning in History (C hi cago and London : Un iversity of Ch icago Press, 1949 , Phoenix paperback, 1957), p . 188 . As rega rds ,,alasi, for an English ource see Sa b o, pp . 37-38; and for Slovak sources see J a n Podolak, " The P asto ral Cu ltu re of th e Ca rpathian as a Subject of an Ethnological Study," Ethnologica slavica , 1 ( 1969), especial ly 70-77, a nd Encyklopedia Sloven ska , V I ( 1982), sub vcrbo " Valasi," " Valasska l'udova piesen," and '' Valasske pravo." Old so urces a bout valasi , their culture, a nd their wa y of li vin g a re: And rej K i!v ulj ak , " Val as i na Slove n sku: Ora vs ky pod za mok ," Sbornik n a pocest' jozefa Skulte1yh o (Turciansky Svii ty M a rtin : M at ica slovenska , 1933), pp . 336 -374; Karel K ad lec, Valasi a valassk e pravo v zem ich slovansk ych a uh erskych (Pra ha: Ces ka akadcmia cisare Frantiska J osefa, 19 16) ; V aclav C halo upec ky, Valasi na S lovensku (Praha: Slovansky u stav , 1947); a ndjosef Macurek, Valasi v za padnfch K a1pa1ech v 15. - 18 scole1f (Ost rava: K rajske naklad a telstvf, 1959). Th e ca pital R oman numera l is th e no/a number; th e sm a ll Roman num eral is th e k on cep1 numb er in thar 1101 a. Beca use of space limit ;itions , th e side- m otto here has bee n placed a bove the k oncep1. In th e text of Valask a Skala . Gav lov ic also in corporated fo lk ex press ions such as prove rbs and sayings that ca n be fo un d in ex tant compil a ti ons o f suc h ex pre. siuns as we ll ·as ones or his own ('rca ti u n ; sec Sa bo , pp . 168- 171, and Vojtcch Sarluska, " Piit's to prfslovf, " Li1er,im ya rchf, - 1975 . 12 (Mart in: M a ti ca sloven ska, 1976), 135- 167. Webs 1er·.- New C ollcgiait· Diction ary , 1961, su/.J v(·rbo ' ·Sri gma. " Sabo, p. 127, note 134; J ea n-Loui s D ' Aragon , " Th e Apondy p;e," p. 47 8 . In Skala K res1'anska , a couplet-m o tto or vary in g leng rh rs found aboH: a koncepl with o ne a nd nea rl y a lwa ys two re lated mot toes on the side . Beca use o f spate limitation s, I hav e placed in o rd er th e first a nd sclond side- m ottoe for th e koncep1 above the couplet-mono found at th e head of the koncepl . SLOVAKIA 91 ,. Th e New Ca th olic Encyclopedia ( l 967), sub verbo " Lawrence Justini an , St ." My study of Gavlovic was greatl y facilitied b y Docent J ozef Minarik of th e Filozofi cka faku lta Univerzity Kom enskeho a nd Gi zela Slavkovska of the Litera rn ovedny Ustav Slove nskej Akadem ie Vied , both of Bra tisla va, while I was on th e exchange program of th e Intern ati onal R esea rch and Exchanges Board and on a Fulbright-H ays grant in 1975 -76. This pape r is based on a docto ral disse rt ation, " Slovak Didact ic Poetry: G avlovic's Va/aska S kala " at Ya le Univers ity, 1978. Prese nted in Pa nel 128 , "Slovak Litera ture as a Mirror of the Na tional Awakenin g," a t th e AAASS convention in Philadelphi a on 8 November 1980.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Hugolín Gavlovič's Valaská Škola and Škola Kresťanská Description An account of the resource Gerald J. Sabo Slovakia, Vol. 30 (No. 55-56), 1982-83 pp. 80-91 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sabo, Gerald J., 1945–2020 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982-83 LCNAF+dates https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/ac676f26d9bccebffe071ba5dbbb8c3e.pdf 6ed8b369e24e99e25b74347fae78df41 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 61 Daniel Sinapius-Horcicka's Hortulus Animae Piae G erald J . Sabo In Slovak areas during the seventeenth ce ntury , n ation ali st ic turmoil and religious strife were prominent features of life a nd society. Ethnic consciousness and religious commitment so pe rvaded political r elations that they pitted Hungarian s, Germans, and Slovaks against o ne another in shifting alliances. R eli gion, though, remain ed the " leadin g force" for virtually the entire ce ntury. 1 Indeed , the writings of thi s period Slovak and L a tin - clearly bear this out. 2 Hymnals, hom il etic writing, religious disputa tion s, doctrinal a nd d evo tion al lite ra ture, school plays related to religious formation, as well as accounts of imprisonment and/or ex ile for religious r eason s occupy a promin ent place among the Slovak/Latin writin gs of this e ra. Among the distinctive cultural figures of thi s century is the Lutheran family of Sinapius-Horcicka. 3 The father Mi chal a nd two of his sons , Jan a nd D ani el, stand out n ot only for their religiou s zeal but esp ec ially for their eruditio n and writin gs. 4 Indeed , a numbe r of these writings have earned them a significant place in Slovak cultural history. The father Michal (d. 1653) was a pastor in Hricov and Sucany a nd a prominent church elder in the Tre ncfn ecclesiastical (Lutheran) district. During his studies at Wittenberg as a young man , he presented two public Latin di sputatio n s: one on the definition and divisio n of m etaphysics and another on the intell ect a nd w ill of intelli ge nt be in gs. 5 Mi ch al's commi tmen t to eruditio n must ce r tainly have influ en c~d his so n s J a n a nd D aniel as evidenced by th e latter's activities and writin gs. Like their fath er , th e sons devoted the ir scholarl y training to serv in g their fellow Lutheran s as p astors a nd sc hool offi cials, in exile as well as in Slovak areas. It is their wr itin gs, however, th at have establi shed th e ir places in Slovak cultu ral history. Virtually all of J an 's extan t writings are written in Latin o r German. 6 Among them are: 1. a Latin d evo tional work for stu dents, H orologium sacrum (Sacred H o urs or C lock),7 where eve ry hour of the day is directed to religious form ation ; 2. a L a tin play 8 H enoch (E noch) ; an d Ornithica sacra (Sacred Ornithology) written in German �62 SLOVAKIA about birds with religious significance. 9 The writings of D aniel are composed in Latin or a vernacular Slovak 10 that shows the influence of and commitment to Kralice-Biblical-Czech in his reli giou s training and liturgical practice. Daniel Sinapius-Horcicka was born around 1640 in Sucany. 11 H e was rector of the Lutheran school in J elsava from 1663-65, 12 a pastor in K am enan/ 3 from 1665-67, 14 and from 1667-70 in Liptovska Tepla, and finally from 1670 in R advan. In September, 1673 , Daniel was among thirty-two Lutheran pastors summoned to trial befo re the Catholic Archbishop of E sztergom . 1~ After the trial , he went into exile first to Brieg (today Brzeg) and then in the winter of 16 74 to Breslau (Wroclaw) , and finally in November, 1677 16 to a certain Bojanowo in P oland , 17 where he was rector of a school. 18 H orcicka returned from exi le some time in 1683, fir st to his former pastorate in R ad van, then in 1684 to a pastorate and position of school official in L evoca. H e remained in Levoca un ti! his death in 1688. Some eighteen works 19 are attributed to D aniel Sinapius-Horcicka. Am ong the writings prominent in Slovak cultural history are : 1. H orcicka' s 1684 enlarged edition of the Lutheran hymnal Cithara sanctorum (Zither of the Saints), also known as Tran osciu s after its compiler Ju raj Tranovsky;2° 2. the 1682 wedding verse-composition in Latin, Coelum Bojan ovien se (Bojanowo H eaven);2 1 3. Neoforum latino-slavonicum (New L atin-Slavonic Forum) , a 1678 coll ection of popular/folk sayings in L atin and Slovak;2 2 4. Perlicka ditek Bozich (The Little Pearl of God's Children), a 1685 devotional work segm ented on the basis of the fi ve divisions in Luther's catechi sm; 23 and 5. H ortulu s animae piae (The Little Garden of the Piou s Soul), a 1676 devotional work and the subject of this article. 24 The L atin title of H orc icka 's 1676 work - H ortulu s animae piae is intri guing. H ortulu s (Hortus) animae is the title for a type of[Latin and/or German] devotional book of praye rs intended for the [Catholic] laity , that was widespread in Germany in the early sixteenth century .... The H ortuli .. . were similar in general content and arrangement to many of the L atin H orae or book of hours, or to the English primers , from which they developed; howeve r , they were more popular in character. The H ortuli contain ed the Little Office of Our L ad y, extracts from the Gospel accounts of the passion, the �SLOVAKIA 63 Penitential Psalms, and the Litany of the Saints , with a large selection of supplementary d evotional matter. This material of private prayer had the tendency to increase size and in extravagan ce. For example, promises of spurious indulgences and complete forgiveness of sins became attached to man y prayers . . . The Council of Trent legislated against the accretions , the false promises of indulgences, and the incorrect versions of the Little Office of Our Lady. A bull of Pius V (March 11, 1571) demanded rigorous censorship of all editions. 25 The article on " Hortus/ Hortulus " in Dictionnaire de Spiritualite traces the extensive number of devotional works associated with this title and type of writing. 26 The phrase " Hortulus animae" is derived not from the aesthetic but from the utilitarian aspects of a garden as is evident from three Latin distichs that usually prefixed many such writings. The first two lines are as follows: Ortulus exiguus varias ut saepe salubres Herbas producit, quas medicina probat. (A small garden often produces a variety of salutary herbs of which medicine knows the value.) 21 In his articles on the Hortulus animae , Herbert Thurston notes that in 1569, a certain Lu the ran adaptation was published and called Der Lustgarten der Seelen (The Pleasure Garden of the Soul). 28 F. Wulf, though , notes that a Georg Rhaw (Rhau) produced a Lutheran version in 154 7, in Wittenberg; it was published in 1559 and was composed on the basis of printed Hortuli forbidden by the Spanish lnquisition . 29 Among the d evotional literature written by Slovak Lutherans , the title for Horcicka 's composition - Hortulus animae piae - is unique. Nor is the title Der Lustgarten der Seelen or some Slovak rendition to be found among Slovak Lutheran writings_ Jo Thus , it remains an open question why Horcicka cho se a title more closely associated with Catholic devotional writing rather than one from his own Lutheran tradition. JI The introdu ctory portion of Horcicka ' s HortulusJ 2 has several divisions. On the title page, the full title reads: Hortulu s Animae Piae, Zahradka Dussicky pobozne, Wkterez se clowek Krestiansky Suzitkem prochazeti muze (The Little Garden of the Pi ou s Soul in Which a Christian Person Can Walk w ith Usefulness/ Profit). After the title page com es that with Horcicka 's dedication of the book to "P . Markowy Hor vv (w) ath-Stansith of Gradetz/Hradec? in the Stolica (Cou nty) of Spis and �64 SLOVAKIA to hi s w ife Zoffy, n ee M a riasse/M a ri asove? from Markussowic/Markusovce,'' whom H o rcicka calls Km otrum (God pare nt s) a nd Dobrodin cu m (Be n efactors) . 33 In the fourt ee n pages that follow, H orcicka es ta blishes in Slovak th e basis or rationale for writing his Hortulus. H e d raws on Scriptu re as well as classical literature for refe ren ce material. Two further p ages ( 15 and 16 in sequ e nce as these p ages a re unnumbered) are devoted to the " Laskawemu Ctenari (Dear R eader). " After these sixteen pages of basically Slovak prose, in the version studied by m e there foll ow twelve pages in L a tin with dist inct parts. On p age seventeen (in sequ en ce), H orcicka's brothe r J a n comm ents on the Hortulu s. Then, a close friend , P etr Sext ius, 34 addresses Daniel himself as the form e r speaks on the H ortulus (pages 17-20). J a n Milochovinsky, 35 elder in the Zilina ecclesiastical district , h as a on e- page, addressed comm ent for D a ni el (page 21 ) . In the course of his comme n ts on the H ortulus, J a n Sextius, 36 called an "amico pectore ( close fri end)" by D a niel , addresses the '' P a nn onian offspring' ' and en courages them to show gratitude to God an d the author of the Hortulu s (pages 22-23). In hi s nearly three- page co mmentary , Jan Buriu s 37 draws on a number of sources, theological a nd classical litera ry (pages 23-25). On pages 26 and 2 7 of this introdu ctory portion, Horcicka addresses a certain M a tthias Albrecht whom he d esignates as ''Pas. in Elect. Dresda ... Vallens Hung. " 38 Fin all y, o n the final page of the int roducto ry portion (28), the author of the H ortulu s addresses the b ook itself: 39 "A uthor ad Libellum (Author to th e Little Book .)" At the bottom of this page, a plaited wreath illu stration encompasses the following: '' D omini Sum us, Dum Spiro Spero, D ominus Providebit (W e Are the Lord's, While I Breathe, I Hope, The Lord Will Provide .)" With this succinct statem ent of purpose a nd ou tl ook , Horcicka concludes the in trod u ctory portion of his H ortulu s . The m ain portion of the H ortulus consists of four hundred and eight numbered pages virtually all in Slovak with some L atin wri ting and even a few Greek words . (The Lat in and Greek are also transla ted into H orcicka 's vernacul ar Slovak.) H orcicka divid es the paginated portion into twelve uneven sections. The division into twelve may have symbolic value - twelve apostl es/twelve tri bes of Israel. 40 Each of these twelve sect ions is called a " Prochadzka (Walk )." Each ''Proch adzka '' begins in the same way . After the Roman num eral indi cati ng the proper " Walk " are found the words: "wniZ �SLOVAKIA 65 premyssluge pobozna dusse (in which the pious soul reflects)." In each of the twelve ''walks ,'' the pious soul reflects on a different object: 1. the garden in general; 2. the tree of this garden; 3. the well of this garden ; 4 . the dove in this garden; 5. the mirror hangin g in this garden; 6. the winds that blow through this garden; 7. the palm (tree); 8. the vine stock/ root; 9 . the fig (tree); 10. myrrh; 11. the rose; and 12 . the lily. In his comments on these twelve objects for reflection, Horcicka engages the senses of the reader. 41 Words that help conjure up "sense pictures" of the objects for reflection enable the reader the better to assimilate the theological truth presented in association with the objects . Indeed, in the presentation order of his objects , H orcicka gradually refines the focus of his reader from a garden in general to a small object like a flower. After the object for a specific "walk " is named , Horcicka cites a relevant passage from the Biblical book Song of Songs (also known as th e Canticle of Canticles or Song of Solomon). In a comparison of H orcicka ' s citat ions from the Song of Songs with two editions of the Kralice Bible (1579-93 and 161 3), 41 it is clear that Horcicka adapts the verses somewhat, probably for the sake of better creating his verbal sense-picture of the object for reflection. 4 3 For "Walk X ," Horcicka' s verse quotation from the Song of So ngs is virtually an exact quotation of this verse according to the 161 3 edition of the Kralice Bible. For " Walk II ," however, Horcicka' s citation see ms to be drawn from the 1579-93 editio n of the Kralice Bible . At present, though, there is no way of de termining whe ther Horci cka u sed these versions of the Bible, a nd , if so , which of th e two , or som e othe r version. Horcicka ' s choi ce of th e Song of Songs as the Biblical basis for the Hortulus seems natural , perhaps even predictabl e from the tradi tion of C hristian writings about thi s Biblical book. F rom a s earl y as 200 AD , Christia n writers have commented on a nd inte rpreted the Song of Songs, usually allegorically , even eroti cally. 44 Horcicka probably wa nted a Biblical work that is co n cern ed not only wi th a garden , but contain s the various objects for refl ection tha t he cites. Onl y th e Son g of Son gs co uld give him such varie ty . In the co mm e nta ry th a t foll ows the verse(s) from the Son g of So ngs in each " walk ," H o rcicka dra ws on a va ri ety of so urces fo r m a te rial s to suppo rt hi s co mm ent s. As is to be ex pec ted , Script u re is a n a bundant so urce of ma teri al. R efe rence to ve rses from books of the O ld a nd New T es ta m e nt can be fo und in eve ry " walk " in la r ge num be rs. 4 5 I ndeed , in " W alk V ," H orcicka gives som e two hun d red and twenty-six �66 SLOVAKIA distinct references from the Bible as authoritative corroboration for whatever interpretation and religious/moral instruction he has written. Curiously, he cites verses from Sirach (some fifteen instances), from Wisdom (some four instances) , and once each from the first and second Book of Maccabees . None of these Old Testament books were considered canonical enough for inclusion in any edition of the Kralice Bible or probably any non-Catholic version through Horcicka's time. They are found in Catholic versions of the Bible since well before Horcicka's time. 46 Horcicka refers to prominent Christian writers from early Christian times into his own era. References to various works by Augustine , to the writings of Luther, Gregory Nazianzus, Chrysostom, Tertullian , Origen, Ambrose, and to the history of Eusebius of Caesarea are noted and footnoted, at times with even the folio/page numbers. References to the writings of Bernard of Clairvaux, especially with regard to the Song of Songs, are probably no surprise; Bernard wrote eighty-six sermons on the Song of Songs alone. Indeed, Horci cka notes sermon 61 where Bernard says that the Song's love pair are the Word of God and a Soul. 47 Curiously, Horcicka notes two references from Cornelius a Lapide, a Jesuit (d . 1637), a prolific Biblical exegete and interpreter. Interestingly, Horcicka also has a single reference to a 1622 Czech translation of the Bible and to a Prague printing of Th e Imitation of Christ by Thomas a Kempis (p. 171 ) . 48 In the Hortulus, there are a number of works noted and footnoted that were probably well-known in Horcicka's time. (At the present time, copies of some of these books are con sidered rare in many US libraries.) Among these writings are: 1. Schola pietatis by Johann G erhard (1582-1637), a Lutheran theologian; 49 2. Analecta sacra by J ohann Heinrich Ursin (1608-67); 3. Arboretum biblicum, also by Ursin; and 4. "Hortus aromaticus," which is part 3 of U rsin 's Continuatio historiae plantarum biblicae. I have found references for two authors whose names resemble those footnoted by Horcicka but nothing about the works cited as theirs. According to Horcicka, a certain Johann Michal Dilherr (a poet and Lutheran theologian, 1604-69) wrote Welt, Feld, and Gartenbetrachtung, 50 and a certain Johann Hu elsemann (Lutheran theologian, 1602-61) is believed to have written Pentagonium christian um. 51 With other books noted and footnoted by Horcicka , I have been unable to find any reference for them or their authors. Among these are: 1. Nicol(s) Roper's Helleuchtend Spiegel der Liebe ; 2. Mich(al) �SLOVAKIA 67 Ba um a nn 's L exicon Allegorico Evangelicum; 3. Laur( entius) Halvard(i/ us) ' s Speculum amoris; and 4 . Hist(oria) Boh(emica) by a certain Dubrav( ius) . 51 In the Hortulus, there is also a good number of books footnot ed only a few times or less . The classical authors cited b y Horcicka are well-known figures from Greek a nd Latin literature. From the Greeks, Herodotus, Homer, X enophon , a nd Strabo, eve n Ari stotle provide supportive material for Horcicka. Of the Latin writers , there are Cicero, Horace, Pliny, Plutarch, Tacitus, Suetonius, and even the outstanding classical specialist, the Dutchman Joest Qustus) Lipsius (1547-1606) . Horcicka's use of these authors in a d evotional wo rk is not unusual for his time; classical literature continued to provide exempla tive material for writers in Slovak areas through the eighteenth century . At the conclusion of each ''walk ,'' Horcicka places Slovak ' ' Modlitby (Prayers)." U sually there are three distinct prayers, except for " Walks VII a nd XII ," with only two . These prayers are mostly in prose, though some are in verse, i.e . distichs combined in paired or enclosing rhymes. 53 The various verse compositions in the Hortulus range from six to seventysix verses . Three of the shortest follow , with a literal tra nslation . To my knowledge they h ave not elsewhere b een reprinted . 54 Ach prigd Pane gezissi prigd zen ichu neykrazssi Nawsstew wernu iwu du ssi at ljby twug hlas slissi A wmile Zahradce swe Bud' odpocinuti twe (p. 14) Com e oh Lord J esus come most handsome bridegroom Visit the tru e i va of the soul May it hear your kind voice And in your dear Garden Be your rest 2 KR ys te deg nam wwjre stalost odegmi ss kodn u wrtkawost Bychom cyle wi ry dossli Zsmni casne do Nebe ssli Na to rjka m Amen/ Amen/ Spas nas Gezu Kryste Amen. (p. 245) C hri st give us steadfastness in fa ith take away harmful fickleness That the goals of faith be attained Went in time from death to H eaven To this I say Amen/ Amen/ Save us J esus C hrist Am en . 3 Pos pess o ma dusse ho/sweho Kwytanj ze nicha ct neho Kteryz na dum tweho srdce Ruku mi los ti swe tlu ce Otewri swe brany gemu Pekne promluw/ a rcy kn emu Prigd mi ly mug/ fada m tebe Nechcy ziti gs uc bez tebe. (p. 337) H as ten o my sou l him/ of your Flowerin g the honorable bridegroom Who upon the house of your heart With th e hand of his love knocks Open your gates to him Nicely speak/ a nd say to hi m : Come my dear/ I beg you I do not wish to live being without you . �68 SLOVAKIA Whil e the literary value of the verse compositi ons in the H ortulus is limited , in the narrow sense, they can be considered examples of early Slovak ve rse writing . Each of the prayers at the end of the "walks" - verse or prose - is designated for som e definite purpose ; for instan ce: " For the dear presence of God; " "For the proper purity of heart , for sincerity, and piety;" "For the recognition of people's woes and God ' s good acts;" " For patience in crises and firmn ess in faith ;" and "For the good realization of a life short and woeful ," the last praye r and part of the Hortulus . According to Hurban, the H ortulu s had appended to it " M ensje jeho basne (his/ Horcicka's/sm aller verses). " 55 Whether Hurban might be referring to some of the verse compositions in the H ortulus or to some other ve rses not part of the H ortulus in itself is not clear . In the version of the Hortulus studied b y m e, the last two prayers (pages 404-408) are '' For the forgiveness of forgetfulness which we allow while receiving God 's gifts, " and "For the good realization of a life short and woeful. " For H orcicka, these subjects may have seem ed an apt conclusion fo r his devotion al work . There is no reason to suspect that there was more writing related to the Hortulu s which for some reason is not in the bound copy in the Lycealna knizni ca. Indeed , Rizn er notes that the H ortulu s has four hundred and eight numbered pages, as does Tablic - the number found in the Lycealna copy of the H ortulus. As a fi gure in Slovak cultural hi story, D ani el Sinapius-Horcicka occupies a definite place. In his H ortulus animae piae, as in other writings , he manifests a Slovak ethnic consciousness that stands out in the seve nteenth ce ntury. 56 Through hi s religious zeal, erudition , and talent , he also provides hi s fellow Lutherans wi th devo tion al writin g to co nsole them in their time of exile and trials . In effect, he has composed a notewo rthy example of early Slovak writing. Through not strictly literary, the Slovak prose a nd verse of H orcicka's Hortulus m erit far more attention and study th an they have rece ived - practicall y speaking, virtu ally none. It is hoped that thi s study is but the bare beginnin g of research on the H ortulu s and its author, Daniel Sinapiu s-Horcicka . NOTES ' J a n Du rov ic, Evanjelick a liceracura d o colerancie (Turcia nsky Sviity M a nin : M a ti ca slove nska, 1940), p . 5 1. ' This is shown by a peru sal of th e following : J a n Durovic, Evangelicka liceracura a nd �SLOVAKIA ' ' ' 6 1 ' ' ' 0 69 also his Prehl'ad literarnych dejin slovenskych eva njelikov (Liptovsky Svaty Mikulas: Tra noscius, 1948); " Barak ," D ejin y starsej slovenskej /iteratury (Bratislava: V ydava tel'stvo Slovensk ej akademie vied , 1958), pp . 155 -298; Literarna rukovat', 2nd ed. (Bra tisl ava: Slove nske pedagogicke nak ladatel's tvo , 1981 ) pp. 72-97. M an y Lutheran famili es adop ted Latin renditions of the family na mes as new surnames. This hyphena ted name is used for Horcicka family members in Slovak litera ry hi stories and criti cism as well as in th e a rticl es on them in Encyklopedia Slovenska , V ( 198 1). J an the younger , son of J a n th e elder - Daniel's brother - also wrote a number of works: l'.udovft Rizner, Bibliogra fia pisomnictva slovenskeho , V (Turciansky Svaty Martin: M a ri ca slova neka, 1933), 80-81. ( H ereafter , Rizn er , volume in Rom a n numeral , page(s) in Arabic num eral(s) .) Also , J an Misianik, Doplnky k Rizn erovej bib/iogra fii , 1946 , 2nd revised and enlarged edition (Martin : Matica slovenska, 1971), pp. 252 -253 . Jan and Dani el' s sister Elena married into prominent Luthera n families such as La ni a nd Lad ive r - Jan Slavik, D ejin y zvolenskeho evanjelickeh o a. v. bra1s1va a senioratu (Banska Sti avn ica: NakJad vdovy a syna AugustaJoergesa, 1921 ), p . 344. Rizn er, V , 8 1; Durovic, Evanjelicka lit eratura, p. 62 , incompl ete Latin titles. Rizn er , V , 79-80 ; Durovic, Evanje/ick a Iiteratura , pp. 142-43 , 348; Alexander Lomba rdini, "J a n Sina pi us (H orcicka), #38, " "Slovensky Plutarch ," Slovensk e pohl'ady, 7, No. 4 ( 1887), 82-83; Misia nik , D oplnky , P . 252. Durovic , Evanje/icka literatura, p. 69 Durovic, Prehl'ad , p . 40 , a nd Evanjelicka literatura , pp . 9 1-92 has " play, " but Erce (pseudonym of Celes tin R advany i) , Slovenska krv (Bratislava : Vydavatel'stvo lexikalneho di ela " Slovenska krv, " 1942), p. 160 calls it a " praye r book for intellect uals." J an di ed in ex ile in H alle on August 4, 1682: Rizn er , V , 79 ; Bohuslav Tablic, Pameti cesk o-slovenskych basnifuv an eb versovcuv , origin all y published in 1800' s, Bi og raphi ca-Pra mene, zv. 1 (M a rtin : M a rica slovenska , 1972) , p . LXV (65) , and in Pam ati cesko-slovenskych basnikov alebo versovcov, Rudo Brtai\, tr. (Bratislava : T at ran , 1974), p. 57; and En cyklopedia Sloven ska, V (1981) , sub verbo " SinapiusH orcicka, J a n , st. " The ve rn acula r Slovak used by Daniel is called " Slovakized Czech " by Jozef Minarik in Li1erarna rukova t', p. 72 , in both editions. Discussion a bout this la ngu age a nd its prope r desc ripti ve na me co ntinu es. Fo r instance , l',ubomfr Durovic writes that " throu gh th e increased use of Czech with local Slovak features in th e administration of W es t Slova k town s (Bratislava , Trnava, Trencfn , Zilina , etc .), a kind of regional administra tive koin e spo nt a neously developed in th e sixtee nth and seve ntee nth centuri es .. called ' cultural Wes tern Slova k' (kulturna zapadoslovencina)," in "Slovak," �70 SLOVAKIA The Slavic Literary Languages: Formation and Development , Alexande r Schenker a nd Edward Stankiewicz, eds. (New H ave n : Yale Concilium on International and Area Studies, 1980), p . 2 12. Durovic' s a nalysis shows features of this koine th at a re fou nd in H orcicka's H ortulu s , though how co nsisten tl y a nd exte nsively this is so is a m a tt er fo r further study by histo ri cal lin gu ists. Durovic continu es: Another language integrati on a rea in the seventeenth ce ntury was Central Slovakia [the area of H orcicka's pastoral act ivity), where the Central Slovak dialects became a basis for a new regional koine. The use of this "cultural Central Slovak " is a ttested in city administrat ion , pri vate correspondence, occasional poetry, and in some religious, non-liturgical fun ctions. This koine was in m an y respec ts ve ry similar to the spoken literary Slovak of today. (p. 2 12) " ,i " " " The related but distinctive process of Slovak ethni c consciousness fo r the period 1620- 1750 must also have been play ing a role in the process of lin guistic development and systematization . After extensive documentary resea rch and study , Josef M acu rek co nte nds that it was during thi s peri od that "the political and geographical border , M oravian-Sl ovak .. . , becam e an ethn ographic boundary ," in " Ceske ze me a Slovensko ( 1620-1750),'' Spisy university j. E . Purkyne v Brne: Filosoficka fakult a, 147 ( 1969), pp . 78-79 ; see also pp. 69-75 with related footnotes and appended documents on pp . 83-3 I 3. On the basis of his study, M acurek shows that in this border area , the co nsciousness of Slovaks and M oravians (Czechs) as di stin ct ethnic groups was es peciall y developed , Thus, H orcicka says he is writing in "slowenskem gazyku " (Cf note 56 below). For more on this point see also my article on Hu golfn G avlovic in this issue of Slovakia , note 3. 1 have used the foll owing for the biogra ph y of Daniel Sina piu s- H orcicka: Bohu slav Tablic, Pameti/ Pam aci , pp . LXI-LXXI (6 1-71)/55-62; Durovic, Evanjelicka lit eratura, pp. 120-121, note 75 ; Lombard ini , " Daniel Sinapius ( H o rci cka ), #37 ," in " Slovensky Plutarch ," Slovenske pohl'ady , 7, No . 4 (1887), 80-82 ; Erce, p . 160 ; J ozef Minarik , D ejin y starsej slovensk ej literatury, pp. 266-70 ; J ozef Hurba n , "Slovensko a jeho zivot litera rni ," Slovenskje pohladi na vedi, umenja a literaturu, Djel I , Svazok 2 ( 1847), rpt. (Bratislava : Slovenske vydavatel'stvo krasnej literatury , 1957), 6-9 (ori ginal pagination); En cyklop edia Slovenska, V ( 198 1), sub verbo "Sinapius- H orcicka, D aniel"; and Misian ik , Doplnky , pp . 25 1-252. The date of H o rcicka 's birth is given by Durovic as circa 1630 and th at of his death as 1706 b y Durovic, Erce, and Lomba rdini , an d yet Minarik and En cyklopedia Slovenska give l 640 a nd 1688 respec tively. I have accepted th e latter as evidence of more rece nt scholarship on Sinapius-Horcicka . These d ates a re in En cyklopedia Slovenska ( 198 1), sub verbo "Sin apius-Horcicka, D a ni el. '' Lomba rdini names K ameiian y by its Hun garia n appe llat ion (cf. Vlastivedny slovnik obci na Sloven sku ( 19 77) , sub verbo " K ameiiany. " ) Dates for years in K ameiiany and Liptovska T epla in Encyklopedia S/ovenska ( 198 1), sub verbo "Sinapiu s- H o rcicka, Da niel"; T ablic, Pam eti/ Pam aci , P. LXII (62)/55. Slav ik , Dejiny, p. 85 notes 33 pastors , but Jan Kvacala, D ejiny reformacie na Sloven - �SLOVAKIA " 17 " 19 '° " " " " " 16 " 71 sku (Liptovsky Sviity Mikulas : Tranoscius , 1935), p . 235 writes 32 Lutheran pastors and 1 Reformed pastor. Tablic, Pameti/Pamiiti, P. LXII (62)/55. Those authors who have written about Horcicka give variation s on the name of this Polish town. Tablic (Pameti, PP. LXII-LXIII) has Bojanow(o) , Erce, Bojanov(o) near Lesno/ Leszno , and Tablic (Pama.ti , pp . 55-56), Nov(y/e) Bojanow(-/o), and Encyklopedia Slo venska, Nov(y/e) Boja nov (-/o) . On pp . 266-67, Minarik speaks of a Nov(y/e) Bojanow(o) nea r Lesno/ Leszno . From my own resea rch, I have decided on presentday Bojanowo , southeast of Leszno. The Slownik nazv geograficznych po/ski zachodnej i polnocnej, Stanislaw Rospond, ed . (Warszawa and Wroclaw : Polskie towarzystwo geografi czne, 195 1), p . 17 sub verbo " Bojanow" desc ribes a village near R aciborz. H oweve r , two further reference works make me choose Boj anowo near Leszno . They are: Slownik geograficzny kr6lestwa polskiego , Filip Sulimi ersky and Wl adyslaw Walewsky, ed . (Warszawa: Druk " Wieku ," 1880), pp. 292-294 , sub verbo " Bojanowo" ; and Wielka encyklopedia powszechna (1963), sub verbo " Bojanowo." These two works mention that in this town's hi story there was/is a significa nt evangeli cal/protestant background and that here th ere was a protestant gymna zwm . Hurba n , p . 6 (original pagination of article); Lomba rdini , p . 80 ; T ablic, Pameti/ Pamiiti , p. LXII (62)/55 ; Minarik, p . 266: Encyklopedia Slovenska, sub verbo " Sinap ius-H orcicka , Daniel. " Rudo Brtan in " Daniel Sinapius , '' Slovensky literarny album (Bratislava: Obzor, 1968) , p . 44 notes that Sinapius-Horcicka stayed on th e estate of th e Lords Leszczynski ( 1677-83) as rector of th e Latin school in ov(y/e) Bojanow(-/o). Rizn er , V, 77-79 , li sts twelve : Lombardini li sts fourt een ; Misianik , Doplnky , pp . 25 1-5 2 , add s six more; Misia ni k has two works listed by Lombardini but not by Rizn er. They all sha re eleve n in common. For so me co mm enta r y, see: Durovic, Evanjelick a lit eratura , pp. 143-45. For so me co mm enta ry, see: Durovic , Evanjelicka literatura, p. 91. Hurban , pp . 6-9 (o ri gin al pagina tion of article); Minarik , pp. 267-69; a nd Literarna ruk ovl', pp . 90-92. Fo r so me co mm enta ry, see: Durovic, Evanjelick a literatura , pp . 12 1-22 . T he works th at I have listed in numbers 2 , 3, 5, probably l , a nd perh aps 4 we re published a nd/or co mposed durin g Horcicka's period of exi le. Th e New Ca th olic En cyclopedia ( 1967), sub verbo '' H ortulu s animae.'' Diciionnaire de Spiriru alite ( l 969), sub verbo " Hortus , Hortu lus/J a rdin spiritu el," especiall y columns 777 -783. (In column 779, it is noted that th e J esuit Peter Cani siu s publi shed in 1563 in Dillin ge n H orru/us animae. Der See/en C arten .) Herbert Thursto n , " The Print ing Press in th e Service of th e C hurch : I , The Original Garden of th e Soul, " Am erica n Ecclesias rical R eview, 26 (Februa ry, 1902), 170 , no tes it was prin ted in 1569 in N urembe rg a nd a co py is at th e Bodl eia n Libra ry, Oxford whi ch co ncludes wit h a n histori cal account of Luth er's p rotes t aga in st in d ul ge nces. In hi s Ca th olic Encyclopedia ( 19 10) a rticl e on '' H o nul us an ima e, '' T hurston notes th at thi s 1569 Luthera n re nditi on " perh a ps co r respond s bes t to the oth er fa mou s Cath ol ic prayer book the' Pa rad isus Anim ae. ' " In his A m erican Ee- �72 SLOVAKIA clesiastical Review art icle cited above, Thurston is discussing primaril y a German version entitled Der Selen Wurt zgart (first published in 1483), found in th e British Mu seum (p. 170 in article). He th en m enti ons in a footnote of thi s a rticl e that a Nuremberg edition of th e same year as th e German H orculu s he is di scussing is entitl ed Hortulus Animae, th e dude Selen wurt-ga rden gen ant , printed by F . P ypus. Finall y, on pages 174- 75 of this same art icle, Thurston qu otes th e translated introduction of his German Hortulus under di scussion: Hereafter follows a right pleasant and useful matter; and it is called the H erb-garden of th e Soul; since ju st as the body of man derives manifold pleasant savours from clove , gilliflowers, rosemary and other herbs, in like mann er th e soul receives man y d ifferent en tertainments, both pleasant and ghostly , from the goodly teachin g and examples whi ch are gathered together in thi s book. This present book is divided into four pa rt s. Each part is translated into German and derived from the writings of honou red teache rs and histories worth y of credit. 19 30 31 31 This introduction th en shows clearly the utilita ri an characte r of the H orculus. L exikon fur Th eologie und Kirch e ( 1960), sub verbo " H ortulus animae. " On George Rh aw ( 1488-1 548), responsible for this 1547 (composed) work, see: The Encyclopedia of th e Lutheran Church ( 1965), sub verbo " Rh a u , George." In this encyclo ped ia, in the articl e " D evo tion al Litera ture, " it is noted that Rhaw 's ve rsion of th e H orculu s dates from 1548, a nd that an offshoot of Rhaw 's version was Nicol aus Cramer's Wurtzgaerclein d er Seelen of 15 73 . In my research in several librar ies at universities and theological centers, I have found only one book on Lutheran devotion al literature: P aul Althaus , Forschungen z ur Evangelischen Gebetsliteracur, 1927 ed ., rpt. (Hildesheim: Georg Olm s V erl agsbuchhandlung, 1966). This book , howeve r, has no comm entary abo ut th e Lutheran ve rsion of the H ortulu s; it does spea k of th e Ca tholi c Hortuli . I have found no references anywhere else to a Lutheran H orculus or to a book entitled D er Lustgart en der Seelen , the titl ed noted by Thurston. In Evanjelicka literatura, page 111 , Durovic notes that the Lutheran clergyman Daniel Pribi s added a section entitled R osarium an imae (Rose-garden of the Soul) to hi s 1634 editi on (cf. Prehl'ad , p. 34) of the 16 12 Slovak rendition of Luther's catech ism. It mi ght be noted here th at Luther "was ... eage r to replace the ordinary Catholic prayer books, above all th e com mon popular forms of H orculu s animae ('The Soul 's Garden') , and thu s his [Luther' s] B etbu chlein (' Prayer Bookl et') of 1522 appea red.": Th e Encyclopedia of th e Lutheran Church ( 1965), sub verbo "Devotional Literature.'' In Dictionnaire de Spiricualite, column 783, it is observed th at a J esui t, Andrej Zachon (d. 1700), wrote and had published in Olomouc in 1669 a H ortulu s spiritualis vernantiae seu libellus precum floriferarium (Littl e Spiritual Ga rd en of Springtime or The Little Book of Flowerbearin g Entrea ti es). I am usi ng a mi crofilm of Horcicka 's H ortulu s made from a copy of this book fou nd in the Lycealn a kni zn ica in Bratislava with no signa ture number. Rizn er, V, 77 and Durovic, Evanjelicka lit eratura, p . 12 1 noted two ex ta nt co pies of the H orculu s one in the Kni znica Tranovskeho a nd another in th e Hun garian National Museum. �SLOVAKIA ll " " " " " 73 It would seem likely that th e copy in the Kniznica Tranovskeho is now the copy in the Lycealna knizni ca. Howeve r, as will be evident from my commentary , the copy studi ed by me has more introductory, unnumbered pages than Rizner indicates 28 instead ofRizner' s 16. In his book , TanovskehoPam eti/Pamati, pp . LXIV-LXV (64-65)/5 7) tablic notes virtuall y all of these ex tra La tin pages, although he is silent ab t the sixteen , basically Slovak (unnumbered) pages tha t preced e these Latin ones in the introductory portion of the H ortulus. Tablic (Pame1i/Pama.1i, pp . LXIX-LXX (69- 70)/6 1) notes th a t there are illu strations and verses in each of th e twelve divisions of the mai n body ; this format is th en similar to that of emblematic poetry which has a co upl et-ve rse, a n illu stration , a nd then some furth er verses/commentary: John L. Lievsay, '' Emblem , ' ' Th e Prin ceton En cyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics , enlarged editi on , Alex Premin ge r et al. , ed. (Prince ton: Prince ton University Press, 1974) . Thi s feature - th e illustration - is not found in the H ortulus version studi ed b y me. In hi s D oplnky, p . 25 1, Misianik a nd in Pameti/Pam ati , p. LXX (70)/61, Tablic not e th a t H orcicka trans lated his Slovak Hortulu s into German, and this Germa n ve rsion was published in 1680 in Lesno/Leszno. Finally , m y memory of the actual book wou ld be th at when closed , it would measure so mething like an inch b y three inches, ap tl y a "little" garde n. T a blic (Pameti/ Pam ati , p . LXIV (6 4)/57) notes the book is dedi cated to a ce rtain " Jil'fmu R advan skemu , dedicnemu pan u V R advani, V Skubfne, Malachove, slov utn eho ispanstvf aneb vidieku zvolenskeho pl'ednfmu assessorovi ajeho man zelce V. u . pa nfJ ohann e Ka tal'in e, rozene M ari a.save z M a rku sovic (G eo rge R adv ansky, heredita ry lord of R ad van, Skubin a, M alachov, the p ro min ent assesso r of the wellkn own count y of Zvolen a nd environs and to his wife , th e great?, noble? , lad y Joanna Cath erine, n ee M ariasova from M a rku sovce . '' ) Thi dedi cation va ri es from th a t in th e ve rsion of th e H ortulus studi ed by me. In the dedi cation to his N eoforum latinos/avon icum , H orcicka na mes a ce rtain J a n R adva nsky of R advai\ , heir to Skubyn and M alachau/ M a lachov, perha ps son of Jil'f/Juraj menti oned by T ablic: Edition of J. V . Novak an d V . Flajshan s in P rague, 1908, p . 3. On this same page , H orcicka menti ons a ce rt ain H orwath -Sta nsithioru m in Spfs. This H orwath-S tansithiorum (ge niti ve plural) is rend ered H orwa th-Stancicovce (nominative plural) by Jan Tibensky, Chvaly a obrany sloven skeh o naroda (Brati slava: Slovenske vyd ava tel'stvo krasnej li tera tury, 1965), p . 48 . For some comm ent a ry on Petr Sextiu s, see : Durovic, E vanjelicka lii eratura, pp . I I 9- 120. H e is m enti oned by Lomba rdini in hi s commentary on Milichov insky, #56 in " Slove nsky Plutarc h ," Slo ven ske pohl'ad y, 7, No . 6 (1887), 135. On Miloc hovinsky, see: Durovic, Evanjelick a lit eratura, pp . 62 , 177-78 , and Lombard ini, p. 135. On J an Sextius, see: Durovic, Eva njelick a lit eratura , p. 62, a nd Lomb a rdini again . On J a n Buriu s, see: Durovic, Evangelick a lii eracura, pp . 8 1-82, 145 . H orcicka call s Buriu s a G erman, th ough Du rov ic specul a tes that he m ay have bee n Slovak; he was born in Lip tov. Al so, on page 84 of hi s cited work , Durovic notes th at J an Sex ti us and J a n Burius wro te a hi story of a ce rt a in Juraj La ni in 1676. I have fo und no reference fo r thi s person . Th e phrase " Pas. in Elecc. Dresda. Va /Jens Hung. " ca n possibly be rendered " ~ in th e Electo rat e of Dresde n �74 SLOVAKIA Wall achian of Hun gary . " Such an address of auth or to book was done nearl y a ce ntury later ( 1758) by Hu golin G avlovic as he concluded the introductory portion of his Sk ala Krest'ansk a (A C hristian School): signature MJ 33 1, Litera rn y a rchiv M ati ce sloven skej in Mart in , p . 16 with title- page as page one . Interestingly, T ablic does n ot m enti on H orcicka's address to the book in hi s, T a blic's, d escrip tion of the int rodu cto ry portion of the H ortulus. 40 In composin g hi s later devoti onal wo rk , Perlicka ditek B ozich (The Little Pearl of G od 's Ch ild ren) , publi shed in 1685, H orcicka purposely structured it accordin g to the fi ve d ivisions of Luther 's catechi sm : D u rovic, Evanjelick a literatura, pp . 12 1-22. 41 It is interestin g th at in 1685 , H o rcicka published in Levoca K om en sky's/Comenius' Orbis pictu s sen sualium , on e of th e o utstandin g books of th e seventee nth century where th e se nses a re u sed th e bette r to in culca te certa in knowled ge a m o ng children and/or adults: Min arik, p . 270 ; E rce, p . 160; and En cyklopedia Sloven ska, sub verbo " Sinapius- H orci c_ka, D a ni el. " R ecall also th at accord in g to T a blic, Pam eti/Pam ati , pp . LXIX-LXX (69- 70)/6 1, th ere we re illustrati o ns wit h Latin or Slovak verse m o ttoes. " Bibli svata podle p uvodniho vydani Kra/ick eh o z let 1579-93 (Kutn a H o ra : Ceska biblicka p race , 1942), and B ibli svata p odle posledn ih o vydani Kralick eh o z roku 1613 (P raha: n .p., 1945). " C ita ti ons b y H orcicka from the Song of So ngs are: I . Song 4 : 12; 2. So ng 4: 13 (but also v. 14); 3. So ng 4: 15; 4. So n g 2 :13- 14 ; 5. So ng 1:5 -6; 6. Song 4: 16; 7. So ng 7: 8-9 (bu t actu all y vv. 7-8 in eit her vers ion of the Kralice Bible con sulted); 8. Song 7: 11 (bu t also v. 12) ; 9. Son g 2 : 11- 12 (bu t actu all y citati on sta rts in the midd le of verse 10 and includes also a pa rt of ve rse l 3); 10. So ng I : 13; 11 . So ng 2 :2; and I 2. Son g 2: 1. 44 Song of Songs, M a rv in Pope, in tro. and com. , Ancho r Bi ble Series (Ga rd en City , New York: Dou bleday and Company , 1977) , especiall y pp. 114-129. Also see : Diction naire de Spiritualite , colum n s 769-76. On page 126 of hi s com mentary, Pope notes that Lut her rej ected th e allegori cal interpretat ion of th e Song - na m ely, the allegorical fan cies of the Fathers as well as the literal erotic se nse. R at her , Luther believed that "the Bride of the Song is the ha ppy and peaceful state under Solomon's ru le and that th e Song is a h ymn in which Solomon thanks God for the d ivine gift of obedience.'' Concerning thi s, see also: Luther, ''Lectures on th e Song of Solomon ,'' J an Siggins, tr ., Luther's Works, 15 (St. Louis: Concord ia Publishin g, 1972), 191-95. I assume that H orcicka would have been aware of Luther' s views, but thi s in no way limits his int erpretati ve use of this Biblica l book. At present, it can not be said whether an y o th er Luth era n view of the So ng of So ngs such as that by Johann es Coccae us Uohann K och, 1603-69), Pope, pp . 128-29, was known b y Horcicka. " Bes ides hi s cita ti ons from th e Song of Songs at the beginning of each "walk, " H orcicka refers to verses from this book some thi rtee n tim es, only once repeating a verse from th ose introdu cin g " Walk IX." 46 On numbered page I 98 of th e H ortulus , Horcicka not es a Czec h ve rsion of the Bible published in 163 I in Wittenberg. 47 H ortulus, numbered page 103; Pope , Song of Songs , p. 123. 39 �SLOVAKIA 75 " In T h e Encyclopedia of th e Luth eran Church ( 1965), sub verbo " D evo tional Literature," it is no ted th a t ii K empis ' Imitation of Christ was popula r devotional read in g in Luthera n la nd s. " Th e En cyclopedia of th e Luth eran Church . ( 1965), sub verbo " G erh a rd , Johann ." I have, howeve r , fo und no reference fo r presuma bl y this Ge rha rd 's Postill(ae) cited by H orcicka. '° Th e Encyclopedia of th e Luthera n Church ( 1965), sub verbo " Dilherr , J ohann Michael," but no reference to his Feld-, Welt- etc. work . In two editions of an anthology of old Slova k literature, Misianik notes th a t th e Feld- work by this Dilherr was published in ure m be rg in 1648 a nd 165 1: An tol6gia starsej slovensej literatury ( Brati slava: Yydavatel'stvo Slove nskej a kademie vied , 1964), p . 6 18, a nd 1981 editi on , p . 583. Misia nik gives the title as Feld- W elt - G artenbetrachtung. " Th e En cyclopedia of th e Lutheran Church ( 1965) , sub verbo" Huelsemann , Johann ." " H orcicka a lso refers to th e Centuries of M agd eburg on numbered page 176. " T ablic, Pam eti/Pam ati , pp . LXVI -LXIX (66-69)/5 7-61 , qu otes in Czechi zed form two of th e verse units on numbered pages 122-23 a nd 402-03. The proper rendition of these ve rses can be found in th e two Misianik a nthologies, pp . 395 -96 and 399/ 373-74 respectively. Misia nik also cites two further ve rse units: H ortulus, numbered pages 82-83 and 370-75/ M isia ni k, pp. 395, 397 -399 and 370- 73 respec ti vely for th e two Misianik editi ons. Fina ll y, th ese fo ur ve rse units can also be fo und inJa miluji, nesmim providaci: antol6gia zo slovenskej barokovej poezie (Bratislava: Tatran , 1977), pp. 93-99. In a ll , th ere a re fo urtee n ve rse units. T ablic qu otes two a nd gives page numbers for eleve n oth ers; he missed the page numbers fo r one verse unit according to th e ve rsion of th e H ortulu s studi ed by me. The fo urtee n ve rse units a re as follows - numbered pages th en the number of verses in th e unit-: I. 14/6 2 . 82 -83/ 12; 3. 87-88/2 4; 4. 100/4 La tin a nd 4 Slovak; 5. 114-15/ 11; 6 . 122-23/36 ; 7. 186/8; 8. 191/4 La tin and 4 Slovak, a nd aga in 4 La tin and 4 Slovak; 9. 245/6; 10 . 33 7-38/8; 11. 340-43/76; 12. 365-66/ 12, not mention ed by T ablic; 13. 370-75/ 60; and 14. 402 -03/ 18. ,. The orth ograp hy used a t th a t time shows g instead of j (though g was also used for g), ss for s, w for v, the grave accen t fo r ad verbial endin gs, a nd (som etim es) a dot fo r a long mark ove r y. " Hu rba n , p . 6 (o riginal pagin ati on of the articl e) . " O n unn um bered page 15 , th at is, in th e int rodu cto ry portion of the H ortulus, Horc icka spea ks to the " Dea r R ead e r " in " Slowen sk em gazyku (Slovak language/to ngue), " as well as uses the adj ectival fo rms " Slowen sk ych " a nd " Slowenske " fo r "Slova k." In C h valy a obran y sloven sk eh o n arod a, pp . 48- 51, J a n Tibensky notes H orcicka's Slovak consciousness and quotes from th e introducti on to the latte r 's Neoforum latin o-slavon icum as evide nce of it . Prese n ted in Pa nel 99 , " Devo ti onal Literature in Seventeenth Ce ntury Slova ki a," a t the AAASS conve ntion in Washin gton , D .C. on 17 O ctober 1982 . Parts were prepared at the 1982 Summer Slavic Semin a r at the Unive rsity of Illinois in C ha mpa ign-Urbana . � SLOVAKIA 61 Daniel Sinapius-Horcicka's Hortulus Animae Piae G erald J . Sabo In Slovak areas during the seventeenth ce ntury , n ation ali st ic turmoil and religious strife were prominent features of life a nd society. Ethnic consciousness and religious commitment so pe rvaded political r elations that they pitted Hungarian s, Germans, and Slovaks against o ne another in shifting alliances. R eli gion, though, remain ed the " leadin g force" for virtually the entire ce ntury. 1 Indeed , the writings of thi s period Slovak and L a tin - clearly bear this out. 2 Hymnals, hom il etic writing, religious disputa tion s, doctrinal a nd d evo tion al lite ra ture, school plays related to religious formation, as well as accounts of imprisonment and/or ex ile for religious r eason s occupy a promin ent place among the Slovak/Latin writin gs of this e ra. Among the distinctive cultural figures of thi s century is the Lutheran family of Sinapius-Horcicka. 3 The father Mi chal a nd two of his sons , Jan a nd D ani el, stand out n ot only for their religiou s zeal but esp ec ially for their eruditio n and writin gs. 4 Indeed , a numbe r of these writings have earned them a significant place in Slovak cultural history. The father Michal (d. 1653) was a pastor in Hricov and Sucany a nd a prominent church elder in the Tre ncfn ecclesiastical (Lutheran) district. During his studies at Wittenberg as a young man , he presented two public Latin di sputatio n s: one on the definition and divisio n of m etaphysics and another on the intell ect a nd w ill of intelli ge nt be in gs. 5 Mi ch al's commi tmen t to eruditio n must ce r tainly have influ en c~d his so n s J a n a nd D aniel as evidenced by th e latter's activities and writin gs. Like their fath er , th e sons devoted the ir scholarl y training to serv in g their fellow Lutheran s as p astors a nd sc hool offi cials, in exile as well as in Slovak areas. It is their wr itin gs, however, th at have establi shed th e ir places in Slovak cultu ral history. Virtually all of J an 's extan t writings are written in Latin o r German. 6 Among them are: 1. a Latin d evo tional work for stu dents, H orologium sacrum (Sacred H o urs or C lock),7 where eve ry hour of the day is directed to religious form ation ; 2. a L a tin play 8 H enoch (E noch) ; an d Ornithica sacra (Sacred Ornithology) written in German �62 SLOVAKIA about birds with religious significance. 9 The writings of D aniel are composed in Latin or a vernacular Slovak 10 that shows the influence of and commitment to Kralice-Biblical-Czech in his reli giou s training and liturgical practice. Daniel Sinapius-Horcicka was born around 1640 in Sucany. 11 H e was rector of the Lutheran school in J elsava from 1663-65, 12 a pastor in K am enan/ 3 from 1665-67, 14 and from 1667-70 in Liptovska Tepla, and finally from 1670 in R advan. In September, 1673 , Daniel was among thirty-two Lutheran pastors summoned to trial befo re the Catholic Archbishop of E sztergom . 1~ After the trial , he went into exile first to Brieg (today Brzeg) and then in the winter of 16 74 to Breslau (Wroclaw) , and finally in November, 1677 16 to a certain Bojanowo in P oland , 17 where he was rector of a school. 18 H orcicka returned from exi le some time in 1683, fir st to his former pastorate in R ad van, then in 1684 to a pastorate and position of school official in L evoca. H e remained in Levoca un ti! his death in 1688. Some eighteen works 19 are attributed to D aniel Sinapius-Horcicka. Am ong the writings prominent in Slovak cultural history are : 1. H orcicka' s 1684 enlarged edition of the Lutheran hymnal Cithara sanctorum (Zither of the Saints), also known as Tran osciu s after its compiler Ju raj Tranovsky;2° 2. the 1682 wedding verse-composition in Latin, Coelum Bojan ovien se (Bojanowo H eaven);2 1 3. Neoforum latino-slavonicum (New L atin-Slavonic Forum) , a 1678 coll ection of popular/folk sayings in L atin and Slovak;2 2 4. Perlicka ditek Bozich (The Little Pearl of God's Children), a 1685 devotional work segm ented on the basis of the fi ve divisions in Luther's catechi sm; 23 and 5. H ortulu s animae piae (The Little Garden of the Piou s Soul), a 1676 devotional work and the subject of this article. 24 The L atin title of H orc icka 's 1676 work - H ortulu s animae piae is intri guing. H ortulu s (Hortus) animae is the title for a type of[Latin and/or German] devotional book of praye rs intended for the [Catholic] laity , that was widespread in Germany in the early sixteenth century .... The H ortuli .. . were similar in general content and arrangement to many of the L atin H orae or book of hours, or to the English primers , from which they developed; howeve r , they were more popular in character. The H ortuli contain ed the Little Office of Our L ad y, extracts from the Gospel accounts of the passion, the �SLOVAKIA 63 Penitential Psalms, and the Litany of the Saints , with a large selection of supplementary d evotional matter. This material of private prayer had the tendency to increase size and in extravagan ce. For example, promises of spurious indulgences and complete forgiveness of sins became attached to man y prayers . . . The Council of Trent legislated against the accretions , the false promises of indulgences, and the incorrect versions of the Little Office of Our Lady. A bull of Pius V (March 11, 1571) demanded rigorous censorship of all editions. 25 The article on " Hortus/ Hortulus " in Dictionnaire de Spiritualite traces the extensive number of devotional works associated with this title and type of writing. 26 The phrase " Hortulus animae" is derived not from the aesthetic but from the utilitarian aspects of a garden as is evident from three Latin distichs that usually prefixed many such writings. The first two lines are as follows: Ortulus exiguus varias ut saepe salubres Herbas producit, quas medicina probat. (A small garden often produces a variety of salutary herbs of which medicine knows the value.) 21 In his articles on the Hortulus animae , Herbert Thurston notes that in 1569, a certain Lu the ran adaptation was published and called Der Lustgarten der Seelen (The Pleasure Garden of the Soul). 28 F. Wulf, though , notes that a Georg Rhaw (Rhau) produced a Lutheran version in 154 7, in Wittenberg; it was published in 1559 and was composed on the basis of printed Hortuli forbidden by the Spanish lnquisition . 29 Among the d evotional literature written by Slovak Lutherans , the title for Horcicka 's composition - Hortulus animae piae - is unique. Nor is the title Der Lustgarten der Seelen or some Slovak rendition to be found among Slovak Lutheran writings_ Jo Thus , it remains an open question why Horcicka cho se a title more closely associated with Catholic devotional writing rather than one from his own Lutheran tradition. JI The introdu ctory portion of Horcicka ' s HortulusJ 2 has several divisions. On the title page, the full title reads: Hortulu s Animae Piae, Zahradka Dussicky pobozne, Wkterez se clowek Krestiansky Suzitkem prochazeti muze (The Little Garden of the Pi ou s Soul in Which a Christian Person Can Walk w ith Usefulness/ Profit). After the title page com es that with Horcicka 's dedication of the book to "P . Markowy Hor vv (w) ath-Stansith of Gradetz/Hradec? in the Stolica (Cou nty) of Spis and �64 SLOVAKIA to hi s w ife Zoffy, n ee M a riasse/M a ri asove? from Markussowic/Markusovce,'' whom H o rcicka calls Km otrum (God pare nt s) a nd Dobrodin cu m (Be n efactors) . 33 In the fourt ee n pages that follow, H orcicka es ta blishes in Slovak th e basis or rationale for writing his Hortulus. H e d raws on Scriptu re as well as classical literature for refe ren ce material. Two further p ages ( 15 and 16 in sequ e nce as these p ages a re unnumbered) are devoted to the " Laskawemu Ctenari (Dear R eader). " After these sixteen pages of basically Slovak prose, in the version studied by m e there foll ow twelve pages in L a tin with dist inct parts. On p age seventeen (in sequ en ce), H orcicka's brothe r J a n comm ents on the Hortulu s. Then, a close friend , P etr Sext ius, 34 addresses Daniel himself as the form e r speaks on the H ortulus (pages 17-20). J a n Milochovinsky, 35 elder in the Zilina ecclesiastical district , h as a on e- page, addressed comm ent for D a ni el (page 21 ) . In the course of his comme n ts on the H ortulus, J a n Sextius, 36 called an "amico pectore ( close fri end)" by D a niel , addresses the '' P a nn onian offspring' ' and en courages them to show gratitude to God an d the author of the Hortulu s (pages 22-23). In hi s nearly three- page co mmentary , Jan Buriu s 37 draws on a number of sources, theological a nd classical litera ry (pages 23-25). On pages 26 and 2 7 of this introdu ctory portion, Horcicka addresses a certain M a tthias Albrecht whom he d esignates as ''Pas. in Elect. Dresda ... Vallens Hung. " 38 Fin all y, o n the final page of the int roducto ry portion (28), the author of the H ortulu s addresses the b ook itself: 39 "A uthor ad Libellum (Author to th e Little Book .)" At the bottom of this page, a plaited wreath illu stration encompasses the following: '' D omini Sum us, Dum Spiro Spero, D ominus Providebit (W e Are the Lord's, While I Breathe, I Hope, The Lord Will Provide .)" With this succinct statem ent of purpose a nd ou tl ook , Horcicka concludes the in trod u ctory portion of his H ortulu s . The m ain portion of the H ortulus consists of four hundred and eight numbered pages virtually all in Slovak with some L atin wri ting and even a few Greek words . (The Lat in and Greek are also transla ted into H orcicka 's vernacul ar Slovak.) H orcicka divid es the paginated portion into twelve uneven sections. The division into twelve may have symbolic value - twelve apostl es/twelve tri bes of Israel. 40 Each of these twelve sect ions is called a " Prochadzka (Walk )." Each ''Proch adzka '' begins in the same way . After the Roman num eral indi cati ng the proper " Walk " are found the words: "wniZ �SLOVAKIA 65 premyssluge pobozna dusse (in which the pious soul reflects)." In each of the twelve ''walks ,'' the pious soul reflects on a different object: 1. the garden in general; 2. the tree of this garden; 3. the well of this garden ; 4 . the dove in this garden; 5. the mirror hangin g in this garden; 6. the winds that blow through this garden; 7. the palm (tree); 8. the vine stock/ root; 9 . the fig (tree); 10. myrrh; 11. the rose; and 12 . the lily. In his comments on these twelve objects for reflection, Horcicka engages the senses of the reader. 41 Words that help conjure up "sense pictures" of the objects for reflection enable the reader the better to assimilate the theological truth presented in association with the objects . Indeed, in the presentation order of his objects , H orcicka gradually refines the focus of his reader from a garden in general to a small object like a flower. After the object for a specific "walk " is named , Horcicka cites a relevant passage from the Biblical book Song of Songs (also known as th e Canticle of Canticles or Song of Solomon). In a comparison of H orcicka ' s citat ions from the Song of Songs with two editions of the Kralice Bible (1579-93 and 161 3), 41 it is clear that Horcicka adapts the verses somewhat, probably for the sake of better creating his verbal sense-picture of the object for reflection. 4 3 For "Walk X ," Horcicka' s verse quotation from the Song of So ngs is virtually an exact quotation of this verse according to the 161 3 edition of the Kralice Bible. For " Walk II ," however, Horcicka' s citation see ms to be drawn from the 1579-93 editio n of the Kralice Bible . At present, though, there is no way of de termining whe ther Horci cka u sed these versions of the Bible, a nd , if so , which of th e two , or som e othe r version. Horcicka ' s choi ce of th e Song of Songs as the Biblical basis for the Hortulus seems natural , perhaps even predictabl e from the tradi tion of C hristian writings about thi s Biblical book. F rom a s earl y as 200 AD , Christia n writers have commented on a nd inte rpreted the Song of Songs, usually allegorically , even eroti cally. 44 Horcicka probably wa nted a Biblical work that is co n cern ed not only wi th a garden , but contain s the various objects for refl ection tha t he cites. Onl y th e Son g of Son gs co uld give him such varie ty . In the co mm e nta ry th a t foll ows the verse(s) from the Son g of So ngs in each " walk ," H o rcicka dra ws on a va ri ety of so urces fo r m a te rial s to suppo rt hi s co mm ent s. As is to be ex pec ted , Script u re is a n a bundant so urce of ma teri al. R efe rence to ve rses from books of the O ld a nd New T es ta m e nt can be fo und in eve ry " walk " in la r ge num be rs. 4 5 I ndeed , in " W alk V ," H orcicka gives som e two hun d red and twenty-six �66 SLOVAKIA distinct references from the Bible as authoritative corroboration for whatever interpretation and religious/moral instruction he has written. Curiously, he cites verses from Sirach (some fifteen instances), from Wisdom (some four instances) , and once each from the first and second Book of Maccabees . None of these Old Testament books were considered canonical enough for inclusion in any edition of the Kralice Bible or probably any non-Catholic version through Horcicka's time. They are found in Catholic versions of the Bible since well before Horcicka's time. 46 Horcicka refers to prominent Christian writers from early Christian times into his own era. References to various works by Augustine , to the writings of Luther, Gregory Nazianzus, Chrysostom, Tertullian , Origen, Ambrose, and to the history of Eusebius of Caesarea are noted and footnoted, at times with even the folio/page numbers. References to the writings of Bernard of Clairvaux, especially with regard to the Song of Songs, are probably no surprise; Bernard wrote eighty-six sermons on the Song of Songs alone. Indeed, Horci cka notes sermon 61 where Bernard says that the Song's love pair are the Word of God and a Soul. 47 Curiously, Horcicka notes two references from Cornelius a Lapide, a Jesuit (d . 1637), a prolific Biblical exegete and interpreter. Interestingly, Horcicka also has a single reference to a 1622 Czech translation of the Bible and to a Prague printing of Th e Imitation of Christ by Thomas a Kempis (p. 171 ) . 48 In the Hortulus, there are a number of works noted and footnoted that were probably well-known in Horcicka's time. (At the present time, copies of some of these books are con sidered rare in many US libraries.) Among these writings are: 1. Schola pietatis by Johann G erhard (1582-1637), a Lutheran theologian; 49 2. Analecta sacra by J ohann Heinrich Ursin (1608-67); 3. Arboretum biblicum, also by Ursin; and 4. "Hortus aromaticus," which is part 3 of U rsin 's Continuatio historiae plantarum biblicae. I have found references for two authors whose names resemble those footnoted by Horcicka but nothing about the works cited as theirs. According to Horcicka, a certain Johann Michal Dilherr (a poet and Lutheran theologian, 1604-69) wrote Welt, Feld, and Gartenbetrachtung, 50 and a certain Johann Hu elsemann (Lutheran theologian, 1602-61) is believed to have written Pentagonium christian um. 51 With other books noted and footnoted by Horcicka , I have been unable to find any reference for them or their authors. Among these are: 1. Nicol(s) Roper's Helleuchtend Spiegel der Liebe ; 2. Mich(al) �SLOVAKIA 67 Ba um a nn 's L exicon Allegorico Evangelicum; 3. Laur( entius) Halvard(i/ us) ' s Speculum amoris; and 4 . Hist(oria) Boh(emica) by a certain Dubrav( ius) . 51 In the Hortulus, there is also a good number of books footnot ed only a few times or less . The classical authors cited b y Horcicka are well-known figures from Greek a nd Latin literature. From the Greeks, Herodotus, Homer, X enophon , a nd Strabo, eve n Ari stotle provide supportive material for Horcicka. Of the Latin writers , there are Cicero, Horace, Pliny, Plutarch, Tacitus, Suetonius, and even the outstanding classical specialist, the Dutchman Joest Qustus) Lipsius (1547-1606) . Horcicka's use of these authors in a d evotional wo rk is not unusual for his time; classical literature continued to provide exempla tive material for writers in Slovak areas through the eighteenth century . At the conclusion of each ''walk ,'' Horcicka places Slovak ' ' Modlitby (Prayers)." U sually there are three distinct prayers, except for " Walks VII a nd XII ," with only two . These prayers are mostly in prose, though some are in verse, i.e . distichs combined in paired or enclosing rhymes. 53 The various verse compositions in the Hortulus range from six to seventysix verses . Three of the shortest follow , with a literal tra nslation . To my knowledge they h ave not elsewhere b een reprinted . 54 Ach prigd Pane gezissi prigd zen ichu neykrazssi Nawsstew wernu iwu du ssi at ljby twug hlas slissi A wmile Zahradce swe Bud' odpocinuti twe (p. 14) Com e oh Lord J esus come most handsome bridegroom Visit the tru e i va of the soul May it hear your kind voice And in your dear Garden Be your rest 2 KR ys te deg nam wwjre stalost odegmi ss kodn u wrtkawost Bychom cyle wi ry dossli Zsmni casne do Nebe ssli Na to rjka m Amen/ Amen/ Spas nas Gezu Kryste Amen. (p. 245) C hri st give us steadfastness in fa ith take away harmful fickleness That the goals of faith be attained Went in time from death to H eaven To this I say Amen/ Amen/ Save us J esus C hrist Am en . 3 Pos pess o ma dusse ho/sweho Kwytanj ze nicha ct neho Kteryz na dum tweho srdce Ruku mi los ti swe tlu ce Otewri swe brany gemu Pekne promluw/ a rcy kn emu Prigd mi ly mug/ fada m tebe Nechcy ziti gs uc bez tebe. (p. 337) H as ten o my sou l him/ of your Flowerin g the honorable bridegroom Who upon the house of your heart With th e hand of his love knocks Open your gates to him Nicely speak/ a nd say to hi m : Come my dear/ I beg you I do not wish to live being without you . �68 SLOVAKIA Whil e the literary value of the verse compositi ons in the H ortulus is limited , in the narrow sense, they can be considered examples of early Slovak ve rse writing . Each of the prayers at the end of the "walks" - verse or prose - is designated for som e definite purpose ; for instan ce: " For the dear presence of God; " "For the proper purity of heart , for sincerity, and piety;" "For the recognition of people's woes and God ' s good acts;" " For patience in crises and firmn ess in faith ;" and "For the good realization of a life short and woeful ," the last praye r and part of the Hortulus . According to Hurban, the H ortulu s had appended to it " M ensje jeho basne (his/ Horcicka's/sm aller verses). " 55 Whether Hurban might be referring to some of the verse compositions in the H ortulus or to some other ve rses not part of the H ortulus in itself is not clear . In the version of the Hortulus studied b y m e, the last two prayers (pages 404-408) are '' For the forgiveness of forgetfulness which we allow while receiving God 's gifts, " and "For the good realization of a life short and woeful. " For H orcicka, these subjects may have seem ed an apt conclusion fo r his devotion al work . There is no reason to suspect that there was more writing related to the Hortulu s which for some reason is not in the bound copy in the Lycealna knizni ca. Indeed , Rizn er notes that the H ortulu s has four hundred and eight numbered pages, as does Tablic - the number found in the Lycealna copy of the H ortulus. As a fi gure in Slovak cultural hi story, D ani el Sinapius-Horcicka occupies a definite place. In his H ortulus animae piae, as in other writings , he manifests a Slovak ethnic consciousness that stands out in the seve nteenth ce ntury. 56 Through hi s religious zeal, erudition , and talent , he also provides hi s fellow Lutherans wi th devo tion al writin g to co nsole them in their time of exile and trials . In effect, he has composed a notewo rthy example of early Slovak writing. Through not strictly literary, the Slovak prose a nd verse of H orcicka's Hortulus m erit far more attention and study th an they have rece ived - practicall y speaking, virtu ally none. It is hoped that thi s study is but the bare beginnin g of research on the H ortulu s and its author, Daniel Sinapiu s-Horcicka . NOTES ' J a n Du rov ic, Evanjelick a liceracura d o colerancie (Turcia nsky Sviity M a nin : M a ti ca slove nska, 1940), p . 5 1. ' This is shown by a peru sal of th e following : J a n Durovic, Evangelicka liceracura a nd �SLOVAKIA ' ' ' 6 1 ' ' ' 0 69 also his Prehl'ad literarnych dejin slovenskych eva njelikov (Liptovsky Svaty Mikulas: Tra noscius, 1948); " Barak ," D ejin y starsej slovenskej /iteratury (Bratislava: V ydava tel'stvo Slovensk ej akademie vied , 1958), pp . 155 -298; Literarna rukovat', 2nd ed. (Bra tisl ava: Slove nske pedagogicke nak ladatel's tvo , 1981 ) pp. 72-97. M an y Lutheran famili es adop ted Latin renditions of the family na mes as new surnames. This hyphena ted name is used for Horcicka family members in Slovak litera ry hi stories and criti cism as well as in th e a rticl es on them in Encyklopedia Slovenska , V ( 198 1). J an the younger , son of J a n th e elder - Daniel's brother - also wrote a number of works: l'.udovft Rizner, Bibliogra fia pisomnictva slovenskeho , V (Turciansky Svaty Martin: M a ri ca slova neka, 1933), 80-81. ( H ereafter , Rizn er , volume in Rom a n numeral , page(s) in Arabic num eral(s) .) Also , J an Misianik, Doplnky k Rizn erovej bib/iogra fii , 1946 , 2nd revised and enlarged edition (Martin : Matica slovenska, 1971), pp. 252 -253 . Jan and Dani el' s sister Elena married into prominent Luthera n families such as La ni a nd Lad ive r - Jan Slavik, D ejin y zvolenskeho evanjelickeh o a. v. bra1s1va a senioratu (Banska Sti avn ica: NakJad vdovy a syna AugustaJoergesa, 1921 ), p . 344. Rizn er, V , 8 1; Durovic, Evanjelicka lit eratura, p. 62 , incompl ete Latin titles. Rizn er , V , 79-80 ; Durovic, Evanje/ick a Iiteratura , pp. 142-43 , 348; Alexander Lomba rdini, "J a n Sina pi us (H orcicka), #38, " "Slovensky Plutarch ," Slovensk e pohl'ady, 7, No. 4 ( 1887), 82-83; Misia nik , D oplnky , P . 252. Durovic , Evanje/icka literatura, p. 69 Durovic, Prehl'ad , p . 40 , a nd Evanjelicka literatura , pp . 9 1-92 has " play, " but Erce (pseudonym of Celes tin R advany i) , Slovenska krv (Bratislava : Vydavatel'stvo lexikalneho di ela " Slovenska krv, " 1942), p. 160 calls it a " praye r book for intellect uals." J an di ed in ex ile in H alle on August 4, 1682: Rizn er , V , 79 ; Bohuslav Tablic, Pameti cesk o-slovenskych basnifuv an eb versovcuv , origin all y published in 1800' s, Bi og raphi ca-Pra mene, zv. 1 (M a rtin : M a rica slovenska , 1972) , p . LXV (65) , and in Pam ati cesko-slovenskych basnikov alebo versovcov, Rudo Brtai\, tr. (Bratislava : T at ran , 1974), p. 57; and En cyklopedia Sloven ska, V (1981) , sub verbo " SinapiusH orcicka, J a n , st. " The ve rn acula r Slovak used by Daniel is called " Slovakized Czech " by Jozef Minarik in Li1erarna rukova t', p. 72 , in both editions. Discussion a bout this la ngu age a nd its prope r desc ripti ve na me co ntinu es. Fo r instance , l',ubomfr Durovic writes that " throu gh th e increased use of Czech with local Slovak features in th e administration of W es t Slova k town s (Bratislava , Trnava, Trencfn , Zilina , etc .), a kind of regional administra tive koin e spo nt a neously developed in th e sixtee nth and seve ntee nth centuri es .. called ' cultural Wes tern Slova k' (kulturna zapadoslovencina)," in "Slovak," �70 SLOVAKIA The Slavic Literary Languages: Formation and Development , Alexande r Schenker a nd Edward Stankiewicz, eds. (New H ave n : Yale Concilium on International and Area Studies, 1980), p . 2 12. Durovic' s a nalysis shows features of this koine th at a re fou nd in H orcicka's H ortulu s , though how co nsisten tl y a nd exte nsively this is so is a m a tt er fo r further study by histo ri cal lin gu ists. Durovic continu es: Another language integrati on a rea in the seventeenth ce ntury was Central Slovakia [the area of H orcicka's pastoral act ivity), where the Central Slovak dialects became a basis for a new regional koine. The use of this "cultural Central Slovak " is a ttested in city administrat ion , pri vate correspondence, occasional poetry, and in some religious, non-liturgical fun ctions. This koine was in m an y respec ts ve ry similar to the spoken literary Slovak of today. (p. 2 12) " ,i " " " The related but distinctive process of Slovak ethni c consciousness fo r the period 1620- 1750 must also have been play ing a role in the process of lin guistic development and systematization . After extensive documentary resea rch and study , Josef M acu rek co nte nds that it was during thi s peri od that "the political and geographical border , M oravian-Sl ovak .. . , becam e an ethn ographic boundary ," in " Ceske ze me a Slovensko ( 1620-1750),'' Spisy university j. E . Purkyne v Brne: Filosoficka fakult a, 147 ( 1969), pp . 78-79 ; see also pp. 69-75 with related footnotes and appended documents on pp . 83-3 I 3. On the basis of his study, M acurek shows that in this border area , the co nsciousness of Slovaks and M oravians (Czechs) as di stin ct ethnic groups was es peciall y developed , Thus, H orcicka says he is writing in "slowenskem gazyku " (Cf note 56 below). For more on this point see also my article on Hu golfn G avlovic in this issue of Slovakia , note 3. 1 have used the foll owing for the biogra ph y of Daniel Sina piu s- H orcicka: Bohu slav Tablic, Pameti/ Pam aci , pp . LXI-LXXI (6 1-71)/55-62; Durovic, Evanjelicka lit eratura, pp. 120-121, note 75 ; Lombard ini , " Daniel Sinapius ( H o rci cka ), #37 ," in " Slovensky Plutarch ," Slovenske pohl'ady , 7, No . 4 (1887), 80-82 ; Erce, p . 160 ; J ozef Minarik , D ejin y starsej slovensk ej literatury, pp. 266-70 ; J ozef Hurba n , "Slovensko a jeho zivot litera rni ," Slovenskje pohladi na vedi, umenja a literaturu, Djel I , Svazok 2 ( 1847), rpt. (Bratislava : Slovenske vydavatel'stvo krasnej literatury , 1957), 6-9 (ori ginal pagination); En cyklop edia Slovenska, V ( 198 1), sub verbo "Sinapius- H orcicka, D aniel"; and Misian ik , Doplnky , pp . 25 1-252. The date of H o rcicka 's birth is given by Durovic as circa 1630 and th at of his death as 1706 b y Durovic, Erce, and Lomba rdini , an d yet Minarik and En cyklopedia Slovenska give l 640 a nd 1688 respec tively. I have accepted th e latter as evidence of more rece nt scholarship on Sinapius-Horcicka . These d ates a re in En cyklopedia Slovenska ( 198 1), sub verbo "Sin apius-Horcicka, D a ni el. '' Lomba rdini names K ameiian y by its Hun garia n appe llat ion (cf. Vlastivedny slovnik obci na Sloven sku ( 19 77) , sub verbo " K ameiiany. " ) Dates for years in K ameiiany and Liptovska T epla in Encyklopedia S/ovenska ( 198 1), sub verbo "Sinapiu s- H o rcicka, Da niel"; T ablic, Pam eti/ Pam aci , P. LXII (62)/55. Slav ik , Dejiny, p. 85 notes 33 pastors , but Jan Kvacala, D ejiny reformacie na Sloven - �SLOVAKIA " 17 " 19 '° " " " " " 16 " 71 sku (Liptovsky Sviity Mikulas : Tranoscius , 1935), p . 235 writes 32 Lutheran pastors and 1 Reformed pastor. Tablic, Pameti/Pamiiti, P. LXII (62)/55. Those authors who have written about Horcicka give variation s on the name of this Polish town. Tablic (Pameti, PP. LXII-LXIII) has Bojanow(o) , Erce, Bojanov(o) near Lesno/ Leszno , and Tablic (Pama.ti , pp . 55-56), Nov(y/e) Bojanow(-/o), and Encyklopedia Slo venska, Nov(y/e) Boja nov (-/o) . On pp . 266-67, Minarik speaks of a Nov(y/e) Bojanow(o) nea r Lesno/ Leszno . From my own resea rch, I have decided on presentday Bojanowo , southeast of Leszno. The Slownik nazv geograficznych po/ski zachodnej i polnocnej, Stanislaw Rospond, ed . (Warszawa and Wroclaw : Polskie towarzystwo geografi czne, 195 1), p . 17 sub verbo " Bojanow" desc ribes a village near R aciborz. H oweve r , two further reference works make me choose Boj anowo near Leszno . They are: Slownik geograficzny kr6lestwa polskiego , Filip Sulimi ersky and Wl adyslaw Walewsky, ed . (Warszawa: Druk " Wieku ," 1880), pp. 292-294 , sub verbo " Bojanowo" ; and Wielka encyklopedia powszechna (1963), sub verbo " Bojanowo." These two works mention that in this town's hi story there was/is a significa nt evangeli cal/protestant background and that here th ere was a protestant gymna zwm . Hurba n , p . 6 (original pagination of article); Lomba rdini , p . 80 ; T ablic, Pameti/ Pamiiti , p. LXII (62)/55 ; Minarik, p . 266: Encyklopedia Slovenska, sub verbo " Sinap ius-H orcicka , Daniel. " Rudo Brtan in " Daniel Sinapius , '' Slovensky literarny album (Bratislava: Obzor, 1968) , p . 44 notes that Sinapius-Horcicka stayed on th e estate of th e Lords Leszczynski ( 1677-83) as rector of th e Latin school in ov(y/e) Bojanow(-/o). Rizn er , V, 77-79 , li sts twelve : Lombardini li sts fourt een ; Misianik , Doplnky , pp . 25 1-5 2 , add s six more; Misia ni k has two works listed by Lombardini but not by Rizn er. They all sha re eleve n in common. For so me co mm enta r y, see: Durovic, Evanjelick a lit eratura , pp. 143-45. For so me co mm enta ry, see: Durovic , Evanjelicka literatura, p. 91. Hurban , pp . 6-9 (o ri gin al pagina tion of article); Minarik , pp. 267-69; a nd Literarna ruk ovl', pp . 90-92. Fo r so me co mm enta ry, see: Durovic, Evanjelick a literatura , pp . 12 1-22 . T he works th at I have listed in numbers 2 , 3, 5, probably l , a nd perh aps 4 we re published a nd/or co mposed durin g Horcicka's period of exi le. Th e New Ca th olic En cyclopedia ( 1967), sub verbo '' H ortulu s animae.'' Diciionnaire de Spiriru alite ( l 969), sub verbo " Hortus , Hortu lus/J a rdin spiritu el," especiall y columns 777 -783. (In column 779, it is noted that th e J esuit Peter Cani siu s publi shed in 1563 in Dillin ge n H orru/us animae. Der See/en C arten .) Herbert Thursto n , " The Print ing Press in th e Service of th e C hurch : I , The Original Garden of th e Soul, " Am erica n Ecclesias rical R eview, 26 (Februa ry, 1902), 170 , no tes it was prin ted in 1569 in N urembe rg a nd a co py is at th e Bodl eia n Libra ry, Oxford whi ch co ncludes wit h a n histori cal account of Luth er's p rotes t aga in st in d ul ge nces. In hi s Ca th olic Encyclopedia ( 19 10) a rticl e on '' H o nul us an ima e, '' T hurston notes th at thi s 1569 Luthera n re nditi on " perh a ps co r respond s bes t to the oth er fa mou s Cath ol ic prayer book the' Pa rad isus Anim ae. ' " In his A m erican Ee- �72 SLOVAKIA clesiastical Review art icle cited above, Thurston is discussing primaril y a German version entitled Der Selen Wurt zgart (first published in 1483), found in th e British Mu seum (p. 170 in article). He th en m enti ons in a footnote of thi s a rticl e that a Nuremberg edition of th e same year as th e German H orculu s he is di scussing is entitl ed Hortulus Animae, th e dude Selen wurt-ga rden gen ant , printed by F . P ypus. Finall y, on pages 174- 75 of this same art icle, Thurston qu otes th e translated introduction of his German Hortulus under di scussion: Hereafter follows a right pleasant and useful matter; and it is called the H erb-garden of th e Soul; since ju st as the body of man derives manifold pleasant savours from clove , gilliflowers, rosemary and other herbs, in like mann er th e soul receives man y d ifferent en tertainments, both pleasant and ghostly , from the goodly teachin g and examples whi ch are gathered together in thi s book. This present book is divided into four pa rt s. Each part is translated into German and derived from the writings of honou red teache rs and histories worth y of credit. 19 30 31 31 This introduction th en shows clearly the utilita ri an characte r of the H orculus. L exikon fur Th eologie und Kirch e ( 1960), sub verbo " H ortulus animae. " On George Rh aw ( 1488-1 548), responsible for this 1547 (composed) work, see: The Encyclopedia of th e Lutheran Church ( 1965), sub verbo " Rh a u , George." In this encyclo ped ia, in the articl e " D evo tion al Litera ture, " it is noted that Rhaw 's ve rsion of th e H orculu s dates from 1548, a nd that an offshoot of Rhaw 's version was Nicol aus Cramer's Wurtzgaerclein d er Seelen of 15 73 . In my research in several librar ies at universities and theological centers, I have found only one book on Lutheran devotion al literature: P aul Althaus , Forschungen z ur Evangelischen Gebetsliteracur, 1927 ed ., rpt. (Hildesheim: Georg Olm s V erl agsbuchhandlung, 1966). This book , howeve r, has no comm entary abo ut th e Lutheran ve rsion of the H ortulu s; it does spea k of th e Ca tholi c Hortuli . I have found no references anywhere else to a Lutheran H orculus or to a book entitled D er Lustgart en der Seelen , the titl ed noted by Thurston. In Evanjelicka literatura, page 111 , Durovic notes that the Lutheran clergyman Daniel Pribi s added a section entitled R osarium an imae (Rose-garden of the Soul) to hi s 1634 editi on (cf. Prehl'ad , p. 34) of the 16 12 Slovak rendition of Luther's catech ism. It mi ght be noted here th at Luther "was ... eage r to replace the ordinary Catholic prayer books, above all th e com mon popular forms of H orculu s animae ('The Soul 's Garden') , and thu s his [Luther' s] B etbu chlein (' Prayer Bookl et') of 1522 appea red.": Th e Encyclopedia of th e Lutheran Church ( 1965), sub verbo "Devotional Literature.'' In Dictionnaire de Spiricualite, column 783, it is observed th at a J esui t, Andrej Zachon (d. 1700), wrote and had published in Olomouc in 1669 a H ortulu s spiritualis vernantiae seu libellus precum floriferarium (Littl e Spiritual Ga rd en of Springtime or The Little Book of Flowerbearin g Entrea ti es). I am usi ng a mi crofilm of Horcicka 's H ortulu s made from a copy of this book fou nd in the Lycealn a kni zn ica in Bratislava with no signa ture number. Rizn er, V, 77 and Durovic, Evanjelicka lit eratura, p . 12 1 noted two ex ta nt co pies of the H orculu s one in the Kni znica Tranovskeho a nd another in th e Hun garian National Museum. �SLOVAKIA ll " " " " " 73 It would seem likely that th e copy in the Kniznica Tranovskeho is now the copy in the Lycealna knizni ca. Howeve r, as will be evident from my commentary , the copy studi ed by me has more introductory, unnumbered pages than Rizner indicates 28 instead ofRizner' s 16. In his book , TanovskehoPam eti/Pamati, pp . LXIV-LXV (64-65)/5 7) tablic notes virtuall y all of these ex tra La tin pages, although he is silent ab t the sixteen , basically Slovak (unnumbered) pages tha t preced e these Latin ones in the introductory portion of the H ortulus. Tablic (Pame1i/Pama.1i, pp . LXIX-LXX (69- 70)/6 1) notes th a t there are illu strations and verses in each of th e twelve divisions of the mai n body ; this format is th en similar to that of emblematic poetry which has a co upl et-ve rse, a n illu stration , a nd then some furth er verses/commentary: John L. Lievsay, '' Emblem , ' ' Th e Prin ceton En cyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics , enlarged editi on , Alex Premin ge r et al. , ed. (Prince ton: Prince ton University Press, 1974) . Thi s feature - th e illustration - is not found in the H ortulus version studi ed b y me. In hi s D oplnky, p . 25 1, Misianik a nd in Pameti/Pam ati , p. LXX (70)/61, Tablic not e th a t H orcicka trans lated his Slovak Hortulu s into German, and this Germa n ve rsion was published in 1680 in Lesno/Leszno. Finally , m y memory of the actual book wou ld be th at when closed , it would measure so mething like an inch b y three inches, ap tl y a "little" garde n. T a blic (Pameti/ Pam ati , p . LXIV (6 4)/57) notes the book is dedi cated to a ce rtain " Jil'fmu R advan skemu , dedicnemu pan u V R advani, V Skubfne, Malachove, slov utn eho ispanstvf aneb vidieku zvolenskeho pl'ednfmu assessorovi ajeho man zelce V. u . pa nfJ ohann e Ka tal'in e, rozene M ari a.save z M a rku sovic (G eo rge R adv ansky, heredita ry lord of R ad van, Skubin a, M alachov, the p ro min ent assesso r of the wellkn own count y of Zvolen a nd environs and to his wife , th e great?, noble? , lad y Joanna Cath erine, n ee M ariasova from M a rku sovce . '' ) Thi dedi cation va ri es from th a t in th e ve rsion of th e H ortulus studi ed by me. In the dedi cation to his N eoforum latinos/avon icum , H orcicka na mes a ce rtain J a n R adva nsky of R advai\ , heir to Skubyn and M alachau/ M a lachov, perha ps son of Jil'f/Juraj menti oned by T ablic: Edition of J. V . Novak an d V . Flajshan s in P rague, 1908, p . 3. On this same page , H orcicka menti ons a ce rt ain H orwath -Sta nsithioru m in Spfs. This H orwath-S tansithiorum (ge niti ve plural) is rend ered H orwa th-Stancicovce (nominative plural) by Jan Tibensky, Chvaly a obrany sloven skeh o naroda (Brati slava: Slovenske vyd ava tel'stvo krasnej li tera tury, 1965), p . 48 . For some comm ent a ry on Petr Sextiu s, see : Durovic, E vanjelicka lii eratura, pp . I I 9- 120. H e is m enti oned by Lomba rdini in hi s commentary on Milichov insky, #56 in " Slove nsky Plutarc h ," Slo ven ske pohl'ad y, 7, No . 6 (1887), 135. On Miloc hovinsky, see: Durovic, Evanjelick a lit eratura, pp . 62 , 177-78 , and Lombard ini, p. 135. On J an Sextius, see: Durovic, Eva njelick a lit eratura , p. 62, a nd Lomb a rdini again . On J a n Buriu s, see: Durovic, Evangelick a lii eracura, pp . 8 1-82, 145 . H orcicka call s Buriu s a G erman, th ough Du rov ic specul a tes that he m ay have bee n Slovak; he was born in Lip tov. Al so, on page 84 of hi s cited work , Durovic notes th at J an Sex ti us and J a n Burius wro te a hi story of a ce rt a in Juraj La ni in 1676. I have fo und no reference fo r thi s person . Th e phrase " Pas. in Elecc. Dresda. Va /Jens Hung. " ca n possibly be rendered " ~ in th e Electo rat e of Dresde n �74 SLOVAKIA Wall achian of Hun gary . " Such an address of auth or to book was done nearl y a ce ntury later ( 1758) by Hu golin G avlovic as he concluded the introductory portion of his Sk ala Krest'ansk a (A C hristian School): signature MJ 33 1, Litera rn y a rchiv M ati ce sloven skej in Mart in , p . 16 with title- page as page one . Interestingly, T ablic does n ot m enti on H orcicka's address to the book in hi s, T a blic's, d escrip tion of the int rodu cto ry portion of the H ortulus. 40 In composin g hi s later devoti onal wo rk , Perlicka ditek B ozich (The Little Pearl of G od 's Ch ild ren) , publi shed in 1685, H orcicka purposely structured it accordin g to the fi ve d ivisions of Luther 's catechi sm : D u rovic, Evanjelick a literatura, pp . 12 1-22. 41 It is interestin g th at in 1685 , H o rcicka published in Levoca K om en sky's/Comenius' Orbis pictu s sen sualium , on e of th e o utstandin g books of th e seventee nth century where th e se nses a re u sed th e bette r to in culca te certa in knowled ge a m o ng children and/or adults: Min arik, p . 270 ; E rce, p . 160; and En cyklopedia Sloven ska, sub verbo " Sinapius- H orci c_ka, D a ni el. " R ecall also th at accord in g to T a blic, Pam eti/Pam ati , pp . LXIX-LXX (69- 70)/6 1, th ere we re illustrati o ns wit h Latin or Slovak verse m o ttoes. " Bibli svata podle p uvodniho vydani Kra/ick eh o z let 1579-93 (Kutn a H o ra : Ceska biblicka p race , 1942), and B ibli svata p odle posledn ih o vydani Kralick eh o z roku 1613 (P raha: n .p., 1945). " C ita ti ons b y H orcicka from the Song of So ngs are: I . Song 4 : 12; 2. So ng 4: 13 (but also v. 14); 3. So ng 4: 15; 4. So n g 2 :13- 14 ; 5. So ng 1:5 -6; 6. Song 4: 16; 7. So ng 7: 8-9 (bu t actu all y vv. 7-8 in eit her vers ion of the Kralice Bible con sulted); 8. Song 7: 11 (bu t also v. 12) ; 9. Son g 2 : 11- 12 (bu t actu all y citati on sta rts in the midd le of verse 10 and includes also a pa rt of ve rse l 3); 10. So ng I : 13; 11 . So ng 2 :2; and I 2. Son g 2: 1. 44 Song of Songs, M a rv in Pope, in tro. and com. , Ancho r Bi ble Series (Ga rd en City , New York: Dou bleday and Company , 1977) , especiall y pp. 114-129. Also see : Diction naire de Spiritualite , colum n s 769-76. On page 126 of hi s com mentary, Pope notes that Lut her rej ected th e allegori cal interpretat ion of th e Song - na m ely, the allegorical fan cies of the Fathers as well as the literal erotic se nse. R at her , Luther believed that "the Bride of the Song is the ha ppy and peaceful state under Solomon's ru le and that th e Song is a h ymn in which Solomon thanks God for the d ivine gift of obedience.'' Concerning thi s, see also: Luther, ''Lectures on th e Song of Solomon ,'' J an Siggins, tr ., Luther's Works, 15 (St. Louis: Concord ia Publishin g, 1972), 191-95. I assume that H orcicka would have been aware of Luther' s views, but thi s in no way limits his int erpretati ve use of this Biblica l book. At present, it can not be said whether an y o th er Luth era n view of the So ng of So ngs such as that by Johann es Coccae us Uohann K och, 1603-69), Pope, pp . 128-29, was known b y Horcicka. " Bes ides hi s cita ti ons from th e Song of Songs at the beginning of each "walk, " H orcicka refers to verses from this book some thi rtee n tim es, only once repeating a verse from th ose introdu cin g " Walk IX." 46 On numbered page I 98 of th e H ortulus , Horcicka not es a Czec h ve rsion of the Bible published in 163 I in Wittenberg. 47 H ortulus, numbered page 103; Pope , Song of Songs , p. 123. 39 �SLOVAKIA 75 " In T h e Encyclopedia of th e Luth eran Church ( 1965), sub verbo " D evo tional Literature," it is no ted th a t ii K empis ' Imitation of Christ was popula r devotional read in g in Luthera n la nd s. " Th e En cyclopedia of th e Luth eran Church . ( 1965), sub verbo " G erh a rd , Johann ." I have, howeve r , fo und no reference fo r presuma bl y this Ge rha rd 's Postill(ae) cited by H orcicka. '° Th e Encyclopedia of th e Luthera n Church ( 1965), sub verbo " Dilherr , J ohann Michael," but no reference to his Feld-, Welt- etc. work . In two editions of an anthology of old Slova k literature, Misianik notes th a t th e Feld- work by this Dilherr was published in ure m be rg in 1648 a nd 165 1: An tol6gia starsej slovensej literatury ( Brati slava: Yydavatel'stvo Slove nskej a kademie vied , 1964), p . 6 18, a nd 1981 editi on , p . 583. Misia nik gives the title as Feld- W elt - G artenbetrachtung. " Th e En cyclopedia of th e Lutheran Church ( 1965) , sub verbo" Huelsemann , Johann ." " H orcicka a lso refers to th e Centuries of M agd eburg on numbered page 176. " T ablic, Pam eti/Pam ati , pp . LXVI -LXIX (66-69)/5 7-61 , qu otes in Czechi zed form two of th e verse units on numbered pages 122-23 a nd 402-03. The proper rendition of these ve rses can be found in th e two Misianik a nthologies, pp . 395 -96 and 399/ 373-74 respectively. Misia nik also cites two further ve rse units: H ortulus, numbered pages 82-83 and 370-75/ M isia ni k, pp. 395, 397 -399 and 370- 73 respec ti vely for th e two Misianik editi ons. Fina ll y, th ese fo ur ve rse units can also be fo und inJa miluji, nesmim providaci: antol6gia zo slovenskej barokovej poezie (Bratislava: Tatran , 1977), pp. 93-99. In a ll , th ere a re fo urtee n ve rse units. T ablic qu otes two a nd gives page numbers for eleve n oth ers; he missed the page numbers fo r one verse unit according to th e ve rsion of th e H ortulu s studi ed by me. The fo urtee n ve rse units a re as follows - numbered pages th en the number of verses in th e unit-: I. 14/6 2 . 82 -83/ 12; 3. 87-88/2 4; 4. 100/4 La tin a nd 4 Slovak; 5. 114-15/ 11; 6 . 122-23/36 ; 7. 186/8; 8. 191/4 La tin and 4 Slovak, a nd aga in 4 La tin and 4 Slovak; 9. 245/6; 10 . 33 7-38/8; 11. 340-43/76; 12. 365-66/ 12, not mention ed by T ablic; 13. 370-75/ 60; and 14. 402 -03/ 18. ,. The orth ograp hy used a t th a t time shows g instead of j (though g was also used for g), ss for s, w for v, the grave accen t fo r ad verbial endin gs, a nd (som etim es) a dot fo r a long mark ove r y. " Hu rba n , p . 6 (o riginal pagin ati on of the articl e) . " O n unn um bered page 15 , th at is, in th e int rodu cto ry portion of the H ortulus, Horc icka spea ks to the " Dea r R ead e r " in " Slowen sk em gazyku (Slovak language/to ngue), " as well as uses the adj ectival fo rms " Slowen sk ych " a nd " Slowenske " fo r "Slova k." In C h valy a obran y sloven sk eh o n arod a, pp . 48- 51, J a n Tibensky notes H orcicka's Slovak consciousness and quotes from th e introducti on to the latte r 's Neoforum latin o-slavon icum as evide nce of it . Prese n ted in Pa nel 99 , " Devo ti onal Literature in Seventeenth Ce ntury Slova ki a," a t the AAASS conve ntion in Washin gton , D .C. on 17 O ctober 1982 . Parts were prepared at the 1982 Summer Slavic Semin a r at the Unive rsity of Illinois in C ha mpa ign-Urbana . � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1982-83, Vol. 30 Description An account of the resource Vol. 30 (No. 55-56), 1982-83. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982-83 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 61 Daniel Sinapius-Horcicka's Hortulus Animae Piae G erald J . Sabo In Slovak areas during the seventeenth ce ntury , n ation ali st ic turmoil and religious strife were prominent features of life a nd society. Ethnic consciousness and religious commitment so pe rvaded political r elations that they pitted Hungarian s, Germans, and Slovaks against o ne another in shifting alliances. R eli gion, though, remain ed the " leadin g force" for virtually the entire ce ntury. 1 Indeed , the writings of thi s period Slovak and L a tin - clearly bear this out. 2 Hymnals, hom il etic writing, religious disputa tion s, doctrinal a nd d evo tion al lite ra ture, school plays related to religious formation, as well as accounts of imprisonment and/or ex ile for religious r eason s occupy a promin ent place among the Slovak/Latin writin gs of this e ra. Among the distinctive cultural figures of thi s century is the Lutheran family of Sinapius-Horcicka. 3 The father Mi chal a nd two of his sons , Jan a nd D ani el, stand out n ot only for their religiou s zeal but esp ec ially for their eruditio n and writin gs. 4 Indeed , a numbe r of these writings have earned them a significant place in Slovak cultural history. The father Michal (d. 1653) was a pastor in Hricov and Sucany a nd a prominent church elder in the Tre ncfn ecclesiastical (Lutheran) district. During his studies at Wittenberg as a young man , he presented two public Latin di sputatio n s: one on the definition and divisio n of m etaphysics and another on the intell ect a nd w ill of intelli ge nt be in gs. 5 Mi ch al's commi tmen t to eruditio n must ce r tainly have influ en c~d his so n s J a n a nd D aniel as evidenced by th e latter's activities and writin gs. Like their fath er , th e sons devoted the ir scholarl y training to serv in g their fellow Lutheran s as p astors a nd sc hool offi cials, in exile as well as in Slovak areas. It is their wr itin gs, however, th at have establi shed th e ir places in Slovak cultu ral history. Virtually all of J an 's extan t writings are written in Latin o r German. 6 Among them are: 1. a Latin d evo tional work for stu dents, H orologium sacrum (Sacred H o urs or C lock),7 where eve ry hour of the day is directed to religious form ation ; 2. a L a tin play 8 H enoch (E noch) ; an d Ornithica sacra (Sacred Ornithology) written in German 62 SLOVAKIA about birds with religious significance. 9 The writings of D aniel are composed in Latin or a vernacular Slovak 10 that shows the influence of and commitment to Kralice-Biblical-Czech in his reli giou s training and liturgical practice. Daniel Sinapius-Horcicka was born around 1640 in Sucany. 11 H e was rector of the Lutheran school in J elsava from 1663-65, 12 a pastor in K am enan/ 3 from 1665-67, 14 and from 1667-70 in Liptovska Tepla, and finally from 1670 in R advan. In September, 1673 , Daniel was among thirty-two Lutheran pastors summoned to trial befo re the Catholic Archbishop of E sztergom . 1~ After the trial , he went into exile first to Brieg (today Brzeg) and then in the winter of 16 74 to Breslau (Wroclaw) , and finally in November, 1677 16 to a certain Bojanowo in P oland , 17 where he was rector of a school. 18 H orcicka returned from exi le some time in 1683, fir st to his former pastorate in R ad van, then in 1684 to a pastorate and position of school official in L evoca. H e remained in Levoca un ti! his death in 1688. Some eighteen works 19 are attributed to D aniel Sinapius-Horcicka. Am ong the writings prominent in Slovak cultural history are : 1. H orcicka' s 1684 enlarged edition of the Lutheran hymnal Cithara sanctorum (Zither of the Saints), also known as Tran osciu s after its compiler Ju raj Tranovsky;2° 2. the 1682 wedding verse-composition in Latin, Coelum Bojan ovien se (Bojanowo H eaven);2 1 3. Neoforum latino-slavonicum (New L atin-Slavonic Forum) , a 1678 coll ection of popular/folk sayings in L atin and Slovak;2 2 4. Perlicka ditek Bozich (The Little Pearl of God's Children), a 1685 devotional work segm ented on the basis of the fi ve divisions in Luther's catechi sm; 23 and 5. H ortulu s animae piae (The Little Garden of the Piou s Soul), a 1676 devotional work and the subject of this article. 24 The L atin title of H orc icka 's 1676 work - H ortulu s animae piae is intri guing. H ortulu s (Hortus) animae is the title for a type of[Latin and/or German] devotional book of praye rs intended for the [Catholic] laity , that was widespread in Germany in the early sixteenth century .... The H ortuli .. . were similar in general content and arrangement to many of the L atin H orae or book of hours, or to the English primers , from which they developed; howeve r , they were more popular in character. The H ortuli contain ed the Little Office of Our L ad y, extracts from the Gospel accounts of the passion, the SLOVAKIA 63 Penitential Psalms, and the Litany of the Saints , with a large selection of supplementary d evotional matter. This material of private prayer had the tendency to increase size and in extravagan ce. For example, promises of spurious indulgences and complete forgiveness of sins became attached to man y prayers . . . The Council of Trent legislated against the accretions , the false promises of indulgences, and the incorrect versions of the Little Office of Our Lady. A bull of Pius V (March 11, 1571) demanded rigorous censorship of all editions. 25 The article on " Hortus/ Hortulus " in Dictionnaire de Spiritualite traces the extensive number of devotional works associated with this title and type of writing. 26 The phrase " Hortulus animae" is derived not from the aesthetic but from the utilitarian aspects of a garden as is evident from three Latin distichs that usually prefixed many such writings. The first two lines are as follows: Ortulus exiguus varias ut saepe salubres Herbas producit, quas medicina probat. (A small garden often produces a variety of salutary herbs of which medicine knows the value.) 21 In his articles on the Hortulus animae , Herbert Thurston notes that in 1569, a certain Lu the ran adaptation was published and called Der Lustgarten der Seelen (The Pleasure Garden of the Soul). 28 F. Wulf, though , notes that a Georg Rhaw (Rhau) produced a Lutheran version in 154 7, in Wittenberg; it was published in 1559 and was composed on the basis of printed Hortuli forbidden by the Spanish lnquisition . 29 Among the d evotional literature written by Slovak Lutherans , the title for Horcicka 's composition - Hortulus animae piae - is unique. Nor is the title Der Lustgarten der Seelen or some Slovak rendition to be found among Slovak Lutheran writings_ Jo Thus , it remains an open question why Horcicka cho se a title more closely associated with Catholic devotional writing rather than one from his own Lutheran tradition. JI The introdu ctory portion of Horcicka ' s HortulusJ 2 has several divisions. On the title page, the full title reads: Hortulu s Animae Piae, Zahradka Dussicky pobozne, Wkterez se clowek Krestiansky Suzitkem prochazeti muze (The Little Garden of the Pi ou s Soul in Which a Christian Person Can Walk w ith Usefulness/ Profit). After the title page com es that with Horcicka 's dedication of the book to "P . Markowy Hor vv (w) ath-Stansith of Gradetz/Hradec? in the Stolica (Cou nty) of Spis and 64 SLOVAKIA to hi s w ife Zoffy, n ee M a riasse/M a ri asove? from Markussowic/Markusovce,'' whom H o rcicka calls Km otrum (God pare nt s) a nd Dobrodin cu m (Be n efactors) . 33 In the fourt ee n pages that follow, H orcicka es ta blishes in Slovak th e basis or rationale for writing his Hortulus. H e d raws on Scriptu re as well as classical literature for refe ren ce material. Two further p ages ( 15 and 16 in sequ e nce as these p ages a re unnumbered) are devoted to the " Laskawemu Ctenari (Dear R eader). " After these sixteen pages of basically Slovak prose, in the version studied by m e there foll ow twelve pages in L a tin with dist inct parts. On p age seventeen (in sequ en ce), H orcicka's brothe r J a n comm ents on the Hortulu s. Then, a close friend , P etr Sext ius, 34 addresses Daniel himself as the form e r speaks on the H ortulus (pages 17-20). J a n Milochovinsky, 35 elder in the Zilina ecclesiastical district , h as a on e- page, addressed comm ent for D a ni el (page 21 ) . In the course of his comme n ts on the H ortulus, J a n Sextius, 36 called an "amico pectore ( close fri end)" by D a niel , addresses the '' P a nn onian offspring' ' and en courages them to show gratitude to God an d the author of the Hortulu s (pages 22-23). In hi s nearly three- page co mmentary , Jan Buriu s 37 draws on a number of sources, theological a nd classical litera ry (pages 23-25). On pages 26 and 2 7 of this introdu ctory portion, Horcicka addresses a certain M a tthias Albrecht whom he d esignates as ''Pas. in Elect. Dresda ... Vallens Hung. " 38 Fin all y, o n the final page of the int roducto ry portion (28), the author of the H ortulu s addresses the b ook itself: 39 "A uthor ad Libellum (Author to th e Little Book .)" At the bottom of this page, a plaited wreath illu stration encompasses the following: '' D omini Sum us, Dum Spiro Spero, D ominus Providebit (W e Are the Lord's, While I Breathe, I Hope, The Lord Will Provide .)" With this succinct statem ent of purpose a nd ou tl ook , Horcicka concludes the in trod u ctory portion of his H ortulu s . The m ain portion of the H ortulus consists of four hundred and eight numbered pages virtually all in Slovak with some L atin wri ting and even a few Greek words . (The Lat in and Greek are also transla ted into H orcicka 's vernacul ar Slovak.) H orcicka divid es the paginated portion into twelve uneven sections. The division into twelve may have symbolic value - twelve apostl es/twelve tri bes of Israel. 40 Each of these twelve sect ions is called a " Prochadzka (Walk )." Each ''Proch adzka '' begins in the same way . After the Roman num eral indi cati ng the proper " Walk " are found the words: "wniZ SLOVAKIA 65 premyssluge pobozna dusse (in which the pious soul reflects)." In each of the twelve ''walks ,'' the pious soul reflects on a different object: 1. the garden in general; 2. the tree of this garden; 3. the well of this garden ; 4 . the dove in this garden; 5. the mirror hangin g in this garden; 6. the winds that blow through this garden; 7. the palm (tree); 8. the vine stock/ root; 9 . the fig (tree); 10. myrrh; 11. the rose; and 12 . the lily. In his comments on these twelve objects for reflection, Horcicka engages the senses of the reader. 41 Words that help conjure up "sense pictures" of the objects for reflection enable the reader the better to assimilate the theological truth presented in association with the objects . Indeed, in the presentation order of his objects , H orcicka gradually refines the focus of his reader from a garden in general to a small object like a flower. After the object for a specific "walk " is named , Horcicka cites a relevant passage from the Biblical book Song of Songs (also known as th e Canticle of Canticles or Song of Solomon). In a comparison of H orcicka ' s citat ions from the Song of Songs with two editions of the Kralice Bible (1579-93 and 161 3), 41 it is clear that Horcicka adapts the verses somewhat, probably for the sake of better creating his verbal sense-picture of the object for reflection. 4 3 For "Walk X ," Horcicka' s verse quotation from the Song of So ngs is virtually an exact quotation of this verse according to the 161 3 edition of the Kralice Bible. For " Walk II ," however, Horcicka' s citation see ms to be drawn from the 1579-93 editio n of the Kralice Bible . At present, though, there is no way of de termining whe ther Horci cka u sed these versions of the Bible, a nd , if so , which of th e two , or som e othe r version. Horcicka ' s choi ce of th e Song of Songs as the Biblical basis for the Hortulus seems natural , perhaps even predictabl e from the tradi tion of C hristian writings about thi s Biblical book. F rom a s earl y as 200 AD , Christia n writers have commented on a nd inte rpreted the Song of Songs, usually allegorically , even eroti cally. 44 Horcicka probably wa nted a Biblical work that is co n cern ed not only wi th a garden , but contain s the various objects for refl ection tha t he cites. Onl y th e Son g of Son gs co uld give him such varie ty . In the co mm e nta ry th a t foll ows the verse(s) from the Son g of So ngs in each " walk ," H o rcicka dra ws on a va ri ety of so urces fo r m a te rial s to suppo rt hi s co mm ent s. As is to be ex pec ted , Script u re is a n a bundant so urce of ma teri al. R efe rence to ve rses from books of the O ld a nd New T es ta m e nt can be fo und in eve ry " walk " in la r ge num be rs. 4 5 I ndeed , in " W alk V ," H orcicka gives som e two hun d red and twenty-six 66 SLOVAKIA distinct references from the Bible as authoritative corroboration for whatever interpretation and religious/moral instruction he has written. Curiously, he cites verses from Sirach (some fifteen instances), from Wisdom (some four instances) , and once each from the first and second Book of Maccabees . None of these Old Testament books were considered canonical enough for inclusion in any edition of the Kralice Bible or probably any non-Catholic version through Horcicka's time. They are found in Catholic versions of the Bible since well before Horcicka's time. 46 Horcicka refers to prominent Christian writers from early Christian times into his own era. References to various works by Augustine , to the writings of Luther, Gregory Nazianzus, Chrysostom, Tertullian , Origen, Ambrose, and to the history of Eusebius of Caesarea are noted and footnoted, at times with even the folio/page numbers. References to the writings of Bernard of Clairvaux, especially with regard to the Song of Songs, are probably no surprise; Bernard wrote eighty-six sermons on the Song of Songs alone. Indeed, Horci cka notes sermon 61 where Bernard says that the Song's love pair are the Word of God and a Soul. 47 Curiously, Horcicka notes two references from Cornelius a Lapide, a Jesuit (d . 1637), a prolific Biblical exegete and interpreter. Interestingly, Horcicka also has a single reference to a 1622 Czech translation of the Bible and to a Prague printing of Th e Imitation of Christ by Thomas a Kempis (p. 171 ) . 48 In the Hortulus, there are a number of works noted and footnoted that were probably well-known in Horcicka's time. (At the present time, copies of some of these books are con sidered rare in many US libraries.) Among these writings are: 1. Schola pietatis by Johann G erhard (1582-1637), a Lutheran theologian; 49 2. Analecta sacra by J ohann Heinrich Ursin (1608-67); 3. Arboretum biblicum, also by Ursin; and 4. "Hortus aromaticus," which is part 3 of U rsin 's Continuatio historiae plantarum biblicae. I have found references for two authors whose names resemble those footnoted by Horcicka but nothing about the works cited as theirs. According to Horcicka, a certain Johann Michal Dilherr (a poet and Lutheran theologian, 1604-69) wrote Welt, Feld, and Gartenbetrachtung, 50 and a certain Johann Hu elsemann (Lutheran theologian, 1602-61) is believed to have written Pentagonium christian um. 51 With other books noted and footnoted by Horcicka , I have been unable to find any reference for them or their authors. Among these are: 1. Nicol(s) Roper's Helleuchtend Spiegel der Liebe ; 2. Mich(al) SLOVAKIA 67 Ba um a nn 's L exicon Allegorico Evangelicum; 3. Laur( entius) Halvard(i/ us) ' s Speculum amoris; and 4 . Hist(oria) Boh(emica) by a certain Dubrav( ius) . 51 In the Hortulus, there is also a good number of books footnot ed only a few times or less . The classical authors cited b y Horcicka are well-known figures from Greek a nd Latin literature. From the Greeks, Herodotus, Homer, X enophon , a nd Strabo, eve n Ari stotle provide supportive material for Horcicka. Of the Latin writers , there are Cicero, Horace, Pliny, Plutarch, Tacitus, Suetonius, and even the outstanding classical specialist, the Dutchman Joest Qustus) Lipsius (1547-1606) . Horcicka's use of these authors in a d evotional wo rk is not unusual for his time; classical literature continued to provide exempla tive material for writers in Slovak areas through the eighteenth century . At the conclusion of each ''walk ,'' Horcicka places Slovak ' ' Modlitby (Prayers)." U sually there are three distinct prayers, except for " Walks VII a nd XII ," with only two . These prayers are mostly in prose, though some are in verse, i.e . distichs combined in paired or enclosing rhymes. 53 The various verse compositions in the Hortulus range from six to seventysix verses . Three of the shortest follow , with a literal tra nslation . To my knowledge they h ave not elsewhere b een reprinted . 54 Ach prigd Pane gezissi prigd zen ichu neykrazssi Nawsstew wernu iwu du ssi at ljby twug hlas slissi A wmile Zahradce swe Bud' odpocinuti twe (p. 14) Com e oh Lord J esus come most handsome bridegroom Visit the tru e i va of the soul May it hear your kind voice And in your dear Garden Be your rest 2 KR ys te deg nam wwjre stalost odegmi ss kodn u wrtkawost Bychom cyle wi ry dossli Zsmni casne do Nebe ssli Na to rjka m Amen/ Amen/ Spas nas Gezu Kryste Amen. (p. 245) C hri st give us steadfastness in fa ith take away harmful fickleness That the goals of faith be attained Went in time from death to H eaven To this I say Amen/ Amen/ Save us J esus C hrist Am en . 3 Pos pess o ma dusse ho/sweho Kwytanj ze nicha ct neho Kteryz na dum tweho srdce Ruku mi los ti swe tlu ce Otewri swe brany gemu Pekne promluw/ a rcy kn emu Prigd mi ly mug/ fada m tebe Nechcy ziti gs uc bez tebe. (p. 337) H as ten o my sou l him/ of your Flowerin g the honorable bridegroom Who upon the house of your heart With th e hand of his love knocks Open your gates to him Nicely speak/ a nd say to hi m : Come my dear/ I beg you I do not wish to live being without you . 68 SLOVAKIA Whil e the literary value of the verse compositi ons in the H ortulus is limited , in the narrow sense, they can be considered examples of early Slovak ve rse writing . Each of the prayers at the end of the "walks" - verse or prose - is designated for som e definite purpose ; for instan ce: " For the dear presence of God; " "For the proper purity of heart , for sincerity, and piety;" "For the recognition of people's woes and God ' s good acts;" " For patience in crises and firmn ess in faith ;" and "For the good realization of a life short and woeful ," the last praye r and part of the Hortulus . According to Hurban, the H ortulu s had appended to it " M ensje jeho basne (his/ Horcicka's/sm aller verses). " 55 Whether Hurban might be referring to some of the verse compositions in the H ortulus or to some other ve rses not part of the H ortulus in itself is not clear . In the version of the Hortulus studied b y m e, the last two prayers (pages 404-408) are '' For the forgiveness of forgetfulness which we allow while receiving God 's gifts, " and "For the good realization of a life short and woeful. " For H orcicka, these subjects may have seem ed an apt conclusion fo r his devotion al work . There is no reason to suspect that there was more writing related to the Hortulu s which for some reason is not in the bound copy in the Lycealna knizni ca. Indeed , Rizn er notes that the H ortulu s has four hundred and eight numbered pages, as does Tablic - the number found in the Lycealna copy of the H ortulus. As a fi gure in Slovak cultural hi story, D ani el Sinapius-Horcicka occupies a definite place. In his H ortulus animae piae, as in other writings , he manifests a Slovak ethnic consciousness that stands out in the seve nteenth ce ntury. 56 Through hi s religious zeal, erudition , and talent , he also provides hi s fellow Lutherans wi th devo tion al writin g to co nsole them in their time of exile and trials . In effect, he has composed a notewo rthy example of early Slovak writing. Through not strictly literary, the Slovak prose a nd verse of H orcicka's Hortulus m erit far more attention and study th an they have rece ived - practicall y speaking, virtu ally none. It is hoped that thi s study is but the bare beginnin g of research on the H ortulu s and its author, Daniel Sinapiu s-Horcicka . NOTES ' J a n Du rov ic, Evanjelick a liceracura d o colerancie (Turcia nsky Sviity M a nin : M a ti ca slove nska, 1940), p . 5 1. ' This is shown by a peru sal of th e following : J a n Durovic, Evangelicka liceracura a nd SLOVAKIA ' ' ' 6 1 ' ' ' 0 69 also his Prehl'ad literarnych dejin slovenskych eva njelikov (Liptovsky Svaty Mikulas: Tra noscius, 1948); " Barak ," D ejin y starsej slovenskej /iteratury (Bratislava: V ydava tel'stvo Slovensk ej akademie vied , 1958), pp . 155 -298; Literarna rukovat', 2nd ed. (Bra tisl ava: Slove nske pedagogicke nak ladatel's tvo , 1981 ) pp. 72-97. M an y Lutheran famili es adop ted Latin renditions of the family na mes as new surnames. This hyphena ted name is used for Horcicka family members in Slovak litera ry hi stories and criti cism as well as in th e a rticl es on them in Encyklopedia Slovenska , V ( 198 1). J an the younger , son of J a n th e elder - Daniel's brother - also wrote a number of works: l'.udovft Rizner, Bibliogra fia pisomnictva slovenskeho , V (Turciansky Svaty Martin: M a ri ca slova neka, 1933), 80-81. ( H ereafter , Rizn er , volume in Rom a n numeral , page(s) in Arabic num eral(s) .) Also , J an Misianik, Doplnky k Rizn erovej bib/iogra fii , 1946 , 2nd revised and enlarged edition (Martin : Matica slovenska, 1971), pp. 252 -253 . Jan and Dani el' s sister Elena married into prominent Luthera n families such as La ni a nd Lad ive r - Jan Slavik, D ejin y zvolenskeho evanjelickeh o a. v. bra1s1va a senioratu (Banska Sti avn ica: NakJad vdovy a syna AugustaJoergesa, 1921 ), p . 344. Rizn er, V , 8 1; Durovic, Evanjelicka lit eratura, p. 62 , incompl ete Latin titles. Rizn er , V , 79-80 ; Durovic, Evanje/ick a Iiteratura , pp. 142-43 , 348; Alexander Lomba rdini, "J a n Sina pi us (H orcicka), #38, " "Slovensky Plutarch ," Slovensk e pohl'ady, 7, No. 4 ( 1887), 82-83; Misia nik , D oplnky , P . 252. Durovic , Evanje/icka literatura, p. 69 Durovic, Prehl'ad , p . 40 , a nd Evanjelicka literatura , pp . 9 1-92 has " play, " but Erce (pseudonym of Celes tin R advany i) , Slovenska krv (Bratislava : Vydavatel'stvo lexikalneho di ela " Slovenska krv, " 1942), p. 160 calls it a " praye r book for intellect uals." J an di ed in ex ile in H alle on August 4, 1682: Rizn er , V , 79 ; Bohuslav Tablic, Pameti cesk o-slovenskych basnifuv an eb versovcuv , origin all y published in 1800' s, Bi og raphi ca-Pra mene, zv. 1 (M a rtin : M a rica slovenska , 1972) , p . LXV (65) , and in Pam ati cesko-slovenskych basnikov alebo versovcov, Rudo Brtai\, tr. (Bratislava : T at ran , 1974), p. 57; and En cyklopedia Sloven ska, V (1981) , sub verbo " SinapiusH orcicka, J a n , st. " The ve rn acula r Slovak used by Daniel is called " Slovakized Czech " by Jozef Minarik in Li1erarna rukova t', p. 72 , in both editions. Discussion a bout this la ngu age a nd its prope r desc ripti ve na me co ntinu es. Fo r instance , l',ubomfr Durovic writes that " throu gh th e increased use of Czech with local Slovak features in th e administration of W es t Slova k town s (Bratislava , Trnava, Trencfn , Zilina , etc .), a kind of regional administra tive koin e spo nt a neously developed in th e sixtee nth and seve ntee nth centuri es .. called ' cultural Wes tern Slova k' (kulturna zapadoslovencina)," in "Slovak," 70 SLOVAKIA The Slavic Literary Languages: Formation and Development , Alexande r Schenker a nd Edward Stankiewicz, eds. (New H ave n : Yale Concilium on International and Area Studies, 1980), p . 2 12. Durovic' s a nalysis shows features of this koine th at a re fou nd in H orcicka's H ortulu s , though how co nsisten tl y a nd exte nsively this is so is a m a tt er fo r further study by histo ri cal lin gu ists. Durovic continu es: Another language integrati on a rea in the seventeenth ce ntury was Central Slovakia [the area of H orcicka's pastoral act ivity), where the Central Slovak dialects became a basis for a new regional koine. The use of this "cultural Central Slovak " is a ttested in city administrat ion , pri vate correspondence, occasional poetry, and in some religious, non-liturgical fun ctions. This koine was in m an y respec ts ve ry similar to the spoken literary Slovak of today. (p. 2 12) " ,i " " " The related but distinctive process of Slovak ethni c consciousness fo r the period 1620- 1750 must also have been play ing a role in the process of lin guistic development and systematization . After extensive documentary resea rch and study , Josef M acu rek co nte nds that it was during thi s peri od that "the political and geographical border , M oravian-Sl ovak .. . , becam e an ethn ographic boundary ," in " Ceske ze me a Slovensko ( 1620-1750),'' Spisy university j. E . Purkyne v Brne: Filosoficka fakult a, 147 ( 1969), pp . 78-79 ; see also pp. 69-75 with related footnotes and appended documents on pp . 83-3 I 3. On the basis of his study, M acurek shows that in this border area , the co nsciousness of Slovaks and M oravians (Czechs) as di stin ct ethnic groups was es peciall y developed , Thus, H orcicka says he is writing in "slowenskem gazyku " (Cf note 56 below). For more on this point see also my article on Hu golfn G avlovic in this issue of Slovakia , note 3. 1 have used the foll owing for the biogra ph y of Daniel Sina piu s- H orcicka: Bohu slav Tablic, Pameti/ Pam aci , pp . LXI-LXXI (6 1-71)/55-62; Durovic, Evanjelicka lit eratura, pp. 120-121, note 75 ; Lombard ini , " Daniel Sinapius ( H o rci cka ), #37 ," in " Slovensky Plutarch ," Slovenske pohl'ady , 7, No . 4 (1887), 80-82 ; Erce, p . 160 ; J ozef Minarik , D ejin y starsej slovensk ej literatury, pp. 266-70 ; J ozef Hurba n , "Slovensko a jeho zivot litera rni ," Slovenskje pohladi na vedi, umenja a literaturu, Djel I , Svazok 2 ( 1847), rpt. (Bratislava : Slovenske vydavatel'stvo krasnej literatury , 1957), 6-9 (ori ginal pagination); En cyklop edia Slovenska, V ( 198 1), sub verbo "Sinapius- H orcicka, D aniel"; and Misian ik , Doplnky , pp . 25 1-252. The date of H o rcicka 's birth is given by Durovic as circa 1630 and th at of his death as 1706 b y Durovic, Erce, and Lomba rdini , an d yet Minarik and En cyklopedia Slovenska give l 640 a nd 1688 respec tively. I have accepted th e latter as evidence of more rece nt scholarship on Sinapius-Horcicka . These d ates a re in En cyklopedia Slovenska ( 198 1), sub verbo "Sin apius-Horcicka, D a ni el. '' Lomba rdini names K ameiian y by its Hun garia n appe llat ion (cf. Vlastivedny slovnik obci na Sloven sku ( 19 77) , sub verbo " K ameiiany. " ) Dates for years in K ameiiany and Liptovska T epla in Encyklopedia S/ovenska ( 198 1), sub verbo "Sinapiu s- H o rcicka, Da niel"; T ablic, Pam eti/ Pam aci , P. LXII (62)/55. Slav ik , Dejiny, p. 85 notes 33 pastors , but Jan Kvacala, D ejiny reformacie na Sloven - SLOVAKIA " 17 " 19 '° " " " " " 16 " 71 sku (Liptovsky Sviity Mikulas : Tranoscius , 1935), p . 235 writes 32 Lutheran pastors and 1 Reformed pastor. Tablic, Pameti/Pamiiti, P. LXII (62)/55. Those authors who have written about Horcicka give variation s on the name of this Polish town. Tablic (Pameti, PP. LXII-LXIII) has Bojanow(o) , Erce, Bojanov(o) near Lesno/ Leszno , and Tablic (Pama.ti , pp . 55-56), Nov(y/e) Bojanow(-/o), and Encyklopedia Slo venska, Nov(y/e) Boja nov (-/o) . On pp . 266-67, Minarik speaks of a Nov(y/e) Bojanow(o) nea r Lesno/ Leszno . From my own resea rch, I have decided on presentday Bojanowo , southeast of Leszno. The Slownik nazv geograficznych po/ski zachodnej i polnocnej, Stanislaw Rospond, ed . (Warszawa and Wroclaw : Polskie towarzystwo geografi czne, 195 1), p . 17 sub verbo " Bojanow" desc ribes a village near R aciborz. H oweve r , two further reference works make me choose Boj anowo near Leszno . They are: Slownik geograficzny kr6lestwa polskiego , Filip Sulimi ersky and Wl adyslaw Walewsky, ed . (Warszawa: Druk " Wieku ," 1880), pp. 292-294 , sub verbo " Bojanowo" ; and Wielka encyklopedia powszechna (1963), sub verbo " Bojanowo." These two works mention that in this town's hi story there was/is a significa nt evangeli cal/protestant background and that here th ere was a protestant gymna zwm . Hurba n , p . 6 (original pagination of article); Lomba rdini , p . 80 ; T ablic, Pameti/ Pamiiti , p. LXII (62)/55 ; Minarik, p . 266: Encyklopedia Slovenska, sub verbo " Sinap ius-H orcicka , Daniel. " Rudo Brtan in " Daniel Sinapius , '' Slovensky literarny album (Bratislava: Obzor, 1968) , p . 44 notes that Sinapius-Horcicka stayed on th e estate of th e Lords Leszczynski ( 1677-83) as rector of th e Latin school in ov(y/e) Bojanow(-/o). Rizn er , V, 77-79 , li sts twelve : Lombardini li sts fourt een ; Misianik , Doplnky , pp . 25 1-5 2 , add s six more; Misia ni k has two works listed by Lombardini but not by Rizn er. They all sha re eleve n in common. For so me co mm enta r y, see: Durovic, Evanjelick a lit eratura , pp. 143-45. For so me co mm enta ry, see: Durovic , Evanjelicka literatura, p. 91. Hurban , pp . 6-9 (o ri gin al pagina tion of article); Minarik , pp. 267-69; a nd Literarna ruk ovl', pp . 90-92. Fo r so me co mm enta ry, see: Durovic, Evanjelick a literatura , pp . 12 1-22 . T he works th at I have listed in numbers 2 , 3, 5, probably l , a nd perh aps 4 we re published a nd/or co mposed durin g Horcicka's period of exi le. Th e New Ca th olic En cyclopedia ( 1967), sub verbo '' H ortulu s animae.'' Diciionnaire de Spiriru alite ( l 969), sub verbo " Hortus , Hortu lus/J a rdin spiritu el," especiall y columns 777 -783. (In column 779, it is noted that th e J esuit Peter Cani siu s publi shed in 1563 in Dillin ge n H orru/us animae. Der See/en C arten .) Herbert Thursto n , " The Print ing Press in th e Service of th e C hurch : I , The Original Garden of th e Soul, " Am erica n Ecclesias rical R eview, 26 (Februa ry, 1902), 170 , no tes it was prin ted in 1569 in N urembe rg a nd a co py is at th e Bodl eia n Libra ry, Oxford whi ch co ncludes wit h a n histori cal account of Luth er's p rotes t aga in st in d ul ge nces. In hi s Ca th olic Encyclopedia ( 19 10) a rticl e on '' H o nul us an ima e, '' T hurston notes th at thi s 1569 Luthera n re nditi on " perh a ps co r respond s bes t to the oth er fa mou s Cath ol ic prayer book the' Pa rad isus Anim ae. ' " In his A m erican Ee- 72 SLOVAKIA clesiastical Review art icle cited above, Thurston is discussing primaril y a German version entitled Der Selen Wurt zgart (first published in 1483), found in th e British Mu seum (p. 170 in article). He th en m enti ons in a footnote of thi s a rticl e that a Nuremberg edition of th e same year as th e German H orculu s he is di scussing is entitl ed Hortulus Animae, th e dude Selen wurt-ga rden gen ant , printed by F . P ypus. Finall y, on pages 174- 75 of this same art icle, Thurston qu otes th e translated introduction of his German Hortulus under di scussion: Hereafter follows a right pleasant and useful matter; and it is called the H erb-garden of th e Soul; since ju st as the body of man derives manifold pleasant savours from clove , gilliflowers, rosemary and other herbs, in like mann er th e soul receives man y d ifferent en tertainments, both pleasant and ghostly , from the goodly teachin g and examples whi ch are gathered together in thi s book. This present book is divided into four pa rt s. Each part is translated into German and derived from the writings of honou red teache rs and histories worth y of credit. 19 30 31 31 This introduction th en shows clearly the utilita ri an characte r of the H orculus. L exikon fur Th eologie und Kirch e ( 1960), sub verbo " H ortulus animae. " On George Rh aw ( 1488-1 548), responsible for this 1547 (composed) work, see: The Encyclopedia of th e Lutheran Church ( 1965), sub verbo " Rh a u , George." In this encyclo ped ia, in the articl e " D evo tion al Litera ture, " it is noted that Rhaw 's ve rsion of th e H orculu s dates from 1548, a nd that an offshoot of Rhaw 's version was Nicol aus Cramer's Wurtzgaerclein d er Seelen of 15 73 . In my research in several librar ies at universities and theological centers, I have found only one book on Lutheran devotion al literature: P aul Althaus , Forschungen z ur Evangelischen Gebetsliteracur, 1927 ed ., rpt. (Hildesheim: Georg Olm s V erl agsbuchhandlung, 1966). This book , howeve r, has no comm entary abo ut th e Lutheran ve rsion of the H ortulu s; it does spea k of th e Ca tholi c Hortuli . I have found no references anywhere else to a Lutheran H orculus or to a book entitled D er Lustgart en der Seelen , the titl ed noted by Thurston. In Evanjelicka literatura, page 111 , Durovic notes that the Lutheran clergyman Daniel Pribi s added a section entitled R osarium an imae (Rose-garden of the Soul) to hi s 1634 editi on (cf. Prehl'ad , p. 34) of the 16 12 Slovak rendition of Luther's catech ism. It mi ght be noted here th at Luther "was ... eage r to replace the ordinary Catholic prayer books, above all th e com mon popular forms of H orculu s animae ('The Soul 's Garden') , and thu s his [Luther' s] B etbu chlein (' Prayer Bookl et') of 1522 appea red.": Th e Encyclopedia of th e Lutheran Church ( 1965), sub verbo "Devotional Literature.'' In Dictionnaire de Spiricualite, column 783, it is observed th at a J esui t, Andrej Zachon (d. 1700), wrote and had published in Olomouc in 1669 a H ortulu s spiritualis vernantiae seu libellus precum floriferarium (Littl e Spiritual Ga rd en of Springtime or The Little Book of Flowerbearin g Entrea ti es). I am usi ng a mi crofilm of Horcicka 's H ortulu s made from a copy of this book fou nd in the Lycealn a kni zn ica in Bratislava with no signa ture number. Rizn er, V, 77 and Durovic, Evanjelicka lit eratura, p . 12 1 noted two ex ta nt co pies of the H orculu s one in the Kni znica Tranovskeho a nd another in th e Hun garian National Museum. SLOVAKIA ll " " " " " 73 It would seem likely that th e copy in the Kniznica Tranovskeho is now the copy in the Lycealna knizni ca. Howeve r, as will be evident from my commentary , the copy studi ed by me has more introductory, unnumbered pages than Rizner indicates 28 instead ofRizner' s 16. In his book , TanovskehoPam eti/Pamati, pp . LXIV-LXV (64-65)/5 7) tablic notes virtuall y all of these ex tra La tin pages, although he is silent ab t the sixteen , basically Slovak (unnumbered) pages tha t preced e these Latin ones in the introductory portion of the H ortulus. Tablic (Pame1i/Pama.1i, pp . LXIX-LXX (69- 70)/6 1) notes th a t there are illu strations and verses in each of th e twelve divisions of the mai n body ; this format is th en similar to that of emblematic poetry which has a co upl et-ve rse, a n illu stration , a nd then some furth er verses/commentary: John L. Lievsay, '' Emblem , ' ' Th e Prin ceton En cyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics , enlarged editi on , Alex Premin ge r et al. , ed. (Prince ton: Prince ton University Press, 1974) . Thi s feature - th e illustration - is not found in the H ortulus version studi ed b y me. In hi s D oplnky, p . 25 1, Misianik a nd in Pameti/Pam ati , p. LXX (70)/61, Tablic not e th a t H orcicka trans lated his Slovak Hortulu s into German, and this Germa n ve rsion was published in 1680 in Lesno/Leszno. Finally , m y memory of the actual book wou ld be th at when closed , it would measure so mething like an inch b y three inches, ap tl y a "little" garde n. T a blic (Pameti/ Pam ati , p . LXIV (6 4)/57) notes the book is dedi cated to a ce rtain " Jil'fmu R advan skemu , dedicnemu pan u V R advani, V Skubfne, Malachove, slov utn eho ispanstvf aneb vidieku zvolenskeho pl'ednfmu assessorovi ajeho man zelce V. u . pa nfJ ohann e Ka tal'in e, rozene M ari a.save z M a rku sovic (G eo rge R adv ansky, heredita ry lord of R ad van, Skubin a, M alachov, the p ro min ent assesso r of the wellkn own count y of Zvolen a nd environs and to his wife , th e great?, noble? , lad y Joanna Cath erine, n ee M ariasova from M a rku sovce . '' ) Thi dedi cation va ri es from th a t in th e ve rsion of th e H ortulus studi ed by me. In the dedi cation to his N eoforum latinos/avon icum , H orcicka na mes a ce rtain J a n R adva nsky of R advai\ , heir to Skubyn and M alachau/ M a lachov, perha ps son of Jil'f/Juraj menti oned by T ablic: Edition of J. V . Novak an d V . Flajshan s in P rague, 1908, p . 3. On this same page , H orcicka menti ons a ce rt ain H orwath -Sta nsithioru m in Spfs. This H orwath-S tansithiorum (ge niti ve plural) is rend ered H orwa th-Stancicovce (nominative plural) by Jan Tibensky, Chvaly a obrany sloven skeh o naroda (Brati slava: Slovenske vyd ava tel'stvo krasnej li tera tury, 1965), p . 48 . For some comm ent a ry on Petr Sextiu s, see : Durovic, E vanjelicka lii eratura, pp . I I 9- 120. H e is m enti oned by Lomba rdini in hi s commentary on Milichov insky, #56 in " Slove nsky Plutarc h ," Slo ven ske pohl'ad y, 7, No . 6 (1887), 135. On Miloc hovinsky, see: Durovic, Evanjelick a lit eratura, pp . 62 , 177-78 , and Lombard ini, p. 135. On J an Sextius, see: Durovic, Eva njelick a lit eratura , p. 62, a nd Lomb a rdini again . On J a n Buriu s, see: Durovic, Evangelick a lii eracura, pp . 8 1-82, 145 . H orcicka call s Buriu s a G erman, th ough Du rov ic specul a tes that he m ay have bee n Slovak; he was born in Lip tov. Al so, on page 84 of hi s cited work , Durovic notes th at J an Sex ti us and J a n Burius wro te a hi story of a ce rt a in Juraj La ni in 1676. I have fo und no reference fo r thi s person . Th e phrase " Pas. in Elecc. Dresda. Va /Jens Hung. " ca n possibly be rendered " ~ in th e Electo rat e of Dresde n 74 SLOVAKIA Wall achian of Hun gary . " Such an address of auth or to book was done nearl y a ce ntury later ( 1758) by Hu golin G avlovic as he concluded the introductory portion of his Sk ala Krest'ansk a (A C hristian School): signature MJ 33 1, Litera rn y a rchiv M ati ce sloven skej in Mart in , p . 16 with title- page as page one . Interestingly, T ablic does n ot m enti on H orcicka's address to the book in hi s, T a blic's, d escrip tion of the int rodu cto ry portion of the H ortulus. 40 In composin g hi s later devoti onal wo rk , Perlicka ditek B ozich (The Little Pearl of G od 's Ch ild ren) , publi shed in 1685, H orcicka purposely structured it accordin g to the fi ve d ivisions of Luther 's catechi sm : D u rovic, Evanjelick a literatura, pp . 12 1-22. 41 It is interestin g th at in 1685 , H o rcicka published in Levoca K om en sky's/Comenius' Orbis pictu s sen sualium , on e of th e o utstandin g books of th e seventee nth century where th e se nses a re u sed th e bette r to in culca te certa in knowled ge a m o ng children and/or adults: Min arik, p . 270 ; E rce, p . 160; and En cyklopedia Sloven ska, sub verbo " Sinapius- H orci c_ka, D a ni el. " R ecall also th at accord in g to T a blic, Pam eti/Pam ati , pp . LXIX-LXX (69- 70)/6 1, th ere we re illustrati o ns wit h Latin or Slovak verse m o ttoes. " Bibli svata podle p uvodniho vydani Kra/ick eh o z let 1579-93 (Kutn a H o ra : Ceska biblicka p race , 1942), and B ibli svata p odle posledn ih o vydani Kralick eh o z roku 1613 (P raha: n .p., 1945). " C ita ti ons b y H orcicka from the Song of So ngs are: I . Song 4 : 12; 2. So ng 4: 13 (but also v. 14); 3. So ng 4: 15; 4. So n g 2 :13- 14 ; 5. So ng 1:5 -6; 6. Song 4: 16; 7. So ng 7: 8-9 (bu t actu all y vv. 7-8 in eit her vers ion of the Kralice Bible con sulted); 8. Song 7: 11 (bu t also v. 12) ; 9. Son g 2 : 11- 12 (bu t actu all y citati on sta rts in the midd le of verse 10 and includes also a pa rt of ve rse l 3); 10. So ng I : 13; 11 . So ng 2 :2; and I 2. Son g 2: 1. 44 Song of Songs, M a rv in Pope, in tro. and com. , Ancho r Bi ble Series (Ga rd en City , New York: Dou bleday and Company , 1977) , especiall y pp. 114-129. Also see : Diction naire de Spiritualite , colum n s 769-76. On page 126 of hi s com mentary, Pope notes that Lut her rej ected th e allegori cal interpretat ion of th e Song - na m ely, the allegorical fan cies of the Fathers as well as the literal erotic se nse. R at her , Luther believed that "the Bride of the Song is the ha ppy and peaceful state under Solomon's ru le and that th e Song is a h ymn in which Solomon thanks God for the d ivine gift of obedience.'' Concerning thi s, see also: Luther, ''Lectures on th e Song of Solomon ,'' J an Siggins, tr ., Luther's Works, 15 (St. Louis: Concord ia Publishin g, 1972), 191-95. I assume that H orcicka would have been aware of Luther' s views, but thi s in no way limits his int erpretati ve use of this Biblica l book. At present, it can not be said whether an y o th er Luth era n view of the So ng of So ngs such as that by Johann es Coccae us Uohann K och, 1603-69), Pope, pp . 128-29, was known b y Horcicka. " Bes ides hi s cita ti ons from th e Song of Songs at the beginning of each "walk, " H orcicka refers to verses from this book some thi rtee n tim es, only once repeating a verse from th ose introdu cin g " Walk IX." 46 On numbered page I 98 of th e H ortulus , Horcicka not es a Czec h ve rsion of the Bible published in 163 I in Wittenberg. 47 H ortulus, numbered page 103; Pope , Song of Songs , p. 123. 39 SLOVAKIA 75 " In T h e Encyclopedia of th e Luth eran Church ( 1965), sub verbo " D evo tional Literature," it is no ted th a t ii K empis ' Imitation of Christ was popula r devotional read in g in Luthera n la nd s. " Th e En cyclopedia of th e Luth eran Church . ( 1965), sub verbo " G erh a rd , Johann ." I have, howeve r , fo und no reference fo r presuma bl y this Ge rha rd 's Postill(ae) cited by H orcicka. '° Th e Encyclopedia of th e Luthera n Church ( 1965), sub verbo " Dilherr , J ohann Michael," but no reference to his Feld-, Welt- etc. work . In two editions of an anthology of old Slova k literature, Misianik notes th a t th e Feld- work by this Dilherr was published in ure m be rg in 1648 a nd 165 1: An tol6gia starsej slovensej literatury ( Brati slava: Yydavatel'stvo Slove nskej a kademie vied , 1964), p . 6 18, a nd 1981 editi on , p . 583. Misia nik gives the title as Feld- W elt - G artenbetrachtung. " Th e En cyclopedia of th e Lutheran Church ( 1965) , sub verbo" Huelsemann , Johann ." " H orcicka a lso refers to th e Centuries of M agd eburg on numbered page 176. " T ablic, Pam eti/Pam ati , pp . LXVI -LXIX (66-69)/5 7-61 , qu otes in Czechi zed form two of th e verse units on numbered pages 122-23 a nd 402-03. The proper rendition of these ve rses can be found in th e two Misianik a nthologies, pp . 395 -96 and 399/ 373-74 respectively. Misia nik also cites two further ve rse units: H ortulus, numbered pages 82-83 and 370-75/ M isia ni k, pp. 395, 397 -399 and 370- 73 respec ti vely for th e two Misianik editi ons. Fina ll y, th ese fo ur ve rse units can also be fo und inJa miluji, nesmim providaci: antol6gia zo slovenskej barokovej poezie (Bratislava: Tatran , 1977), pp. 93-99. In a ll , th ere a re fo urtee n ve rse units. T ablic qu otes two a nd gives page numbers for eleve n oth ers; he missed the page numbers fo r one verse unit according to th e ve rsion of th e H ortulu s studi ed by me. The fo urtee n ve rse units a re as follows - numbered pages th en the number of verses in th e unit-: I. 14/6 2 . 82 -83/ 12; 3. 87-88/2 4; 4. 100/4 La tin a nd 4 Slovak; 5. 114-15/ 11; 6 . 122-23/36 ; 7. 186/8; 8. 191/4 La tin and 4 Slovak, a nd aga in 4 La tin and 4 Slovak; 9. 245/6; 10 . 33 7-38/8; 11. 340-43/76; 12. 365-66/ 12, not mention ed by T ablic; 13. 370-75/ 60; and 14. 402 -03/ 18. ,. The orth ograp hy used a t th a t time shows g instead of j (though g was also used for g), ss for s, w for v, the grave accen t fo r ad verbial endin gs, a nd (som etim es) a dot fo r a long mark ove r y. " Hu rba n , p . 6 (o riginal pagin ati on of the articl e) . " O n unn um bered page 15 , th at is, in th e int rodu cto ry portion of the H ortulus, Horc icka spea ks to the " Dea r R ead e r " in " Slowen sk em gazyku (Slovak language/to ngue), " as well as uses the adj ectival fo rms " Slowen sk ych " a nd " Slowenske " fo r "Slova k." In C h valy a obran y sloven sk eh o n arod a, pp . 48- 51, J a n Tibensky notes H orcicka's Slovak consciousness and quotes from th e introducti on to the latte r 's Neoforum latin o-slavon icum as evide nce of it . Prese n ted in Pa nel 99 , " Devo ti onal Literature in Seventeenth Ce ntury Slova ki a," a t the AAASS conve ntion in Washin gton , D .C. on 17 O ctober 1982 . Parts were prepared at the 1982 Summer Slavic Semin a r at the Unive rsity of Illinois in C ha mpa ign-Urbana .  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Daniel Sinapius-Horčička's Hortulus Animae Piae Description An account of the resource Gerald J. Sabo Slovakia, Vol. 30 (No. 55-56), 1982-83 pp. 61-75 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sabo, Gerald J., 1945–2020 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1982-83 LCNAF+dates https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/41c5c4e4a7537be7f2b42199ad687ee4.pdf 3e132eeb4e29481927e19b13a01fbee7 PDF Text Text 134 SLOVAKIA 31) Ibid., p . 192. 32) Ibid. 33) Stephanie 0. Rusek, op. cit., p. 182. BIBLIOGRAPHY Harrison, S. Czechoslovakia in European History, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1944, pp. 196-283. Husek, Stephanie 0 . Ph.D. "General Milan Ra:stislav Stefanik in America," in Jednota Katolicky Kalerzt:lar, 1938, pp. 181-192. Kerner, Robert J . (ed). Czechoslovakia, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1940. Masaryk, Thomas Garigue, The Making of a State, New York: Frederick A. Stokes, 1927. Oddo, Gilbert L. Slovakia And Its People, New York: Robert Speller & Sons, 1960. Seton-Watson, R. W. A History of the Czechs and Slovaks, New York: Hutchinson and Co., 1943. Weiss, Louise. "The Founders of the Czech Republic," in Current H istory, Vol. 11, pp. 287-289. (SECOND PRIZE AWARD) Svatopluk: Political Opportunist or National Hero? Mary Susan Sabol Great Moravia, founded in the early ninth century, was the first political organization established by the Danubian Slavs without foreign leadership or foreign interference. Because of the Frankish pressure on the Slavs after the Avar's fall, the Slavs under Mojmir I determined to create an independent state, with its power centers at Devin and Nitra, based on the tradition of the previous Samo state. Great Moravia achieved its greatest power and influence under Svatopluk, of the Mojmirid line, from 871 to 894.1 In 870, Svatopluk, regent of Nitra, plotted with German backing against his uncle, Rastislav, ruler of the Great Moravian Empire. 2 When Rastislav heard of the plot, he challenged Svatopluk to do battle. Rastislav, however, was defeated and taken prisoner by the Germans. Svatopluk was entrusted with Great Moravia by Carloman, son of Louis the German. Soon Svatopluk lost the confidence of the Germans; was deposed and imprisoned. �SLOVAKIA 135 Louis the German feared Svatopluk was building a strong Slavic state that could pose a threat to his German Empire. Consequently, Slavomir, a Moravian prince, was elected by the Slavs to take over Svatopluk's position of leadership, and initiated a rebellion against the Germans.3 Svatopluk eonvinced Carloman to allow him to direct a siege of the fortress of Devin, where he betrayed his troops, destroyed the German army, and again became the ruler of the Great Moravian Empire. He pressed the offensive against the Germans, and in 873, he defeated Carloman decisively. Carloman sought a truce, and in 874, he signed a treaty with Svatopluk at Forsheim which acknowledged the independence of Great Moravia. Svatopluk then waged wars against Panonia, Bohemia, the Vislanians, and the Lusatian Serbs to extend the frontier of his empire. Because Carloman's son and successor as one of the claimants of the German Empire, Arnulf, also feared a large Slavic state on his eastern border, he sought an alliance with the Magyars against Great Moravia and attacked Devin several times during the remainder of Svatopluk's reign. The empire always repulsed those attacks as long as Svatopluk lived. 4 It is almost impossible to determine the motives of a man who lived oved a millenium ago, yet the question arises whether Svatopluk sought control and expansion of the ~reat Moravian Empire to satisfy his own powerlust, or whether he was convinced of the importance and necessity of a united Slavic peoples, and determined to create such a union. Svatopluk's first move for power appears to be a traitorous one. It is doubtful that he questioned his uncle's statesmanship and loyalty to the Slavic state, because Rastislav considered the independence of his country most important. He was painfully aware of the German military and cultural imperialistic foreign policy.5 Consequently, he strengthened his country militarily. Fortresses were built, a strong army was trained, and support was obtained from the other Moravian princes who still retained their lands after the fall of Mojmir, the predecessor of Rastislav. Rastislav was able to defeat the attacking German armies in 855, thus gaining even greater support from the local princes.6 By this time, �136 SLOVAKIA Great Moravia was secure, and Rastislav was able to concentrate on the domestic problems in his country. Rastislav publicly opposed the Carolingian brand of Christianity the German missionaries were imposing on the Slavs in a foreign language. He realized that the Christian culture spread by the German clerics would inevitably cause the ebbing of Slavonic community among his people and a gradual German takeover of the Great Moravian Empire. 7 However, Rastislav was aware of the political advantage Christianity held for the Slavs. If the Slavic people accepted it, the Christian faith might be an invaluable link in the alliance of the Slavs against their enemies.8 He turned to the East and asked Michael III, Emperor at Constantinople, to send missionaries who would teach in the Slavonic language.9 In 863, Rastislav welcomed the brothers, Constantine and Methodius to his domain to teach Christianity in the vernacular. 10 The German bishops in Salzburg, Passau, and Regensburg and the Bavarian missionaries in Moravia protested against the activities of the eastern missionaries, accusing them of initiating dangerous liturgical reforms and ignoring German ecclesiastical authority. Constantine and Methodius were called to Rome to defend themselves.11 After convincing the papacy of their orthodoxy, and then, after Constantine's untimely death, Methodius returned alone to Great Moravia as archbishop and papal legate with the authority to organize the Church among the Slavs, and with the permission to use the Slavonic liturgy. 12 The German bishops flouted the papacy's approval of Methodius' apostolate and imprisoned him. At this time, Church-state affairs were considerably integrated. Papal authority in secular affairs developed as a result of fifth century papal thinking, which held that ecclesiastical and secular jurisdictions were distinct, but papal authority was considered superior to secular power because the papacy had sovereign authority, whereas the secular leadership had only derivative administrative authority.13 Theoretically under the pope's authority, the Church's bishops, who were often from aristocratic families, asserted their leadership and influence in major European cities. They created the only effective replace- �SLOVAKIA 137 ment for the diminishing secular organization of society, becoming the main secular power of their districts. However, because of their own power bases, the bishops were often tempted and often did, in fact, flout the pope's dictates, creating division not necessarily between the pope and secular ruler, but between the pope and bishops, with the secular . ruler siding with either one, as occured in the Great Moravia case. 14 Svatopluk, during his regency at Nitra, championed the German opposition in the Moravian religious controversy in order to gain the German backing for his attempt to usurp Rastis1av's power. 15 Thus, Svatopluk's first major powerplay was made after his extensive effort to form a strong political alliance with the Germans succeeded. Svatopluk proved to be a strong and independent ruler once in control of the Great Moravian Empire. Having achieved the headship of state, he sought the absolute control of the Moravian Empire. Soon, however, the Germans suspected his loyalty to the German Empire. Consequently, in 871, Svatopluk was deposed and imprisoned, despite his denial of charges for having plotted against the German Crown. 16 Svatopluk continued to play his political games with the Germans despite his temporary loss of a power base. Carloman was unable to suppress, after several attempts, Slavomir's rebellion. Therefore, Svatopluk asked to lead an army against Slavomir.17 Carloman finally decided to risk Svatopluk's leadership, and sent the Slav in command of the German army to put down the Moravian uprising, trusting for the success of the arrangement to Svatopluk's gratitude and to the division among the Moravian princes. 18 When the army reached Devin, Svatopluk ordered his men to encamp below the fortress while he went up to the castle under the pretenses of persuading the Moravians under Slavomir to surrender without a fight. 19 However, since the most he could receive from a German victory was limited control of Great Moravia under German hegemony, although he would more likely be imprisoned eventually for trying to build a strong Moravian Empire again, Svatopluk decided that the Germans had outlived their usefulness to his quest for power. Consequently, he �138 SLOVAKIA reversed his loyalties, betrayed his command, and told Slavomfr of a plan he had to defeat the German army. Then, taking command of the Moravian forces, Svatopluk waged a surprise attack on the men he was commanding the previous day. The German troops were crushed under the savage attack. 20 Svatopluk continued to press the offensive against Carloman until the German sought a truce in 873. The following year at Forsheim, Carloman signed an agreement recognizing the independence of the Great Moravian Empire.21 Svatopluk's ambition to have absolute control of Great Moravia was finally realized. It was no longer politically expedient for Svatopluk to curry German favor, so he turned to his Slav neighbors to strengthen his power position. He married the sister of the Czech duke, Botivoj, to broaden the sphere of his influence to include Bohemia.22 He brought the Pannonians and the Lusatian Serbs under his rule and defeated the powerful pagan ruler of the Vislanian Poles. His extended Great Moravian Empire appears to have been more of a federation than an empire, which was created by the alliances of the overpowered Slavic princes under the leadership of Svatopluk.23 The foreign policy of the Great Moravian Empire under Rastislav was reshaped by Svatopluk. He wanted to gain the support of the papacy in Rome rather than that of the Byzantine Emperor.24 In 879, the relationship between the East Frankish. Empire and Rome was cool, and the Byzantine Empire was considered a theological threat to Christianity. Svatopluk reasoned that the pope would want and need an ally. Therefore, he sent his personal envoy, Zemezizeit, along with Archbishop Methodius, who had been freed in 873 from his German captors, to secure for his empire the recognition and "protection" of the papacy. 25 However, Svatopluk did not return the favor to Methodius and back his position on ecclesiastical matters. Methodius had been freed after three years of German imprisonment, through the efforts of Pope John VIII, who suspended the German bishops and thretened them with excommunication.26 In 879, however, Methodius was �SLOVAKIA 139 summoned to Rome again to appear before the Roman Synod. Through the instigation of Wiching, a German Benedictine who Svatopluk appointed Bishop of Nitra during Methodius' imprisonment, the German bishops charged Methodius with supporting and teaching the Greek heresy of the Single Procession. Again, Methodius defended himself successfully, convinced the pope that he accepted his authority, and returned to Moravia with the pope's blessing.27 After this contrived issue was resolved, the actual dispute was brought to a head. The German bishops were determined to prove the Slavonic liturgy unlawful, and to abolish the Archbishopric of Moravia. They declared that the use of the "barbarous" Slavonic language in the liturgy degraded the religious service. Their argument was a reference in the scriptures which described the inscription Pilate had written on the Cross in Latin, Greek and Hebrew. Methodius argued than on Pentecost, the apostles taught about the Christ in all the languages so that all present could understand. The pope rejected the German clergy's argument, and, once again, sanctioned the apostolic works of Methodius.28 Svatopluk found it convenient to side with the German bishops on this issue. Pope John suggested that Svatopluk and his courtiers could use the Latin liturgy at his court, if they really felt that strongly about the liturgy issue. 29 Pope John also made a statement concerning Svatopluk's appointment of Wiching as Bishop of Nitra. The pope was aware of Svatopluk's intention to counterbalance the authority of Methodius. Therefore, he agreed to recognize the appointment provided that Wiching was subordinate to Methodius. John also recommended that Svatopluk appoints future bishops with Methodius' advice and consent. 30 Of course, the pope was protecting his own political interests. Methodius was the safer party to back, rather than the German bishops, whose first loyalties were always to the German Empire. Svatopluk even used Methodius when his political position would be enhanced. He subtly used Methodius' presence in Rome to try to obtain the recognition of his Great Moravian Empire by the papacy in 879. However, �140 SLOVAKIA Svatopluk generally opposed the efforts of the missionary, because of his fierce hatred for Methodius.31 Svatopluk was a nominal Christian who still followed pagan practices. His behavior made Methodius' task of creating a solid organization among the Slavs more difficult, since their leader did not take the Christian faith seriously. It appears as though Methodius reproached him on occasion for his irresponsibility, and Svatopluk naturally resented it.32 The hostility that existed between Methodius and Svatopluk might have eventually resulted in the exile or death of the archbishop, had not the relations between Svatopluk and Arnulf become cold because of Arnulf's growing influence in Pannonia. Svatopluk's preocupation with Arnulf's menacing prevented the Moravian ruler from taking stronger action against Methodius. However, after Methodius' death in 885, Svatopluk rejected the archbishop's chosen successor, Gorazd, warmed his relations with An1ulf, and expelled Methodius' closest followers from Moravia. Slavic services were outlowed by Svatopluk; a new pope was elected in Rome, who condoned Svatopluk's action; and the German priests of the Latin rite took control of the church organization in the Great Moravian Empire.33 Arnulf never trusted the strong Moravian ruler on his borders. Therefore, he sought an alliance with the Magyars, who had recently migrated to the vicinity, to destroy the i>lavic empire. Yet, despite the nwnerous German-Magyar attacks, Great Moravia thrived until the death of Svatopluk in 894. 34 Svatopluk's record as ruler of the Great Moravian Empire is almost a flawless case study for Hans Morgenthau's power school theory, which asserts that all politics is a struggle for power. 35 The evidence shows that throughout his public life, Svatopluk would use any means to gain and maintain power. His initial rise to power was cloaked in treachery. After he lost his power, he managed to persuade his captor to trust him with an army which was to attack Svatopluk's countrymen, only to betray his army and seize control of Great Moravia again. He waged wars recurrently to extend his influence over the Slavs, and to stand up to the Germans. He negotiated �SLOVAKIA 141 alliances when they would strengthen his position. It appears that he always gave his support or sought support only when it was politically expedient. Since every move Svatopluk made seemed to be a politically expedient one, one of his official policies does not fit into the pattern. For the most part, he actively opposed the Christianization of the Great Moravian Empire in the Slavonic language. He rejected Rastislav's contention that Slavonic Christianity would enhance the ethnic community of the Great Moravian Empire, fortify it from German culture, and, especially, create a strong bond among the Slavic peoples. Svatopluk must have realized that his own power could only be strengthened under such circumstances, yet, he continually opposed Methodius' activities. Historians propose that Svatopluk was against the archbishop because Methodius rebuked him for his pagan ways, which hindered the effectiveness of the apostle's mission. Svatopluk's relations with Methodius seem to be the one major contradiction in the former's career. For the wily Svatopluk to jeopardize his power over a personality conflict seems out of character, which leads one to suspect that he might have considered Methodius to be larger threat to his power than the Germans were. Though the German bishops were temporal princes as well as spiritual leaders, Svatopluk was probably confident in his ability to deal with them. He might have feared Methodius because of the missionary's widespread popularity and influence over all the Slavs, which could have easily been used to the advantage of the archbishop if he sought temporal power as the German bishops did. If Svatopluk did consider Methodius a threat to his power, and not just a bothersome conscience, such a threat would be far more immediate to Svatopluk than a German cultural-imperialistic foreign policy, and therefore, his antagonism toward Methodius would be understandable. The evidence, construed from the few known facts about Svatopluk, would suggest that Svatopluk was indeed a political opportunist. However, the Slovak romantic writers of the nineteenth century, in an effort to create a feeling of a glorious national past among their people, �142 SLOVAKIA cast Svatopluk into the role of a great national hero whose sole intention was to build a strong Slavic state for the Slavis in East Central Europe. Jan Holly, a leading Slovak poet, in his epic, "Svatopluk," gives an exaggerated picture of Svatopluk's victories in his military campaigns for independence and enlargement of the Great Moravian Empire. 36 Most of the nineteenth century writers embroidered legend over fact to create a very noble Svatopluk, downplaying his crimes because, according to their sources, he repented in the end anyway. Slovak romantics wanted a national hero with integrity, selfless motivation, and absolute devotion to the Slavic Empire. Consequently, they squeezed Svatopluk into their conceived mold of a national hero, rewriting history in the process. Too many kings and soldiers who tremendously increased the power and prestige of a nation are either remembered mainly for their treachery and cruelty, or are recast into noble superhuman King Arthurs and Lancelots, while some bishops and priests, who may have weakened the national consciousness and national independence by preaching foremost loyalty to the Church, are revered and even considered "symbols of a distinctive national life."38 Svatopluk was a cruel and unscrupulous antagonist of Methodius and his disciples. He was treacherous in usurping his uncle's power. He was a talented politician who used every legitimate, as well as illegitimate, form of statescraft to increase his power. He was a political opportunist. Svatopluk was on the opposite side of the spectrum from the virtuous hero the nineteenth century romantics wanted to make him. Yet, from the objective nationalistic viewpoint, he did establish Slavic greatness. He did champion the independence of the Slavic Empire. He did defend the Great Moravian Empire against the barbaric Magyar invaders. 39 Under Svatopluk's leadership, Great Moravia became the center of a strong Slavic alliance. Svatopluk wielded an authority over the Slav princes which was at least equal to that of the German Emperor over the princes which were subject to him. 40 The impact of Svatopluk's unified Slavic state has influenced Slavic political history throughout the last �SLOVAKIA 143 twelve hundred years. Sviitopluk developed the tradition of unity. FOOTNOTES Oscar Halecki, Borderlands of Western Civilization (New York, 1952 ) , p. 25; hereafter cited as Haleckrl.. 2) Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovaki a and Its People (New York, N . Y. , 1960 ), p. 15; hereafter cited as Oddo. 1) 3 ) 0&10, p. 16. 4 ) Od/do, pp. 17-18. 5 ) Joseph Skultety, Sketches from Slovak History (Middletown, Pa., 1930 ), p. 10; hereafter cited as Skultety. 6) P. Yurchak, The Slovaks (Scranton, Pa. , 1946 ), p. 35; hereafter cited as Yurchak. 7 ) Skultety, p. 10. 8) C. Edmund Maurice, Bohemia (New York, 1896) , p. 10; hereafter 9) 10 ) 11 ) 12 ) 13 ) 14) 15) 16 ) 17 ) 18 ) 19) 20 ) 21 ) 22 ) 23 ) 24 ) 25 ) 26) 27 ) 28) 29 ) 30 ) 31 ) 32 ) cited as Maurice. Oddo, p. 12. Maurice, p. 10. Yurchak, p. 51 . Yurchak, p. 52. Norman Cantor, Western Civili zation Its Genesis and Destiny (Glenview, Ill., 1969), p. 301 ; hereafter citdd as Cantor. Cantor, p. 301 . Maurice, p. 11 . Oddo, p. 16. Oddo, p. 16. Yurchak, p. 36. Oddo, p. 17. Oddo, p. 17. Oddo, p. 17. Maurice, p . 12. Yurchak, p. 37. Frantisek Kavka, A n Outline of Czechoslovak Hist ory (Prague, 1963 ) , p. 18; hereafter cited as Kavka. ojddo, p. 17. Oddo, p. 17. Maurice, p. 14. Maurice, p. 15. Maurice, p. 15. Maurice, p. 15. R. W. Seton-Watson, A History of the Czechs and Slovaks (Hamden, Conn., 1965 ), p. 13 ; hereafter cited as Seton-Watson. Oddo, p. 18. �144 SLOVAKIA 33) Maurice, p. 16. 34) Frederick G. Heymann, Poland and Czechoslovakia (Englewood Cliffs, N. J ., 1966), p. 27. 35 ) Hans J . Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations (New York, 1967 ), 4th dd., p . 3. 36) Yurchak, p. 37. 37 ) Seton-Watson, p. 25. 38 ) Maurice, p. 18. 39 ) Maurice, p. 19. 40) Maurice, p. 19. BIBLIOGRAPHY Cantor, Norman. Western Civilization Its Genesis and Destiny. Glenview, Ill.: Scott, Foresman and Co., 1969. Halecki, Oscar. Borderlands of Western Civilizati on. New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1952. Heymann, Frederick C. Poland and Czechoslovaki a. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice Hall Inc., 1966. Kavka, Franti.sek. An Outline of Czechoslovak History. Prague: Orbis, 1963. Krofta, Kamil. A Short History of Czechoslovakia. London: Williams and Norgate L~d., 1935. Lutzow, Count. Bohemi a: An Historical Sketch. London: J. M . Dent and Sons, 1910 Maurice, C. Edmund. Bohemia. New York: G. P. Putnam and Sons, 1896. Monroe, W. S. Bohemia and the Czechs. London: L. C. Page and Co. Inc., 1910. Morgenthau, Hans J. Politics Among Nations, 4th ed. New York : Alfred A. Knopf, 1967. Od\do, Gilbert L. Slov akia and Its People. New York : Robert ,Speller and Sons, Publishers, 1960. Rechcigl, Miloslav, ed. The Czec hoslovak Contribution to World Cul.titre. The Hague: Mouton and Co., 1964. Seton-Watson, R. W. A History of the Czechs and Slovaks. Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1965. Skultety, Joseph. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, 1930. Wiskeman, Elizabeth. Czechs and Germans. London: Oxforid University Press, 1938. Yurchak, P. The Slovaks. Scranton, Pa. 1946. (THIRD PRIZE AWARD) � 134 SLOVAKIA 31) Ibid., p . 192. 32) Ibid. 33) Stephanie 0. Rusek, op. cit., p. 182. BIBLIOGRAPHY Harrison, S. Czechoslovakia in European History, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1944, pp. 196-283. Husek, Stephanie 0 . Ph.D. "General Milan Ra:stislav Stefanik in America," in Jednota Katolicky Kalerzt:lar, 1938, pp. 181-192. Kerner, Robert J . (ed). Czechoslovakia, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1940. Masaryk, Thomas Garigue, The Making of a State, New York: Frederick A. Stokes, 1927. Oddo, Gilbert L. Slovakia And Its People, New York: Robert Speller & Sons, 1960. Seton-Watson, R. W. A History of the Czechs and Slovaks, New York: Hutchinson and Co., 1943. Weiss, Louise. "The Founders of the Czech Republic," in Current H istory, Vol. 11, pp. 287-289. (SECOND PRIZE AWARD) Svatopluk: Political Opportunist or National Hero? Mary Susan Sabol Great Moravia, founded in the early ninth century, was the first political organization established by the Danubian Slavs without foreign leadership or foreign interference. Because of the Frankish pressure on the Slavs after the Avar's fall, the Slavs under Mojmir I determined to create an independent state, with its power centers at Devin and Nitra, based on the tradition of the previous Samo state. Great Moravia achieved its greatest power and influence under Svatopluk, of the Mojmirid line, from 871 to 894.1 In 870, Svatopluk, regent of Nitra, plotted with German backing against his uncle, Rastislav, ruler of the Great Moravian Empire. 2 When Rastislav heard of the plot, he challenged Svatopluk to do battle. Rastislav, however, was defeated and taken prisoner by the Germans. Svatopluk was entrusted with Great Moravia by Carloman, son of Louis the German. Soon Svatopluk lost the confidence of the Germans; was deposed and imprisoned. �SLOVAKIA 135 Louis the German feared Svatopluk was building a strong Slavic state that could pose a threat to his German Empire. Consequently, Slavomir, a Moravian prince, was elected by the Slavs to take over Svatopluk's position of leadership, and initiated a rebellion against the Germans.3 Svatopluk eonvinced Carloman to allow him to direct a siege of the fortress of Devin, where he betrayed his troops, destroyed the German army, and again became the ruler of the Great Moravian Empire. He pressed the offensive against the Germans, and in 873, he defeated Carloman decisively. Carloman sought a truce, and in 874, he signed a treaty with Svatopluk at Forsheim which acknowledged the independence of Great Moravia. Svatopluk then waged wars against Panonia, Bohemia, the Vislanians, and the Lusatian Serbs to extend the frontier of his empire. Because Carloman's son and successor as one of the claimants of the German Empire, Arnulf, also feared a large Slavic state on his eastern border, he sought an alliance with the Magyars against Great Moravia and attacked Devin several times during the remainder of Svatopluk's reign. The empire always repulsed those attacks as long as Svatopluk lived. 4 It is almost impossible to determine the motives of a man who lived oved a millenium ago, yet the question arises whether Svatopluk sought control and expansion of the ~reat Moravian Empire to satisfy his own powerlust, or whether he was convinced of the importance and necessity of a united Slavic peoples, and determined to create such a union. Svatopluk's first move for power appears to be a traitorous one. It is doubtful that he questioned his uncle's statesmanship and loyalty to the Slavic state, because Rastislav considered the independence of his country most important. He was painfully aware of the German military and cultural imperialistic foreign policy.5 Consequently, he strengthened his country militarily. Fortresses were built, a strong army was trained, and support was obtained from the other Moravian princes who still retained their lands after the fall of Mojmir, the predecessor of Rastislav. Rastislav was able to defeat the attacking German armies in 855, thus gaining even greater support from the local princes.6 By this time, �136 SLOVAKIA Great Moravia was secure, and Rastislav was able to concentrate on the domestic problems in his country. Rastislav publicly opposed the Carolingian brand of Christianity the German missionaries were imposing on the Slavs in a foreign language. He realized that the Christian culture spread by the German clerics would inevitably cause the ebbing of Slavonic community among his people and a gradual German takeover of the Great Moravian Empire. 7 However, Rastislav was aware of the political advantage Christianity held for the Slavs. If the Slavic people accepted it, the Christian faith might be an invaluable link in the alliance of the Slavs against their enemies.8 He turned to the East and asked Michael III, Emperor at Constantinople, to send missionaries who would teach in the Slavonic language.9 In 863, Rastislav welcomed the brothers, Constantine and Methodius to his domain to teach Christianity in the vernacular. 10 The German bishops in Salzburg, Passau, and Regensburg and the Bavarian missionaries in Moravia protested against the activities of the eastern missionaries, accusing them of initiating dangerous liturgical reforms and ignoring German ecclesiastical authority. Constantine and Methodius were called to Rome to defend themselves.11 After convincing the papacy of their orthodoxy, and then, after Constantine's untimely death, Methodius returned alone to Great Moravia as archbishop and papal legate with the authority to organize the Church among the Slavs, and with the permission to use the Slavonic liturgy. 12 The German bishops flouted the papacy's approval of Methodius' apostolate and imprisoned him. At this time, Church-state affairs were considerably integrated. Papal authority in secular affairs developed as a result of fifth century papal thinking, which held that ecclesiastical and secular jurisdictions were distinct, but papal authority was considered superior to secular power because the papacy had sovereign authority, whereas the secular leadership had only derivative administrative authority.13 Theoretically under the pope's authority, the Church's bishops, who were often from aristocratic families, asserted their leadership and influence in major European cities. They created the only effective replace- �SLOVAKIA 137 ment for the diminishing secular organization of society, becoming the main secular power of their districts. However, because of their own power bases, the bishops were often tempted and often did, in fact, flout the pope's dictates, creating division not necessarily between the pope and secular ruler, but between the pope and bishops, with the secular . ruler siding with either one, as occured in the Great Moravia case. 14 Svatopluk, during his regency at Nitra, championed the German opposition in the Moravian religious controversy in order to gain the German backing for his attempt to usurp Rastis1av's power. 15 Thus, Svatopluk's first major powerplay was made after his extensive effort to form a strong political alliance with the Germans succeeded. Svatopluk proved to be a strong and independent ruler once in control of the Great Moravian Empire. Having achieved the headship of state, he sought the absolute control of the Moravian Empire. Soon, however, the Germans suspected his loyalty to the German Empire. Consequently, in 871, Svatopluk was deposed and imprisoned, despite his denial of charges for having plotted against the German Crown. 16 Svatopluk continued to play his political games with the Germans despite his temporary loss of a power base. Carloman was unable to suppress, after several attempts, Slavomir's rebellion. Therefore, Svatopluk asked to lead an army against Slavomir.17 Carloman finally decided to risk Svatopluk's leadership, and sent the Slav in command of the German army to put down the Moravian uprising, trusting for the success of the arrangement to Svatopluk's gratitude and to the division among the Moravian princes. 18 When the army reached Devin, Svatopluk ordered his men to encamp below the fortress while he went up to the castle under the pretenses of persuading the Moravians under Slavomir to surrender without a fight. 19 However, since the most he could receive from a German victory was limited control of Great Moravia under German hegemony, although he would more likely be imprisoned eventually for trying to build a strong Moravian Empire again, Svatopluk decided that the Germans had outlived their usefulness to his quest for power. Consequently, he �138 SLOVAKIA reversed his loyalties, betrayed his command, and told Slavomfr of a plan he had to defeat the German army. Then, taking command of the Moravian forces, Svatopluk waged a surprise attack on the men he was commanding the previous day. The German troops were crushed under the savage attack. 20 Svatopluk continued to press the offensive against Carloman until the German sought a truce in 873. The following year at Forsheim, Carloman signed an agreement recognizing the independence of the Great Moravian Empire.21 Svatopluk's ambition to have absolute control of Great Moravia was finally realized. It was no longer politically expedient for Svatopluk to curry German favor, so he turned to his Slav neighbors to strengthen his power position. He married the sister of the Czech duke, Botivoj, to broaden the sphere of his influence to include Bohemia.22 He brought the Pannonians and the Lusatian Serbs under his rule and defeated the powerful pagan ruler of the Vislanian Poles. His extended Great Moravian Empire appears to have been more of a federation than an empire, which was created by the alliances of the overpowered Slavic princes under the leadership of Svatopluk.23 The foreign policy of the Great Moravian Empire under Rastislav was reshaped by Svatopluk. He wanted to gain the support of the papacy in Rome rather than that of the Byzantine Emperor.24 In 879, the relationship between the East Frankish. Empire and Rome was cool, and the Byzantine Empire was considered a theological threat to Christianity. Svatopluk reasoned that the pope would want and need an ally. Therefore, he sent his personal envoy, Zemezizeit, along with Archbishop Methodius, who had been freed in 873 from his German captors, to secure for his empire the recognition and "protection" of the papacy. 25 However, Svatopluk did not return the favor to Methodius and back his position on ecclesiastical matters. Methodius had been freed after three years of German imprisonment, through the efforts of Pope John VIII, who suspended the German bishops and thretened them with excommunication.26 In 879, however, Methodius was �SLOVAKIA 139 summoned to Rome again to appear before the Roman Synod. Through the instigation of Wiching, a German Benedictine who Svatopluk appointed Bishop of Nitra during Methodius' imprisonment, the German bishops charged Methodius with supporting and teaching the Greek heresy of the Single Procession. Again, Methodius defended himself successfully, convinced the pope that he accepted his authority, and returned to Moravia with the pope's blessing.27 After this contrived issue was resolved, the actual dispute was brought to a head. The German bishops were determined to prove the Slavonic liturgy unlawful, and to abolish the Archbishopric of Moravia. They declared that the use of the "barbarous" Slavonic language in the liturgy degraded the religious service. Their argument was a reference in the scriptures which described the inscription Pilate had written on the Cross in Latin, Greek and Hebrew. Methodius argued than on Pentecost, the apostles taught about the Christ in all the languages so that all present could understand. The pope rejected the German clergy's argument, and, once again, sanctioned the apostolic works of Methodius.28 Svatopluk found it convenient to side with the German bishops on this issue. Pope John suggested that Svatopluk and his courtiers could use the Latin liturgy at his court, if they really felt that strongly about the liturgy issue. 29 Pope John also made a statement concerning Svatopluk's appointment of Wiching as Bishop of Nitra. The pope was aware of Svatopluk's intention to counterbalance the authority of Methodius. Therefore, he agreed to recognize the appointment provided that Wiching was subordinate to Methodius. John also recommended that Svatopluk appoints future bishops with Methodius' advice and consent. 30 Of course, the pope was protecting his own political interests. Methodius was the safer party to back, rather than the German bishops, whose first loyalties were always to the German Empire. Svatopluk even used Methodius when his political position would be enhanced. He subtly used Methodius' presence in Rome to try to obtain the recognition of his Great Moravian Empire by the papacy in 879. However, �140 SLOVAKIA Svatopluk generally opposed the efforts of the missionary, because of his fierce hatred for Methodius.31 Svatopluk was a nominal Christian who still followed pagan practices. His behavior made Methodius' task of creating a solid organization among the Slavs more difficult, since their leader did not take the Christian faith seriously. It appears as though Methodius reproached him on occasion for his irresponsibility, and Svatopluk naturally resented it.32 The hostility that existed between Methodius and Svatopluk might have eventually resulted in the exile or death of the archbishop, had not the relations between Svatopluk and Arnulf become cold because of Arnulf's growing influence in Pannonia. Svatopluk's preocupation with Arnulf's menacing prevented the Moravian ruler from taking stronger action against Methodius. However, after Methodius' death in 885, Svatopluk rejected the archbishop's chosen successor, Gorazd, warmed his relations with An1ulf, and expelled Methodius' closest followers from Moravia. Slavic services were outlowed by Svatopluk; a new pope was elected in Rome, who condoned Svatopluk's action; and the German priests of the Latin rite took control of the church organization in the Great Moravian Empire.33 Arnulf never trusted the strong Moravian ruler on his borders. Therefore, he sought an alliance with the Magyars, who had recently migrated to the vicinity, to destroy the i>lavic empire. Yet, despite the nwnerous German-Magyar attacks, Great Moravia thrived until the death of Svatopluk in 894. 34 Svatopluk's record as ruler of the Great Moravian Empire is almost a flawless case study for Hans Morgenthau's power school theory, which asserts that all politics is a struggle for power. 35 The evidence shows that throughout his public life, Svatopluk would use any means to gain and maintain power. His initial rise to power was cloaked in treachery. After he lost his power, he managed to persuade his captor to trust him with an army which was to attack Svatopluk's countrymen, only to betray his army and seize control of Great Moravia again. He waged wars recurrently to extend his influence over the Slavs, and to stand up to the Germans. He negotiated �SLOVAKIA 141 alliances when they would strengthen his position. It appears that he always gave his support or sought support only when it was politically expedient. Since every move Svatopluk made seemed to be a politically expedient one, one of his official policies does not fit into the pattern. For the most part, he actively opposed the Christianization of the Great Moravian Empire in the Slavonic language. He rejected Rastislav's contention that Slavonic Christianity would enhance the ethnic community of the Great Moravian Empire, fortify it from German culture, and, especially, create a strong bond among the Slavic peoples. Svatopluk must have realized that his own power could only be strengthened under such circumstances, yet, he continually opposed Methodius' activities. Historians propose that Svatopluk was against the archbishop because Methodius rebuked him for his pagan ways, which hindered the effectiveness of the apostle's mission. Svatopluk's relations with Methodius seem to be the one major contradiction in the former's career. For the wily Svatopluk to jeopardize his power over a personality conflict seems out of character, which leads one to suspect that he might have considered Methodius to be larger threat to his power than the Germans were. Though the German bishops were temporal princes as well as spiritual leaders, Svatopluk was probably confident in his ability to deal with them. He might have feared Methodius because of the missionary's widespread popularity and influence over all the Slavs, which could have easily been used to the advantage of the archbishop if he sought temporal power as the German bishops did. If Svatopluk did consider Methodius a threat to his power, and not just a bothersome conscience, such a threat would be far more immediate to Svatopluk than a German cultural-imperialistic foreign policy, and therefore, his antagonism toward Methodius would be understandable. The evidence, construed from the few known facts about Svatopluk, would suggest that Svatopluk was indeed a political opportunist. However, the Slovak romantic writers of the nineteenth century, in an effort to create a feeling of a glorious national past among their people, �142 SLOVAKIA cast Svatopluk into the role of a great national hero whose sole intention was to build a strong Slavic state for the Slavis in East Central Europe. Jan Holly, a leading Slovak poet, in his epic, "Svatopluk," gives an exaggerated picture of Svatopluk's victories in his military campaigns for independence and enlargement of the Great Moravian Empire. 36 Most of the nineteenth century writers embroidered legend over fact to create a very noble Svatopluk, downplaying his crimes because, according to their sources, he repented in the end anyway. Slovak romantics wanted a national hero with integrity, selfless motivation, and absolute devotion to the Slavic Empire. Consequently, they squeezed Svatopluk into their conceived mold of a national hero, rewriting history in the process. Too many kings and soldiers who tremendously increased the power and prestige of a nation are either remembered mainly for their treachery and cruelty, or are recast into noble superhuman King Arthurs and Lancelots, while some bishops and priests, who may have weakened the national consciousness and national independence by preaching foremost loyalty to the Church, are revered and even considered "symbols of a distinctive national life."38 Svatopluk was a cruel and unscrupulous antagonist of Methodius and his disciples. He was treacherous in usurping his uncle's power. He was a talented politician who used every legitimate, as well as illegitimate, form of statescraft to increase his power. He was a political opportunist. Svatopluk was on the opposite side of the spectrum from the virtuous hero the nineteenth century romantics wanted to make him. Yet, from the objective nationalistic viewpoint, he did establish Slavic greatness. He did champion the independence of the Slavic Empire. He did defend the Great Moravian Empire against the barbaric Magyar invaders. 39 Under Svatopluk's leadership, Great Moravia became the center of a strong Slavic alliance. Svatopluk wielded an authority over the Slav princes which was at least equal to that of the German Emperor over the princes which were subject to him. 40 The impact of Svatopluk's unified Slavic state has influenced Slavic political history throughout the last �SLOVAKIA 143 twelve hundred years. Sviitopluk developed the tradition of unity. FOOTNOTES Oscar Halecki, Borderlands of Western Civilization (New York, 1952 ) , p. 25; hereafter cited as Haleckrl.. 2) Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovaki a and Its People (New York, N . Y. , 1960 ), p. 15; hereafter cited as Oddo. 1) 3 ) 0&10, p. 16. 4 ) Od/do, pp. 17-18. 5 ) Joseph Skultety, Sketches from Slovak History (Middletown, Pa., 1930 ), p. 10; hereafter cited as Skultety. 6) P. Yurchak, The Slovaks (Scranton, Pa. , 1946 ), p. 35; hereafter cited as Yurchak. 7 ) Skultety, p. 10. 8) C. Edmund Maurice, Bohemia (New York, 1896) , p. 10; hereafter 9) 10 ) 11 ) 12 ) 13 ) 14) 15) 16 ) 17 ) 18 ) 19) 20 ) 21 ) 22 ) 23 ) 24 ) 25 ) 26) 27 ) 28) 29 ) 30 ) 31 ) 32 ) cited as Maurice. Oddo, p. 12. Maurice, p. 10. Yurchak, p. 51 . Yurchak, p. 52. Norman Cantor, Western Civili zation Its Genesis and Destiny (Glenview, Ill., 1969), p. 301 ; hereafter citdd as Cantor. Cantor, p. 301 . Maurice, p. 11 . Oddo, p. 16. Oddo, p. 16. Yurchak, p. 36. Oddo, p. 17. Oddo, p. 17. Oddo, p. 17. Maurice, p . 12. Yurchak, p. 37. Frantisek Kavka, A n Outline of Czechoslovak Hist ory (Prague, 1963 ) , p. 18; hereafter cited as Kavka. ojddo, p. 17. Oddo, p. 17. Maurice, p. 14. Maurice, p. 15. Maurice, p. 15. Maurice, p. 15. R. W. Seton-Watson, A History of the Czechs and Slovaks (Hamden, Conn., 1965 ), p. 13 ; hereafter cited as Seton-Watson. Oddo, p. 18. �144 SLOVAKIA 33) Maurice, p. 16. 34) Frederick G. Heymann, Poland and Czechoslovakia (Englewood Cliffs, N. J ., 1966), p. 27. 35 ) Hans J . Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations (New York, 1967 ), 4th dd., p . 3. 36) Yurchak, p. 37. 37 ) Seton-Watson, p. 25. 38 ) Maurice, p. 18. 39 ) Maurice, p. 19. 40) Maurice, p. 19. BIBLIOGRAPHY Cantor, Norman. Western Civilization Its Genesis and Destiny. Glenview, Ill.: Scott, Foresman and Co., 1969. Halecki, Oscar. Borderlands of Western Civilizati on. New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1952. Heymann, Frederick C. Poland and Czechoslovaki a. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice Hall Inc., 1966. Kavka, Franti.sek. An Outline of Czechoslovak History. Prague: Orbis, 1963. Krofta, Kamil. A Short History of Czechoslovakia. London: Williams and Norgate L~d., 1935. Lutzow, Count. Bohemi a: An Historical Sketch. London: J. M . Dent and Sons, 1910 Maurice, C. Edmund. Bohemia. New York: G. P. Putnam and Sons, 1896. Monroe, W. S. Bohemia and the Czechs. London: L. C. Page and Co. Inc., 1910. Morgenthau, Hans J. Politics Among Nations, 4th ed. New York : Alfred A. Knopf, 1967. Od\do, Gilbert L. Slov akia and Its People. New York : Robert ,Speller and Sons, Publishers, 1960. Rechcigl, Miloslav, ed. The Czec hoslovak Contribution to World Cul.titre. The Hague: Mouton and Co., 1964. Seton-Watson, R. W. A History of the Czechs and Slovaks. Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1965. Skultety, Joseph. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, 1930. Wiskeman, Elizabeth. Czechs and Germans. London: Oxforid University Press, 1938. Yurchak, P. The Slovaks. Scranton, Pa. 1946. (THIRD PRIZE AWARD) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1971, Vol. 21 Description An account of the resource Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1971 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 134 SLOVAKIA 31) Ibid., p . 192. 32) Ibid. 33) Stephanie 0. Rusek, op. cit., p. 182. BIBLIOGRAPHY Harrison, S. Czechoslovakia in European History, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1944, pp. 196-283. Husek, Stephanie 0 . Ph.D. "General Milan Ra:stislav Stefanik in America," in Jednota Katolicky Kalerzt:lar, 1938, pp. 181-192. Kerner, Robert J . (ed). Czechoslovakia, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1940. Masaryk, Thomas Garigue, The Making of a State, New York: Frederick A. Stokes, 1927. Oddo, Gilbert L. Slovakia And Its People, New York: Robert Speller & Sons, 1960. Seton-Watson, R. W. A History of the Czechs and Slovaks, New York: Hutchinson and Co., 1943. Weiss, Louise. "The Founders of the Czech Republic," in Current H istory, Vol. 11, pp. 287-289. (SECOND PRIZE AWARD) Svatopluk: Political Opportunist or National Hero? Mary Susan Sabol Great Moravia, founded in the early ninth century, was the first political organization established by the Danubian Slavs without foreign leadership or foreign interference. Because of the Frankish pressure on the Slavs after the Avar's fall, the Slavs under Mojmir I determined to create an independent state, with its power centers at Devin and Nitra, based on the tradition of the previous Samo state. Great Moravia achieved its greatest power and influence under Svatopluk, of the Mojmirid line, from 871 to 894.1 In 870, Svatopluk, regent of Nitra, plotted with German backing against his uncle, Rastislav, ruler of the Great Moravian Empire. 2 When Rastislav heard of the plot, he challenged Svatopluk to do battle. Rastislav, however, was defeated and taken prisoner by the Germans. Svatopluk was entrusted with Great Moravia by Carloman, son of Louis the German. Soon Svatopluk lost the confidence of the Germans; was deposed and imprisoned. SLOVAKIA 135 Louis the German feared Svatopluk was building a strong Slavic state that could pose a threat to his German Empire. Consequently, Slavomir, a Moravian prince, was elected by the Slavs to take over Svatopluk's position of leadership, and initiated a rebellion against the Germans.3 Svatopluk eonvinced Carloman to allow him to direct a siege of the fortress of Devin, where he betrayed his troops, destroyed the German army, and again became the ruler of the Great Moravian Empire. He pressed the offensive against the Germans, and in 873, he defeated Carloman decisively. Carloman sought a truce, and in 874, he signed a treaty with Svatopluk at Forsheim which acknowledged the independence of Great Moravia. Svatopluk then waged wars against Panonia, Bohemia, the Vislanians, and the Lusatian Serbs to extend the frontier of his empire. Because Carloman's son and successor as one of the claimants of the German Empire, Arnulf, also feared a large Slavic state on his eastern border, he sought an alliance with the Magyars against Great Moravia and attacked Devin several times during the remainder of Svatopluk's reign. The empire always repulsed those attacks as long as Svatopluk lived. 4 It is almost impossible to determine the motives of a man who lived oved a millenium ago, yet the question arises whether Svatopluk sought control and expansion of the ~reat Moravian Empire to satisfy his own powerlust, or whether he was convinced of the importance and necessity of a united Slavic peoples, and determined to create such a union. Svatopluk's first move for power appears to be a traitorous one. It is doubtful that he questioned his uncle's statesmanship and loyalty to the Slavic state, because Rastislav considered the independence of his country most important. He was painfully aware of the German military and cultural imperialistic foreign policy.5 Consequently, he strengthened his country militarily. Fortresses were built, a strong army was trained, and support was obtained from the other Moravian princes who still retained their lands after the fall of Mojmir, the predecessor of Rastislav. Rastislav was able to defeat the attacking German armies in 855, thus gaining even greater support from the local princes.6 By this time, 136 SLOVAKIA Great Moravia was secure, and Rastislav was able to concentrate on the domestic problems in his country. Rastislav publicly opposed the Carolingian brand of Christianity the German missionaries were imposing on the Slavs in a foreign language. He realized that the Christian culture spread by the German clerics would inevitably cause the ebbing of Slavonic community among his people and a gradual German takeover of the Great Moravian Empire. 7 However, Rastislav was aware of the political advantage Christianity held for the Slavs. If the Slavic people accepted it, the Christian faith might be an invaluable link in the alliance of the Slavs against their enemies.8 He turned to the East and asked Michael III, Emperor at Constantinople, to send missionaries who would teach in the Slavonic language.9 In 863, Rastislav welcomed the brothers, Constantine and Methodius to his domain to teach Christianity in the vernacular. 10 The German bishops in Salzburg, Passau, and Regensburg and the Bavarian missionaries in Moravia protested against the activities of the eastern missionaries, accusing them of initiating dangerous liturgical reforms and ignoring German ecclesiastical authority. Constantine and Methodius were called to Rome to defend themselves.11 After convincing the papacy of their orthodoxy, and then, after Constantine's untimely death, Methodius returned alone to Great Moravia as archbishop and papal legate with the authority to organize the Church among the Slavs, and with the permission to use the Slavonic liturgy. 12 The German bishops flouted the papacy's approval of Methodius' apostolate and imprisoned him. At this time, Church-state affairs were considerably integrated. Papal authority in secular affairs developed as a result of fifth century papal thinking, which held that ecclesiastical and secular jurisdictions were distinct, but papal authority was considered superior to secular power because the papacy had sovereign authority, whereas the secular leadership had only derivative administrative authority.13 Theoretically under the pope's authority, the Church's bishops, who were often from aristocratic families, asserted their leadership and influence in major European cities. They created the only effective replace- SLOVAKIA 137 ment for the diminishing secular organization of society, becoming the main secular power of their districts. However, because of their own power bases, the bishops were often tempted and often did, in fact, flout the pope's dictates, creating division not necessarily between the pope and secular ruler, but between the pope and bishops, with the secular . ruler siding with either one, as occured in the Great Moravia case. 14 Svatopluk, during his regency at Nitra, championed the German opposition in the Moravian religious controversy in order to gain the German backing for his attempt to usurp Rastis1av's power. 15 Thus, Svatopluk's first major powerplay was made after his extensive effort to form a strong political alliance with the Germans succeeded. Svatopluk proved to be a strong and independent ruler once in control of the Great Moravian Empire. Having achieved the headship of state, he sought the absolute control of the Moravian Empire. Soon, however, the Germans suspected his loyalty to the German Empire. Consequently, in 871, Svatopluk was deposed and imprisoned, despite his denial of charges for having plotted against the German Crown. 16 Svatopluk continued to play his political games with the Germans despite his temporary loss of a power base. Carloman was unable to suppress, after several attempts, Slavomir's rebellion. Therefore, Svatopluk asked to lead an army against Slavomir.17 Carloman finally decided to risk Svatopluk's leadership, and sent the Slav in command of the German army to put down the Moravian uprising, trusting for the success of the arrangement to Svatopluk's gratitude and to the division among the Moravian princes. 18 When the army reached Devin, Svatopluk ordered his men to encamp below the fortress while he went up to the castle under the pretenses of persuading the Moravians under Slavomir to surrender without a fight. 19 However, since the most he could receive from a German victory was limited control of Great Moravia under German hegemony, although he would more likely be imprisoned eventually for trying to build a strong Moravian Empire again, Svatopluk decided that the Germans had outlived their usefulness to his quest for power. Consequently, he 138 SLOVAKIA reversed his loyalties, betrayed his command, and told Slavomfr of a plan he had to defeat the German army. Then, taking command of the Moravian forces, Svatopluk waged a surprise attack on the men he was commanding the previous day. The German troops were crushed under the savage attack. 20 Svatopluk continued to press the offensive against Carloman until the German sought a truce in 873. The following year at Forsheim, Carloman signed an agreement recognizing the independence of the Great Moravian Empire.21 Svatopluk's ambition to have absolute control of Great Moravia was finally realized. It was no longer politically expedient for Svatopluk to curry German favor, so he turned to his Slav neighbors to strengthen his power position. He married the sister of the Czech duke, Botivoj, to broaden the sphere of his influence to include Bohemia.22 He brought the Pannonians and the Lusatian Serbs under his rule and defeated the powerful pagan ruler of the Vislanian Poles. His extended Great Moravian Empire appears to have been more of a federation than an empire, which was created by the alliances of the overpowered Slavic princes under the leadership of Svatopluk.23 The foreign policy of the Great Moravian Empire under Rastislav was reshaped by Svatopluk. He wanted to gain the support of the papacy in Rome rather than that of the Byzantine Emperor.24 In 879, the relationship between the East Frankish. Empire and Rome was cool, and the Byzantine Empire was considered a theological threat to Christianity. Svatopluk reasoned that the pope would want and need an ally. Therefore, he sent his personal envoy, Zemezizeit, along with Archbishop Methodius, who had been freed in 873 from his German captors, to secure for his empire the recognition and "protection" of the papacy. 25 However, Svatopluk did not return the favor to Methodius and back his position on ecclesiastical matters. Methodius had been freed after three years of German imprisonment, through the efforts of Pope John VIII, who suspended the German bishops and thretened them with excommunication.26 In 879, however, Methodius was SLOVAKIA 139 summoned to Rome again to appear before the Roman Synod. Through the instigation of Wiching, a German Benedictine who Svatopluk appointed Bishop of Nitra during Methodius' imprisonment, the German bishops charged Methodius with supporting and teaching the Greek heresy of the Single Procession. Again, Methodius defended himself successfully, convinced the pope that he accepted his authority, and returned to Moravia with the pope's blessing.27 After this contrived issue was resolved, the actual dispute was brought to a head. The German bishops were determined to prove the Slavonic liturgy unlawful, and to abolish the Archbishopric of Moravia. They declared that the use of the "barbarous" Slavonic language in the liturgy degraded the religious service. Their argument was a reference in the scriptures which described the inscription Pilate had written on the Cross in Latin, Greek and Hebrew. Methodius argued than on Pentecost, the apostles taught about the Christ in all the languages so that all present could understand. The pope rejected the German clergy's argument, and, once again, sanctioned the apostolic works of Methodius.28 Svatopluk found it convenient to side with the German bishops on this issue. Pope John suggested that Svatopluk and his courtiers could use the Latin liturgy at his court, if they really felt that strongly about the liturgy issue. 29 Pope John also made a statement concerning Svatopluk's appointment of Wiching as Bishop of Nitra. The pope was aware of Svatopluk's intention to counterbalance the authority of Methodius. Therefore, he agreed to recognize the appointment provided that Wiching was subordinate to Methodius. John also recommended that Svatopluk appoints future bishops with Methodius' advice and consent. 30 Of course, the pope was protecting his own political interests. Methodius was the safer party to back, rather than the German bishops, whose first loyalties were always to the German Empire. Svatopluk even used Methodius when his political position would be enhanced. He subtly used Methodius' presence in Rome to try to obtain the recognition of his Great Moravian Empire by the papacy in 879. However, 140 SLOVAKIA Svatopluk generally opposed the efforts of the missionary, because of his fierce hatred for Methodius.31 Svatopluk was a nominal Christian who still followed pagan practices. His behavior made Methodius' task of creating a solid organization among the Slavs more difficult, since their leader did not take the Christian faith seriously. It appears as though Methodius reproached him on occasion for his irresponsibility, and Svatopluk naturally resented it.32 The hostility that existed between Methodius and Svatopluk might have eventually resulted in the exile or death of the archbishop, had not the relations between Svatopluk and Arnulf become cold because of Arnulf's growing influence in Pannonia. Svatopluk's preocupation with Arnulf's menacing prevented the Moravian ruler from taking stronger action against Methodius. However, after Methodius' death in 885, Svatopluk rejected the archbishop's chosen successor, Gorazd, warmed his relations with An1ulf, and expelled Methodius' closest followers from Moravia. Slavic services were outlowed by Svatopluk; a new pope was elected in Rome, who condoned Svatopluk's action; and the German priests of the Latin rite took control of the church organization in the Great Moravian Empire.33 Arnulf never trusted the strong Moravian ruler on his borders. Therefore, he sought an alliance with the Magyars, who had recently migrated to the vicinity, to destroy the i>lavic empire. Yet, despite the nwnerous German-Magyar attacks, Great Moravia thrived until the death of Svatopluk in 894. 34 Svatopluk's record as ruler of the Great Moravian Empire is almost a flawless case study for Hans Morgenthau's power school theory, which asserts that all politics is a struggle for power. 35 The evidence shows that throughout his public life, Svatopluk would use any means to gain and maintain power. His initial rise to power was cloaked in treachery. After he lost his power, he managed to persuade his captor to trust him with an army which was to attack Svatopluk's countrymen, only to betray his army and seize control of Great Moravia again. He waged wars recurrently to extend his influence over the Slavs, and to stand up to the Germans. He negotiated SLOVAKIA 141 alliances when they would strengthen his position. It appears that he always gave his support or sought support only when it was politically expedient. Since every move Svatopluk made seemed to be a politically expedient one, one of his official policies does not fit into the pattern. For the most part, he actively opposed the Christianization of the Great Moravian Empire in the Slavonic language. He rejected Rastislav's contention that Slavonic Christianity would enhance the ethnic community of the Great Moravian Empire, fortify it from German culture, and, especially, create a strong bond among the Slavic peoples. Svatopluk must have realized that his own power could only be strengthened under such circumstances, yet, he continually opposed Methodius' activities. Historians propose that Svatopluk was against the archbishop because Methodius rebuked him for his pagan ways, which hindered the effectiveness of the apostle's mission. Svatopluk's relations with Methodius seem to be the one major contradiction in the former's career. For the wily Svatopluk to jeopardize his power over a personality conflict seems out of character, which leads one to suspect that he might have considered Methodius to be larger threat to his power than the Germans were. Though the German bishops were temporal princes as well as spiritual leaders, Svatopluk was probably confident in his ability to deal with them. He might have feared Methodius because of the missionary's widespread popularity and influence over all the Slavs, which could have easily been used to the advantage of the archbishop if he sought temporal power as the German bishops did. If Svatopluk did consider Methodius a threat to his power, and not just a bothersome conscience, such a threat would be far more immediate to Svatopluk than a German cultural-imperialistic foreign policy, and therefore, his antagonism toward Methodius would be understandable. The evidence, construed from the few known facts about Svatopluk, would suggest that Svatopluk was indeed a political opportunist. However, the Slovak romantic writers of the nineteenth century, in an effort to create a feeling of a glorious national past among their people, 142 SLOVAKIA cast Svatopluk into the role of a great national hero whose sole intention was to build a strong Slavic state for the Slavis in East Central Europe. Jan Holly, a leading Slovak poet, in his epic, "Svatopluk," gives an exaggerated picture of Svatopluk's victories in his military campaigns for independence and enlargement of the Great Moravian Empire. 36 Most of the nineteenth century writers embroidered legend over fact to create a very noble Svatopluk, downplaying his crimes because, according to their sources, he repented in the end anyway. Slovak romantics wanted a national hero with integrity, selfless motivation, and absolute devotion to the Slavic Empire. Consequently, they squeezed Svatopluk into their conceived mold of a national hero, rewriting history in the process. Too many kings and soldiers who tremendously increased the power and prestige of a nation are either remembered mainly for their treachery and cruelty, or are recast into noble superhuman King Arthurs and Lancelots, while some bishops and priests, who may have weakened the national consciousness and national independence by preaching foremost loyalty to the Church, are revered and even considered "symbols of a distinctive national life."38 Svatopluk was a cruel and unscrupulous antagonist of Methodius and his disciples. He was treacherous in usurping his uncle's power. He was a talented politician who used every legitimate, as well as illegitimate, form of statescraft to increase his power. He was a political opportunist. Svatopluk was on the opposite side of the spectrum from the virtuous hero the nineteenth century romantics wanted to make him. Yet, from the objective nationalistic viewpoint, he did establish Slavic greatness. He did champion the independence of the Slavic Empire. He did defend the Great Moravian Empire against the barbaric Magyar invaders. 39 Under Svatopluk's leadership, Great Moravia became the center of a strong Slavic alliance. Svatopluk wielded an authority over the Slav princes which was at least equal to that of the German Emperor over the princes which were subject to him. 40 The impact of Svatopluk's unified Slavic state has influenced Slavic political history throughout the last SLOVAKIA 143 twelve hundred years. Sviitopluk developed the tradition of unity. FOOTNOTES Oscar Halecki, Borderlands of Western Civilization (New York, 1952 ) , p. 25; hereafter cited as Haleckrl.. 2) Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovaki a and Its People (New York, N . Y. , 1960 ), p. 15; hereafter cited as Oddo. 1) 3 ) 0&10, p. 16. 4 ) Od/do, pp. 17-18. 5 ) Joseph Skultety, Sketches from Slovak History (Middletown, Pa., 1930 ), p. 10; hereafter cited as Skultety. 6) P. Yurchak, The Slovaks (Scranton, Pa. , 1946 ), p. 35; hereafter cited as Yurchak. 7 ) Skultety, p. 10. 8) C. Edmund Maurice, Bohemia (New York, 1896) , p. 10; hereafter 9) 10 ) 11 ) 12 ) 13 ) 14) 15) 16 ) 17 ) 18 ) 19) 20 ) 21 ) 22 ) 23 ) 24 ) 25 ) 26) 27 ) 28) 29 ) 30 ) 31 ) 32 ) cited as Maurice. Oddo, p. 12. Maurice, p. 10. Yurchak, p. 51 . Yurchak, p. 52. Norman Cantor, Western Civili zation Its Genesis and Destiny (Glenview, Ill., 1969), p. 301 ; hereafter citdd as Cantor. Cantor, p. 301 . Maurice, p. 11 . Oddo, p. 16. Oddo, p. 16. Yurchak, p. 36. Oddo, p. 17. Oddo, p. 17. Oddo, p. 17. Maurice, p . 12. Yurchak, p. 37. Frantisek Kavka, A n Outline of Czechoslovak Hist ory (Prague, 1963 ) , p. 18; hereafter cited as Kavka. ojddo, p. 17. Oddo, p. 17. Maurice, p. 14. Maurice, p. 15. Maurice, p. 15. Maurice, p. 15. R. W. Seton-Watson, A History of the Czechs and Slovaks (Hamden, Conn., 1965 ), p. 13 ; hereafter cited as Seton-Watson. Oddo, p. 18. 144 SLOVAKIA 33) Maurice, p. 16. 34) Frederick G. Heymann, Poland and Czechoslovakia (Englewood Cliffs, N. J ., 1966), p. 27. 35 ) Hans J . Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations (New York, 1967 ), 4th dd., p . 3. 36) Yurchak, p. 37. 37 ) Seton-Watson, p. 25. 38 ) Maurice, p. 18. 39 ) Maurice, p. 19. 40) Maurice, p. 19. BIBLIOGRAPHY Cantor, Norman. Western Civilization Its Genesis and Destiny. Glenview, Ill.: Scott, Foresman and Co., 1969. Halecki, Oscar. Borderlands of Western Civilizati on. New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1952. Heymann, Frederick C. Poland and Czechoslovaki a. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice Hall Inc., 1966. Kavka, Franti.sek. An Outline of Czechoslovak History. Prague: Orbis, 1963. Krofta, Kamil. A Short History of Czechoslovakia. London: Williams and Norgate L~d., 1935. Lutzow, Count. Bohemi a: An Historical Sketch. London: J. M . Dent and Sons, 1910 Maurice, C. Edmund. Bohemia. New York: G. P. Putnam and Sons, 1896. Monroe, W. S. Bohemia and the Czechs. London: L. C. Page and Co. Inc., 1910. Morgenthau, Hans J. Politics Among Nations, 4th ed. New York : Alfred A. Knopf, 1967. Od\do, Gilbert L. Slov akia and Its People. New York : Robert ,Speller and Sons, Publishers, 1960. Rechcigl, Miloslav, ed. The Czec hoslovak Contribution to World Cul.titre. The Hague: Mouton and Co., 1964. Seton-Watson, R. W. A History of the Czechs and Slovaks. Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1965. Skultety, Joseph. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, 1930. Wiskeman, Elizabeth. Czechs and Germans. London: Oxforid University Press, 1938. Yurchak, P. The Slovaks. Scranton, Pa. 1946. (THIRD PRIZE AWARD)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Svätopluk: Political Opportunist or National Hero? Description An account of the resource Mary Susan Sabol Slovakia, Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971 pp. 134-144 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sabol, Mary Susan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1971 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/d921c2674cb9cdd8b5f466434569a89d.pdf dbff8b3493ac8960d46e827c9a213670 PDF Text Text 104 SLOVAKIA "Ungrateful Younger Brothers" versus "Arrogant Atheists." Czech-Slovak Stereotypes in a Collective Memory Perspective. Lone Sarauw On January I , 1993 , Czechoslovakia was divided in a process that has been characterized as a "vel vet divorce. " 56 Compared to the ways in which other post-communi st states were fa lling apart at the time, thi s seems a va lid description . However , the split was ca used by severe confli cts betwee n the two parts of the state. Scholars have given a number of reasons for the di vo rce : I ) The Czech desire for democracy and a market economy clashed with Slovak insistence upon nati onal eq uality. 57 2) Despite grow ing macro-structu ra l simil ariti es, one Czechoslovak soc iety never managed to replace the Czech and Slovak soc ieti es that had been brought together in a com mon state. 58 3) Th e w inners of the parli amentary elec tion s in 1992, th e Sl ovak Vl adimfr Meciar and the Czech V aclav Kl aus, were unabl e to 56 See Otto U lc: "C zechos lovak ia' s ve l vet divorce. " East European Quarterly 30. September ( 1996). pp. 33 1-352. 57 5 " Ibid. Ji ff Mu sil : '"C zec h and Slovak Soc iety." in Jiff Mu sil (ed.): Th e End or Czechoslova kia (Budapest. L ondon, New York: Central European University Press 1995). 77-94. �SLOVAKIA 105 come to te rm s w ith the constitutional arrangement of Czechoslovakia, beca use they were unwillin g to put the interests of the common state before their own power ambi tions. 59 And more co uld be found. As a contrib uti on to the debate over the break-up, thi s artic le inte nd s to look at th e role of stereotypes and collective memory in it, the argument being that hi story was mobili zed in the media de bates prior to the partition , and that it happe ned in a way that en hanced the di ffere nces rather than the likenesses of the two peopl es.60 As a result of thi s th e population graduall y came to accept the partition of the common state, even if the majority of the population never supported it. 6 1 The concept "collective me mory" has been defi ned as "a soc iety 's co ll ected production of me mory," 62 whi ch suppli es the soc iety with a fee ling of belong ing together by sharing the same past. One of the probl e ms in Czec hoslovakia seems to have bee n the lack of such a feelin g of sharing the same past in both halves of the state. Despite the fact that, apart from World W ar II , Czechs and Slovaks lived together in one state between 19 18 and I 993 , their co ll ective me mories of this li fe together differ to a considerab le ex tent. 59 Abby Innes: ·'T he Breakup of Czechos lovakia: The Impac t of Party Development on the Separa ti on of the State," East European Politics and Societies (EEPS) , Vol. I I , No. 3, Fall ( 1997), 393-435 . 60 Si l via Mihali kova: •• arod ne symbo ly slovenskej statnosti", Politologicka revue 2, prosinec, ( 1996), 56. 61 An opi ni on poll from Jul y 1992 shows th at 53 % of the Czechs and 42 % of the Slovaks w ished lo maintain th e co mmon state. whi le respecti ve ly 24 % and 32 % w ished the slate to be divided (Sharon W olchi k : ·The Politics of Transition and th e Break-U p of Czec hos lova ki a," in Ji ff Musi l (ed .): Th e End of' Czechos lova kia. (Budapest : Centra l European Universi ty Press 1995 , 233). 62 Claus Bry ld and Anette Warrin g: Besaette/sestiden som kollektiv erindring. Histo- rie- og traditionsfor va llning at' krig og besaettelse 1945- 1997. (Rosk ilde: Rosk ilde Uni versitetsforlag 1998), 19-20. �106 SLOVAKIA In the medi a debates in the peri od leading up to the break-up of C zec hos lovakia hi story , or rather memory ,63 was mobi Ii zed as proof of the inevitability and desirability of the divorce. Because thi s was the aim of the partic ipants of the debate, chrono logy was irre levant and hi story became ' hori zontali zed ' so to speak. As Silvia Mi halikova has formulated it, "osten sible or rea l sins committed centuries ago merge with wrongs done in th e last decades and are at the same time th e reaso n for today 's mi sunderstandin gs and hatred."64 Thus, the mobilization of past conflicts e nabl ed the two nation s to blame eac h other for their current probl ems, which is wh at thi s article intend s to show using examples from the literary newspapers of th e Czech Land s and Slovakia, Literarnf noviny and Literarny tyi- dennik,65 prior to the break-up. Wh en looking for archetypical examp les of the Czech and S lovak stereotypes or images of each other, the "arroga nt atheists" and " ungrateful younger brothers" of the headlines were the first ideas about the Czech and S lovak images of each other that came to mind . Therefore, it came as a surprise that it was rather imposs ibl e to find any examples of the stereotype of the Czechs as dangerous atheists they are presented as being arrogant, though. The lack of proof of the idea that the Slovak image of the Czec hs would see them as atheists 0 -' Pierre Nora has formu lated thi s di st incti on be tween history and memory in terms of a fund amen tal opposi ti on . .. Memory is life [ ... ] a bond tying us to the etern al presen t[ ... ] it is affec ti ve and mag ica l l and] onl y accom modates th ose facts that suit it .'' whereas hi story is .. the reconstru cti on , al ways problematic and incomplete j ... I a representati on of the past I th at I ca ll s fo r analys is and criti cism' ' (Pierre Nora: "Between Memory and H istory: Les Lieux de M emoire" . Representations Vol 0, No. 26 Special Issue: M emory and Cou nter-M emory. Spring ( I 989) , 8-9). A less ri gid di stincti on has been pro posed by A nne Erikse n. who sees hi story and memory as being equally important aspec ts of the co llecti ve memory th at combine to create the entire co llec ti ve memory (A nne Eriksen: Del var nae annet under krigen. 2. verdenskrig i norsk kollektivtradisjon. (Oslo: Pax 1995). r,., Mihalikova: ·'Narodne symboly," 55. 65 In the literary newspapers the past was mobili zed more obviously and cru dely but not in a different way th an in mos t other newspapers. Thus, they serve well as illustrations of a process that was happening in the press in general. �SLOVAKIA 107 was fru strating , and it raised the question where thi s idea came from. It stemmed from the Christian Democratic Movement (Kresfansko De mokraticke Hnutie, KOH) , which, according to Miroslav Kusy , wanted to protect Slovakia from " des tructive liberal and freethinking influences from the Czech Lands." Besides, the stereotype had been used frequently in the interwar period , but the industrialization and urbanization of Slovakia since then had turned the mostly rural soc iety into one where Catholics did not necessarily consider their interests as Catholics to be more important than their economic and cultural conditions. 66 Also, as Petr Prfhod a has stated , the image of the Czechs as atheists was a well-known Czech stereotype of the Slovak view of them ,67 indirectly testifyin g to a Czech stereotype of the Slovaks as ' religiou s. ' 68 The image that eventually turned out to be the most pervasive was one of the Czechs as Czechoslovakist69 colonialists exploiting Slovakia. And as colonialists, they were described as arrogant in wanting to rule over Slovakia, even though they did not know it properly. It should be pointed out that the difficulty in having the stereo- '"' Miroslav Ku sy: ··S lovak Exceptionalism". in Musil (ed.): The End. 147- 149 . See also Martin Butora and Zora Butorova: " Slovakia: The Iden tit y Chal lenges of the Newly Born State". Socia l Research. Vol. 60. No. 4, Winter ( 1993). 7 13-7 14. and Sona Szomol anyi: UParadox kon zervativi zmu na Slovensku .'· Domino Efekt. Vol. 2. No. 15. ( 1993). 4. 67 Petr Prfhoda: '·Mutual Perceptions in Czech -Slovak Relationships•·, in: Musil (ed.) : The End. 134. "" Al so th e nationali sti c Slovak news paper ··s Jovak Nation·• (Slovensky mirod) was checked for the atheist image. but it could not be found even here . This probably reflects the fact that the image was propagated by the KDH . which was a quite unpopu lar part y those days among its non -ad herents. and whic h was often reproached in Slovensky mirod. 69 As a way of legitimising th e new Czechos lovak Republic in 19 18, the doctrine of one Czechoslovak nati on w ith two branche s. a Czech and a Slovak one. was propa gated to comp ly wi th the intention of president Woodrow Wilson to gi ve national self-determinat ion to the nations of Cen tral and Eastern Europe . The doctrine was officia ll y abandoned onl y afler World War II. �108 SLOVAKIA types co nfirmed did not co ncern the Czech newspaper, the se l fimage of the Czechs as 'rational' notwithstanding. 70 The most co mmonl y cited example of the Czech perception of the Slovaks as ungra tefu l yo unger brothers was an article by the writer Lud vfk Vaculfk in Literarnf noviny from 1990 entitled: " Our Slova k Questi on. " 7 1 The first thin g to be noticed about Vaculfk 's article is the co ndescending tone of the titl e: The Slovak questi on is ' our ' ques ti on, that is ' us' meaning the Czechs , not the Slovak s. 72 Vaculfk beg ins his arti cle by definin g himself as being Czech by nation ality, but Czechoslovak as a citi ze n, but he nevertheless repeatedl y speaks in the name of ' us, th e Czec hs,' whi ch substanti all y weakens hi s claim to being a truly Czechoslovak citizen. Throu ghout hi s tex t, Vaculfk uses exampl es from hi story to argue for a separati on from the Slo vaks. First, he bl ames the Slovaks for never having dealt with the fasc ism of their wartime state ( 19391945). They escaped thi s obligation by rejoining the Czechs in Czechos lovakia, and wh en, after a few yea rs, they were forced into a communi st regime, they did not reall y mind , si nce they ga ined a lot more economicall y from co mmuni sm than did the Czechs. There is no inner log ic between these two situati ons other th an th e fac t th at Vaculfk 's description of them makes the Slovaks look as if they have no principl es, going more or less direc tl y from accepting fascism to accepting co mmuni sm. He co ntinues by bl ami ng the Slovaks fo r prey ing on the Czech s' struggle for democracy in 1968, since th e only reform that survived the W arsaw Pac t in vas ion was the federali zation of the state, " When we in I 968 tri ed to free ourse lves from 70 L adis lav Holy : The Lillie Czech and the Gre<I/ Czech Na tion. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1996), 104. 71 72 " Nase slovenska otazka". Litenimf noviny (M ay 3, 1990). I +3 . Yacu l fk's titl e was in spired by the titl e of T.G. Masaryk ·s book ··The Czech Question" (C:eska otazka) from 1895 on the Czech rebirth in the 19th century and it outlined hi s po litica l progra mme for the Czech nati on. But where Masaryk treated his own nation. Yacu lfk by the use of the word ··our" implies th at the Czechs have a ri ght to objectify and defi ne the Slovaks. �SLOVAKIA 109 the dictatorship, the Slovaks regarded it as our business and went for autonomy. When we were then puni shed for the rebellion , they , because they had not compromised th emse lves very much with us, received a more gentle puni shment; and that their autonomy, which they gained from our rebellion , for us meant a sharpenin g of the punishment, does not cross their mind s." 73 When Vaculfk describes the Slovak ga in of autonomy as a sharpenin g of the puni shment for the Czechs , this testifies to hi s belief, not only in centralism , but also that the Czechs have the right to control Slovaki a. When employing these im ages he attempts to mobilize the Czech memory of the Slovaks as traitors both in 1938-39, when they ga ined their own state whereas the Czech lands were turned into the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, and in the Prague Spring of 1968. Later on Vaculfk contradicts his argument of th e Slovak sati sfaction with the communist regime by claiming that they left it to the Czechs to defeat the communists and then again brought up their claims for autonomy: "as if they thought: you brou ght us your communism, now you take it away again, Czechs! " 74 According to Vaculfk, the Slovaks, being objects rather than subjects of hi story, unlike the Czechs have always managed to escape the existential question: Who are we and what do we want? Thi s even counts for the Slovak National Uprising during World War II, which in Vaculfk 's view was too brief and too limited territoriall y to count as proof of Slovak pro-C zec hos lov ak ism. Vaculfk only mention s the anti-fascist element of the upri si ng and neg lects the fact that the leaders of the resistance movement clearly stated a wish to reunite with the Czechs after 73 " Kdyz jsme se v roce 1968 poku sili uvolnit se z diktatury , povazovali to Slovaci za nasi staro st a sli si za autonomif. K dyz my pak byli za vzpouru ztrestan i, oni , j elikoz se s nami moc nezkompromitovali, dostali mfrnejsf trest; a ze jejich autono- mie, kterou z nasf vzpoury vyzfska li , znamenala pro nas zostfenf trestu, to jim nenapada." 74 "jako by si mysleli: Privezli j ste nam sem v,is komuni smus, odvezte si ho zas, Cesi 1" - Many Slovaks after 1989 have pointed ou t that in 1946 40 % of th e Czechs voted com muni st, and only 30 % of the Slovaks, suggesting that comm uni sm was a predomi nantly Czech idea. �SLOVAKIA 110 th e wa r,75 whi c h was inco ns iste nt w ith hi s prev io us acc usati o ns aga inst the Slovak s fo r not hav ing co me to te rm s w ith the fasc ism of the ir wartime state . The first time Vaculfk mobili zes the " littl e brothe r" im age he c laims that the Slovak s, s ince they do not have a nybody else against whom to prove the ir adulthood , mi stake nl y tried it o ut on the Czechs. Later on he continues th at, afte r the fa ll of co mmuni sm, th e Sl ovak nation fin a ll y had the cha nce to start looking fo r its ow n happiness, by whi ch it would grow one more leve l. The most c rude exa mple of the im age comes w he n Vac ulfk re plies to Mil an Si mec ka, a Czec h write r li vin g in Slovaki a, who had w ritte n to the Czec hs th at the ir yo un ger brothe r had grow n up a nd now should ha ve hi s ow n bed. Vac ul fk 's repl y was as fo ll ows: "As we know our youn ger brothe r, he w ill want to have hi s bed by the window in the summer and by the ove n in the w inte r. No bed , littl e broth e r, ha ve yo ur o wn littl e ho use!" 76 And finall y, he li sts reaso ns why just now is the ri ght time to get rid of the Slovaks, one of whi c h is th at 70 years ago it wo uld have bee n interpreted as de ny ing he lp to the younger brother. Thus, Vac ulfk mobili zes the Czec h image of the ungrateful younger brother and the coll ective me mory of Slovak betrayal s to make hi s po int th at the Czec hs would be better off without the Slovaks. It is hard not to find Vac ulfk a bit patronizing, but hi s views we re not e xce pti onal a mong the Czec hs. In the articl e " Re lie f with a dec ision," 77 fo urteen intellectu als 78 agreed th at it was bette r to let the Slovaks go, if th at was what they wanted , so th at the Czec hs co uld stand as the true he irs of Czec hos lovaki a and thereby keep the name of the 75 See I.:.ubomir Liptak : S/ovensko v 20. storocf. (Brat islava : K all igram 2000), 25 1- 252. 76 ·'A le j ak mladsfho brat ffc ka zname, bude v lete chtft tu pos tylku u ok na a v zime u pece. Zadnou postylku, bra tfe. domecek mej si 1" 77 " Uleva z rozhodnutf" . L itenim f noviny June 18, 1992, I. 78 The article was signed by Ji ff K olar, K arel Siktanc, K arel Pecka, Lud vfk Yacul fk , V lad im ir K ar ffk , I van Werni sc h, Jan Lopatka, Sergej Mac honi n, Pfemys l Rut. Dusan K arpatsky, Yrati slav Farber, Ji ff Cies lar, Mi ros lav Kl omfnek, M ilan Jungmann, all men of literature. �SLOVAKIA 111 state. Se manti ca ll y, Czechoslovaki a w itho ut Slova ki a does not make muc h sense, but to the authors of the arti cle there was c learly anothe r aspect to Czechos lova ki a th an the territori al one. T he ir be li ef that Czechos lovak ia w ithout Slovaki a made sense indi cated that they pe rce ived th e Czech s as be in g in some undefin ed ma nner more trul y Czec hos lova k th an the Slovaks and that they reserved the ri ght to defin e the character of the co mmon state fo r the Czechs. Bes ides, they saw the diffe re nt res ults of the e lection s in June 1992 in the two parts of the country as an exampl e of the Czech desire fo r a free economy and po liti ca l de moc rac y on the o ne hand , and on the oth er of the Slovak longin g fo r a soc iety directed by the state a nd with e le me nts of nati onal soci ali sm. And they furth e rmore inte rpre ted the S lovak res ult as an ex press ion of a Slovak long ing fo r their own indepe nde nt state, in spite of the fac t th at th e onl y Slovak party with inde pe nde nce as part of its e lec ti on prog ramme was the Slova k Nati onal Party (Sl ovenska narodna strana, SNS), whi ch ga ined onl y 9.4 % of the votes in Slovakia.79 The arti cle was writte n in a tone th at sugges ted ne utrality and objecti vity, whil e the co nte nt was in fac t stron gly po le mi ca l. " If it is so that onl y e rectin g one's ow n state is the sign o f adulth ood and se lf-justifi cati on of a nation , we do not have reasons fo r counting it as a fa ilure a nd loss, what we since 19 18 have contributed to Slovaki a in that respect materi all y and mora ll y. The found ation of Czechos lova ki a co mpl eted the Czech nati o nal reawake nin g, and if the Slovaks today c ut the mse lves loose fro m us, it means th at they are still lac kin g somethin g to reac h the same pos iti on and consc iousness, and we do not have the ri ght to keep the m fro m that. " 80 In thi s argu- 79 K aren Henderson: T he Slovak Republic, in : Bogdan Szajkowsk i (ed.): Po litica l Parties of Eastern Europe. Russia & the Successor S tates. (Harlow: Longman In for- mati on and Reference 1994 ). 529. ' 0 ·'Je- li tom u tak, ze teprve ustave nf vlas tn fho statu je znamenfm dospe losti a sveprav nosti naroda, nemame duvod pocftat si za pro hru a ztratu , cfm jsme k tomu Slovensku od rok u 19 18 hmotne i moraine prispeli . Zalozenfm Ceskos lovenske republik y se dov rsilo ceske narodn f obroze nf, a j estli ze se Slovaci dnes od nas odpo- �SLOVAKIA 112 ment th e Slovaks are the ones cutting themselves loose because they want to 'g row up ' and become indepe ndent of the Czechs who have helped the m " materially and morally" ever s ince the foundation of the common state. "Let it be obvious that it is the Slovaks who step out of the federation, and that we the n are the successor state , which keeps its ob li gations, treaties and relation s to th e world around us. The Czech kingdom united hi storicall y with Moravia does not need to be confirmed once again by any Rome, Frankfurt or Vienna." 8 1 So, the Czech Lands are a hi storically natural unity , wh ich does not in any way need Slovakia. They cont inue: " Without artificia l nationalizing, all questions can be named and also so lved in a more rational way" 82 - again, they are suggesting that the Slovaks are irrational and nationalistic as opposed to the rational Czechs. The Slovak image of the Czechs was propagated no less directly . In a series of articles in Literarny tyidennfk entitled " If Slovakia wants to be Slovakia ... ,"83 the writer Mi lan Ferko treated severa l subjects concern ing Slovak autonomy or independence. He held that after th e parliamentary e lectio ns in June 1992 when Vl adimfr Meciar 's Movement for a Democratic S lovakia (Hnutie za demokraticke Slovensko, HZDS ) won in Slovakia, the Czechs finally began to understand that the Slovaks really wanted to be inde pendent, and stated, " Some Czech politicians are beg inning to abandon [ ... ] the pos ition of historical arrogance and eco nomic super iorit y." 84 He thereby confirmed the image of the arroga nt Czechs who wanted to jujf. znamena to, ze jim k tem uz stavu a vedomf jeste neco chybf. a my nemame pravo je od toho zdrfovat." 81 "At' se stane zrejmym, ze jsou to Slovaci. kdo vystupujf z federace. a my pak jsme nastupni cky stat. jen z zus tane ve svych zavazcfch , sm lou vach a vztazfch k okolnfmu svetu. Ceske kralovstvf spoj ene hi storick y s Moravou se nepotre buje davat zadnym Rfmem. Frankfurtem ci Vfdnf znovu potvrzovat. " 82 .. Bez 83 " Ak Slovensko chce byt'Slovenskom .. ... 84 " Niektorf cesk f politici zacfnaju opu stat' [ .. . J pozfcie historickej arogancie a ekono- umeleho nacionalizovanf dajf se vsechny otazky pojmenovat i resi t vecneji ." mickej nadradenost i." " Ak Slovensko chce byt' Slovenskom ..." Vil. Literarny dennik June 27. 1992, 12. tyz- �SLOVAKIA 113 keep the Slovaks in an inferior position and he continued, " With the help of international financial superpowers , Prague decided about the fate of Slovakia, which has to remain in a vassal relationship to the Czech Lands." 85 According to Ferko, the Slovak government had also become arrogant, and the politicians of Public Again st Violence (Verejnost' proti nasiliu , VPN) had become " slaves of Prague' s neocolonial relationship to Slovakia" 86 and sought " to continue to infiltrate into the Slovak political life ideas of Masaryki sm and cosmopolitani sm in the fra mework of which there is no place for the Slovak nation. " 87 T.G. Masaryk was the first president of Czechos lovakia , and Czech s and Slovaks have very di ss imilar view s of him . To the Czechs he epitomizes democracy , whereas many Slovaks see him as the representative of the state ideology of the First Republic ( 19181938), the Czechoslovakism, according to which Czec hs and Slovaks were two branches of the same Czechoslovak nation . Many Slovaks belie ve that Czechoslovaki sm suppressed their national identity, and their view of the First Republic and of Masaryk is influenced by thi s negative vie w of the state ideology. The Slovak view of Masaryk is also tainted by the fact that in 1918 he signed an agreement with a group of Czech and Slovak emigres in Pittsburgh , according to which Slovakia was promi sed some form of autonomy in the new Czechoslovak state. For variou s reason s thi s promise was never fulfill ed,88 and thi s has left an impression among some Slovaks that Masaryk and the Czechs delibe ratel y broke their promi ses becau se xs -- Pra ha pros tred nfctvom medzin arod nyc h fin ancnych ve l'mocf rozhod la o osude Sl ovenska, ktore ma zostat' vo vaza lskom pomere k Cecham." Ak Slovensko chce byt' Slovenskom ... VI. Literam y tyidennik M ay 23, 1992, 3. 86 " ''otrokmi prazs keho neokolonialisti ckeho vztahu k Slovensku. " Ibid. 7 " d'alej in f iltrovat' do slovenskeho politickeho zivota myslienk y masaryki zmu a kozmopoliti zmu , v ramci ktoryc h niet miesta pre slovensky narod."' Ibid. 88 Part of the reason why Sl ovaki a was not granted autonomy was th at in the new Czechos lovak state there was a Germ an mi nority of the same size as th e Slovak popul ati on. and if the Sl ovaks had gained autonomy it wo uld have been very di fficult to find a va lid argument why the Germ ans should not have autonomy, too. �SLOVAKJA 114 th ey wished to maintain the ir control ove r Slovakia. Furthermore, whe n Ferko attacked Masaryk it wen t to the very heart of the Czech se lf-understandin g and co uld serve as proof to the Czec hs that the Slovaks did not rea ll y understand what democracy was a ll about. Anoth er im age from hi story that Ferko mobilizes is the Slovak wartime state , whi c h he presents as hav in g raised ge nera l Slovak se lf-co nsc iou sness, the spirit of e nterpri se, a nd the will to be equa l with the rest of the world . 89 Thi s is a totally different im age of the Slovak State than the one propagated by Vac ul fk who saw it only as a sy mbol of fascism , with which the Slo va ks had still not dealt. To Ferko the fa sc ism of the state was less sig nificant than the fac t th at it was Slovak. According to him , the e lect io ns in Jun e 1992 showed that neo-fasc ist te nde nci es were growing in oth er parts of Czec hoslovak ia, but not in Slovakia - leavi ng o nl y the Czec h land s infected wi th it. 911 He re, Ferko turn s Vaculfk 's accusation of the Slovaks' lac k of se ttleme nt w ith the wart ime fascism aga in st the Czechs - poss ibl y beca use he was aware that hi s arg ume nt was not very solid. In the very last issue of Literarny tyidennfk before the partiti o n, Vladimfr Min ac (one of Slovakia 's lead in g writers) propagated hi s less than pos iti ve im age of the Czec hs: "God save us from learning from the Czec hs the e mpty ideo log ica l rhetoric , the spl e ndid mora1ity, whi ch is limited to word s, the Have l-like e mptiness, which hides in itse lf o nl y a mad dwarf. " 9 1 In ridi c ulin g Vaclav Have l, Min ac insulted anothe r icon of the Czec h se lf-unders tandin g: Have l as the successor to Masaryk as the good philosopher-pres ide nt. And he was co mpl ete ly aware of thi s w he n he mentioned the myth of Masaryk 's '" Ferko: "'Ak Slovensko .. . VII ". ° Ferko 9 wi th out doubt hints at th e amazing elec ti on results or the Czec h Miroslav Sl,1dek ' s neo-fasc ist Republi ca n Party, which gained over 6 % of the votes in the Czech lands (Peter Bugge : The Czech Republi c, in: Szajkowsk i (ed.): Politica l Parties. 158- 159). "' " Bozec hrai\ , aby sme sa naucil i od Cechov prazdnej idologickej retorike. onej skvelej moralke, ktora sa obm edzuje na slova. onej hav lovskej prazdnote. ktora utaj uje v sebe iba zuriveho trpas lfka."' " Odkiar a kam , Slovaci 'I" ("Wherefrom and whereto, Slovaks?") Literamy tyi dennfk Dec. 19, 1992 , 11 . �SLOVAKIA 115 model democracy and deemed it " shrieking Bohemian glass in the necklace of the legend" 92 - instead of being real jewels, that is. When dismi ss ing the first Czechoslovak Republic like this, Mimic reflected the views of one-third of the Slovak populace, which did not consider it democratic, but in opposition to the majority of the Czech population, 93 and so he , like Yaculfk, invoked the collective memory in order to create an impression of Czech-Slovak incompatibility. Furthermore, Mimic painted a picture of the First Republic as a time when many Czechs came to Slovakia allegedly to help build it, but when they taught in school s at all level s, they taught Czechos lovak instead of Slovak, and when they founded the Slovak National Theatre , it was in reality one more Czech National Theatre. So the Czechs did not help out of pure brotherly sacrifice, but out of a desire to turn the Slovaks into Czechs. Later, Mimic reproduced the stereotype of the Czechs as being arrogant enough to want to decide over Slovakia without the appropriate understanding: " Again and again they go into political battle with the Slovaks with the same reproaches and with the sa me lack of knowledge of the Slovak world. They still tutor, still look after and protect in the way that every coloniali st has protected hi s colony. " 94 He re , the image of the Czechs as malevolent colonialists was used to create the impress ion that a veritable war was being waged between the evil Czech politicians and the Slovak people-and not onl y this: 9 ' 93 skrfpajuce ces ke skl o v mi hrdelnfku legendy. 37 % of th e Slovaks and 70 % of the Czechs sa w th e First Republi c as a model democracy. whereas anoth er 33 % of th e Slovaks did not think it was democrati c at all. (Marian Timorack y : Yerejna mienka o ce sko-slovenskych vztahoch. in: Fedor Gal (ed. ): One.for krize cesko-slovenskych vztaht1. (Praha: SLON 1992), 8 1-82 . Thi s probabl y refl ec ts th e Sl ovak res istance aga inst M asaryk ·s Czechos lovaki sm. which Ferko attacked, too. "" ·· v zdy znovu a znov u tiahnu do politickeho zapasu so Slo vakmi s tymi istyrni vycitkami a s tou istou neznalostbu slovenskeho sveta. Stale tutorcia, stale opatruju a ochrai\uju tak, ako kazdy kol oni ali sta ochrai\ova l svoju kol 6niu. " '·Odki al' a karn , Slovac i?" Litenirny tyidennlk Dec. 19, 1992, 11. �116 SLOVAKIA betwee n the Czech and Slovak worlds. 95 By portraying Czechs and Slovaks as living in different worlds , Minac made the partition of the common state look natural and desirab le as it enabled the small Slovak nation to fulfil its destiny as an authentic small nation facing the threatening international consumer society. And he concluded, " Behind us stay the o ld enmities and mi sunderstandin gs, a serva nt 's conflicts and rebellion s. Before us is our new di gnity." 96 As thi s ana lysis has shown , the Czech and Slovak collective memories were used to explain the differences between Czechs and Slovaks and to legitimize the break-up. Thi s way of usin g the past was made poss ible by the hu ge soc ietal changes since the Ve lvet Revolution in 1989. When communism fe ll , there was a broadly felt need to rewrite history in order to get rid of the ideolog ica ll y deformed historical interpretation s of the communists and thi s led to two different phenomena. On the one hand , the new situ at ion led to an uncovering of 'wh ite spots ' in the hi story of the Czechs and Slovaks. On the other, thi s rewriting made room for new deformations of history. Silvia Mihalikova has described this phenome non , which was common for the entire post-communi st world, as a use of arguments from the past according to a principle of se lf-service: people simply chose the historical facts, persons, and conceptions that suited their momentary purposes. 97 95 Thi s image of the Czechs and Slovaks li ving in different worlds was shared by at least the Czech political weekly, Respekt, whose front page of the elect ion issue in 1992 read in large red letters 'Two civi li za ti ons" and conti nued in the main comment: "A lone into Europe or toge ther to the Balkans" ( Respekt June 8-14, I 992, I ). See Peter Bugge : The Use of the Middle: Mitteleuropa vs. Strednf Evropa. In : European Review of History , Vol. 6. No. I . 1999, 30-3 1 and Vladimir Macura: Masarykovy boty a jine semi(o) fejetony. (Praha: Prazska imagin ace 1993). 48-49 for a further elaborat ion of the Czech imaging of the Slovaks as belonging to the Balkans . % " Za nami ostavaju stare nepriatel'stva a nedorozumenia, sluhovs ke spory a vzbury . Pred nami je nasa nova d6stojnost'. " " Odkial' a kam . Slovaci ?" Literarny tj idennfk Dec. 19. 1992. 11. 97 Mihalikova: Narodne symboly, 54-56. �SLOVAKIA 117 The se lf-serv ice aspec t of the use of hi story was supported by the communist ideo logization of the culture, includin g the schools. The hi story that had been to ld by the regime and taught in sc hool s was perce ived as inh erentl y wrong , and therefore , as Tony Judt has argued, a plurality of memories was created when parents told their children what hi story was ' reall y' like. Every hi story that was told by the reg ime was by implication fa lse, which meant th at every hi story not to ld by the regime mu st by implication be true. 98 This was the reason, not onl y for the very different Czec h and Slovak collective memories, but also for the overa ll low level of knowl edge about and reflection on the nation al hi story. Key period s in Czechoslovak hi story co ncernin g the mutual Czech-Slovak relation ship can be li sted as follows : I) the First Republic 19 I 8- 1938, 2) the destruction of Czechoslovakia and th e creati on of the Slovak State durin g World War II, 3) the Slovak National Uprising against the fascists in 1944, 4) the Prague Spring in 1968, 5) the Normalization 1969-1 989. When lookin g at the articles that we have analysed here, it is c lear that Vaculfk employed al l of them. In hi s interpretation : the First Rep ublic was a time when the Czechs he lped the ir un grateful younger brothers; the Slovak State came into bein g when the Slovaks betrayed the Czechs; the Slovak National Upri sin g was not necessaril y for a renewal of Czechoslovakia; in the Prague Spring the Slovaks preyed on the Czech strugg le for democracy; and durin g Norma li zati on the Slovaks suffered less than the Czec hs. In the same vei n, Mil an Ferko and Vladimfr Mimic invoked the Slovak collective memory of the First Republic as a period of Czechoslovakism th at did not properly ack now ledge the character and needs of the Slovaks, and the Czechs did what they could to turn the Slovaks into Czec hs. The reason why Ferko and Mimic both used thi s period probabl y lay in the fact th at Czechoslovakism was the 'state ideo logy' of the First Rep ublic , which made it easy to attack 9 ' Tony Judt: The Past is Another Cou ntry : Myth and Memory in Postwar Europe , in: Dcedalus. Vol. 21. No. 4, 1992, I OI. �SLOVAK IA 118 Czech arrogance towards the Slovaks. As opposed to this , the legacy of all the other significant periods seemed in some way or another too ambiguous to be exp loited from Minac ' s and Ferko ' s points of view. 99 This reflects the fact that Czechs and Slovaks not on ly experienced the events differently at the time, but also that their memories of them today are very different. And this then shows us that the socia li zation of the population ' s memories since 1918 was not successful in providing the two nations with a common co ll ective memory of the past that they shared as parts of the same state. In stead, those who after 1989 wished to do otherwise were ab le, like Vaculfk, Minac , Ferko, and others, to mobilize conflicts from the past and link them together regardless of any inner logic and chrono logy. They painted a picture of a basic Czech-Slovak incompatibility and a common history consisting of conflicts, betrayals, and wrongdoings that made a divorce look c learly preferable to a continued malfunctionin g marriage. 100 In Slovakia, the discu ss ions about the common history of the Czechs and the Slovaks became polarized to the degree that two directly opposite interpretations were propagated. The relevant criterion for arguments became the question whether the common state had been favourable or disadvantageous to the Slovaks. 101 Slovak so99 The Slovak State was fascist: the National Uprising was directed aga in st the inde- pendent Slovak State; resu lting from th e Prague Spring was th e federalism that Ferko and Minac fo ught aga inst but which neverth eless meant progress in th e Czech-Slovak relationship; and Normalization was not see n as too bad a period for th e Slovaks . ' 00 The metaphor of the marriage was also frequently used in the debate, see e.g. Miroslav Ku sy : '·Konfederacnf k lam·• (""Confederation delusion'"). Literarnf no viny Aug. 6. 1992. 1+3. 0 ' ' Mihalikova: Narodne symboly, 58. An ex traordinary feature of th e Slovak contex t was the fact that very ac tive participants in the debate were exi les like Stefan Polakovic or Milan S. Durica. who either had been in ex ile ever since World War II beca use of their ro le in the Slovak State or they came from thi s environment. They saw as their greatest task res torin g Slovak independence from th e Czechs and seemed not to reali ze that Slovak society had changed since their heyday during the �SLOVAKIA 119 ciety was to a very large ex tent di vided over interpretations of hi story , the nature of Slovak nation al identity, and wishes for the future, and in fact the Slovaks who engaged in the de bates on the CzechSlovak past spent as much or even more energy blaming eac h other, rather than blaming the Czechs. 102 In contrast to thi s deep divi sion , the Czechs may have disagreed on many thing s, but by and large there was unanimity concerning subjects such as these. In the Czech debate, the efforts to create a separate Czech state grad uall y came to be seen as a way of guardin g Kl aus' rapid economic reform s from the " irrati o nal" Slovaks a nd Czech democracy from the alleged Slovak inclin ation to national soc iali sm and a stron g state, images which were mobili zed by the frequent use of exa mples from the Czech collective me mory. It is furthermore interesting that an opinion poll in October of 1990 showed that more than 50 % of the Czechs believed in the idea of one Czechoslovak nation . 1w While most Czechs and Slovaks perce ived of them se lves as be in g simultaneously Czechoslovaks and e ithe r Czechs or Slovaks, most Czechs, who unconsciously conceived of the two layers of the ir identification as being identical , had never paid much attention to the conce pt of a Czech identification as be in g different from their ide ntific ation as Czechoslovaks. Most Slovaks , on the other hand , were very much aware that there was a difference between their Slovak and their Czechoslovak identification . 104 Whe n the newspaper debates invoked the war. In co ntrast to the hi stori ans who had li ved throu gh the communi st period at home and those who had been in exile becau se of their di sagreements with the co mmuni st regime. thi s group of hi storians saw nothing but disadvantages for the Slovaks in the com mon Czechos lovak Republic. 102 According to Soiia Szomolanyi. different perceptions of key fi gures and events in Slovak history not onl y divided . but outri ght polari zed th e population (Szomo lany i 1994 : 76). '"' Timoracky : Yerejna mienka. 7 1-72. ' 04 Thi s was strengthened by th e asy mmetri ca l conditi ons after 19 I 8. e.g. when in school tex tbooks Czech hi story was made Czechos lovak simply by adding " slovak" to th e adjec ti ve (E li sabeth Bakke: Cechoslovak izmu s v skol skych uceb ni ciach ( 19 18- 1938). Historicky casopis. Vo l. 47. o 2. 1999: 242-243) or when on ly the �120 SLOVAKIA past, it happened in a way that mobili zed images that em phasized the differences rather than the s imil ariti es between th e tw o nation a l groups. In thi s way the Czech and Slovak layers of the Czec hoslovak population 's identifi cat ion were stre ngthened to the detriment of the Czechoslovak layer. And the di scre pancy that was mob ili zed between the Czech and Slovak images of themselves, the other, and the future of the common state is undoubted ly part of the answer to the question why the common Czechoslovak state eventually broke up. Slovaks had their own Communist Party (KSS) whereas the Czechos lovak Communist Party (KSC) served both as the Czech and the all-state party. � 104 SLOVAKIA "Ungrateful Younger Brothers" versus "Arrogant Atheists." Czech-Slovak Stereotypes in a Collective Memory Perspective. Lone Sarauw On January I , 1993 , Czechoslovakia was divided in a process that has been characterized as a "vel vet divorce. " 56 Compared to the ways in which other post-communi st states were fa lling apart at the time, thi s seems a va lid description . However , the split was ca used by severe confli cts betwee n the two parts of the state. Scholars have given a number of reasons for the di vo rce : I ) The Czech desire for democracy and a market economy clashed with Slovak insistence upon nati onal eq uality. 57 2) Despite grow ing macro-structu ra l simil ariti es, one Czechoslovak soc iety never managed to replace the Czech and Slovak soc ieti es that had been brought together in a com mon state. 58 3) Th e w inners of the parli amentary elec tion s in 1992, th e Sl ovak Vl adimfr Meciar and the Czech V aclav Kl aus, were unabl e to 56 See Otto U lc: "C zechos lovak ia' s ve l vet divorce. " East European Quarterly 30. September ( 1996). pp. 33 1-352. 57 5 " Ibid. Ji ff Mu sil : '"C zec h and Slovak Soc iety." in Jiff Mu sil (ed.): Th e End or Czechoslova kia (Budapest. L ondon, New York: Central European University Press 1995). 77-94. �SLOVAKIA 105 come to te rm s w ith the constitutional arrangement of Czechoslovakia, beca use they were unwillin g to put the interests of the common state before their own power ambi tions. 59 And more co uld be found. As a contrib uti on to the debate over the break-up, thi s artic le inte nd s to look at th e role of stereotypes and collective memory in it, the argument being that hi story was mobili zed in the media de bates prior to the partition , and that it happe ned in a way that en hanced the di ffere nces rather than the likenesses of the two peopl es.60 As a result of thi s th e population graduall y came to accept the partition of the common state, even if the majority of the population never supported it. 6 1 The concept "collective me mory" has been defi ned as "a soc iety 's co ll ected production of me mory," 62 whi ch suppli es the soc iety with a fee ling of belong ing together by sharing the same past. One of the probl e ms in Czec hoslovakia seems to have bee n the lack of such a feelin g of sharing the same past in both halves of the state. Despite the fact that, apart from World W ar II , Czechs and Slovaks lived together in one state between 19 18 and I 993 , their co ll ective me mories of this li fe together differ to a considerab le ex tent. 59 Abby Innes: ·'T he Breakup of Czechos lovakia: The Impac t of Party Development on the Separa ti on of the State," East European Politics and Societies (EEPS) , Vol. I I , No. 3, Fall ( 1997), 393-435 . 60 Si l via Mihali kova: •• arod ne symbo ly slovenskej statnosti", Politologicka revue 2, prosinec, ( 1996), 56. 61 An opi ni on poll from Jul y 1992 shows th at 53 % of the Czechs and 42 % of the Slovaks w ished lo maintain th e co mmon state. whi le respecti ve ly 24 % and 32 % w ished the slate to be divided (Sharon W olchi k : ·The Politics of Transition and th e Break-U p of Czec hos lova ki a," in Ji ff Musi l (ed .): Th e End of' Czechos lova kia. (Budapest : Centra l European Universi ty Press 1995 , 233). 62 Claus Bry ld and Anette Warrin g: Besaette/sestiden som kollektiv erindring. Histo- rie- og traditionsfor va llning at' krig og besaettelse 1945- 1997. (Rosk ilde: Rosk ilde Uni versitetsforlag 1998), 19-20. �106 SLOVAKIA In the medi a debates in the peri od leading up to the break-up of C zec hos lovakia hi story , or rather memory ,63 was mobi Ii zed as proof of the inevitability and desirability of the divorce. Because thi s was the aim of the partic ipants of the debate, chrono logy was irre levant and hi story became ' hori zontali zed ' so to speak. As Silvia Mi halikova has formulated it, "osten sible or rea l sins committed centuries ago merge with wrongs done in th e last decades and are at the same time th e reaso n for today 's mi sunderstandin gs and hatred."64 Thus, the mobilization of past conflicts e nabl ed the two nation s to blame eac h other for their current probl ems, which is wh at thi s article intend s to show using examples from the literary newspapers of th e Czech Land s and Slovakia, Literarnf noviny and Literarny tyi- dennik,65 prior to the break-up. Wh en looking for archetypical examp les of the Czech and S lovak stereotypes or images of each other, the "arroga nt atheists" and " ungrateful younger brothers" of the headlines were the first ideas about the Czech and S lovak images of each other that came to mind . Therefore, it came as a surprise that it was rather imposs ibl e to find any examples of the stereotype of the Czechs as dangerous atheists they are presented as being arrogant, though. The lack of proof of the idea that the Slovak image of the Czec hs would see them as atheists 0 -' Pierre Nora has formu lated thi s di st incti on be tween history and memory in terms of a fund amen tal opposi ti on . .. Memory is life [ ... ] a bond tying us to the etern al presen t[ ... ] it is affec ti ve and mag ica l l and] onl y accom modates th ose facts that suit it .'' whereas hi story is .. the reconstru cti on , al ways problematic and incomplete j ... I a representati on of the past I th at I ca ll s fo r analys is and criti cism' ' (Pierre Nora: "Between Memory and H istory: Les Lieux de M emoire" . Representations Vol 0, No. 26 Special Issue: M emory and Cou nter-M emory. Spring ( I 989) , 8-9). A less ri gid di stincti on has been pro posed by A nne Erikse n. who sees hi story and memory as being equally important aspec ts of the co llecti ve memory th at combine to create the entire co llec ti ve memory (A nne Eriksen: Del var nae annet under krigen. 2. verdenskrig i norsk kollektivtradisjon. (Oslo: Pax 1995). r,., Mihalikova: ·'Narodne symboly," 55. 65 In the literary newspapers the past was mobili zed more obviously and cru dely but not in a different way th an in mos t other newspapers. Thus, they serve well as illustrations of a process that was happening in the press in general. �SLOVAKIA 107 was fru strating , and it raised the question where thi s idea came from. It stemmed from the Christian Democratic Movement (Kresfansko De mokraticke Hnutie, KOH) , which, according to Miroslav Kusy , wanted to protect Slovakia from " des tructive liberal and freethinking influences from the Czech Lands." Besides, the stereotype had been used frequently in the interwar period , but the industrialization and urbanization of Slovakia since then had turned the mostly rural soc iety into one where Catholics did not necessarily consider their interests as Catholics to be more important than their economic and cultural conditions. 66 Also, as Petr Prfhod a has stated , the image of the Czechs as atheists was a well-known Czech stereotype of the Slovak view of them ,67 indirectly testifyin g to a Czech stereotype of the Slovaks as ' religiou s. ' 68 The image that eventually turned out to be the most pervasive was one of the Czechs as Czechoslovakist69 colonialists exploiting Slovakia. And as colonialists, they were described as arrogant in wanting to rule over Slovakia, even though they did not know it properly. It should be pointed out that the difficulty in having the stereo- '"' Miroslav Ku sy: ··S lovak Exceptionalism". in Musil (ed.): The End. 147- 149 . See also Martin Butora and Zora Butorova: " Slovakia: The Iden tit y Chal lenges of the Newly Born State". Socia l Research. Vol. 60. No. 4, Winter ( 1993). 7 13-7 14. and Sona Szomol anyi: UParadox kon zervativi zmu na Slovensku .'· Domino Efekt. Vol. 2. No. 15. ( 1993). 4. 67 Petr Prfhoda: '·Mutual Perceptions in Czech -Slovak Relationships•·, in: Musil (ed.) : The End. 134. "" Al so th e nationali sti c Slovak news paper ··s Jovak Nation·• (Slovensky mirod) was checked for the atheist image. but it could not be found even here . This probably reflects the fact that the image was propagated by the KDH . which was a quite unpopu lar part y those days among its non -ad herents. and whic h was often reproached in Slovensky mirod. 69 As a way of legitimising th e new Czechos lovak Republic in 19 18, the doctrine of one Czechoslovak nati on w ith two branche s. a Czech and a Slovak one. was propa gated to comp ly wi th the intention of president Woodrow Wilson to gi ve national self-determinat ion to the nations of Cen tral and Eastern Europe . The doctrine was officia ll y abandoned onl y afler World War II. �108 SLOVAKIA types co nfirmed did not co ncern the Czech newspaper, the se l fimage of the Czechs as 'rational' notwithstanding. 70 The most co mmonl y cited example of the Czech perception of the Slovaks as ungra tefu l yo unger brothers was an article by the writer Lud vfk Vaculfk in Literarnf noviny from 1990 entitled: " Our Slova k Questi on. " 7 1 The first thin g to be noticed about Vaculfk 's article is the co ndescending tone of the titl e: The Slovak questi on is ' our ' ques ti on, that is ' us' meaning the Czechs , not the Slovak s. 72 Vaculfk beg ins his arti cle by definin g himself as being Czech by nation ality, but Czechoslovak as a citi ze n, but he nevertheless repeatedl y speaks in the name of ' us, th e Czec hs,' whi ch substanti all y weakens hi s claim to being a truly Czechoslovak citizen. Throu ghout hi s tex t, Vaculfk uses exampl es from hi story to argue for a separati on from the Slo vaks. First, he bl ames the Slovaks for never having dealt with the fasc ism of their wartime state ( 19391945). They escaped thi s obligation by rejoining the Czechs in Czechos lovakia, and wh en, after a few yea rs, they were forced into a communi st regime, they did not reall y mind , si nce they ga ined a lot more economicall y from co mmuni sm than did the Czechs. There is no inner log ic between these two situati ons other th an th e fac t th at Vaculfk 's description of them makes the Slovaks look as if they have no principl es, going more or less direc tl y from accepting fascism to accepting co mmuni sm. He co ntinues by bl ami ng the Slovaks fo r prey ing on the Czech s' struggle for democracy in 1968, since th e only reform that survived the W arsaw Pac t in vas ion was the federali zation of the state, " When we in I 968 tri ed to free ourse lves from 70 L adis lav Holy : The Lillie Czech and the Gre<I/ Czech Na tion. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1996), 104. 71 72 " Nase slovenska otazka". Litenimf noviny (M ay 3, 1990). I +3 . Yacu l fk's titl e was in spired by the titl e of T.G. Masaryk ·s book ··The Czech Question" (C:eska otazka) from 1895 on the Czech rebirth in the 19th century and it outlined hi s po litica l progra mme for the Czech nati on. But where Masaryk treated his own nation. Yacu lfk by the use of the word ··our" implies th at the Czechs have a ri ght to objectify and defi ne the Slovaks. �SLOVAKIA 109 the dictatorship, the Slovaks regarded it as our business and went for autonomy. When we were then puni shed for the rebellion , they , because they had not compromised th emse lves very much with us, received a more gentle puni shment; and that their autonomy, which they gained from our rebellion , for us meant a sharpenin g of the punishment, does not cross their mind s." 73 When Vaculfk describes the Slovak ga in of autonomy as a sharpenin g of the puni shment for the Czechs , this testifies to hi s belief, not only in centralism , but also that the Czechs have the right to control Slovaki a. When employing these im ages he attempts to mobilize the Czech memory of the Slovaks as traitors both in 1938-39, when they ga ined their own state whereas the Czech lands were turned into the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, and in the Prague Spring of 1968. Later on Vaculfk contradicts his argument of th e Slovak sati sfaction with the communist regime by claiming that they left it to the Czechs to defeat the communists and then again brought up their claims for autonomy: "as if they thought: you brou ght us your communism, now you take it away again, Czechs! " 74 According to Vaculfk, the Slovaks, being objects rather than subjects of hi story, unlike the Czechs have always managed to escape the existential question: Who are we and what do we want? Thi s even counts for the Slovak National Uprising during World War II, which in Vaculfk 's view was too brief and too limited territoriall y to count as proof of Slovak pro-C zec hos lov ak ism. Vaculfk only mention s the anti-fascist element of the upri si ng and neg lects the fact that the leaders of the resistance movement clearly stated a wish to reunite with the Czechs after 73 " Kdyz jsme se v roce 1968 poku sili uvolnit se z diktatury , povazovali to Slovaci za nasi staro st a sli si za autonomif. K dyz my pak byli za vzpouru ztrestan i, oni , j elikoz se s nami moc nezkompromitovali, dostali mfrnejsf trest; a ze jejich autono- mie, kterou z nasf vzpoury vyzfska li , znamenala pro nas zostfenf trestu, to jim nenapada." 74 "jako by si mysleli: Privezli j ste nam sem v,is komuni smus, odvezte si ho zas, Cesi 1" - Many Slovaks after 1989 have pointed ou t that in 1946 40 % of th e Czechs voted com muni st, and only 30 % of the Slovaks, suggesting that comm uni sm was a predomi nantly Czech idea. �SLOVAKIA 110 th e wa r,75 whi c h was inco ns iste nt w ith hi s prev io us acc usati o ns aga inst the Slovak s fo r not hav ing co me to te rm s w ith the fasc ism of the ir wartime state . The first time Vaculfk mobili zes the " littl e brothe r" im age he c laims that the Slovak s, s ince they do not have a nybody else against whom to prove the ir adulthood , mi stake nl y tried it o ut on the Czechs. Later on he continues th at, afte r the fa ll of co mmuni sm, th e Sl ovak nation fin a ll y had the cha nce to start looking fo r its ow n happiness, by whi ch it would grow one more leve l. The most c rude exa mple of the im age comes w he n Vac ulfk re plies to Mil an Si mec ka, a Czec h write r li vin g in Slovaki a, who had w ritte n to the Czec hs th at the ir yo un ger brothe r had grow n up a nd now should ha ve hi s ow n bed. Vac ul fk 's repl y was as fo ll ows: "As we know our youn ger brothe r, he w ill want to have hi s bed by the window in the summer and by the ove n in the w inte r. No bed , littl e broth e r, ha ve yo ur o wn littl e ho use!" 76 And finall y, he li sts reaso ns why just now is the ri ght time to get rid of the Slovaks, one of whi c h is th at 70 years ago it wo uld have bee n interpreted as de ny ing he lp to the younger brother. Thus, Vac ulfk mobili zes the Czec h image of the ungrateful younger brother and the coll ective me mory of Slovak betrayal s to make hi s po int th at the Czec hs would be better off without the Slovaks. It is hard not to find Vac ulfk a bit patronizing, but hi s views we re not e xce pti onal a mong the Czec hs. In the articl e " Re lie f with a dec ision," 77 fo urteen intellectu als 78 agreed th at it was bette r to let the Slovaks go, if th at was what they wanted , so th at the Czec hs co uld stand as the true he irs of Czec hos lovaki a and thereby keep the name of the 75 See I.:.ubomir Liptak : S/ovensko v 20. storocf. (Brat islava : K all igram 2000), 25 1- 252. 76 ·'A le j ak mladsfho brat ffc ka zname, bude v lete chtft tu pos tylku u ok na a v zime u pece. Zadnou postylku, bra tfe. domecek mej si 1" 77 " Uleva z rozhodnutf" . L itenim f noviny June 18, 1992, I. 78 The article was signed by Ji ff K olar, K arel Siktanc, K arel Pecka, Lud vfk Yacul fk , V lad im ir K ar ffk , I van Werni sc h, Jan Lopatka, Sergej Mac honi n, Pfemys l Rut. Dusan K arpatsky, Yrati slav Farber, Ji ff Cies lar, Mi ros lav Kl omfnek, M ilan Jungmann, all men of literature. �SLOVAKIA 111 state. Se manti ca ll y, Czechoslovaki a w itho ut Slova ki a does not make muc h sense, but to the authors of the arti cle there was c learly anothe r aspect to Czechos lova ki a th an the territori al one. T he ir be li ef that Czechos lovak ia w ithout Slovaki a made sense indi cated that they pe rce ived th e Czech s as be in g in some undefin ed ma nner more trul y Czec hos lova k th an the Slovaks and that they reserved the ri ght to defin e the character of the co mmon state fo r the Czechs. Bes ides, they saw the diffe re nt res ults of the e lection s in June 1992 in the two parts of the country as an exampl e of the Czech desire fo r a free economy and po liti ca l de moc rac y on the o ne hand , and on the oth er of the Slovak longin g fo r a soc iety directed by the state a nd with e le me nts of nati onal soci ali sm. And they furth e rmore inte rpre ted the S lovak res ult as an ex press ion of a Slovak long ing fo r their own indepe nde nt state, in spite of the fac t th at th e onl y Slovak party with inde pe nde nce as part of its e lec ti on prog ramme was the Slova k Nati onal Party (Sl ovenska narodna strana, SNS), whi ch ga ined onl y 9.4 % of the votes in Slovakia.79 The arti cle was writte n in a tone th at sugges ted ne utrality and objecti vity, whil e the co nte nt was in fac t stron gly po le mi ca l. " If it is so that onl y e rectin g one's ow n state is the sign o f adulth ood and se lf-justifi cati on of a nation , we do not have reasons fo r counting it as a fa ilure a nd loss, what we since 19 18 have contributed to Slovaki a in that respect materi all y and mora ll y. The found ation of Czechos lova ki a co mpl eted the Czech nati o nal reawake nin g, and if the Slovaks today c ut the mse lves loose fro m us, it means th at they are still lac kin g somethin g to reac h the same pos iti on and consc iousness, and we do not have the ri ght to keep the m fro m that. " 80 In thi s argu- 79 K aren Henderson: T he Slovak Republic, in : Bogdan Szajkowsk i (ed.): Po litica l Parties of Eastern Europe. Russia & the Successor S tates. (Harlow: Longman In for- mati on and Reference 1994 ). 529. ' 0 ·'Je- li tom u tak, ze teprve ustave nf vlas tn fho statu je znamenfm dospe losti a sveprav nosti naroda, nemame duvod pocftat si za pro hru a ztratu , cfm jsme k tomu Slovensku od rok u 19 18 hmotne i moraine prispeli . Zalozenfm Ceskos lovenske republik y se dov rsilo ceske narodn f obroze nf, a j estli ze se Slovaci dnes od nas odpo- �SLOVAKIA 112 ment th e Slovaks are the ones cutting themselves loose because they want to 'g row up ' and become indepe ndent of the Czechs who have helped the m " materially and morally" ever s ince the foundation of the common state. "Let it be obvious that it is the Slovaks who step out of the federation, and that we the n are the successor state , which keeps its ob li gations, treaties and relation s to th e world around us. The Czech kingdom united hi storicall y with Moravia does not need to be confirmed once again by any Rome, Frankfurt or Vienna." 8 1 So, the Czech Lands are a hi storically natural unity , wh ich does not in any way need Slovakia. They cont inue: " Without artificia l nationalizing, all questions can be named and also so lved in a more rational way" 82 - again, they are suggesting that the Slovaks are irrational and nationalistic as opposed to the rational Czechs. The Slovak image of the Czechs was propagated no less directly . In a series of articles in Literarny tyidennfk entitled " If Slovakia wants to be Slovakia ... ,"83 the writer Mi lan Ferko treated severa l subjects concern ing Slovak autonomy or independence. He held that after th e parliamentary e lectio ns in June 1992 when Vl adimfr Meciar 's Movement for a Democratic S lovakia (Hnutie za demokraticke Slovensko, HZDS ) won in Slovakia, the Czechs finally began to understand that the Slovaks really wanted to be inde pendent, and stated, " Some Czech politicians are beg inning to abandon [ ... ] the pos ition of historical arrogance and eco nomic super iorit y." 84 He thereby confirmed the image of the arroga nt Czechs who wanted to jujf. znamena to, ze jim k tem uz stavu a vedomf jeste neco chybf. a my nemame pravo je od toho zdrfovat." 81 "At' se stane zrejmym, ze jsou to Slovaci. kdo vystupujf z federace. a my pak jsme nastupni cky stat. jen z zus tane ve svych zavazcfch , sm lou vach a vztazfch k okolnfmu svetu. Ceske kralovstvf spoj ene hi storick y s Moravou se nepotre buje davat zadnym Rfmem. Frankfurtem ci Vfdnf znovu potvrzovat. " 82 .. Bez 83 " Ak Slovensko chce byt'Slovenskom .. ... 84 " Niektorf cesk f politici zacfnaju opu stat' [ .. . J pozfcie historickej arogancie a ekono- umeleho nacionalizovanf dajf se vsechny otazky pojmenovat i resi t vecneji ." mickej nadradenost i." " Ak Slovensko chce byt' Slovenskom ..." Vil. Literarny dennik June 27. 1992, 12. tyz- �SLOVAKIA 113 keep the Slovaks in an inferior position and he continued, " With the help of international financial superpowers , Prague decided about the fate of Slovakia, which has to remain in a vassal relationship to the Czech Lands." 85 According to Ferko, the Slovak government had also become arrogant, and the politicians of Public Again st Violence (Verejnost' proti nasiliu , VPN) had become " slaves of Prague' s neocolonial relationship to Slovakia" 86 and sought " to continue to infiltrate into the Slovak political life ideas of Masaryki sm and cosmopolitani sm in the fra mework of which there is no place for the Slovak nation. " 87 T.G. Masaryk was the first president of Czechos lovakia , and Czech s and Slovaks have very di ss imilar view s of him . To the Czechs he epitomizes democracy , whereas many Slovaks see him as the representative of the state ideology of the First Republic ( 19181938), the Czechoslovakism, according to which Czec hs and Slovaks were two branches of the same Czechoslovak nation . Many Slovaks belie ve that Czechoslovaki sm suppressed their national identity, and their view of the First Republic and of Masaryk is influenced by thi s negative vie w of the state ideology. The Slovak view of Masaryk is also tainted by the fact that in 1918 he signed an agreement with a group of Czech and Slovak emigres in Pittsburgh , according to which Slovakia was promi sed some form of autonomy in the new Czechoslovak state. For variou s reason s thi s promise was never fulfill ed,88 and thi s has left an impression among some Slovaks that Masaryk and the Czechs delibe ratel y broke their promi ses becau se xs -- Pra ha pros tred nfctvom medzin arod nyc h fin ancnych ve l'mocf rozhod la o osude Sl ovenska, ktore ma zostat' vo vaza lskom pomere k Cecham." Ak Slovensko chce byt' Slovenskom ... VI. Literam y tyidennik M ay 23, 1992, 3. 86 " ''otrokmi prazs keho neokolonialisti ckeho vztahu k Slovensku. " Ibid. 7 " d'alej in f iltrovat' do slovenskeho politickeho zivota myslienk y masaryki zmu a kozmopoliti zmu , v ramci ktoryc h niet miesta pre slovensky narod."' Ibid. 88 Part of the reason why Sl ovaki a was not granted autonomy was th at in the new Czechos lovak state there was a Germ an mi nority of the same size as th e Slovak popul ati on. and if the Sl ovaks had gained autonomy it wo uld have been very di fficult to find a va lid argument why the Germ ans should not have autonomy, too. �SLOVAKJA 114 th ey wished to maintain the ir control ove r Slovakia. Furthermore, whe n Ferko attacked Masaryk it wen t to the very heart of the Czech se lf-understandin g and co uld serve as proof to the Czec hs that the Slovaks did not rea ll y understand what democracy was a ll about. Anoth er im age from hi story that Ferko mobilizes is the Slovak wartime state , whi c h he presents as hav in g raised ge nera l Slovak se lf-co nsc iou sness, the spirit of e nterpri se, a nd the will to be equa l with the rest of the world . 89 Thi s is a totally different im age of the Slovak State than the one propagated by Vac ul fk who saw it only as a sy mbol of fascism , with which the Slo va ks had still not dealt. To Ferko the fa sc ism of the state was less sig nificant than the fac t th at it was Slovak. According to him , the e lect io ns in Jun e 1992 showed that neo-fasc ist te nde nci es were growing in oth er parts of Czec hoslovak ia, but not in Slovakia - leavi ng o nl y the Czec h land s infected wi th it. 911 He re, Ferko turn s Vaculfk 's accusation of the Slovaks' lac k of se ttleme nt w ith the wart ime fascism aga in st the Czechs - poss ibl y beca use he was aware that hi s arg ume nt was not very solid. In the very last issue of Literarny tyidennfk before the partiti o n, Vladimfr Min ac (one of Slovakia 's lead in g writers) propagated hi s less than pos iti ve im age of the Czec hs: "God save us from learning from the Czec hs the e mpty ideo log ica l rhetoric , the spl e ndid mora1ity, whi ch is limited to word s, the Have l-like e mptiness, which hides in itse lf o nl y a mad dwarf. " 9 1 In ridi c ulin g Vaclav Have l, Min ac insulted anothe r icon of the Czec h se lf-unders tandin g: Have l as the successor to Masaryk as the good philosopher-pres ide nt. And he was co mpl ete ly aware of thi s w he n he mentioned the myth of Masaryk 's '" Ferko: "'Ak Slovensko .. . VII ". ° Ferko 9 wi th out doubt hints at th e amazing elec ti on results or the Czec h Miroslav Sl,1dek ' s neo-fasc ist Republi ca n Party, which gained over 6 % of the votes in the Czech lands (Peter Bugge : The Czech Republi c, in: Szajkowsk i (ed.): Politica l Parties. 158- 159). "' " Bozec hrai\ , aby sme sa naucil i od Cechov prazdnej idologickej retorike. onej skvelej moralke, ktora sa obm edzuje na slova. onej hav lovskej prazdnote. ktora utaj uje v sebe iba zuriveho trpas lfka."' " Odkiar a kam , Slovaci 'I" ("Wherefrom and whereto, Slovaks?") Literamy tyi dennfk Dec. 19, 1992 , 11 . �SLOVAKIA 115 model democracy and deemed it " shrieking Bohemian glass in the necklace of the legend" 92 - instead of being real jewels, that is. When dismi ss ing the first Czechoslovak Republic like this, Mimic reflected the views of one-third of the Slovak populace, which did not consider it democratic, but in opposition to the majority of the Czech population, 93 and so he , like Yaculfk, invoked the collective memory in order to create an impression of Czech-Slovak incompatibility. Furthermore, Mimic painted a picture of the First Republic as a time when many Czechs came to Slovakia allegedly to help build it, but when they taught in school s at all level s, they taught Czechos lovak instead of Slovak, and when they founded the Slovak National Theatre , it was in reality one more Czech National Theatre. So the Czechs did not help out of pure brotherly sacrifice, but out of a desire to turn the Slovaks into Czechs. Later, Mimic reproduced the stereotype of the Czechs as being arrogant enough to want to decide over Slovakia without the appropriate understanding: " Again and again they go into political battle with the Slovaks with the same reproaches and with the sa me lack of knowledge of the Slovak world. They still tutor, still look after and protect in the way that every coloniali st has protected hi s colony. " 94 He re , the image of the Czechs as malevolent colonialists was used to create the impress ion that a veritable war was being waged between the evil Czech politicians and the Slovak people-and not onl y this: 9 ' 93 skrfpajuce ces ke skl o v mi hrdelnfku legendy. 37 % of th e Slovaks and 70 % of the Czechs sa w th e First Republi c as a model democracy. whereas anoth er 33 % of th e Slovaks did not think it was democrati c at all. (Marian Timorack y : Yerejna mienka o ce sko-slovenskych vztahoch. in: Fedor Gal (ed. ): One.for krize cesko-slovenskych vztaht1. (Praha: SLON 1992), 8 1-82 . Thi s probabl y refl ec ts th e Sl ovak res istance aga inst M asaryk ·s Czechos lovaki sm. which Ferko attacked, too. "" ·· v zdy znovu a znov u tiahnu do politickeho zapasu so Slo vakmi s tymi istyrni vycitkami a s tou istou neznalostbu slovenskeho sveta. Stale tutorcia, stale opatruju a ochrai\uju tak, ako kazdy kol oni ali sta ochrai\ova l svoju kol 6niu. " '·Odki al' a karn , Slovac i?" Litenirny tyidennlk Dec. 19, 1992, 11. �116 SLOVAKIA betwee n the Czech and Slovak worlds. 95 By portraying Czechs and Slovaks as living in different worlds , Minac made the partition of the common state look natural and desirab le as it enabled the small Slovak nation to fulfil its destiny as an authentic small nation facing the threatening international consumer society. And he concluded, " Behind us stay the o ld enmities and mi sunderstandin gs, a serva nt 's conflicts and rebellion s. Before us is our new di gnity." 96 As thi s ana lysis has shown , the Czech and Slovak collective memories were used to explain the differences between Czechs and Slovaks and to legitimize the break-up. Thi s way of usin g the past was made poss ible by the hu ge soc ietal changes since the Ve lvet Revolution in 1989. When communism fe ll , there was a broadly felt need to rewrite history in order to get rid of the ideolog ica ll y deformed historical interpretation s of the communists and thi s led to two different phenomena. On the one hand , the new situ at ion led to an uncovering of 'wh ite spots ' in the hi story of the Czechs and Slovaks. On the other, thi s rewriting made room for new deformations of history. Silvia Mihalikova has described this phenome non , which was common for the entire post-communi st world, as a use of arguments from the past according to a principle of se lf-service: people simply chose the historical facts, persons, and conceptions that suited their momentary purposes. 97 95 Thi s image of the Czechs and Slovaks li ving in different worlds was shared by at least the Czech political weekly, Respekt, whose front page of the elect ion issue in 1992 read in large red letters 'Two civi li za ti ons" and conti nued in the main comment: "A lone into Europe or toge ther to the Balkans" ( Respekt June 8-14, I 992, I ). See Peter Bugge : The Use of the Middle: Mitteleuropa vs. Strednf Evropa. In : European Review of History , Vol. 6. No. I . 1999, 30-3 1 and Vladimir Macura: Masarykovy boty a jine semi(o) fejetony. (Praha: Prazska imagin ace 1993). 48-49 for a further elaborat ion of the Czech imaging of the Slovaks as belonging to the Balkans . % " Za nami ostavaju stare nepriatel'stva a nedorozumenia, sluhovs ke spory a vzbury . Pred nami je nasa nova d6stojnost'. " " Odkial' a kam . Slovaci ?" Literarny tj idennfk Dec. 19. 1992. 11. 97 Mihalikova: Narodne symboly, 54-56. �SLOVAKIA 117 The se lf-serv ice aspec t of the use of hi story was supported by the communist ideo logization of the culture, includin g the schools. The hi story that had been to ld by the regime and taught in sc hool s was perce ived as inh erentl y wrong , and therefore , as Tony Judt has argued, a plurality of memories was created when parents told their children what hi story was ' reall y' like. Every hi story that was told by the reg ime was by implication fa lse, which meant th at every hi story not to ld by the regime mu st by implication be true. 98 This was the reason, not onl y for the very different Czec h and Slovak collective memories, but also for the overa ll low level of knowl edge about and reflection on the nation al hi story. Key period s in Czechoslovak hi story co ncernin g the mutual Czech-Slovak relation ship can be li sted as follows : I) the First Republic 19 I 8- 1938, 2) the destruction of Czechoslovakia and th e creati on of the Slovak State durin g World War II, 3) the Slovak National Uprising against the fascists in 1944, 4) the Prague Spring in 1968, 5) the Normalization 1969-1 989. When lookin g at the articles that we have analysed here, it is c lear that Vaculfk employed al l of them. In hi s interpretation : the First Rep ublic was a time when the Czechs he lped the ir un grateful younger brothers; the Slovak State came into bein g when the Slovaks betrayed the Czechs; the Slovak National Upri sin g was not necessaril y for a renewal of Czechoslovakia; in the Prague Spring the Slovaks preyed on the Czech strugg le for democracy; and durin g Norma li zati on the Slovaks suffered less than the Czec hs. In the same vei n, Mil an Ferko and Vladimfr Mimic invoked the Slovak collective memory of the First Republic as a period of Czechoslovakism th at did not properly ack now ledge the character and needs of the Slovaks, and the Czechs did what they could to turn the Slovaks into Czec hs. The reason why Ferko and Mimic both used thi s period probabl y lay in the fact th at Czechoslovakism was the 'state ideo logy' of the First Rep ublic , which made it easy to attack 9 ' Tony Judt: The Past is Another Cou ntry : Myth and Memory in Postwar Europe , in: Dcedalus. Vol. 21. No. 4, 1992, I OI. �SLOVAK IA 118 Czech arrogance towards the Slovaks. As opposed to this , the legacy of all the other significant periods seemed in some way or another too ambiguous to be exp loited from Minac ' s and Ferko ' s points of view. 99 This reflects the fact that Czechs and Slovaks not on ly experienced the events differently at the time, but also that their memories of them today are very different. And this then shows us that the socia li zation of the population ' s memories since 1918 was not successful in providing the two nations with a common co ll ective memory of the past that they shared as parts of the same state. In stead, those who after 1989 wished to do otherwise were ab le, like Vaculfk, Minac , Ferko, and others, to mobilize conflicts from the past and link them together regardless of any inner logic and chrono logy. They painted a picture of a basic Czech-Slovak incompatibility and a common history consisting of conflicts, betrayals, and wrongdoings that made a divorce look c learly preferable to a continued malfunctionin g marriage. 100 In Slovakia, the discu ss ions about the common history of the Czechs and the Slovaks became polarized to the degree that two directly opposite interpretations were propagated. The relevant criterion for arguments became the question whether the common state had been favourable or disadvantageous to the Slovaks. 101 Slovak so99 The Slovak State was fascist: the National Uprising was directed aga in st the inde- pendent Slovak State; resu lting from th e Prague Spring was th e federalism that Ferko and Minac fo ught aga inst but which neverth eless meant progress in th e Czech-Slovak relationship; and Normalization was not see n as too bad a period for th e Slovaks . ' 00 The metaphor of the marriage was also frequently used in the debate, see e.g. Miroslav Ku sy : '·Konfederacnf k lam·• (""Confederation delusion'"). Literarnf no viny Aug. 6. 1992. 1+3. 0 ' ' Mihalikova: Narodne symboly, 58. An ex traordinary feature of th e Slovak contex t was the fact that very ac tive participants in the debate were exi les like Stefan Polakovic or Milan S. Durica. who either had been in ex ile ever since World War II beca use of their ro le in the Slovak State or they came from thi s environment. They saw as their greatest task res torin g Slovak independence from th e Czechs and seemed not to reali ze that Slovak society had changed since their heyday during the �SLOVAKIA 119 ciety was to a very large ex tent di vided over interpretations of hi story , the nature of Slovak nation al identity, and wishes for the future, and in fact the Slovaks who engaged in the de bates on the CzechSlovak past spent as much or even more energy blaming eac h other, rather than blaming the Czechs. 102 In contrast to thi s deep divi sion , the Czechs may have disagreed on many thing s, but by and large there was unanimity concerning subjects such as these. In the Czech debate, the efforts to create a separate Czech state grad uall y came to be seen as a way of guardin g Kl aus' rapid economic reform s from the " irrati o nal" Slovaks a nd Czech democracy from the alleged Slovak inclin ation to national soc iali sm and a stron g state, images which were mobili zed by the frequent use of exa mples from the Czech collective me mory. It is furthermore interesting that an opinion poll in October of 1990 showed that more than 50 % of the Czechs believed in the idea of one Czechoslovak nation . 1w While most Czechs and Slovaks perce ived of them se lves as be in g simultaneously Czechoslovaks and e ithe r Czechs or Slovaks, most Czechs, who unconsciously conceived of the two layers of the ir identification as being identical , had never paid much attention to the conce pt of a Czech identification as be in g different from their ide ntific ation as Czechoslovaks. Most Slovaks , on the other hand , were very much aware that there was a difference between their Slovak and their Czechoslovak identification . 104 Whe n the newspaper debates invoked the war. In co ntrast to the hi stori ans who had li ved throu gh the communi st period at home and those who had been in exile becau se of their di sagreements with the co mmuni st regime. thi s group of hi storians saw nothing but disadvantages for the Slovaks in the com mon Czechos lovak Republic. 102 According to Soiia Szomolanyi. different perceptions of key fi gures and events in Slovak history not onl y divided . but outri ght polari zed th e population (Szomo lany i 1994 : 76). '"' Timoracky : Yerejna mienka. 7 1-72. ' 04 Thi s was strengthened by th e asy mmetri ca l conditi ons after 19 I 8. e.g. when in school tex tbooks Czech hi story was made Czechos lovak simply by adding " slovak" to th e adjec ti ve (E li sabeth Bakke: Cechoslovak izmu s v skol skych uceb ni ciach ( 19 18- 1938). Historicky casopis. Vo l. 47. o 2. 1999: 242-243) or when on ly the �120 SLOVAKIA past, it happened in a way that mobili zed images that em phasized the differences rather than the s imil ariti es between th e tw o nation a l groups. In thi s way the Czech and Slovak layers of the Czec hoslovak population 's identifi cat ion were stre ngthened to the detriment of the Czechoslovak layer. And the di scre pancy that was mob ili zed between the Czech and Slovak images of themselves, the other, and the future of the common state is undoubted ly part of the answer to the question why the common Czechoslovak state eventually broke up. Slovaks had their own Communist Party (KSS) whereas the Czechos lovak Communist Party (KSC) served both as the Czech and the all-state party. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2005, Vol. 38 Description An account of the resource Vol. 38 (No. 70-71), 2005. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2005 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 104 SLOVAKIA "Ungrateful Younger Brothers" versus "Arrogant Atheists." Czech-Slovak Stereotypes in a Collective Memory Perspective. Lone Sarauw On January I , 1993 , Czechoslovakia was divided in a process that has been characterized as a "vel vet divorce. " 56 Compared to the ways in which other post-communi st states were fa lling apart at the time, thi s seems a va lid description . However , the split was ca used by severe confli cts betwee n the two parts of the state. Scholars have given a number of reasons for the di vo rce : I ) The Czech desire for democracy and a market economy clashed with Slovak insistence upon nati onal eq uality. 57 2) Despite grow ing macro-structu ra l simil ariti es, one Czechoslovak soc iety never managed to replace the Czech and Slovak soc ieti es that had been brought together in a com mon state. 58 3) Th e w inners of the parli amentary elec tion s in 1992, th e Sl ovak Vl adimfr Meciar and the Czech V aclav Kl aus, were unabl e to 56 See Otto U lc: "C zechos lovak ia' s ve l vet divorce. " East European Quarterly 30. September ( 1996). pp. 33 1-352. 57 5 " Ibid. Ji ff Mu sil : '"C zec h and Slovak Soc iety." in Jiff Mu sil (ed.): Th e End or Czechoslova kia (Budapest. L ondon, New York: Central European University Press 1995). 77-94. SLOVAKIA 105 come to te rm s w ith the constitutional arrangement of Czechoslovakia, beca use they were unwillin g to put the interests of the common state before their own power ambi tions. 59 And more co uld be found. As a contrib uti on to the debate over the break-up, thi s artic le inte nd s to look at th e role of stereotypes and collective memory in it, the argument being that hi story was mobili zed in the media de bates prior to the partition , and that it happe ned in a way that en hanced the di ffere nces rather than the likenesses of the two peopl es.60 As a result of thi s th e population graduall y came to accept the partition of the common state, even if the majority of the population never supported it. 6 1 The concept "collective me mory" has been defi ned as "a soc iety 's co ll ected production of me mory," 62 whi ch suppli es the soc iety with a fee ling of belong ing together by sharing the same past. One of the probl e ms in Czec hoslovakia seems to have bee n the lack of such a feelin g of sharing the same past in both halves of the state. Despite the fact that, apart from World W ar II , Czechs and Slovaks lived together in one state between 19 18 and I 993 , their co ll ective me mories of this li fe together differ to a considerab le ex tent. 59 Abby Innes: ·'T he Breakup of Czechos lovakia: The Impac t of Party Development on the Separa ti on of the State," East European Politics and Societies (EEPS) , Vol. I I , No. 3, Fall ( 1997), 393-435 . 60 Si l via Mihali kova: •• arod ne symbo ly slovenskej statnosti", Politologicka revue 2, prosinec, ( 1996), 56. 61 An opi ni on poll from Jul y 1992 shows th at 53 % of the Czechs and 42 % of the Slovaks w ished lo maintain th e co mmon state. whi le respecti ve ly 24 % and 32 % w ished the slate to be divided (Sharon W olchi k : ·The Politics of Transition and th e Break-U p of Czec hos lova ki a," in Ji ff Musi l (ed .): Th e End of' Czechos lova kia. (Budapest : Centra l European Universi ty Press 1995 , 233). 62 Claus Bry ld and Anette Warrin g: Besaette/sestiden som kollektiv erindring. Histo- rie- og traditionsfor va llning at' krig og besaettelse 1945- 1997. (Rosk ilde: Rosk ilde Uni versitetsforlag 1998), 19-20. 106 SLOVAKIA In the medi a debates in the peri od leading up to the break-up of C zec hos lovakia hi story , or rather memory ,63 was mobi Ii zed as proof of the inevitability and desirability of the divorce. Because thi s was the aim of the partic ipants of the debate, chrono logy was irre levant and hi story became ' hori zontali zed ' so to speak. As Silvia Mi halikova has formulated it, "osten sible or rea l sins committed centuries ago merge with wrongs done in th e last decades and are at the same time th e reaso n for today 's mi sunderstandin gs and hatred."64 Thus, the mobilization of past conflicts e nabl ed the two nation s to blame eac h other for their current probl ems, which is wh at thi s article intend s to show using examples from the literary newspapers of th e Czech Land s and Slovakia, Literarnf noviny and Literarny tyi- dennik,65 prior to the break-up. Wh en looking for archetypical examp les of the Czech and S lovak stereotypes or images of each other, the "arroga nt atheists" and " ungrateful younger brothers" of the headlines were the first ideas about the Czech and S lovak images of each other that came to mind . Therefore, it came as a surprise that it was rather imposs ibl e to find any examples of the stereotype of the Czechs as dangerous atheists they are presented as being arrogant, though. The lack of proof of the idea that the Slovak image of the Czec hs would see them as atheists 0 -' Pierre Nora has formu lated thi s di st incti on be tween history and memory in terms of a fund amen tal opposi ti on . .. Memory is life [ ... ] a bond tying us to the etern al presen t[ ... ] it is affec ti ve and mag ica l l and] onl y accom modates th ose facts that suit it .'' whereas hi story is .. the reconstru cti on , al ways problematic and incomplete j ... I a representati on of the past I th at I ca ll s fo r analys is and criti cism' ' (Pierre Nora: "Between Memory and H istory: Les Lieux de M emoire" . Representations Vol 0, No. 26 Special Issue: M emory and Cou nter-M emory. Spring ( I 989) , 8-9). A less ri gid di stincti on has been pro posed by A nne Erikse n. who sees hi story and memory as being equally important aspec ts of the co llecti ve memory th at combine to create the entire co llec ti ve memory (A nne Eriksen: Del var nae annet under krigen. 2. verdenskrig i norsk kollektivtradisjon. (Oslo: Pax 1995). r,., Mihalikova: ·'Narodne symboly," 55. 65 In the literary newspapers the past was mobili zed more obviously and cru dely but not in a different way th an in mos t other newspapers. Thus, they serve well as illustrations of a process that was happening in the press in general. SLOVAKIA 107 was fru strating , and it raised the question where thi s idea came from. It stemmed from the Christian Democratic Movement (Kresfansko De mokraticke Hnutie, KOH) , which, according to Miroslav Kusy , wanted to protect Slovakia from " des tructive liberal and freethinking influences from the Czech Lands." Besides, the stereotype had been used frequently in the interwar period , but the industrialization and urbanization of Slovakia since then had turned the mostly rural soc iety into one where Catholics did not necessarily consider their interests as Catholics to be more important than their economic and cultural conditions. 66 Also, as Petr Prfhod a has stated , the image of the Czechs as atheists was a well-known Czech stereotype of the Slovak view of them ,67 indirectly testifyin g to a Czech stereotype of the Slovaks as ' religiou s. ' 68 The image that eventually turned out to be the most pervasive was one of the Czechs as Czechoslovakist69 colonialists exploiting Slovakia. And as colonialists, they were described as arrogant in wanting to rule over Slovakia, even though they did not know it properly. It should be pointed out that the difficulty in having the stereo- '"' Miroslav Ku sy: ··S lovak Exceptionalism". in Musil (ed.): The End. 147- 149 . See also Martin Butora and Zora Butorova: " Slovakia: The Iden tit y Chal lenges of the Newly Born State". Socia l Research. Vol. 60. No. 4, Winter ( 1993). 7 13-7 14. and Sona Szomol anyi: UParadox kon zervativi zmu na Slovensku .'· Domino Efekt. Vol. 2. No. 15. ( 1993). 4. 67 Petr Prfhoda: '·Mutual Perceptions in Czech -Slovak Relationships•·, in: Musil (ed.) : The End. 134. "" Al so th e nationali sti c Slovak news paper ··s Jovak Nation·• (Slovensky mirod) was checked for the atheist image. but it could not be found even here . This probably reflects the fact that the image was propagated by the KDH . which was a quite unpopu lar part y those days among its non -ad herents. and whic h was often reproached in Slovensky mirod. 69 As a way of legitimising th e new Czechos lovak Republic in 19 18, the doctrine of one Czechoslovak nati on w ith two branche s. a Czech and a Slovak one. was propa gated to comp ly wi th the intention of president Woodrow Wilson to gi ve national self-determinat ion to the nations of Cen tral and Eastern Europe . The doctrine was officia ll y abandoned onl y afler World War II. 108 SLOVAKIA types co nfirmed did not co ncern the Czech newspaper, the se l fimage of the Czechs as 'rational' notwithstanding. 70 The most co mmonl y cited example of the Czech perception of the Slovaks as ungra tefu l yo unger brothers was an article by the writer Lud vfk Vaculfk in Literarnf noviny from 1990 entitled: " Our Slova k Questi on. " 7 1 The first thin g to be noticed about Vaculfk 's article is the co ndescending tone of the titl e: The Slovak questi on is ' our ' ques ti on, that is ' us' meaning the Czechs , not the Slovak s. 72 Vaculfk beg ins his arti cle by definin g himself as being Czech by nation ality, but Czechoslovak as a citi ze n, but he nevertheless repeatedl y speaks in the name of ' us, th e Czec hs,' whi ch substanti all y weakens hi s claim to being a truly Czechoslovak citizen. Throu ghout hi s tex t, Vaculfk uses exampl es from hi story to argue for a separati on from the Slo vaks. First, he bl ames the Slovaks for never having dealt with the fasc ism of their wartime state ( 19391945). They escaped thi s obligation by rejoining the Czechs in Czechos lovakia, and wh en, after a few yea rs, they were forced into a communi st regime, they did not reall y mind , si nce they ga ined a lot more economicall y from co mmuni sm than did the Czechs. There is no inner log ic between these two situati ons other th an th e fac t th at Vaculfk 's description of them makes the Slovaks look as if they have no principl es, going more or less direc tl y from accepting fascism to accepting co mmuni sm. He co ntinues by bl ami ng the Slovaks fo r prey ing on the Czech s' struggle for democracy in 1968, since th e only reform that survived the W arsaw Pac t in vas ion was the federali zation of the state, " When we in I 968 tri ed to free ourse lves from 70 L adis lav Holy : The Lillie Czech and the Gre<I/ Czech Na tion. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1996), 104. 71 72 " Nase slovenska otazka". Litenimf noviny (M ay 3, 1990). I +3 . Yacu l fk's titl e was in spired by the titl e of T.G. Masaryk ·s book ··The Czech Question" (C:eska otazka) from 1895 on the Czech rebirth in the 19th century and it outlined hi s po litica l progra mme for the Czech nati on. But where Masaryk treated his own nation. Yacu lfk by the use of the word ··our" implies th at the Czechs have a ri ght to objectify and defi ne the Slovaks. SLOVAKIA 109 the dictatorship, the Slovaks regarded it as our business and went for autonomy. When we were then puni shed for the rebellion , they , because they had not compromised th emse lves very much with us, received a more gentle puni shment; and that their autonomy, which they gained from our rebellion , for us meant a sharpenin g of the punishment, does not cross their mind s." 73 When Vaculfk describes the Slovak ga in of autonomy as a sharpenin g of the puni shment for the Czechs , this testifies to hi s belief, not only in centralism , but also that the Czechs have the right to control Slovaki a. When employing these im ages he attempts to mobilize the Czech memory of the Slovaks as traitors both in 1938-39, when they ga ined their own state whereas the Czech lands were turned into the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, and in the Prague Spring of 1968. Later on Vaculfk contradicts his argument of th e Slovak sati sfaction with the communist regime by claiming that they left it to the Czechs to defeat the communists and then again brought up their claims for autonomy: "as if they thought: you brou ght us your communism, now you take it away again, Czechs! " 74 According to Vaculfk, the Slovaks, being objects rather than subjects of hi story, unlike the Czechs have always managed to escape the existential question: Who are we and what do we want? Thi s even counts for the Slovak National Uprising during World War II, which in Vaculfk 's view was too brief and too limited territoriall y to count as proof of Slovak pro-C zec hos lov ak ism. Vaculfk only mention s the anti-fascist element of the upri si ng and neg lects the fact that the leaders of the resistance movement clearly stated a wish to reunite with the Czechs after 73 " Kdyz jsme se v roce 1968 poku sili uvolnit se z diktatury , povazovali to Slovaci za nasi staro st a sli si za autonomif. K dyz my pak byli za vzpouru ztrestan i, oni , j elikoz se s nami moc nezkompromitovali, dostali mfrnejsf trest; a ze jejich autono- mie, kterou z nasf vzpoury vyzfska li , znamenala pro nas zostfenf trestu, to jim nenapada." 74 "jako by si mysleli: Privezli j ste nam sem v,is komuni smus, odvezte si ho zas, Cesi 1" - Many Slovaks after 1989 have pointed ou t that in 1946 40 % of th e Czechs voted com muni st, and only 30 % of the Slovaks, suggesting that comm uni sm was a predomi nantly Czech idea. SLOVAKIA 110 th e wa r,75 whi c h was inco ns iste nt w ith hi s prev io us acc usati o ns aga inst the Slovak s fo r not hav ing co me to te rm s w ith the fasc ism of the ir wartime state . The first time Vaculfk mobili zes the " littl e brothe r" im age he c laims that the Slovak s, s ince they do not have a nybody else against whom to prove the ir adulthood , mi stake nl y tried it o ut on the Czechs. Later on he continues th at, afte r the fa ll of co mmuni sm, th e Sl ovak nation fin a ll y had the cha nce to start looking fo r its ow n happiness, by whi ch it would grow one more leve l. The most c rude exa mple of the im age comes w he n Vac ulfk re plies to Mil an Si mec ka, a Czec h write r li vin g in Slovaki a, who had w ritte n to the Czec hs th at the ir yo un ger brothe r had grow n up a nd now should ha ve hi s ow n bed. Vac ul fk 's repl y was as fo ll ows: "As we know our youn ger brothe r, he w ill want to have hi s bed by the window in the summer and by the ove n in the w inte r. No bed , littl e broth e r, ha ve yo ur o wn littl e ho use!" 76 And finall y, he li sts reaso ns why just now is the ri ght time to get rid of the Slovaks, one of whi c h is th at 70 years ago it wo uld have bee n interpreted as de ny ing he lp to the younger brother. Thus, Vac ulfk mobili zes the Czec h image of the ungrateful younger brother and the coll ective me mory of Slovak betrayal s to make hi s po int th at the Czec hs would be better off without the Slovaks. It is hard not to find Vac ulfk a bit patronizing, but hi s views we re not e xce pti onal a mong the Czec hs. In the articl e " Re lie f with a dec ision," 77 fo urteen intellectu als 78 agreed th at it was bette r to let the Slovaks go, if th at was what they wanted , so th at the Czec hs co uld stand as the true he irs of Czec hos lovaki a and thereby keep the name of the 75 See I.:.ubomir Liptak : S/ovensko v 20. storocf. (Brat islava : K all igram 2000), 25 1- 252. 76 ·'A le j ak mladsfho brat ffc ka zname, bude v lete chtft tu pos tylku u ok na a v zime u pece. Zadnou postylku, bra tfe. domecek mej si 1" 77 " Uleva z rozhodnutf" . L itenim f noviny June 18, 1992, I. 78 The article was signed by Ji ff K olar, K arel Siktanc, K arel Pecka, Lud vfk Yacul fk , V lad im ir K ar ffk , I van Werni sc h, Jan Lopatka, Sergej Mac honi n, Pfemys l Rut. Dusan K arpatsky, Yrati slav Farber, Ji ff Cies lar, Mi ros lav Kl omfnek, M ilan Jungmann, all men of literature. SLOVAKIA 111 state. Se manti ca ll y, Czechoslovaki a w itho ut Slova ki a does not make muc h sense, but to the authors of the arti cle there was c learly anothe r aspect to Czechos lova ki a th an the territori al one. T he ir be li ef that Czechos lovak ia w ithout Slovaki a made sense indi cated that they pe rce ived th e Czech s as be in g in some undefin ed ma nner more trul y Czec hos lova k th an the Slovaks and that they reserved the ri ght to defin e the character of the co mmon state fo r the Czechs. Bes ides, they saw the diffe re nt res ults of the e lection s in June 1992 in the two parts of the country as an exampl e of the Czech desire fo r a free economy and po liti ca l de moc rac y on the o ne hand , and on the oth er of the Slovak longin g fo r a soc iety directed by the state a nd with e le me nts of nati onal soci ali sm. And they furth e rmore inte rpre ted the S lovak res ult as an ex press ion of a Slovak long ing fo r their own indepe nde nt state, in spite of the fac t th at th e onl y Slovak party with inde pe nde nce as part of its e lec ti on prog ramme was the Slova k Nati onal Party (Sl ovenska narodna strana, SNS), whi ch ga ined onl y 9.4 % of the votes in Slovakia.79 The arti cle was writte n in a tone th at sugges ted ne utrality and objecti vity, whil e the co nte nt was in fac t stron gly po le mi ca l. " If it is so that onl y e rectin g one's ow n state is the sign o f adulth ood and se lf-justifi cati on of a nation , we do not have reasons fo r counting it as a fa ilure a nd loss, what we since 19 18 have contributed to Slovaki a in that respect materi all y and mora ll y. The found ation of Czechos lova ki a co mpl eted the Czech nati o nal reawake nin g, and if the Slovaks today c ut the mse lves loose fro m us, it means th at they are still lac kin g somethin g to reac h the same pos iti on and consc iousness, and we do not have the ri ght to keep the m fro m that. " 80 In thi s argu- 79 K aren Henderson: T he Slovak Republic, in : Bogdan Szajkowsk i (ed.): Po litica l Parties of Eastern Europe. Russia & the Successor S tates. (Harlow: Longman In for- mati on and Reference 1994 ). 529. ' 0 ·'Je- li tom u tak, ze teprve ustave nf vlas tn fho statu je znamenfm dospe losti a sveprav nosti naroda, nemame duvod pocftat si za pro hru a ztratu , cfm jsme k tomu Slovensku od rok u 19 18 hmotne i moraine prispeli . Zalozenfm Ceskos lovenske republik y se dov rsilo ceske narodn f obroze nf, a j estli ze se Slovaci dnes od nas odpo- SLOVAKIA 112 ment th e Slovaks are the ones cutting themselves loose because they want to 'g row up ' and become indepe ndent of the Czechs who have helped the m " materially and morally" ever s ince the foundation of the common state. "Let it be obvious that it is the Slovaks who step out of the federation, and that we the n are the successor state , which keeps its ob li gations, treaties and relation s to th e world around us. The Czech kingdom united hi storicall y with Moravia does not need to be confirmed once again by any Rome, Frankfurt or Vienna." 8 1 So, the Czech Lands are a hi storically natural unity , wh ich does not in any way need Slovakia. They cont inue: " Without artificia l nationalizing, all questions can be named and also so lved in a more rational way" 82 - again, they are suggesting that the Slovaks are irrational and nationalistic as opposed to the rational Czechs. The Slovak image of the Czechs was propagated no less directly . In a series of articles in Literarny tyidennfk entitled " If Slovakia wants to be Slovakia ... ,"83 the writer Mi lan Ferko treated severa l subjects concern ing Slovak autonomy or independence. He held that after th e parliamentary e lectio ns in June 1992 when Vl adimfr Meciar 's Movement for a Democratic S lovakia (Hnutie za demokraticke Slovensko, HZDS ) won in Slovakia, the Czechs finally began to understand that the Slovaks really wanted to be inde pendent, and stated, " Some Czech politicians are beg inning to abandon [ ... ] the pos ition of historical arrogance and eco nomic super iorit y." 84 He thereby confirmed the image of the arroga nt Czechs who wanted to jujf. znamena to, ze jim k tem uz stavu a vedomf jeste neco chybf. a my nemame pravo je od toho zdrfovat." 81 "At' se stane zrejmym, ze jsou to Slovaci. kdo vystupujf z federace. a my pak jsme nastupni cky stat. jen z zus tane ve svych zavazcfch , sm lou vach a vztazfch k okolnfmu svetu. Ceske kralovstvf spoj ene hi storick y s Moravou se nepotre buje davat zadnym Rfmem. Frankfurtem ci Vfdnf znovu potvrzovat. " 82 .. Bez 83 " Ak Slovensko chce byt'Slovenskom .. ... 84 " Niektorf cesk f politici zacfnaju opu stat' [ .. . J pozfcie historickej arogancie a ekono- umeleho nacionalizovanf dajf se vsechny otazky pojmenovat i resi t vecneji ." mickej nadradenost i." " Ak Slovensko chce byt' Slovenskom ..." Vil. Literarny dennik June 27. 1992, 12. tyz- SLOVAKIA 113 keep the Slovaks in an inferior position and he continued, " With the help of international financial superpowers , Prague decided about the fate of Slovakia, which has to remain in a vassal relationship to the Czech Lands." 85 According to Ferko, the Slovak government had also become arrogant, and the politicians of Public Again st Violence (Verejnost' proti nasiliu , VPN) had become " slaves of Prague' s neocolonial relationship to Slovakia" 86 and sought " to continue to infiltrate into the Slovak political life ideas of Masaryki sm and cosmopolitani sm in the fra mework of which there is no place for the Slovak nation. " 87 T.G. Masaryk was the first president of Czechos lovakia , and Czech s and Slovaks have very di ss imilar view s of him . To the Czechs he epitomizes democracy , whereas many Slovaks see him as the representative of the state ideology of the First Republic ( 19181938), the Czechoslovakism, according to which Czec hs and Slovaks were two branches of the same Czechoslovak nation . Many Slovaks belie ve that Czechoslovaki sm suppressed their national identity, and their view of the First Republic and of Masaryk is influenced by thi s negative vie w of the state ideology. The Slovak view of Masaryk is also tainted by the fact that in 1918 he signed an agreement with a group of Czech and Slovak emigres in Pittsburgh , according to which Slovakia was promi sed some form of autonomy in the new Czechoslovak state. For variou s reason s thi s promise was never fulfill ed,88 and thi s has left an impression among some Slovaks that Masaryk and the Czechs delibe ratel y broke their promi ses becau se xs -- Pra ha pros tred nfctvom medzin arod nyc h fin ancnych ve l'mocf rozhod la o osude Sl ovenska, ktore ma zostat' vo vaza lskom pomere k Cecham." Ak Slovensko chce byt' Slovenskom ... VI. Literam y tyidennik M ay 23, 1992, 3. 86 " ''otrokmi prazs keho neokolonialisti ckeho vztahu k Slovensku. " Ibid. 7 " d'alej in f iltrovat' do slovenskeho politickeho zivota myslienk y masaryki zmu a kozmopoliti zmu , v ramci ktoryc h niet miesta pre slovensky narod."' Ibid. 88 Part of the reason why Sl ovaki a was not granted autonomy was th at in the new Czechos lovak state there was a Germ an mi nority of the same size as th e Slovak popul ati on. and if the Sl ovaks had gained autonomy it wo uld have been very di fficult to find a va lid argument why the Germ ans should not have autonomy, too. SLOVAKJA 114 th ey wished to maintain the ir control ove r Slovakia. Furthermore, whe n Ferko attacked Masaryk it wen t to the very heart of the Czech se lf-understandin g and co uld serve as proof to the Czec hs that the Slovaks did not rea ll y understand what democracy was a ll about. Anoth er im age from hi story that Ferko mobilizes is the Slovak wartime state , whi c h he presents as hav in g raised ge nera l Slovak se lf-co nsc iou sness, the spirit of e nterpri se, a nd the will to be equa l with the rest of the world . 89 Thi s is a totally different im age of the Slovak State than the one propagated by Vac ul fk who saw it only as a sy mbol of fascism , with which the Slo va ks had still not dealt. To Ferko the fa sc ism of the state was less sig nificant than the fac t th at it was Slovak. According to him , the e lect io ns in Jun e 1992 showed that neo-fasc ist te nde nci es were growing in oth er parts of Czec hoslovak ia, but not in Slovakia - leavi ng o nl y the Czec h land s infected wi th it. 911 He re, Ferko turn s Vaculfk 's accusation of the Slovaks' lac k of se ttleme nt w ith the wart ime fascism aga in st the Czechs - poss ibl y beca use he was aware that hi s arg ume nt was not very solid. In the very last issue of Literarny tyidennfk before the partiti o n, Vladimfr Min ac (one of Slovakia 's lead in g writers) propagated hi s less than pos iti ve im age of the Czec hs: "God save us from learning from the Czec hs the e mpty ideo log ica l rhetoric , the spl e ndid mora1ity, whi ch is limited to word s, the Have l-like e mptiness, which hides in itse lf o nl y a mad dwarf. " 9 1 In ridi c ulin g Vaclav Have l, Min ac insulted anothe r icon of the Czec h se lf-unders tandin g: Have l as the successor to Masaryk as the good philosopher-pres ide nt. And he was co mpl ete ly aware of thi s w he n he mentioned the myth of Masaryk 's '" Ferko: "'Ak Slovensko .. . VII ". ° Ferko 9 wi th out doubt hints at th e amazing elec ti on results or the Czec h Miroslav Sl,1dek ' s neo-fasc ist Republi ca n Party, which gained over 6 % of the votes in the Czech lands (Peter Bugge : The Czech Republi c, in: Szajkowsk i (ed.): Politica l Parties. 158- 159). "' " Bozec hrai\ , aby sme sa naucil i od Cechov prazdnej idologickej retorike. onej skvelej moralke, ktora sa obm edzuje na slova. onej hav lovskej prazdnote. ktora utaj uje v sebe iba zuriveho trpas lfka."' " Odkiar a kam , Slovaci 'I" ("Wherefrom and whereto, Slovaks?") Literamy tyi dennfk Dec. 19, 1992 , 11 . SLOVAKIA 115 model democracy and deemed it " shrieking Bohemian glass in the necklace of the legend" 92 - instead of being real jewels, that is. When dismi ss ing the first Czechoslovak Republic like this, Mimic reflected the views of one-third of the Slovak populace, which did not consider it democratic, but in opposition to the majority of the Czech population, 93 and so he , like Yaculfk, invoked the collective memory in order to create an impression of Czech-Slovak incompatibility. Furthermore, Mimic painted a picture of the First Republic as a time when many Czechs came to Slovakia allegedly to help build it, but when they taught in school s at all level s, they taught Czechos lovak instead of Slovak, and when they founded the Slovak National Theatre , it was in reality one more Czech National Theatre. So the Czechs did not help out of pure brotherly sacrifice, but out of a desire to turn the Slovaks into Czechs. Later, Mimic reproduced the stereotype of the Czechs as being arrogant enough to want to decide over Slovakia without the appropriate understanding: " Again and again they go into political battle with the Slovaks with the same reproaches and with the sa me lack of knowledge of the Slovak world. They still tutor, still look after and protect in the way that every coloniali st has protected hi s colony. " 94 He re , the image of the Czechs as malevolent colonialists was used to create the impress ion that a veritable war was being waged between the evil Czech politicians and the Slovak people-and not onl y this: 9 ' 93 skrfpajuce ces ke skl o v mi hrdelnfku legendy. 37 % of th e Slovaks and 70 % of the Czechs sa w th e First Republi c as a model democracy. whereas anoth er 33 % of th e Slovaks did not think it was democrati c at all. (Marian Timorack y : Yerejna mienka o ce sko-slovenskych vztahoch. in: Fedor Gal (ed. ): One.for krize cesko-slovenskych vztaht1. (Praha: SLON 1992), 8 1-82 . Thi s probabl y refl ec ts th e Sl ovak res istance aga inst M asaryk ·s Czechos lovaki sm. which Ferko attacked, too. "" ·· v zdy znovu a znov u tiahnu do politickeho zapasu so Slo vakmi s tymi istyrni vycitkami a s tou istou neznalostbu slovenskeho sveta. Stale tutorcia, stale opatruju a ochrai\uju tak, ako kazdy kol oni ali sta ochrai\ova l svoju kol 6niu. " '·Odki al' a karn , Slovac i?" Litenirny tyidennlk Dec. 19, 1992, 11. 116 SLOVAKIA betwee n the Czech and Slovak worlds. 95 By portraying Czechs and Slovaks as living in different worlds , Minac made the partition of the common state look natural and desirab le as it enabled the small Slovak nation to fulfil its destiny as an authentic small nation facing the threatening international consumer society. And he concluded, " Behind us stay the o ld enmities and mi sunderstandin gs, a serva nt 's conflicts and rebellion s. Before us is our new di gnity." 96 As thi s ana lysis has shown , the Czech and Slovak collective memories were used to explain the differences between Czechs and Slovaks and to legitimize the break-up. Thi s way of usin g the past was made poss ible by the hu ge soc ietal changes since the Ve lvet Revolution in 1989. When communism fe ll , there was a broadly felt need to rewrite history in order to get rid of the ideolog ica ll y deformed historical interpretation s of the communists and thi s led to two different phenomena. On the one hand , the new situ at ion led to an uncovering of 'wh ite spots ' in the hi story of the Czechs and Slovaks. On the other, thi s rewriting made room for new deformations of history. Silvia Mihalikova has described this phenome non , which was common for the entire post-communi st world, as a use of arguments from the past according to a principle of se lf-service: people simply chose the historical facts, persons, and conceptions that suited their momentary purposes. 97 95 Thi s image of the Czechs and Slovaks li ving in different worlds was shared by at least the Czech political weekly, Respekt, whose front page of the elect ion issue in 1992 read in large red letters 'Two civi li za ti ons" and conti nued in the main comment: "A lone into Europe or toge ther to the Balkans" ( Respekt June 8-14, I 992, I ). See Peter Bugge : The Use of the Middle: Mitteleuropa vs. Strednf Evropa. In : European Review of History , Vol. 6. No. I . 1999, 30-3 1 and Vladimir Macura: Masarykovy boty a jine semi(o) fejetony. (Praha: Prazska imagin ace 1993). 48-49 for a further elaborat ion of the Czech imaging of the Slovaks as belonging to the Balkans . % " Za nami ostavaju stare nepriatel'stva a nedorozumenia, sluhovs ke spory a vzbury . Pred nami je nasa nova d6stojnost'. " " Odkial' a kam . Slovaci ?" Literarny tj idennfk Dec. 19. 1992. 11. 97 Mihalikova: Narodne symboly, 54-56. SLOVAKIA 117 The se lf-serv ice aspec t of the use of hi story was supported by the communist ideo logization of the culture, includin g the schools. The hi story that had been to ld by the regime and taught in sc hool s was perce ived as inh erentl y wrong , and therefore , as Tony Judt has argued, a plurality of memories was created when parents told their children what hi story was ' reall y' like. Every hi story that was told by the reg ime was by implication fa lse, which meant th at every hi story not to ld by the regime mu st by implication be true. 98 This was the reason, not onl y for the very different Czec h and Slovak collective memories, but also for the overa ll low level of knowl edge about and reflection on the nation al hi story. Key period s in Czechoslovak hi story co ncernin g the mutual Czech-Slovak relation ship can be li sted as follows : I) the First Republic 19 I 8- 1938, 2) the destruction of Czechoslovakia and th e creati on of the Slovak State durin g World War II, 3) the Slovak National Uprising against the fascists in 1944, 4) the Prague Spring in 1968, 5) the Normalization 1969-1 989. When lookin g at the articles that we have analysed here, it is c lear that Vaculfk employed al l of them. In hi s interpretation : the First Rep ublic was a time when the Czechs he lped the ir un grateful younger brothers; the Slovak State came into bein g when the Slovaks betrayed the Czechs; the Slovak National Upri sin g was not necessaril y for a renewal of Czechoslovakia; in the Prague Spring the Slovaks preyed on the Czech strugg le for democracy; and durin g Norma li zati on the Slovaks suffered less than the Czec hs. In the same vei n, Mil an Ferko and Vladimfr Mimic invoked the Slovak collective memory of the First Republic as a period of Czechoslovakism th at did not properly ack now ledge the character and needs of the Slovaks, and the Czechs did what they could to turn the Slovaks into Czec hs. The reason why Ferko and Mimic both used thi s period probabl y lay in the fact th at Czechoslovakism was the 'state ideo logy' of the First Rep ublic , which made it easy to attack 9 ' Tony Judt: The Past is Another Cou ntry : Myth and Memory in Postwar Europe , in: Dcedalus. Vol. 21. No. 4, 1992, I OI. SLOVAK IA 118 Czech arrogance towards the Slovaks. As opposed to this , the legacy of all the other significant periods seemed in some way or another too ambiguous to be exp loited from Minac ' s and Ferko ' s points of view. 99 This reflects the fact that Czechs and Slovaks not on ly experienced the events differently at the time, but also that their memories of them today are very different. And this then shows us that the socia li zation of the population ' s memories since 1918 was not successful in providing the two nations with a common co ll ective memory of the past that they shared as parts of the same state. In stead, those who after 1989 wished to do otherwise were ab le, like Vaculfk, Minac , Ferko, and others, to mobilize conflicts from the past and link them together regardless of any inner logic and chrono logy. They painted a picture of a basic Czech-Slovak incompatibility and a common history consisting of conflicts, betrayals, and wrongdoings that made a divorce look c learly preferable to a continued malfunctionin g marriage. 100 In Slovakia, the discu ss ions about the common history of the Czechs and the Slovaks became polarized to the degree that two directly opposite interpretations were propagated. The relevant criterion for arguments became the question whether the common state had been favourable or disadvantageous to the Slovaks. 101 Slovak so99 The Slovak State was fascist: the National Uprising was directed aga in st the inde- pendent Slovak State; resu lting from th e Prague Spring was th e federalism that Ferko and Minac fo ught aga inst but which neverth eless meant progress in th e Czech-Slovak relationship; and Normalization was not see n as too bad a period for th e Slovaks . ' 00 The metaphor of the marriage was also frequently used in the debate, see e.g. Miroslav Ku sy : '·Konfederacnf k lam·• (""Confederation delusion'"). Literarnf no viny Aug. 6. 1992. 1+3. 0 ' ' Mihalikova: Narodne symboly, 58. An ex traordinary feature of th e Slovak contex t was the fact that very ac tive participants in the debate were exi les like Stefan Polakovic or Milan S. Durica. who either had been in ex ile ever since World War II beca use of their ro le in the Slovak State or they came from thi s environment. They saw as their greatest task res torin g Slovak independence from th e Czechs and seemed not to reali ze that Slovak society had changed since their heyday during the SLOVAKIA 119 ciety was to a very large ex tent di vided over interpretations of hi story , the nature of Slovak nation al identity, and wishes for the future, and in fact the Slovaks who engaged in the de bates on the CzechSlovak past spent as much or even more energy blaming eac h other, rather than blaming the Czechs. 102 In contrast to thi s deep divi sion , the Czechs may have disagreed on many thing s, but by and large there was unanimity concerning subjects such as these. In the Czech debate, the efforts to create a separate Czech state grad uall y came to be seen as a way of guardin g Kl aus' rapid economic reform s from the " irrati o nal" Slovaks a nd Czech democracy from the alleged Slovak inclin ation to national soc iali sm and a stron g state, images which were mobili zed by the frequent use of exa mples from the Czech collective me mory. It is furthermore interesting that an opinion poll in October of 1990 showed that more than 50 % of the Czechs believed in the idea of one Czechoslovak nation . 1w While most Czechs and Slovaks perce ived of them se lves as be in g simultaneously Czechoslovaks and e ithe r Czechs or Slovaks, most Czechs, who unconsciously conceived of the two layers of the ir identification as being identical , had never paid much attention to the conce pt of a Czech identification as be in g different from their ide ntific ation as Czechoslovaks. Most Slovaks , on the other hand , were very much aware that there was a difference between their Slovak and their Czechoslovak identification . 104 Whe n the newspaper debates invoked the war. In co ntrast to the hi stori ans who had li ved throu gh the communi st period at home and those who had been in exile becau se of their di sagreements with the co mmuni st regime. thi s group of hi storians saw nothing but disadvantages for the Slovaks in the com mon Czechos lovak Republic. 102 According to Soiia Szomolanyi. different perceptions of key fi gures and events in Slovak history not onl y divided . but outri ght polari zed th e population (Szomo lany i 1994 : 76). '"' Timoracky : Yerejna mienka. 7 1-72. ' 04 Thi s was strengthened by th e asy mmetri ca l conditi ons after 19 I 8. e.g. when in school tex tbooks Czech hi story was made Czechos lovak simply by adding " slovak" to th e adjec ti ve (E li sabeth Bakke: Cechoslovak izmu s v skol skych uceb ni ciach ( 19 18- 1938). Historicky casopis. Vo l. 47. o 2. 1999: 242-243) or when on ly the 120 SLOVAKIA past, it happened in a way that mobili zed images that em phasized the differences rather than the s imil ariti es between th e tw o nation a l groups. In thi s way the Czech and Slovak layers of the Czec hoslovak population 's identifi cat ion were stre ngthened to the detriment of the Czechoslovak layer. And the di scre pancy that was mob ili zed between the Czech and Slovak images of themselves, the other, and the future of the common state is undoubted ly part of the answer to the question why the common Czechoslovak state eventually broke up. Slovaks had their own Communist Party (KSS) whereas the Czechos lovak Communist Party (KSC) served both as the Czech and the all-state party.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource "Ungrateful Younger Brothers" versus "Arrogant Atheists": Czech-Slovak Stereotypes in a Collective Memory Perspective Description An account of the resource Lone Sarauw Slovakia, Vol. 38 (No. 70-71), 2005 pp. 104-120 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sarauw, Lone Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2005 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/3126c8bb6a75e470db2622aa9f6ceb22.pdf 630f44e9a7f41446684d380065bd7854 PDF Text Text 56 SLOVAKIA to support the ambitions of a few exiled po1iticians who may or may not represent the wishes and interests of their peoples. It is not surprising that many Czech politicians find it easier to make political capital out of the Masaryk legend than to follow an entirely new line, but would it not be advisable to eliminate this myth from Western pmpaganda and make no more use of names which bear a heavy responsibility for disrupting the unity of the Danubian region? It is difficult to see how the creation of a new Europe can be assisted by the memory of people whose narrow nationalism had such a baneful influence on the course of history. Politicians of Masaryk's type are very often public dangera, for they rouse peoples to revolt and then fail through weakness to guide the forces they have had conjured up in a suitable direction. A new spirit is needed; the entire Central European problem must be settled on a basis of what is right and not who is right. Political actions should be judged by their results and not by the nationality of those responsible for them, and usually it is at least a generaition before the true nature of these results becomes apparent. Viewed from this distance in time, it is obvious that Masaryk's "liberation" led to the balkanization of Central Europe and that the treaties of 1919 created a situation incomparably worse than the one they were supposed to remedy . • • • HUMAN IUGHTS AND EXILES Hans Schlitz Emigrants are to be pitied. Anyone forced to leave his home because of danger to life and limb deserves our sincerest sympathy. I can even feel for those emigrants who were at one time my bitter political opponents. The right to asylum is one of the human rights; so is the right to one's homeland. Exiles should, in their own interest, beware of treating human rights to·o lightly. By consigning them to the flames, we burn with them the right to asylum. He who breaks a principle should not complain if the stigma of C~in marks his brow. �SLOVAKIA 57 One Mr. Pejskar, now employed with Radio Free Europe at Munich, might well ponder that thought. He edits in his spare time a Czech emigre paper Ceske Slovo (The Czech Word). This "Czech word" was once the official organ of the Czech National Socialists, the party of Edward Benes. Ceske Slovo strives to perpetuate previous policies. On June 1, 1960 - issue No. 6 - it carried a memorandum of the Council of Free Czechoslovakia on "Czechoslovak-German Relations." The article depicts the expulsion of the Sudeten German people as final, as the best and only possible solution of the difficulties in that area. The western powers, including the West German Federal Republic, are implored to recognize at long last this irrevocable fact. Otherwise, "if the removal of the Sudeten Germans should noit be considered definitive, Germany would exclude herself from the community of free nations and become a destroyer, instead of ,a co-rebuilder, of Europe's future. The West must stick to its agreement on the deporitations and regard the Sudeten German question as settled. For tactical reasons the free world must reject the demand of the Sudeten Germans (to be allowed to return and see realized the right to t!he homeland)." These phrases comprise the core of a memorandum which for the time being seems to be the last act of the Council of Free Czechoslovakia, broken up again despite its dollar-filled cheque-book. Democracy and Socialism, organ of the Czech Social Democrats in exile, reports that the following leading members have voluntarily left the Council: Dr. J. Lettrich, chairman of the plenary assembly; F. Nemec, Dr. Osusky, Dr. Bellus, Dr. Frastacky, Dr. Hodza (son of Milan Hodza), V. Jedinec, Dr. Cerny (sonin-law of Svehla and former minister of the interior), J. Macek, A. Heidrich, Dr. Prochazka, V. Majer. It has also been learned that Ferentsik, representative of the Carpatho-Ukrainia ns, has likewise quit the Council. In other words, practically all representatives of the Slovaks, Carpatho-Ukrainia ns, Czech Agrarians, People's Party, Social Democrats, and Artisans Party have withdrawn. Mr. Zenkl and his party friends are the sole remnant. We do not know whether the Council ran aground �58 SLOVAKIA on the memorandum. Naturally, the recalcitrants will not voice their disagreement aloud. Nobody these days dares to differ publicly. Yet there are a few who feel ashamed of debasing - by the printed word - the principle of human rights in a world worthy of subsistence only and as long as human rights are heeded. The memorandum has caused a crisis among Czech exiles. The German public, without being overly concerned, should lodge due protest to this pa,per. We have reason to believe that in May, 1960, Dr. Zenkl intended to visit leading German politicians. These men are engaged in a gigantic struggle on behalf of their people for the right of self-determination . Doesn't Dr. Zenkl surmise that, by refusing the right of self-determination to the Germans from Bohemia and Moravia-Silesia, he puts the German statesmen in a precarious position? One cannot negotiate in a dubious or indirect way on the sell-out of the right of self-determination with politicians who stand or fall with the principle of self-determination. Dr. Zenkl is not only a representative member of the Council of Free Czechoslovakia; he presently also presides over the Assembly of Captive European Nations (ACEN). The delegation of that assembly of enslaved European nations hurriedly assured a Munich newspaper .that said delegation's Bonn office disavows the memorandum in question. And it immediately asked the New York bureau to clarify the statement as being, at most, the opinion of the Council of Free Czechoslovakia under Dr. Zenkl, but by no means the attitude of ACEN and the great majority of its members. Mr. Zenkl and his trusting entourage are travelling a fateful road indeed! Des-pite everything, we still feel that in a new Europe genuine reconciliation between Germany and her eastern neighbors is possible. About a year ago, in a London exile paper, a Czech member of ACEN likened the Sudeten Germans to withered grass on the roadside to be tread into the ground or swept away by the wind. This demark by the honorable Mr. Rehak shows poetical talent but little political insight. The two millions of Sudeten G~rmans �SLOVAKIA 59 who, impoverished and wrecked in body and soul, sought refuge in the West German Federal Republic, did not become the dynamite they were designed for by the mighty Stalin and the less mighty Benes. As a rule the expellees proved a valuable and constructive element in the economic and political revival of Germany. They likewise bore witness of their friendship for the Czech emigrants who came after them. It is a shabby business, indeed, when the Czechs now fifteen years after the war's end - try to further the cause of Bolshevism by demanding from the free nations, and even the German community, complete disregard for the just claim of the Sudeten German expellees . • • • WHERE ALL ROADS END The Swiss daily Neue Zurcher Zeitung gives its readers a glimpse across Austria's border into tlhe Bohemian Forest, OSSR: What would the former professor and representative to the Austro-Hungarian Reichstag in Vienna, Thomas Garrigue Masaryk, say today if he could see what has become of the State he founded, 1:lhe former Czecho-Slovak Republic? A kindly fate beckoned him - in the year 1937 at 1:lhe age of 87 - to another world. He may have sensed what was to come, did not have to see the day, however, when the State, of which he was the founder and long-time president, was crushed by Hitler in 1938-39 and set up again in 1945, subsequently to be placed under the yoke of world Communism by politicians subservient to 1:lhe Kremlin. His son, Jan Masaryk, lived to see t:Jhe great tragedy of his fatherland: destruction under Hitler, resurrection in 1945 in the shadow of Russian bayonets and the expulsion of more than three million Germans living near its borders in t!he Sudeten areas, at home there for centuries. At the end of tJhis series of events came tihe final Bolshevization that gave his country the kiss of death. Was it the guilt of the father, Thomas Masaryk, who gave President Wilson in 1918 a false picture of 1:lhe population structure in the German regions claimed for the new � 56 SLOVAKIA to support the ambitions of a few exiled po1iticians who may or may not represent the wishes and interests of their peoples. It is not surprising that many Czech politicians find it easier to make political capital out of the Masaryk legend than to follow an entirely new line, but would it not be advisable to eliminate this myth from Western pmpaganda and make no more use of names which bear a heavy responsibility for disrupting the unity of the Danubian region? It is difficult to see how the creation of a new Europe can be assisted by the memory of people whose narrow nationalism had such a baneful influence on the course of history. Politicians of Masaryk's type are very often public dangera, for they rouse peoples to revolt and then fail through weakness to guide the forces they have had conjured up in a suitable direction. A new spirit is needed; the entire Central European problem must be settled on a basis of what is right and not who is right. Political actions should be judged by their results and not by the nationality of those responsible for them, and usually it is at least a generaition before the true nature of these results becomes apparent. Viewed from this distance in time, it is obvious that Masaryk's "liberation" led to the balkanization of Central Europe and that the treaties of 1919 created a situation incomparably worse than the one they were supposed to remedy . • • • HUMAN IUGHTS AND EXILES Hans Schlitz Emigrants are to be pitied. Anyone forced to leave his home because of danger to life and limb deserves our sincerest sympathy. I can even feel for those emigrants who were at one time my bitter political opponents. The right to asylum is one of the human rights; so is the right to one's homeland. Exiles should, in their own interest, beware of treating human rights to·o lightly. By consigning them to the flames, we burn with them the right to asylum. He who breaks a principle should not complain if the stigma of C~in marks his brow. �SLOVAKIA 57 One Mr. Pejskar, now employed with Radio Free Europe at Munich, might well ponder that thought. He edits in his spare time a Czech emigre paper Ceske Slovo (The Czech Word). This "Czech word" was once the official organ of the Czech National Socialists, the party of Edward Benes. Ceske Slovo strives to perpetuate previous policies. On June 1, 1960 - issue No. 6 - it carried a memorandum of the Council of Free Czechoslovakia on "Czechoslovak-German Relations." The article depicts the expulsion of the Sudeten German people as final, as the best and only possible solution of the difficulties in that area. The western powers, including the West German Federal Republic, are implored to recognize at long last this irrevocable fact. Otherwise, "if the removal of the Sudeten Germans should noit be considered definitive, Germany would exclude herself from the community of free nations and become a destroyer, instead of ,a co-rebuilder, of Europe's future. The West must stick to its agreement on the deporitations and regard the Sudeten German question as settled. For tactical reasons the free world must reject the demand of the Sudeten Germans (to be allowed to return and see realized the right to t!he homeland)." These phrases comprise the core of a memorandum which for the time being seems to be the last act of the Council of Free Czechoslovakia, broken up again despite its dollar-filled cheque-book. Democracy and Socialism, organ of the Czech Social Democrats in exile, reports that the following leading members have voluntarily left the Council: Dr. J. Lettrich, chairman of the plenary assembly; F. Nemec, Dr. Osusky, Dr. Bellus, Dr. Frastacky, Dr. Hodza (son of Milan Hodza), V. Jedinec, Dr. Cerny (sonin-law of Svehla and former minister of the interior), J. Macek, A. Heidrich, Dr. Prochazka, V. Majer. It has also been learned that Ferentsik, representative of the Carpatho-Ukrainia ns, has likewise quit the Council. In other words, practically all representatives of the Slovaks, Carpatho-Ukrainia ns, Czech Agrarians, People's Party, Social Democrats, and Artisans Party have withdrawn. Mr. Zenkl and his party friends are the sole remnant. We do not know whether the Council ran aground �58 SLOVAKIA on the memorandum. Naturally, the recalcitrants will not voice their disagreement aloud. Nobody these days dares to differ publicly. Yet there are a few who feel ashamed of debasing - by the printed word - the principle of human rights in a world worthy of subsistence only and as long as human rights are heeded. The memorandum has caused a crisis among Czech exiles. The German public, without being overly concerned, should lodge due protest to this pa,per. We have reason to believe that in May, 1960, Dr. Zenkl intended to visit leading German politicians. These men are engaged in a gigantic struggle on behalf of their people for the right of self-determination . Doesn't Dr. Zenkl surmise that, by refusing the right of self-determination to the Germans from Bohemia and Moravia-Silesia, he puts the German statesmen in a precarious position? One cannot negotiate in a dubious or indirect way on the sell-out of the right of self-determination with politicians who stand or fall with the principle of self-determination. Dr. Zenkl is not only a representative member of the Council of Free Czechoslovakia; he presently also presides over the Assembly of Captive European Nations (ACEN). The delegation of that assembly of enslaved European nations hurriedly assured a Munich newspaper .that said delegation's Bonn office disavows the memorandum in question. And it immediately asked the New York bureau to clarify the statement as being, at most, the opinion of the Council of Free Czechoslovakia under Dr. Zenkl, but by no means the attitude of ACEN and the great majority of its members. Mr. Zenkl and his trusting entourage are travelling a fateful road indeed! Des-pite everything, we still feel that in a new Europe genuine reconciliation between Germany and her eastern neighbors is possible. About a year ago, in a London exile paper, a Czech member of ACEN likened the Sudeten Germans to withered grass on the roadside to be tread into the ground or swept away by the wind. This demark by the honorable Mr. Rehak shows poetical talent but little political insight. The two millions of Sudeten G~rmans �SLOVAKIA 59 who, impoverished and wrecked in body and soul, sought refuge in the West German Federal Republic, did not become the dynamite they were designed for by the mighty Stalin and the less mighty Benes. As a rule the expellees proved a valuable and constructive element in the economic and political revival of Germany. They likewise bore witness of their friendship for the Czech emigrants who came after them. It is a shabby business, indeed, when the Czechs now fifteen years after the war's end - try to further the cause of Bolshevism by demanding from the free nations, and even the German community, complete disregard for the just claim of the Sudeten German expellees . • • • WHERE ALL ROADS END The Swiss daily Neue Zurcher Zeitung gives its readers a glimpse across Austria's border into tlhe Bohemian Forest, OSSR: What would the former professor and representative to the Austro-Hungarian Reichstag in Vienna, Thomas Garrigue Masaryk, say today if he could see what has become of the State he founded, 1:lhe former Czecho-Slovak Republic? A kindly fate beckoned him - in the year 1937 at 1:lhe age of 87 - to another world. He may have sensed what was to come, did not have to see the day, however, when the State, of which he was the founder and long-time president, was crushed by Hitler in 1938-39 and set up again in 1945, subsequently to be placed under the yoke of world Communism by politicians subservient to 1:lhe Kremlin. His son, Jan Masaryk, lived to see t:Jhe great tragedy of his fatherland: destruction under Hitler, resurrection in 1945 in the shadow of Russian bayonets and the expulsion of more than three million Germans living near its borders in t!he Sudeten areas, at home there for centuries. At the end of tJhis series of events came tihe final Bolshevization that gave his country the kiss of death. Was it the guilt of the father, Thomas Masaryk, who gave President Wilson in 1918 a false picture of 1:lhe population structure in the German regions claimed for the new � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1960, Vol. 10 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 6 [sic] (No. 31), March-June 1960.</li> <li>Issue 7 [sic] (No. 32), September-December 1960.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1960 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 56 SLOVAKIA to support the ambitions of a few exiled po1iticians who may or may not represent the wishes and interests of their peoples. It is not surprising that many Czech politicians find it easier to make political capital out of the Masaryk legend than to follow an entirely new line, but would it not be advisable to eliminate this myth from Western pmpaganda and make no more use of names which bear a heavy responsibility for disrupting the unity of the Danubian region? It is difficult to see how the creation of a new Europe can be assisted by the memory of people whose narrow nationalism had such a baneful influence on the course of history. Politicians of Masaryk's type are very often public dangera, for they rouse peoples to revolt and then fail through weakness to guide the forces they have had conjured up in a suitable direction. A new spirit is needed; the entire Central European problem must be settled on a basis of what is right and not who is right. Political actions should be judged by their results and not by the nationality of those responsible for them, and usually it is at least a generaition before the true nature of these results becomes apparent. Viewed from this distance in time, it is obvious that Masaryk's "liberation" led to the balkanization of Central Europe and that the treaties of 1919 created a situation incomparably worse than the one they were supposed to remedy . • • • HUMAN IUGHTS AND EXILES Hans Schlitz Emigrants are to be pitied. Anyone forced to leave his home because of danger to life and limb deserves our sincerest sympathy. I can even feel for those emigrants who were at one time my bitter political opponents. The right to asylum is one of the human rights; so is the right to one's homeland. Exiles should, in their own interest, beware of treating human rights to·o lightly. By consigning them to the flames, we burn with them the right to asylum. He who breaks a principle should not complain if the stigma of C~in marks his brow. SLOVAKIA 57 One Mr. Pejskar, now employed with Radio Free Europe at Munich, might well ponder that thought. He edits in his spare time a Czech emigre paper Ceske Slovo (The Czech Word). This "Czech word" was once the official organ of the Czech National Socialists, the party of Edward Benes. Ceske Slovo strives to perpetuate previous policies. On June 1, 1960 - issue No. 6 - it carried a memorandum of the Council of Free Czechoslovakia on "Czechoslovak-German Relations." The article depicts the expulsion of the Sudeten German people as final, as the best and only possible solution of the difficulties in that area. The western powers, including the West German Federal Republic, are implored to recognize at long last this irrevocable fact. Otherwise, "if the removal of the Sudeten Germans should noit be considered definitive, Germany would exclude herself from the community of free nations and become a destroyer, instead of ,a co-rebuilder, of Europe's future. The West must stick to its agreement on the deporitations and regard the Sudeten German question as settled. For tactical reasons the free world must reject the demand of the Sudeten Germans (to be allowed to return and see realized the right to t!he homeland)." These phrases comprise the core of a memorandum which for the time being seems to be the last act of the Council of Free Czechoslovakia, broken up again despite its dollar-filled cheque-book. Democracy and Socialism, organ of the Czech Social Democrats in exile, reports that the following leading members have voluntarily left the Council: Dr. J. Lettrich, chairman of the plenary assembly; F. Nemec, Dr. Osusky, Dr. Bellus, Dr. Frastacky, Dr. Hodza (son of Milan Hodza), V. Jedinec, Dr. Cerny (sonin-law of Svehla and former minister of the interior), J. Macek, A. Heidrich, Dr. Prochazka, V. Majer. It has also been learned that Ferentsik, representative of the Carpatho-Ukrainia ns, has likewise quit the Council. In other words, practically all representatives of the Slovaks, Carpatho-Ukrainia ns, Czech Agrarians, People's Party, Social Democrats, and Artisans Party have withdrawn. Mr. Zenkl and his party friends are the sole remnant. We do not know whether the Council ran aground 58 SLOVAKIA on the memorandum. Naturally, the recalcitrants will not voice their disagreement aloud. Nobody these days dares to differ publicly. Yet there are a few who feel ashamed of debasing - by the printed word - the principle of human rights in a world worthy of subsistence only and as long as human rights are heeded. The memorandum has caused a crisis among Czech exiles. The German public, without being overly concerned, should lodge due protest to this pa,per. We have reason to believe that in May, 1960, Dr. Zenkl intended to visit leading German politicians. These men are engaged in a gigantic struggle on behalf of their people for the right of self-determination . Doesn't Dr. Zenkl surmise that, by refusing the right of self-determination to the Germans from Bohemia and Moravia-Silesia, he puts the German statesmen in a precarious position? One cannot negotiate in a dubious or indirect way on the sell-out of the right of self-determination with politicians who stand or fall with the principle of self-determination. Dr. Zenkl is not only a representative member of the Council of Free Czechoslovakia; he presently also presides over the Assembly of Captive European Nations (ACEN). The delegation of that assembly of enslaved European nations hurriedly assured a Munich newspaper .that said delegation's Bonn office disavows the memorandum in question. And it immediately asked the New York bureau to clarify the statement as being, at most, the opinion of the Council of Free Czechoslovakia under Dr. Zenkl, but by no means the attitude of ACEN and the great majority of its members. Mr. Zenkl and his trusting entourage are travelling a fateful road indeed! Des-pite everything, we still feel that in a new Europe genuine reconciliation between Germany and her eastern neighbors is possible. About a year ago, in a London exile paper, a Czech member of ACEN likened the Sudeten Germans to withered grass on the roadside to be tread into the ground or swept away by the wind. This demark by the honorable Mr. Rehak shows poetical talent but little political insight. The two millions of Sudeten G~rmans SLOVAKIA 59 who, impoverished and wrecked in body and soul, sought refuge in the West German Federal Republic, did not become the dynamite they were designed for by the mighty Stalin and the less mighty Benes. As a rule the expellees proved a valuable and constructive element in the economic and political revival of Germany. They likewise bore witness of their friendship for the Czech emigrants who came after them. It is a shabby business, indeed, when the Czechs now fifteen years after the war's end - try to further the cause of Bolshevism by demanding from the free nations, and even the German community, complete disregard for the just claim of the Sudeten German expellees . • • • WHERE ALL ROADS END The Swiss daily Neue Zurcher Zeitung gives its readers a glimpse across Austria's border into tlhe Bohemian Forest, OSSR: What would the former professor and representative to the Austro-Hungarian Reichstag in Vienna, Thomas Garrigue Masaryk, say today if he could see what has become of the State he founded, 1:lhe former Czecho-Slovak Republic? A kindly fate beckoned him - in the year 1937 at 1:lhe age of 87 - to another world. He may have sensed what was to come, did not have to see the day, however, when the State, of which he was the founder and long-time president, was crushed by Hitler in 1938-39 and set up again in 1945, subsequently to be placed under the yoke of world Communism by politicians subservient to 1:lhe Kremlin. His son, Jan Masaryk, lived to see t:Jhe great tragedy of his fatherland: destruction under Hitler, resurrection in 1945 in the shadow of Russian bayonets and the expulsion of more than three million Germans living near its borders in t!he Sudeten areas, at home there for centuries. At the end of tJhis series of events came tihe final Bolshevization that gave his country the kiss of death. Was it the guilt of the father, Thomas Masaryk, who gave President Wilson in 1918 a false picture of 1:lhe population structure in the German regions claimed for the new  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Human Rights and Exiles Description An account of the resource Hans Schütz Slovakia, Vol. 10, No. 7 (32), September-December 1960 pp. 56-59 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Schütz, Hans Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September-December 1960 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/908f44da0194235f10ad22b09cb45e21.pdf 261c0cee0aaae307821756177eabdb83 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 35 OZEOH DOUBLE-DEALING PRINCE ADOLF ZU SCHWARZENBERG (This ls a reprint of the article published in the July, 1949, issue [Vo!. III, No. 1, pp. 20-22] of the "'New Englh1h Review Ma,ga,zine." The author heads one of the oldest familles in Bohemia and his ta.mily played an importa.n1 role in Bohemia's ootional life. The Prince is unquestionably qualitied to speak about th.e intrigues of Ma-saryk and Beneš and their undemocratic and un-Christlan pol!cies. This expo-sé ot Czech hypocrisy should be read by all Amerlcans. - Ed.) During and after the Flrst World War the ma.in feature in Bohemla's pollcy was a tendency to back both sides at the same Ume, more par,ticularly during rthe coutinuat!on of ho~tllitie-s. Bohemia. wa.s unt.11 1918 a part ot the Austro-Hungaria.n Monarchy, in whlch it formed a provlnce under Ha,bsburg rule and at the same Ume a. Kingdom, though enjoylng a very limrted a.utonomy; if !n<leed thl-s wa.s autonomy at all, for lt was by no mea.n-s self-government. On the whole, the Czechs, who are and always hav,e been the ma· Jority o! the inhabitants ot Bohemla and Mora.vla, d!spla.yed, even during the First World War, in dome-stlc a!fairs a fair!y loyal attttude towards the Governme.nt In Vienna., though cthere were some stgnlfican,t excepitlons. For ex,ample, the 28th Regiment of Infantry wa.s considered a.-s somewhat unrellable, and occa.slona.lly there were desertions to the enemy, which were more frequent tha.n in the other Czech regtments, yet at horne the Czechs stressed thelr absolute Joyalty to the Habsburg regimre and "'collabora.ted" wl!ling!y, more particular!y where their pockets were a.ffected. Neverthe!ess, while they aoted in th!s way within the black and yellow fľontier posts oť th,e Habsburg Monarchy, they had very ,a,bJe ageuts outside beyond the enemy Unes. In pru<ticular, there were T. G. Ma.sa.ryk, who acted as pros,pect!ve President or a future Czechoslovakian Republlc, Edward Beneš, and many others, who escaped beyond the front!ers and ~Ued down abroad where. wlth the help of the !uture victors, they set up a free autouomous provislonal government that was to come iruto e:,:istence after the defeat of the Centra! Powers. What, however, would have happened lf the Centra! Powet'S had emerged as vlctors? The answ,er ls more rthan slmple: Masaryk :ind Co. would have dlsappeared lnto oblivlon, and the Ozechs, who had stayed at ·home ,and had so marvelously pla.yed the rôle of loya.J subjects, would have proclalmed lnc-essa.ntly how fatth!ul they had alwaya been to the Ha.bsburgs and to the Monarchy, ha.vlng lost rthousands, or tens of thousands, of thelr best sons for the "Just Cause," and how enormous thelr contributlons to vlctory had been. Nevertheless, luck was not on the slde of the Centa! Powers. Iu consequence, from October 1918, onwards, the Czechs withln the Monarchy had to change qulckly to other tactlcs, transforming themselves llke chameleons, and they were forced to a-ppear as, tnnocent vlctims who had been p~rsecuted by ,t he bruta.l Habsburg regime. The same people who fran• tically roared "Hurmh" to greet the Emperor ~ e now not ashamed to utter calumnlou!l words agaki.st hlm. " Hallelujah" and "Cruclfy �36 SLOVAKIA Him" are so close to each other, but it would appeaľ that "Crucify Him" is much easier to shout. It must be admitted that ,the Czechs played this new ľôle with marvelous skill au<l admiľable flexibility. For Masaryk and hls col• leagues it was now easy enough to create a Czechoslova:kian Rep11hlic, hut to the very end Masaryk played a double galffie. When he was dealing with Framoe and the Unbled States he produced a pian for a Republic In Czechoslovakla, hut for Russia he put forward a Czech kingdom, leaving open the question whether a Romanoff or somebody e lse -should wear the crown of St. Wenceslaus, for so long as the Tsar reigned In Russia the word republic did not sound g,ood. lncidentally, Masaryk had promised lthe Slovaks autonomy as well as many other acceptable privlleges. but these never materialized and serious difficulties la,ter arose owlng to this. Thus, even when the Czechs were fightlng for indedimpence their double-dealing was proved. This particular characteristic has been up to the present yielded good results when it wa,s a question of dealing with the credulcu s. The situation is the same now, and it will always remain the same, so long as t-he victors •n a war in which Czechoslovakia is involved do noi invesligate thoroughly the kind of people wlt•h whom they ,"\.re dealing. lt is an old and very cheap trlck to play in wiU1 both sid-es in such great conflicts as the two World Wars, more particularly when the outcome is not at all clear, a.t least to the people most concerned. In the Secoud World War the situation was much the s11Jffie, and there was a distinct analogy with what happened in rt;s predecessor. From 1939 Ull'til 1946 Hacha functioned as President, first for the mu'til<ated second Czechoslovak Republic and then during the Nruzl occupation of the "Protectorate," therefore dlsplaying a fľiendly attitude, however invol11nta1;1y, towards the Hitler reglme. At the same time Benes and his associates set up in London a government with more or less open leanings to the left. If Hitler had won the war Hacba would have become tbe great man of the day. However, HiUer was def~ted, and Hacha, who had done his best to save bis country from tbe borrors of war, and had played this part not unsuccessfully, died i.n prison as au old and broken man, practically forgotten, while Beneš emerged as the great man of the future and as President of a reborn Czechoslovak Republic. Nevertheless, Beneš did not long enjoy bis exalted position, for in Fellťllary 1948 the Communists, although a minority, seized power, a[ter .which Benes dlsappeaľed and Gotliwald became President. Even in normit,I times 1the double game of C1.ech policy caa be seen quite clearly. As long as Ozechos!ovak!a adopted the rôle ot dependence on the West, Beneš wa!< at the helm and from 1945 or.ward prepared the dellvery of his country to 'the Communists. All the mlnls,teľ'S in bis CaLinet (there were about two dozen of them) worked wlth their idolized Pres-ident, and In a most masterly f.ashion steered thelr country into Communtsm, always boping ror a good job as a re• ward for ťheir laudable work in the Bolshevist interest. Unfo11:u.nately for them, however, thing.s ,took a different turn, for although Bene~ put up a token-resista.nce for 11. rew days against 1tbe overthrow or democracy just to show a good face to the civilized world in the �SLOVAKIA 37 West, it was a comparatively easy task to belp Communist Gottwald lnto tbe Red saddle, thereby preventing a "civil war." From that fatal day In February 1948 it could no longer he doub'ted rt.hat Czechoslovakla was a Communlst country, leaning away from democracy and civill.zation, and progressing at full speed towards Red totalitarianlsm. wbich by now wa,s firmly ,secure as "a peopWs democracy" by force and terror. When the gove111men't, with its outward appearance of democracy, fell, Beneš and the member,s of his Oabin€-t had clearly accomplished thelr task as laid down by the Kremliu, and from then on they were no longer use,ful. Reallzing this they immediately "backed the other horse," each in his own way. Beneš res!gned, and Go'ttwald replaced him wlt.hout any diffioulty. All went smoothly, and Beneš did even more for Communlsm: he died. Some of tbe former m!nisters tried to escape across the frontier, but wel"e arrested; some, however, d!d reach the American zone in Bava.ria, where they started to play the part .of heroes and of defenders of democracy wbo had been forced to fly from tbe peraecutions of the Communlsts. Needless to say they behaved as lf they had always been ardent anti-Commu.nis'ts, here as in reality tbey helped Communlsm wherever they could so Jong as they were in office, and wlllingly or unwillingly pre-pared the overthrow of tlheir own regime. Thls they could have prevented with the help of 'trhe army, which had remalned Joyal, and with a little couragc, but courage is an unknown quality with the majorrty of the Czech nation. In the West, howeveľ, J.itt1e is known about these "heroes," or the rôle whlob they are playing In their endeavor to oover up their more tha.n doubtful past. At this 'J)Oint, it may be useful to draw a parallel with Nazl Ger• many. Any German one meets today will be sure to say that he bas always been opposed to the Naz!s, and will describe how much he has suffered a,t thelr hands, no matter whether he was In reality a Na.z! or not. Probably Hitler himself would say tbe same thing if he were still alive. It is the same in Italy where every It.allan ha~ been a partisan and fought against Mussolini, even lf he were in reality a Fascist. The same is the case wltb tlhe Czechs in e~ile. Take tbeir word for what lt. is wortb, but never believe tbem at first sight. It is well known that many Czechs had a very fine tíme under the Nazi occupation; they collabomted willingly and maide a lot of money. The rare exceptions only served to prove the rule. Durlng the Presidency or Beneš they wei,e more than ready to collaiborate with Moscow, but wben this became impossible they gathe!'t:d In London, wbence they have now mov.ed to Washilllgton, tľying to set up a government in exile and hoping to be at the helm wben adversity oveľ'tak8-'l Com• muni,sm. It is a game tbat has been played tíme and again, and the names of these emigres witb a doubtful pa'St make ,no difference; what makes a dlfčerence is whether or not they are 1·eliable. In attempting to answer this question lt can be safely stated that those wbo worked with and for Beneš until February 1948, wben Cze choslovakla'-s future became linked wltb Communlsm, are a 'Priori unreliable, wbereas those wbo were persecuted by Beneš and bis ,system and broke with it before Febuary 1948 are mostly reliable men who sbould be supportecl. It would be a great mlstake to trust emigres �38 SLOVAKIA w.ho are not reliable, and it is surely our duty to lea..rn from the mistakes in this reS'l)eCt whi~h have been made in the .past. It must a!so be remembered tJhat the. Communists, who a1-e always much more actlve and quicker than tíheir democratic opponents in the West, have innumerable agent,; or their own among Czeol1 emigres. Western democracy should be wamed in tlme before it is too late. • • • • A NOTE ON TISO, HORTHY AND BENES E. L. DELANEY Admfral Hoľ,thy, Regen1t of Hungary, alleged collaborllltor with Germany and castlgated as a "Fasc,i st" by our Reds and "plnks," was given sanctuary by our Mil1tary Government in Bavaria a..fter the end of hoSltlU.ties, and rightly so. Had he been returned t o BudapeBt, he would have been execu<ted by the Communisit rabble. . But President Josef TisÔ in the adjoining state of Slovakia, even less a collaborator with Germany than Horthy but who was án implacable foe of Communism, also fled into Bavaria and what he thought was the sanctuary of the Americans. He was imprisoncd, mlstreated, manhandled and then delivered to the Reds by our Milit ary Government to be hanged by them in Bratislava. Duri-ng Lhe war, Presddent Tlso had delegated members of his own official family to provide the best care and hospl:tal!za1tl.on if necessary for the Amerlcan and Brltish flyers who were shot down or who made foreed Jandlngs in his counitry. Other Amerlcans were given sanctuary there, thls wrlter being one who knew Dr. Josef Tlso personally and who received such sanctuary. It was alleged by the mouthpieces of Moscow that Tiso was guilty of treasonaib1e actions when, for the flrst Ume in nine hundred years, he and his co-workere gained independence and "a better Ufe" for the Slovak people. "Self-determination" was what they had been told was their right, and now they were belng told it was their wrong. Wrong because, long before the beginning of the war, thelr president had a(•· cepted the protection of Berlin agalnst outside aggression. The aggression of tihe Soviiet. That was hls sin. But note the utlter i•nconslsitency and the convincing proof of col· Juslon and connlvance with the Communist cllque on the parit of our execut!ves and officdals. Dr. Eduard Benes Journeyed to Moscow with the approval and the ald of Frankl!n D. Roosevelt and there slgned with Josef Stálln the death warran1. of ,the Czecb and Slovak peoples. He represented nelther Czechs nor Slovaks at that t ime, altbough he had been president of their courutry and reslgned six years prevlously. He came to Prague with ihe blesslng of Washlngiton and the dlgnllty of an ambassador trom here. The betrayal of the entire country of Czechoslovakia by Benes, Churchill and Rooaevelt, far out-Heroďs anything Josef Tiso did to gain independence "and . a better life" for his people during the six years of their Republic. More con.temp,ti.ble duplieity on the part of any statesman could scarcely be lmagin1:,d. (REPUBLICANISM versus STATISM, ECA Press, 1950, Los Angeles, Catif.) � SLOVAKIA 35 OZEOH DOUBLE-DEALING PRINCE ADOLF ZU SCHWARZENBERG (This ls a reprint of the article published in the July, 1949, issue [Vo!. III, No. 1, pp. 20-22] of the "'New Englh1h Review Ma,ga,zine." The author heads one of the oldest familles in Bohemia and his ta.mily played an importa.n1 role in Bohemia's ootional life. The Prince is unquestionably qualitied to speak about th.e intrigues of Ma-saryk and Beneš and their undemocratic and un-Christlan pol!cies. This expo-sé ot Czech hypocrisy should be read by all Amerlcans. - Ed.) During and after the Flrst World War the ma.in feature in Bohemla's pollcy was a tendency to back both sides at the same Ume, more par,ticularly during rthe coutinuat!on of ho~tllitie-s. Bohemia. wa.s unt.11 1918 a part ot the Austro-Hungaria.n Monarchy, in whlch it formed a provlnce under Ha,bsburg rule and at the same Ume a. Kingdom, though enjoylng a very limrted a.utonomy; if !n<leed thl-s wa.s autonomy at all, for lt was by no mea.n-s self-government. On the whole, the Czechs, who are and always hav,e been the ma· Jority o! the inhabitants ot Bohemla and Mora.vla, d!spla.yed, even during the First World War, in dome-stlc a!fairs a fair!y loyal attttude towards the Governme.nt In Vienna., though cthere were some stgnlfican,t excepitlons. For ex,ample, the 28th Regiment of Infantry wa.s considered a.-s somewhat unrellable, and occa.slona.lly there were desertions to the enemy, which were more frequent tha.n in the other Czech regtments, yet at horne the Czechs stressed thelr absolute Joyalty to the Habsburg regimre and "'collabora.ted" wl!ling!y, more particular!y where their pockets were a.ffected. Neverthe!ess, while they aoted in th!s way within the black and yellow fľontier posts oť th,e Habsburg Monarchy, they had very ,a,bJe ageuts outside beyond the enemy Unes. In pru<ticular, there were T. G. Ma.sa.ryk, who acted as pros,pect!ve President or a future Czechoslovakian Republlc, Edward Beneš, and many others, who escaped beyond the front!ers and ~Ued down abroad where. wlth the help of the !uture victors, they set up a free autouomous provislonal government that was to come iruto e:,:istence after the defeat of the Centra! Powers. What, however, would have happened lf the Centra! Powet'S had emerged as vlctors? The answ,er ls more rthan slmple: Masaryk :ind Co. would have dlsappeared lnto oblivlon, and the Ozechs, who had stayed at ·home ,and had so marvelously pla.yed the rôle of loya.J subjects, would have proclalmed lnc-essa.ntly how fatth!ul they had alwaya been to the Ha.bsburgs and to the Monarchy, ha.vlng lost rthousands, or tens of thousands, of thelr best sons for the "Just Cause," and how enormous thelr contributlons to vlctory had been. Nevertheless, luck was not on the slde of the Centa! Powers. Iu consequence, from October 1918, onwards, the Czechs withln the Monarchy had to change qulckly to other tactlcs, transforming themselves llke chameleons, and they were forced to a-ppear as, tnnocent vlctims who had been p~rsecuted by ,t he bruta.l Habsburg regime. The same people who fran• tically roared "Hurmh" to greet the Emperor ~ e now not ashamed to utter calumnlou!l words agaki.st hlm. " Hallelujah" and "Cruclfy �36 SLOVAKIA Him" are so close to each other, but it would appeaľ that "Crucify Him" is much easier to shout. It must be admitted that ,the Czechs played this new ľôle with marvelous skill au<l admiľable flexibility. For Masaryk and hls col• leagues it was now easy enough to create a Czechoslova:kian Rep11hlic, hut to the very end Masaryk played a double galffie. When he was dealing with Framoe and the Unbled States he produced a pian for a Republic In Czechoslovakla, hut for Russia he put forward a Czech kingdom, leaving open the question whether a Romanoff or somebody e lse -should wear the crown of St. Wenceslaus, for so long as the Tsar reigned In Russia the word republic did not sound g,ood. lncidentally, Masaryk had promised lthe Slovaks autonomy as well as many other acceptable privlleges. but these never materialized and serious difficulties la,ter arose owlng to this. Thus, even when the Czechs were fightlng for indedimpence their double-dealing was proved. This particular characteristic has been up to the present yielded good results when it wa,s a question of dealing with the credulcu s. The situation is the same now, and it will always remain the same, so long as t-he victors •n a war in which Czechoslovakia is involved do noi invesligate thoroughly the kind of people wlt•h whom they ,"\.re dealing. lt is an old and very cheap trlck to play in wiU1 both sid-es in such great conflicts as the two World Wars, more particularly when the outcome is not at all clear, a.t least to the people most concerned. In the Secoud World War the situation was much the s11Jffie, and there was a distinct analogy with what happened in rt;s predecessor. From 1939 Ull'til 1946 Hacha functioned as President, first for the mu'til<ated second Czechoslovak Republic and then during the Nruzl occupation of the "Protectorate," therefore dlsplaying a fľiendly attitude, however invol11nta1;1y, towards the Hitler reglme. At the same time Benes and his associates set up in London a government with more or less open leanings to the left. If Hitler had won the war Hacba would have become tbe great man of the day. However, HiUer was def~ted, and Hacha, who had done his best to save bis country from tbe borrors of war, and had played this part not unsuccessfully, died i.n prison as au old and broken man, practically forgotten, while Beneš emerged as the great man of the future and as President of a reborn Czechoslovak Republic. Nevertheless, Beneš did not long enjoy bis exalted position, for in Fellťllary 1948 the Communists, although a minority, seized power, a[ter .which Benes dlsappeaľed and Gotliwald became President. Even in normit,I times 1the double game of C1.ech policy caa be seen quite clearly. As long as Ozechos!ovak!a adopted the rôle ot dependence on the West, Beneš wa!< at the helm and from 1945 or.ward prepared the dellvery of his country to 'the Communists. All the mlnls,teľ'S in bis CaLinet (there were about two dozen of them) worked wlth their idolized Pres-ident, and In a most masterly f.ashion steered thelr country into Communtsm, always boping ror a good job as a re• ward for ťheir laudable work in the Bolshevist interest. Unfo11:u.nately for them, however, thing.s ,took a different turn, for although Bene~ put up a token-resista.nce for 11. rew days against 1tbe overthrow or democracy just to show a good face to the civilized world in the �SLOVAKIA 37 West, it was a comparatively easy task to belp Communist Gottwald lnto tbe Red saddle, thereby preventing a "civil war." From that fatal day In February 1948 it could no longer he doub'ted rt.hat Czechoslovakla was a Communlst country, leaning away from democracy and civill.zation, and progressing at full speed towards Red totalitarianlsm. wbich by now wa,s firmly ,secure as "a peopWs democracy" by force and terror. When the gove111men't, with its outward appearance of democracy, fell, Beneš and the member,s of his Oabin€-t had clearly accomplished thelr task as laid down by the Kremliu, and from then on they were no longer use,ful. Reallzing this they immediately "backed the other horse," each in his own way. Beneš res!gned, and Go'ttwald replaced him wlt.hout any diffioulty. All went smoothly, and Beneš did even more for Communlsm: he died. Some of tbe former m!nisters tried to escape across the frontier, but wel"e arrested; some, however, d!d reach the American zone in Bava.ria, where they started to play the part .of heroes and of defenders of democracy wbo had been forced to fly from tbe peraecutions of the Communlsts. Needless to say they behaved as lf they had always been ardent anti-Commu.nis'ts, here as in reality tbey helped Communlsm wherever they could so Jong as they were in office, and wlllingly or unwillingly pre-pared the overthrow of tlheir own regime. Thls they could have prevented with the help of 'trhe army, which had remalned Joyal, and with a little couragc, but courage is an unknown quality with the majorrty of the Czech nation. In the West, howeveľ, J.itt1e is known about these "heroes," or the rôle whlob they are playing In their endeavor to oover up their more tha.n doubtful past. At this 'J)Oint, it may be useful to draw a parallel with Nazl Ger• many. Any German one meets today will be sure to say that he bas always been opposed to the Naz!s, and will describe how much he has suffered a,t thelr hands, no matter whether he was In reality a Na.z! or not. Probably Hitler himself would say tbe same thing if he were still alive. It is the same in Italy where every It.allan ha~ been a partisan and fought against Mussolini, even lf he were in reality a Fascist. The same is the case wltb tlhe Czechs in e~ile. Take tbeir word for what lt. is wortb, but never believe tbem at first sight. It is well known that many Czechs had a very fine tíme under the Nazi occupation; they collabomted willingly and maide a lot of money. The rare exceptions only served to prove the rule. Durlng the Presidency or Beneš they wei,e more than ready to collaiborate with Moscow, but wben this became impossible they gathe!'t:d In London, wbence they have now mov.ed to Washilllgton, tľying to set up a government in exile and hoping to be at the helm wben adversity oveľ'tak8-'l Com• muni,sm. It is a game tbat has been played tíme and again, and the names of these emigres witb a doubtful pa'St make ,no difference; what makes a dlfčerence is whether or not they are 1·eliable. In attempting to answer this question lt can be safely stated that those wbo worked with and for Beneš until February 1948, wben Cze choslovakla'-s future became linked wltb Communlsm, are a 'Priori unreliable, wbereas those wbo were persecuted by Beneš and bis ,system and broke with it before Febuary 1948 are mostly reliable men who sbould be supportecl. It would be a great mlstake to trust emigres �38 SLOVAKIA w.ho are not reliable, and it is surely our duty to lea..rn from the mistakes in this reS'l)eCt whi~h have been made in the .past. It must a!so be remembered tJhat the. Communists, who a1-e always much more actlve and quicker than tíheir democratic opponents in the West, have innumerable agent,; or their own among Czeol1 emigres. Western democracy should be wamed in tlme before it is too late. • • • • A NOTE ON TISO, HORTHY AND BENES E. L. DELANEY Admfral Hoľ,thy, Regen1t of Hungary, alleged collaborllltor with Germany and castlgated as a "Fasc,i st" by our Reds and "plnks," was given sanctuary by our Mil1tary Government in Bavaria a..fter the end of hoSltlU.ties, and rightly so. Had he been returned t o BudapeBt, he would have been execu<ted by the Communisit rabble. . But President Josef TisÔ in the adjoining state of Slovakia, even less a collaborator with Germany than Horthy but who was án implacable foe of Communism, also fled into Bavaria and what he thought was the sanctuary of the Americans. He was imprisoncd, mlstreated, manhandled and then delivered to the Reds by our Milit ary Government to be hanged by them in Bratislava. Duri-ng Lhe war, Presddent Tlso had delegated members of his own official family to provide the best care and hospl:tal!za1tl.on if necessary for the Amerlcan and Brltish flyers who were shot down or who made foreed Jandlngs in his counitry. Other Amerlcans were given sanctuary there, thls wrlter being one who knew Dr. Josef Tlso personally and who received such sanctuary. It was alleged by the mouthpieces of Moscow that Tiso was guilty of treasonaib1e actions when, for the flrst Ume in nine hundred years, he and his co-workere gained independence and "a better Ufe" for the Slovak people. "Self-determination" was what they had been told was their right, and now they were belng told it was their wrong. Wrong because, long before the beginning of the war, thelr president had a(•· cepted the protection of Berlin agalnst outside aggression. The aggression of tihe Soviiet. That was hls sin. But note the utlter i•nconslsitency and the convincing proof of col· Juslon and connlvance with the Communist cllque on the parit of our execut!ves and officdals. Dr. Eduard Benes Journeyed to Moscow with the approval and the ald of Frankl!n D. Roosevelt and there slgned with Josef Stálln the death warran1. of ,the Czecb and Slovak peoples. He represented nelther Czechs nor Slovaks at that t ime, altbough he had been president of their courutry and reslgned six years prevlously. He came to Prague with ihe blesslng of Washlngiton and the dlgnllty of an ambassador trom here. The betrayal of the entire country of Czechoslovakia by Benes, Churchill and Rooaevelt, far out-Heroďs anything Josef Tiso did to gain independence "and . a better life" for his people during the six years of their Republic. More con.temp,ti.ble duplieity on the part of any statesman could scarcely be lmagin1:,d. (REPUBLICANISM versus STATISM, ECA Press, 1950, Los Angeles, Catif.) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1951, Vol. 1 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1951 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 1), May 1951.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 2), December 1951.</li> </ul> Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context <ul><li><a href="https://n2t.net/ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span>ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7</span></a></li> <li><a href="https://n2t.net/ark:/13960/s21tk2wkzj4" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span>ark:/13960/s21tk2wkzj4</span></a></li> </ul> Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 35 OZEOH DOUBLE-DEALING PRINCE ADOLF ZU SCHWARZENBERG (This ls a reprint of the article published in the July, 1949, issue [Vo!. III, No. 1, pp. 20-22] of the "'New Englh1h Review Ma,ga,zine." The author heads one of the oldest familles in Bohemia and his ta.mily played an importa.n1 role in Bohemia's ootional life. The Prince is unquestionably qualitied to speak about th.e intrigues of Ma-saryk and Beneš and their undemocratic and un-Christlan pol!cies. This expo-sé ot Czech hypocrisy should be read by all Amerlcans. - Ed.) During and after the Flrst World War the ma.in feature in Bohemla's pollcy was a tendency to back both sides at the same Ume, more par,ticularly during rthe coutinuat!on of ho~tllitie-s. Bohemia. wa.s unt.11 1918 a part ot the Austro-Hungaria.n Monarchy, in whlch it formed a provlnce under Ha,bsburg rule and at the same Ume a. Kingdom, though enjoylng a very limrted a.utonomy; if !n<leed thl-s wa.s autonomy at all, for lt was by no mea.n-s self-government. On the whole, the Czechs, who are and always hav,e been the ma· Jority o! the inhabitants ot Bohemla and Mora.vla, d!spla.yed, even during the First World War, in dome-stlc a!fairs a fair!y loyal attttude towards the Governme.nt In Vienna., though cthere were some stgnlfican,t excepitlons. For ex,ample, the 28th Regiment of Infantry wa.s considered a.-s somewhat unrellable, and occa.slona.lly there were desertions to the enemy, which were more frequent tha.n in the other Czech regtments, yet at horne the Czechs stressed thelr absolute Joyalty to the Habsburg regimre and "'collabora.ted" wl!ling!y, more particular!y where their pockets were a.ffected. Neverthe!ess, while they aoted in th!s way within the black and yellow fľontier posts oť th,e Habsburg Monarchy, they had very ,a,bJe ageuts outside beyond the enemy Unes. In pru<ticular, there were T. G. Ma.sa.ryk, who acted as pros,pect!ve President or a future Czechoslovakian Republlc, Edward Beneš, and many others, who escaped beyond the front!ers and ~Ued down abroad where. wlth the help of the !uture victors, they set up a free autouomous provislonal government that was to come iruto e:,:istence after the defeat of the Centra! Powers. What, however, would have happened lf the Centra! Powet'S had emerged as vlctors? The answ,er ls more rthan slmple: Masaryk :ind Co. would have dlsappeared lnto oblivlon, and the Ozechs, who had stayed at ·home ,and had so marvelously pla.yed the rôle of loya.J subjects, would have proclalmed lnc-essa.ntly how fatth!ul they had alwaya been to the Ha.bsburgs and to the Monarchy, ha.vlng lost rthousands, or tens of thousands, of thelr best sons for the "Just Cause," and how enormous thelr contributlons to vlctory had been. Nevertheless, luck was not on the slde of the Centa! Powers. Iu consequence, from October 1918, onwards, the Czechs withln the Monarchy had to change qulckly to other tactlcs, transforming themselves llke chameleons, and they were forced to a-ppear as, tnnocent vlctims who had been p~rsecuted by ,t he bruta.l Habsburg regime. The same people who fran• tically roared "Hurmh" to greet the Emperor ~ e now not ashamed to utter calumnlou!l words agaki.st hlm. " Hallelujah" and "Cruclfy 36 SLOVAKIA Him" are so close to each other, but it would appeaľ that "Crucify Him" is much easier to shout. It must be admitted that ,the Czechs played this new ľôle with marvelous skill au<l admiľable flexibility. For Masaryk and hls col• leagues it was now easy enough to create a Czechoslova:kian Rep11hlic, hut to the very end Masaryk played a double galffie. When he was dealing with Framoe and the Unbled States he produced a pian for a Republic In Czechoslovakla, hut for Russia he put forward a Czech kingdom, leaving open the question whether a Romanoff or somebody e lse -should wear the crown of St. Wenceslaus, for so long as the Tsar reigned In Russia the word republic did not sound g,ood. lncidentally, Masaryk had promised lthe Slovaks autonomy as well as many other acceptable privlleges. but these never materialized and serious difficulties la,ter arose owlng to this. Thus, even when the Czechs were fightlng for indedimpence their double-dealing was proved. This particular characteristic has been up to the present yielded good results when it wa,s a question of dealing with the credulcu s. The situation is the same now, and it will always remain the same, so long as t-he victors •n a war in which Czechoslovakia is involved do noi invesligate thoroughly the kind of people wlt•h whom they ,"\.re dealing. lt is an old and very cheap trlck to play in wiU1 both sid-es in such great conflicts as the two World Wars, more particularly when the outcome is not at all clear, a.t least to the people most concerned. In the Secoud World War the situation was much the s11Jffie, and there was a distinct analogy with what happened in rt;s predecessor. From 1939 Ull'til 1946 Hacha functioned as President, first for the mu'til<ated second Czechoslovak Republic and then during the Nruzl occupation of the "Protectorate," therefore dlsplaying a fľiendly attitude, however invol11nta1;1y, towards the Hitler reglme. At the same time Benes and his associates set up in London a government with more or less open leanings to the left. If Hitler had won the war Hacba would have become tbe great man of the day. However, HiUer was def~ted, and Hacha, who had done his best to save bis country from tbe borrors of war, and had played this part not unsuccessfully, died i.n prison as au old and broken man, practically forgotten, while Beneš emerged as the great man of the future and as President of a reborn Czechoslovak Republic. Nevertheless, Beneš did not long enjoy bis exalted position, for in Fellťllary 1948 the Communists, although a minority, seized power, a[ter .which Benes dlsappeaľed and Gotliwald became President. Even in normit,I times 1the double game of C1.ech policy caa be seen quite clearly. As long as Ozechos!ovak!a adopted the rôle ot dependence on the West, Beneš wa!< at the helm and from 1945 or.ward prepared the dellvery of his country to 'the Communists. All the mlnls,teľ'S in bis CaLinet (there were about two dozen of them) worked wlth their idolized Pres-ident, and In a most masterly f.ashion steered thelr country into Communtsm, always boping ror a good job as a re• ward for ťheir laudable work in the Bolshevist interest. Unfo11:u.nately for them, however, thing.s ,took a different turn, for although Bene~ put up a token-resista.nce for 11. rew days against 1tbe overthrow or democracy just to show a good face to the civilized world in the SLOVAKIA 37 West, it was a comparatively easy task to belp Communist Gottwald lnto tbe Red saddle, thereby preventing a "civil war." From that fatal day In February 1948 it could no longer he doub'ted rt.hat Czechoslovakla was a Communlst country, leaning away from democracy and civill.zation, and progressing at full speed towards Red totalitarianlsm. wbich by now wa,s firmly ,secure as "a peopWs democracy" by force and terror. When the gove111men't, with its outward appearance of democracy, fell, Beneš and the member,s of his Oabin€-t had clearly accomplished thelr task as laid down by the Kremliu, and from then on they were no longer use,ful. Reallzing this they immediately "backed the other horse," each in his own way. Beneš res!gned, and Go'ttwald replaced him wlt.hout any diffioulty. All went smoothly, and Beneš did even more for Communlsm: he died. Some of tbe former m!nisters tried to escape across the frontier, but wel"e arrested; some, however, d!d reach the American zone in Bava.ria, where they started to play the part .of heroes and of defenders of democracy wbo had been forced to fly from tbe peraecutions of the Communlsts. Needless to say they behaved as lf they had always been ardent anti-Commu.nis'ts, here as in reality tbey helped Communlsm wherever they could so Jong as they were in office, and wlllingly or unwillingly pre-pared the overthrow of tlheir own regime. Thls they could have prevented with the help of 'trhe army, which had remalned Joyal, and with a little couragc, but courage is an unknown quality with the majorrty of the Czech nation. In the West, howeveľ, J.itt1e is known about these "heroes," or the rôle whlob they are playing In their endeavor to oover up their more tha.n doubtful past. At this 'J)Oint, it may be useful to draw a parallel with Nazl Ger• many. Any German one meets today will be sure to say that he bas always been opposed to the Naz!s, and will describe how much he has suffered a,t thelr hands, no matter whether he was In reality a Na.z! or not. Probably Hitler himself would say tbe same thing if he were still alive. It is the same in Italy where every It.allan ha~ been a partisan and fought against Mussolini, even lf he were in reality a Fascist. The same is the case wltb tlhe Czechs in e~ile. Take tbeir word for what lt. is wortb, but never believe tbem at first sight. It is well known that many Czechs had a very fine tíme under the Nazi occupation; they collabomted willingly and maide a lot of money. The rare exceptions only served to prove the rule. Durlng the Presidency or Beneš they wei,e more than ready to collaiborate with Moscow, but wben this became impossible they gathe!'t:d In London, wbence they have now mov.ed to Washilllgton, tľying to set up a government in exile and hoping to be at the helm wben adversity oveľ'tak8-'l Com• muni,sm. It is a game tbat has been played tíme and again, and the names of these emigres witb a doubtful pa'St make ,no difference; what makes a dlfčerence is whether or not they are 1·eliable. In attempting to answer this question lt can be safely stated that those wbo worked with and for Beneš until February 1948, wben Cze choslovakla'-s future became linked wltb Communlsm, are a 'Priori unreliable, wbereas those wbo were persecuted by Beneš and bis ,system and broke with it before Febuary 1948 are mostly reliable men who sbould be supportecl. It would be a great mlstake to trust emigres 38 SLOVAKIA w.ho are not reliable, and it is surely our duty to lea..rn from the mistakes in this reS'l)eCt whi~h have been made in the .past. It must a!so be remembered tJhat the. Communists, who a1-e always much more actlve and quicker than tíheir democratic opponents in the West, have innumerable agent,; or their own among Czeol1 emigres. Western democracy should be wamed in tlme before it is too late. • • • • A NOTE ON TISO, HORTHY AND BENES E. L. DELANEY Admfral Hoľ,thy, Regen1t of Hungary, alleged collaborllltor with Germany and castlgated as a "Fasc,i st" by our Reds and "plnks," was given sanctuary by our Mil1tary Government in Bavaria a..fter the end of hoSltlU.ties, and rightly so. Had he been returned t o BudapeBt, he would have been execu<ted by the Communisit rabble. . But President Josef TisÔ in the adjoining state of Slovakia, even less a collaborator with Germany than Horthy but who was án implacable foe of Communism, also fled into Bavaria and what he thought was the sanctuary of the Americans. He was imprisoncd, mlstreated, manhandled and then delivered to the Reds by our Milit ary Government to be hanged by them in Bratislava. Duri-ng Lhe war, Presddent Tlso had delegated members of his own official family to provide the best care and hospl:tal!za1tl.on if necessary for the Amerlcan and Brltish flyers who were shot down or who made foreed Jandlngs in his counitry. Other Amerlcans were given sanctuary there, thls wrlter being one who knew Dr. Josef Tlso personally and who received such sanctuary. It was alleged by the mouthpieces of Moscow that Tiso was guilty of treasonaib1e actions when, for the flrst Ume in nine hundred years, he and his co-workere gained independence and "a better Ufe" for the Slovak people. "Self-determination" was what they had been told was their right, and now they were belng told it was their wrong. Wrong because, long before the beginning of the war, thelr president had a(•· cepted the protection of Berlin agalnst outside aggression. The aggression of tihe Soviiet. That was hls sin. But note the utlter i•nconslsitency and the convincing proof of col· Juslon and connlvance with the Communist cllque on the parit of our execut!ves and officdals. Dr. Eduard Benes Journeyed to Moscow with the approval and the ald of Frankl!n D. Roosevelt and there slgned with Josef Stálln the death warran1. of ,the Czecb and Slovak peoples. He represented nelther Czechs nor Slovaks at that t ime, altbough he had been president of their courutry and reslgned six years prevlously. He came to Prague with ihe blesslng of Washlngiton and the dlgnllty of an ambassador trom here. The betrayal of the entire country of Czechoslovakia by Benes, Churchill and Rooaevelt, far out-Heroďs anything Josef Tiso did to gain independence "and . a better life" for his people during the six years of their Republic. More con.temp,ti.ble duplieity on the part of any statesman could scarcely be lmagin1:,d. (REPUBLICANISM versus STATISM, ECA Press, 1950, Los Angeles, Catif.)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Czech Double-Dealing Description An account of the resource Prince Adolf zu Schwarzenberg Slovakia, Vol. 1, No. 2 (2), December 1951 pp. 35-38 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Schwarzenberg, Adolf, 1890-1950 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1951 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/8cd7764b11c24fe842f572e803779957.pdf b04c3ecb3b5d6c21bccaf9b002f2b9c8 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 133 Success Story ALVENA SECKAR ''Take Lybushka back with you to America,'' urged my uncle. "She' 11 become rich like your mother." "Like my mother!" I repeated to myself. Yes, from the way they looked at it, my mother had done quite well. She had come to America, had married, bore two children, educated them and now owned two houses. They did not know what kind of houses, but that did not alter the basic fact. True, my mother had committed a few sins on the way, like getting divorced and remarrying. She had fallen into a few pitfalls, now and then, but they were past now. Such things are forgiven. The end justifies the means. Lybushka would be a success, too, and her children would be like me. I stared at my uncle. This man was my mother's brother. The resemblance to my mother was startling. He had the same slight build, the same line worn broad face with high cheekbones, and the identical worried looking deep sunken blue gray eyes. He was a little boy when my mother last saw him forty years ago. This was back in the early 1900s when my mother was sixteen, the same age as Lybushka now was. She took off for the mythical land of America to pick the gold off its streets. Her two older sisters who had preceded her were either too ashamed to write back to dispel the fable or else felt that misery should have company and did nothing to prevent my mother from joining them. I looked around. My mother had left this self-same high peaked log house nestled in these unchanging mountains in northern Slovakia. My mind went back to those rare instances when my mother permitted herself to be sentimental, usually after some adverse fortune, and recalled this home with tears in her eyes. My uncle had never left it. He was the only son of a family of four surviving girls. The other children, all seven of them, had died in infancy. His father, my grandfather, had died of pneumonia when my uncle was a little boy and his was the responsibility of continuing the Alvena Seckar is a highly prized writer of children' s stories . This story appears here for the first time. �134 SLOVAKIA family. At first , it had not been too difficult with the additional inheritance of the three sisters who had gone away. True , there had been some squabbles over land ownership with the remaining sister, but they were nothing serious . But now, his family of seven daughters and only one son (Alas!) made it too crowded . " Lybushka was smart in school," continued my uncle. "She learned the Catechism from cover to cover before anyone else! ' ' So had my mother, I mused , in Hungarian, in a school of the old Austro-Hungarian Empire. She had learned it by heart, but she had never learned to read or to write. Fortified with such knowledge, my mother had sailed for America . When she talks of that trip, she relates how the first class passengers amused themselves by throwing oranges down to steerage, where she was , to watch the wretched mob scramble , and perhaps fight , for the precious fruit. My remembrance of the trip is identified with that cluster of deep gouged out scars of her upper arm. They are the result of the vaccination against small pox some well meaning but callous civil servant inflicted upon her when she reached these shores. At the dock, her sisters greeted her by stripping her of her hand woven dresses and linens, which they later secretly sold, already wise to their market value. After "Americanizing" her with a cheap cotton dress , they dropped her off as a domestic in a home where there was no verbal communication possible with her new mistress . ''Take the cover off the baby's face!' ' her mistress yelled from the fifth floor down to my mother airing the baby in her carriage down on the sidewalk. My mother wrapped her closer. '' She ' 11 smother! '' the woman screamed . My mother bundled the baby tighter. " You 're fired! " screeched the exasperated woman as she puffed from the exertion of running down the four flights of the sidewalk. The last order with explicit motions was plainly understood . " I didn 't mind," said my mother to me many years later. " She never gave me enough to eat. ' ' Somehow, someway, she found another job, and later, many other jobs for the seven years she remained single. Small pay, starvation and extraordinary hard work characterized this period , first in New York , then in Pittsburgh, where she went with a rlewly found girlfriend on the information that many rich men from the coal mines· and the steel mills were there. This was the boom period when World War I had already started in Europe. �SLOVAKIA 135 Such trials only intensi.fied my mother's efforts to get the gold for which her trip had been made. By this time, if nothing better came her way, she had decided to go back home and directed all her energies toward that goal. She kept her savings for the trip in a roll in her stocking under her long skirt which was then the fashion. A bank as a place to deposit money was not thought of. Just as she almost had enough, she discovered one day that it was gone! With it, her final chance to go back home . World War I was spreading and the miners, now working every day, came into Pittsburgh on their occasional day off. They put on a big front with their lavish spending and my mother must have been swept off her feet by the show of one of them, who became my father . It would be proper to give my mother the benefit of the doubt and say that she fell in love with my father and was not overcome by his display of money. Her married life, as much as I know of it those first few years, will not permit me to state this unequivocally. I know it was a stormy time. Her frugal habits were in continual conflict with my father ' s easy going nature. It deprived him of much pleasure. The excuse of the long hours he worked was of no avail with my mother. By the time the work at the mines slowed down after the war, my mother had saved enough money from his salary, from her taking in other people's wash, and from the two boarders who occupied one of the two bedrooms in the house (My brother and I slept with our parents.), to put a down payment on a farm in distant Connecticut. When she found that my father took to carousing instead of farm work, she gave up the whole idea and moved back to the mines . The next time she accumulated enough money, she was talked into investing it into the founding of a coal mine which turned out to be a grand swindle. The water in the mine could not be pumped out. By this time my father must have been rather weary of such unending and unremunerative effort and took to drinking with even greater gusto. One of the boarders who put up a good show of having money and property found my mother willing to transfer her affections. This happened when I was eight and my brother six. Again, for years, I gave my mother the benefit of the doubt for leaving this man by telling myself and the world that she did so when she found out he was a coal company spy . Actually, he did not have the money or the houses with which he seduced her. In all fairness , though the evidence so far warrants it, I cannot accuse my mother of using wealth as the prime criteria of her attitude toward men. She met the man who was to become my stepfather, legally, when he was working in the hard coal mines . She remained �136 SLOVAKIA loyal to him during a long coal strike, even loaned him some of her hard earned money she made in the shirt factory in which she worked. However, the same painstaking accumulation of money ensued with my stepfather. First, however, his one foible for gambling had to be crushed. This my mother did by unerringly locating where the game was in progress and promptly making a scene on the premises. It was not long before my stepfather was unable to find a place to do his gambling and he resigned himself to go along with my mother. After awhile it was no longer difficult. Their first monetary venture proved no more successful than any of the others my mother had engaged in. Real estate swindlers from a distant industrial city induced them to purchase some house lots on the installment plan. " We have a job for you in a factory there, " they promised. That sounded good to my stepfather who was blacklisted from working in the hard coal mine where he had been on strike. When we all got to the city, the factory job lasted one month before the establishment collapsed in the first throes of the post-war depression. It took longer for my parents to find out the lots were equally spurious . After the last payment was made , several years later, my parents discovered that they and hundreds of others from the coal regions had been defrauded. Since none of the people involved knew each other or what to do , nothing was done and the real estate thieves went on with their merciless racket. Times were hard in the city and my stepfather was part of the large army of unemployed during the depression. My mother came to the rescue and got a job in a tobacco factory. The smell of the tobacco was overpowering and I remember that for weeks she came home vomiting, unable to eat until the tobacco odor was out of her system . " You' 11 get used to it , " said the forelady . My mother did. Another job was hard to get. Not to be outdone, my stepfather set up a small shoe repair shop where he did all the work by hand. His meager earnings together with my mother's were enough to continue payments on the nonexistent lots and even to put some aside. This was done by the utmost economy. Only the smallest electric bulbs were used in our house and the electricity w¥ on only when absolutely necessary. Reading was not a necessity at any time guring my entire childhood and it was left to me to read in my adult life many of the books I should have read as a child. We had no central heating and coal was used very sparingly in our one and only kitchen stove . Even the ashes were carefully picked over for reuse of the partially burned coal. �SLOVAKIA 137 It was bad enough for me at school to be so different from the other children - most of them ~ith American-born parents, for we lived on the fringe of a well-to-do ' area. Added to this self-consciousness in attitude was the discomfiture I felt in my old fashioned home made clothes. The one art which my mother never mastered was sewing. To this day, I feel pained when I look at photographs of myself in some of those homely and shapeless concoctions from reused cloth. In recent years I found out it was due to her poor eyesight, but she would not spare the money for glasses! Only the possession of my own money offered a solution to me. Though I was only twelve, the neighborhood we lived in did provide some opportunities if I could but take them. A Greek restaurant was next door. The bachelor owner often tried to invite me into his back room kitchen. ''I'll give you a nickel,' ' he urged. I shook my head. " I'll give you a quarter!" He was insistent. My mother's call or a customer invariably saved me. Behind us lived a tinsmith. He was from Vienna where his wife and three children lived. He, too, was accumulating money feverishly and unstintingly. He did his own cooking, cleaning and sewing. America was a corrupt land of materialism to him but he was here to make himself a fortune with which he would live the rest of his life in luxury in his beloved Vienna. He tried to be friends with me. "On pay day, I'll give you a dime, " he coaxed. "No," I answered. "I'll take you to the movies," he continued. My mother would find out so I ran away . On the corner was a barber shop. The man who owned it often stood outside as I passed on my way home from school. He smiled, and as he did so showed his ugly shiny front gold tooth. He jingled the coins in his pocket. " Come on in," he invited. Someone would see me. I walked on. Not all our neighbors were set to ensnare me. Near-by was an Italian grocery. From the street it smelled of stale, pungent cheeses and decaying vegetable matter. Mr. and Mrs. Natalo and all seven of their children always filled the store with noise and laughter. I am sure they were their best customers , but they were generous with me, too, asking nothing of me in return. They had no money to give me, but they did give me the taste for the bitter crinkled ripe olives in large open barrels in front of the counter and for the numerous hard Italian �138 SLOVAKIA cheeses which hung in disarray all around the shop . I did not feel out of place in their home. When some money was again gotten together, we moved to another neighborhood, hardly an improvement over the other, but I was more at home in the new school where a polyglot of nationalities mingled. My mother opened up a small lunch room on the basis of her brief experience in the Greek restaurant next door when she lost her job at the tobacco factory . Her first customers were the men who worked with my stepfather on a WP A badly needed sewer project in front of the house. My mother is a good cook and financially things went well, but I was in my early teens and was desperately conscious of my status and appearance. I needed and wanted money more than ever . If I did not succumb to the spurious invitations of the men in the neighborhood, of whom there were many, it was only because stealing money from my unmathematical mother was easier . This I did with a clear conscience for the money was used for what I considered absolute necessities. I was able to take piano lessons because I told my mother they were half the price of what they actually were. I also paid for my dental care and thus saved my teeth. My brother, unfortunately, had to lose several of his molars because my mother with her false teeth never understood the necessity for dental care. I also used the money to purchase better quality clothing than the money my mother gave me permitted. In spite of this minor leak in my mother's resources, enough money was soon saved to purchase a small house on another street. It was not much of a house. It had no bathroom or central heating but the cellar was almost street level and my stepfather converted it into a small lunch room - which also served as our entrance to the upstairs part of the house . Life went on as before with perhaps less privacy. My mother was in the store from dawn to late at night seven days a week. She even indulged in a little back room bootlegging during prohibition. (For which she had to pay off the local police every month.) This time the money was put into a local bank. She also grudgingly spared some to pay for violin lessons for my brother. ·\ This time the money grew a little faster. •Unforlunately, the bank crash of the thirties took most of it. Undaunted , life went on in the same way. Nothing drastic occurred to alter the further course of monetary gain, except perhaps a rather heavy drain when the problem of schooling came up . �SLOVAKIA 139 My desire for an education was not taken too seriously because of the conflict between my mother and myself over my going out with boys. Her solution of my awareness of the opposite sex was one of violent objection. •\ '' All men only want to use you ,'' she counselled. ' 'They ' 11 only get you into trouble!" she insisted . I believed her for a long time. It was then that I learned that the two children that one of her older sisters had (one died in early adulthood of tuberculosis) were each born illigitimately during her relations with two different men , neither of whom married her. Her other sister, in my mother's opinion , did not fare any better. She had five very small children in as many years , and if her husband had not been killed in a mining accident, she would have had many more . Her conclusion was that a man did not care . A woman had to be independent, smart and take care of herself. Nevertheless, I managed to get through college with help from her and many others. Mostly I worked. My brother , on the other hand , received other advice. " Don 't let any woman make a fool of you, " admonished my mother. " I won 't ," answered my brother. He was immersed in secretly reading a pornographic novel. He was already following her advice in an affair he was having with one of his schoolmates. His schooling was more pleasant than mine for he did not have to work his way , nor did he have to depend on anyone else's charity. When he finally got married, he apologetically explained to my mother , '' I'm sorry for her!' ' Today , he is surprised to see the antagonisms between her and his wife . With both her children out of the way , my mother and my stepfather have no drain on their income except themselves. They live as sparingly as they ever did even in the days when there was very little money. Though their home now has central heating, they keep it so low that a sweater or a jacket is their permanent home attire during the cold weather. They permit themselves no luxuries . The money accumulates. I flatly refused to assist my uncle in bringing Lybushka to America . � SLOVAKIA 133 Success Story ALVENA SECKAR ''Take Lybushka back with you to America,'' urged my uncle. "She' 11 become rich like your mother." "Like my mother!" I repeated to myself. Yes, from the way they looked at it, my mother had done quite well. She had come to America, had married, bore two children, educated them and now owned two houses. They did not know what kind of houses, but that did not alter the basic fact. True, my mother had committed a few sins on the way, like getting divorced and remarrying. She had fallen into a few pitfalls, now and then, but they were past now. Such things are forgiven. The end justifies the means. Lybushka would be a success, too, and her children would be like me. I stared at my uncle. This man was my mother's brother. The resemblance to my mother was startling. He had the same slight build, the same line worn broad face with high cheekbones, and the identical worried looking deep sunken blue gray eyes. He was a little boy when my mother last saw him forty years ago. This was back in the early 1900s when my mother was sixteen, the same age as Lybushka now was. She took off for the mythical land of America to pick the gold off its streets. Her two older sisters who had preceded her were either too ashamed to write back to dispel the fable or else felt that misery should have company and did nothing to prevent my mother from joining them. I looked around. My mother had left this self-same high peaked log house nestled in these unchanging mountains in northern Slovakia. My mind went back to those rare instances when my mother permitted herself to be sentimental, usually after some adverse fortune, and recalled this home with tears in her eyes. My uncle had never left it. He was the only son of a family of four surviving girls. The other children, all seven of them, had died in infancy. His father, my grandfather, had died of pneumonia when my uncle was a little boy and his was the responsibility of continuing the Alvena Seckar is a highly prized writer of children' s stories . This story appears here for the first time. �134 SLOVAKIA family. At first , it had not been too difficult with the additional inheritance of the three sisters who had gone away. True , there had been some squabbles over land ownership with the remaining sister, but they were nothing serious . But now, his family of seven daughters and only one son (Alas!) made it too crowded . " Lybushka was smart in school," continued my uncle. "She learned the Catechism from cover to cover before anyone else! ' ' So had my mother, I mused , in Hungarian, in a school of the old Austro-Hungarian Empire. She had learned it by heart, but she had never learned to read or to write. Fortified with such knowledge, my mother had sailed for America . When she talks of that trip, she relates how the first class passengers amused themselves by throwing oranges down to steerage, where she was , to watch the wretched mob scramble , and perhaps fight , for the precious fruit. My remembrance of the trip is identified with that cluster of deep gouged out scars of her upper arm. They are the result of the vaccination against small pox some well meaning but callous civil servant inflicted upon her when she reached these shores. At the dock, her sisters greeted her by stripping her of her hand woven dresses and linens, which they later secretly sold, already wise to their market value. After "Americanizing" her with a cheap cotton dress , they dropped her off as a domestic in a home where there was no verbal communication possible with her new mistress . ''Take the cover off the baby's face!' ' her mistress yelled from the fifth floor down to my mother airing the baby in her carriage down on the sidewalk. My mother wrapped her closer. '' She ' 11 smother! '' the woman screamed . My mother bundled the baby tighter. " You 're fired! " screeched the exasperated woman as she puffed from the exertion of running down the four flights of the sidewalk. The last order with explicit motions was plainly understood . " I didn 't mind," said my mother to me many years later. " She never gave me enough to eat. ' ' Somehow, someway, she found another job, and later, many other jobs for the seven years she remained single. Small pay, starvation and extraordinary hard work characterized this period , first in New York , then in Pittsburgh, where she went with a rlewly found girlfriend on the information that many rich men from the coal mines· and the steel mills were there. This was the boom period when World War I had already started in Europe. �SLOVAKIA 135 Such trials only intensi.fied my mother's efforts to get the gold for which her trip had been made. By this time, if nothing better came her way, she had decided to go back home and directed all her energies toward that goal. She kept her savings for the trip in a roll in her stocking under her long skirt which was then the fashion. A bank as a place to deposit money was not thought of. Just as she almost had enough, she discovered one day that it was gone! With it, her final chance to go back home . World War I was spreading and the miners, now working every day, came into Pittsburgh on their occasional day off. They put on a big front with their lavish spending and my mother must have been swept off her feet by the show of one of them, who became my father . It would be proper to give my mother the benefit of the doubt and say that she fell in love with my father and was not overcome by his display of money. Her married life, as much as I know of it those first few years, will not permit me to state this unequivocally. I know it was a stormy time. Her frugal habits were in continual conflict with my father ' s easy going nature. It deprived him of much pleasure. The excuse of the long hours he worked was of no avail with my mother. By the time the work at the mines slowed down after the war, my mother had saved enough money from his salary, from her taking in other people's wash, and from the two boarders who occupied one of the two bedrooms in the house (My brother and I slept with our parents.), to put a down payment on a farm in distant Connecticut. When she found that my father took to carousing instead of farm work, she gave up the whole idea and moved back to the mines . The next time she accumulated enough money, she was talked into investing it into the founding of a coal mine which turned out to be a grand swindle. The water in the mine could not be pumped out. By this time my father must have been rather weary of such unending and unremunerative effort and took to drinking with even greater gusto. One of the boarders who put up a good show of having money and property found my mother willing to transfer her affections. This happened when I was eight and my brother six. Again, for years, I gave my mother the benefit of the doubt for leaving this man by telling myself and the world that she did so when she found out he was a coal company spy . Actually, he did not have the money or the houses with which he seduced her. In all fairness , though the evidence so far warrants it, I cannot accuse my mother of using wealth as the prime criteria of her attitude toward men. She met the man who was to become my stepfather, legally, when he was working in the hard coal mines . She remained �136 SLOVAKIA loyal to him during a long coal strike, even loaned him some of her hard earned money she made in the shirt factory in which she worked. However, the same painstaking accumulation of money ensued with my stepfather. First, however, his one foible for gambling had to be crushed. This my mother did by unerringly locating where the game was in progress and promptly making a scene on the premises. It was not long before my stepfather was unable to find a place to do his gambling and he resigned himself to go along with my mother. After awhile it was no longer difficult. Their first monetary venture proved no more successful than any of the others my mother had engaged in. Real estate swindlers from a distant industrial city induced them to purchase some house lots on the installment plan. " We have a job for you in a factory there, " they promised. That sounded good to my stepfather who was blacklisted from working in the hard coal mine where he had been on strike. When we all got to the city, the factory job lasted one month before the establishment collapsed in the first throes of the post-war depression. It took longer for my parents to find out the lots were equally spurious . After the last payment was made , several years later, my parents discovered that they and hundreds of others from the coal regions had been defrauded. Since none of the people involved knew each other or what to do , nothing was done and the real estate thieves went on with their merciless racket. Times were hard in the city and my stepfather was part of the large army of unemployed during the depression. My mother came to the rescue and got a job in a tobacco factory. The smell of the tobacco was overpowering and I remember that for weeks she came home vomiting, unable to eat until the tobacco odor was out of her system . " You' 11 get used to it , " said the forelady . My mother did. Another job was hard to get. Not to be outdone, my stepfather set up a small shoe repair shop where he did all the work by hand. His meager earnings together with my mother's were enough to continue payments on the nonexistent lots and even to put some aside. This was done by the utmost economy. Only the smallest electric bulbs were used in our house and the electricity w¥ on only when absolutely necessary. Reading was not a necessity at any time guring my entire childhood and it was left to me to read in my adult life many of the books I should have read as a child. We had no central heating and coal was used very sparingly in our one and only kitchen stove . Even the ashes were carefully picked over for reuse of the partially burned coal. �SLOVAKIA 137 It was bad enough for me at school to be so different from the other children - most of them ~ith American-born parents, for we lived on the fringe of a well-to-do ' area. Added to this self-consciousness in attitude was the discomfiture I felt in my old fashioned home made clothes. The one art which my mother never mastered was sewing. To this day, I feel pained when I look at photographs of myself in some of those homely and shapeless concoctions from reused cloth. In recent years I found out it was due to her poor eyesight, but she would not spare the money for glasses! Only the possession of my own money offered a solution to me. Though I was only twelve, the neighborhood we lived in did provide some opportunities if I could but take them. A Greek restaurant was next door. The bachelor owner often tried to invite me into his back room kitchen. ''I'll give you a nickel,' ' he urged. I shook my head. " I'll give you a quarter!" He was insistent. My mother's call or a customer invariably saved me. Behind us lived a tinsmith. He was from Vienna where his wife and three children lived. He, too, was accumulating money feverishly and unstintingly. He did his own cooking, cleaning and sewing. America was a corrupt land of materialism to him but he was here to make himself a fortune with which he would live the rest of his life in luxury in his beloved Vienna. He tried to be friends with me. "On pay day, I'll give you a dime, " he coaxed. "No," I answered. "I'll take you to the movies," he continued. My mother would find out so I ran away . On the corner was a barber shop. The man who owned it often stood outside as I passed on my way home from school. He smiled, and as he did so showed his ugly shiny front gold tooth. He jingled the coins in his pocket. " Come on in," he invited. Someone would see me. I walked on. Not all our neighbors were set to ensnare me. Near-by was an Italian grocery. From the street it smelled of stale, pungent cheeses and decaying vegetable matter. Mr. and Mrs. Natalo and all seven of their children always filled the store with noise and laughter. I am sure they were their best customers , but they were generous with me, too, asking nothing of me in return. They had no money to give me, but they did give me the taste for the bitter crinkled ripe olives in large open barrels in front of the counter and for the numerous hard Italian �138 SLOVAKIA cheeses which hung in disarray all around the shop . I did not feel out of place in their home. When some money was again gotten together, we moved to another neighborhood, hardly an improvement over the other, but I was more at home in the new school where a polyglot of nationalities mingled. My mother opened up a small lunch room on the basis of her brief experience in the Greek restaurant next door when she lost her job at the tobacco factory . Her first customers were the men who worked with my stepfather on a WP A badly needed sewer project in front of the house. My mother is a good cook and financially things went well, but I was in my early teens and was desperately conscious of my status and appearance. I needed and wanted money more than ever . If I did not succumb to the spurious invitations of the men in the neighborhood, of whom there were many, it was only because stealing money from my unmathematical mother was easier . This I did with a clear conscience for the money was used for what I considered absolute necessities. I was able to take piano lessons because I told my mother they were half the price of what they actually were. I also paid for my dental care and thus saved my teeth. My brother, unfortunately, had to lose several of his molars because my mother with her false teeth never understood the necessity for dental care. I also used the money to purchase better quality clothing than the money my mother gave me permitted. In spite of this minor leak in my mother's resources, enough money was soon saved to purchase a small house on another street. It was not much of a house. It had no bathroom or central heating but the cellar was almost street level and my stepfather converted it into a small lunch room - which also served as our entrance to the upstairs part of the house . Life went on as before with perhaps less privacy. My mother was in the store from dawn to late at night seven days a week. She even indulged in a little back room bootlegging during prohibition. (For which she had to pay off the local police every month.) This time the money was put into a local bank. She also grudgingly spared some to pay for violin lessons for my brother. ·\ This time the money grew a little faster. •Unforlunately, the bank crash of the thirties took most of it. Undaunted , life went on in the same way. Nothing drastic occurred to alter the further course of monetary gain, except perhaps a rather heavy drain when the problem of schooling came up . �SLOVAKIA 139 My desire for an education was not taken too seriously because of the conflict between my mother and myself over my going out with boys. Her solution of my awareness of the opposite sex was one of violent objection. •\ '' All men only want to use you ,'' she counselled. ' 'They ' 11 only get you into trouble!" she insisted . I believed her for a long time. It was then that I learned that the two children that one of her older sisters had (one died in early adulthood of tuberculosis) were each born illigitimately during her relations with two different men , neither of whom married her. Her other sister, in my mother's opinion , did not fare any better. She had five very small children in as many years , and if her husband had not been killed in a mining accident, she would have had many more . Her conclusion was that a man did not care . A woman had to be independent, smart and take care of herself. Nevertheless, I managed to get through college with help from her and many others. Mostly I worked. My brother , on the other hand , received other advice. " Don 't let any woman make a fool of you, " admonished my mother. " I won 't ," answered my brother. He was immersed in secretly reading a pornographic novel. He was already following her advice in an affair he was having with one of his schoolmates. His schooling was more pleasant than mine for he did not have to work his way , nor did he have to depend on anyone else's charity. When he finally got married, he apologetically explained to my mother , '' I'm sorry for her!' ' Today , he is surprised to see the antagonisms between her and his wife . With both her children out of the way , my mother and my stepfather have no drain on their income except themselves. They live as sparingly as they ever did even in the days when there was very little money. Though their home now has central heating, they keep it so low that a sweater or a jacket is their permanent home attire during the cold weather. They permit themselves no luxuries . The money accumulates. I flatly refused to assist my uncle in bringing Lybushka to America . � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1978-79, Vol. 28 Description An account of the resource Vol. 28 (No. 51-52), 1978-79. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1978-79 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 133 Success Story ALVENA SECKAR ''Take Lybushka back with you to America,'' urged my uncle. "She' 11 become rich like your mother." "Like my mother!" I repeated to myself. Yes, from the way they looked at it, my mother had done quite well. She had come to America, had married, bore two children, educated them and now owned two houses. They did not know what kind of houses, but that did not alter the basic fact. True, my mother had committed a few sins on the way, like getting divorced and remarrying. She had fallen into a few pitfalls, now and then, but they were past now. Such things are forgiven. The end justifies the means. Lybushka would be a success, too, and her children would be like me. I stared at my uncle. This man was my mother's brother. The resemblance to my mother was startling. He had the same slight build, the same line worn broad face with high cheekbones, and the identical worried looking deep sunken blue gray eyes. He was a little boy when my mother last saw him forty years ago. This was back in the early 1900s when my mother was sixteen, the same age as Lybushka now was. She took off for the mythical land of America to pick the gold off its streets. Her two older sisters who had preceded her were either too ashamed to write back to dispel the fable or else felt that misery should have company and did nothing to prevent my mother from joining them. I looked around. My mother had left this self-same high peaked log house nestled in these unchanging mountains in northern Slovakia. My mind went back to those rare instances when my mother permitted herself to be sentimental, usually after some adverse fortune, and recalled this home with tears in her eyes. My uncle had never left it. He was the only son of a family of four surviving girls. The other children, all seven of them, had died in infancy. His father, my grandfather, had died of pneumonia when my uncle was a little boy and his was the responsibility of continuing the Alvena Seckar is a highly prized writer of children' s stories . This story appears here for the first time. 134 SLOVAKIA family. At first , it had not been too difficult with the additional inheritance of the three sisters who had gone away. True , there had been some squabbles over land ownership with the remaining sister, but they were nothing serious . But now, his family of seven daughters and only one son (Alas!) made it too crowded . " Lybushka was smart in school," continued my uncle. "She learned the Catechism from cover to cover before anyone else! ' ' So had my mother, I mused , in Hungarian, in a school of the old Austro-Hungarian Empire. She had learned it by heart, but she had never learned to read or to write. Fortified with such knowledge, my mother had sailed for America . When she talks of that trip, she relates how the first class passengers amused themselves by throwing oranges down to steerage, where she was , to watch the wretched mob scramble , and perhaps fight , for the precious fruit. My remembrance of the trip is identified with that cluster of deep gouged out scars of her upper arm. They are the result of the vaccination against small pox some well meaning but callous civil servant inflicted upon her when she reached these shores. At the dock, her sisters greeted her by stripping her of her hand woven dresses and linens, which they later secretly sold, already wise to their market value. After "Americanizing" her with a cheap cotton dress , they dropped her off as a domestic in a home where there was no verbal communication possible with her new mistress . ''Take the cover off the baby's face!' ' her mistress yelled from the fifth floor down to my mother airing the baby in her carriage down on the sidewalk. My mother wrapped her closer. '' She ' 11 smother! '' the woman screamed . My mother bundled the baby tighter. " You 're fired! " screeched the exasperated woman as she puffed from the exertion of running down the four flights of the sidewalk. The last order with explicit motions was plainly understood . " I didn 't mind," said my mother to me many years later. " She never gave me enough to eat. ' ' Somehow, someway, she found another job, and later, many other jobs for the seven years she remained single. Small pay, starvation and extraordinary hard work characterized this period , first in New York , then in Pittsburgh, where she went with a rlewly found girlfriend on the information that many rich men from the coal mines· and the steel mills were there. This was the boom period when World War I had already started in Europe. SLOVAKIA 135 Such trials only intensi.fied my mother's efforts to get the gold for which her trip had been made. By this time, if nothing better came her way, she had decided to go back home and directed all her energies toward that goal. She kept her savings for the trip in a roll in her stocking under her long skirt which was then the fashion. A bank as a place to deposit money was not thought of. Just as she almost had enough, she discovered one day that it was gone! With it, her final chance to go back home . World War I was spreading and the miners, now working every day, came into Pittsburgh on their occasional day off. They put on a big front with their lavish spending and my mother must have been swept off her feet by the show of one of them, who became my father . It would be proper to give my mother the benefit of the doubt and say that she fell in love with my father and was not overcome by his display of money. Her married life, as much as I know of it those first few years, will not permit me to state this unequivocally. I know it was a stormy time. Her frugal habits were in continual conflict with my father ' s easy going nature. It deprived him of much pleasure. The excuse of the long hours he worked was of no avail with my mother. By the time the work at the mines slowed down after the war, my mother had saved enough money from his salary, from her taking in other people's wash, and from the two boarders who occupied one of the two bedrooms in the house (My brother and I slept with our parents.), to put a down payment on a farm in distant Connecticut. When she found that my father took to carousing instead of farm work, she gave up the whole idea and moved back to the mines . The next time she accumulated enough money, she was talked into investing it into the founding of a coal mine which turned out to be a grand swindle. The water in the mine could not be pumped out. By this time my father must have been rather weary of such unending and unremunerative effort and took to drinking with even greater gusto. One of the boarders who put up a good show of having money and property found my mother willing to transfer her affections. This happened when I was eight and my brother six. Again, for years, I gave my mother the benefit of the doubt for leaving this man by telling myself and the world that she did so when she found out he was a coal company spy . Actually, he did not have the money or the houses with which he seduced her. In all fairness , though the evidence so far warrants it, I cannot accuse my mother of using wealth as the prime criteria of her attitude toward men. She met the man who was to become my stepfather, legally, when he was working in the hard coal mines . She remained 136 SLOVAKIA loyal to him during a long coal strike, even loaned him some of her hard earned money she made in the shirt factory in which she worked. However, the same painstaking accumulation of money ensued with my stepfather. First, however, his one foible for gambling had to be crushed. This my mother did by unerringly locating where the game was in progress and promptly making a scene on the premises. It was not long before my stepfather was unable to find a place to do his gambling and he resigned himself to go along with my mother. After awhile it was no longer difficult. Their first monetary venture proved no more successful than any of the others my mother had engaged in. Real estate swindlers from a distant industrial city induced them to purchase some house lots on the installment plan. " We have a job for you in a factory there, " they promised. That sounded good to my stepfather who was blacklisted from working in the hard coal mine where he had been on strike. When we all got to the city, the factory job lasted one month before the establishment collapsed in the first throes of the post-war depression. It took longer for my parents to find out the lots were equally spurious . After the last payment was made , several years later, my parents discovered that they and hundreds of others from the coal regions had been defrauded. Since none of the people involved knew each other or what to do , nothing was done and the real estate thieves went on with their merciless racket. Times were hard in the city and my stepfather was part of the large army of unemployed during the depression. My mother came to the rescue and got a job in a tobacco factory. The smell of the tobacco was overpowering and I remember that for weeks she came home vomiting, unable to eat until the tobacco odor was out of her system . " You' 11 get used to it , " said the forelady . My mother did. Another job was hard to get. Not to be outdone, my stepfather set up a small shoe repair shop where he did all the work by hand. His meager earnings together with my mother's were enough to continue payments on the nonexistent lots and even to put some aside. This was done by the utmost economy. Only the smallest electric bulbs were used in our house and the electricity w¥ on only when absolutely necessary. Reading was not a necessity at any time guring my entire childhood and it was left to me to read in my adult life many of the books I should have read as a child. We had no central heating and coal was used very sparingly in our one and only kitchen stove . Even the ashes were carefully picked over for reuse of the partially burned coal. SLOVAKIA 137 It was bad enough for me at school to be so different from the other children - most of them ~ith American-born parents, for we lived on the fringe of a well-to-do ' area. Added to this self-consciousness in attitude was the discomfiture I felt in my old fashioned home made clothes. The one art which my mother never mastered was sewing. To this day, I feel pained when I look at photographs of myself in some of those homely and shapeless concoctions from reused cloth. In recent years I found out it was due to her poor eyesight, but she would not spare the money for glasses! Only the possession of my own money offered a solution to me. Though I was only twelve, the neighborhood we lived in did provide some opportunities if I could but take them. A Greek restaurant was next door. The bachelor owner often tried to invite me into his back room kitchen. ''I'll give you a nickel,' ' he urged. I shook my head. " I'll give you a quarter!" He was insistent. My mother's call or a customer invariably saved me. Behind us lived a tinsmith. He was from Vienna where his wife and three children lived. He, too, was accumulating money feverishly and unstintingly. He did his own cooking, cleaning and sewing. America was a corrupt land of materialism to him but he was here to make himself a fortune with which he would live the rest of his life in luxury in his beloved Vienna. He tried to be friends with me. "On pay day, I'll give you a dime, " he coaxed. "No," I answered. "I'll take you to the movies," he continued. My mother would find out so I ran away . On the corner was a barber shop. The man who owned it often stood outside as I passed on my way home from school. He smiled, and as he did so showed his ugly shiny front gold tooth. He jingled the coins in his pocket. " Come on in," he invited. Someone would see me. I walked on. Not all our neighbors were set to ensnare me. Near-by was an Italian grocery. From the street it smelled of stale, pungent cheeses and decaying vegetable matter. Mr. and Mrs. Natalo and all seven of their children always filled the store with noise and laughter. I am sure they were their best customers , but they were generous with me, too, asking nothing of me in return. They had no money to give me, but they did give me the taste for the bitter crinkled ripe olives in large open barrels in front of the counter and for the numerous hard Italian 138 SLOVAKIA cheeses which hung in disarray all around the shop . I did not feel out of place in their home. When some money was again gotten together, we moved to another neighborhood, hardly an improvement over the other, but I was more at home in the new school where a polyglot of nationalities mingled. My mother opened up a small lunch room on the basis of her brief experience in the Greek restaurant next door when she lost her job at the tobacco factory . Her first customers were the men who worked with my stepfather on a WP A badly needed sewer project in front of the house. My mother is a good cook and financially things went well, but I was in my early teens and was desperately conscious of my status and appearance. I needed and wanted money more than ever . If I did not succumb to the spurious invitations of the men in the neighborhood, of whom there were many, it was only because stealing money from my unmathematical mother was easier . This I did with a clear conscience for the money was used for what I considered absolute necessities. I was able to take piano lessons because I told my mother they were half the price of what they actually were. I also paid for my dental care and thus saved my teeth. My brother, unfortunately, had to lose several of his molars because my mother with her false teeth never understood the necessity for dental care. I also used the money to purchase better quality clothing than the money my mother gave me permitted. In spite of this minor leak in my mother's resources, enough money was soon saved to purchase a small house on another street. It was not much of a house. It had no bathroom or central heating but the cellar was almost street level and my stepfather converted it into a small lunch room - which also served as our entrance to the upstairs part of the house . Life went on as before with perhaps less privacy. My mother was in the store from dawn to late at night seven days a week. She even indulged in a little back room bootlegging during prohibition. (For which she had to pay off the local police every month.) This time the money was put into a local bank. She also grudgingly spared some to pay for violin lessons for my brother. ·\ This time the money grew a little faster. •Unforlunately, the bank crash of the thirties took most of it. Undaunted , life went on in the same way. Nothing drastic occurred to alter the further course of monetary gain, except perhaps a rather heavy drain when the problem of schooling came up . SLOVAKIA 139 My desire for an education was not taken too seriously because of the conflict between my mother and myself over my going out with boys. Her solution of my awareness of the opposite sex was one of violent objection. •\ '' All men only want to use you ,'' she counselled. ' 'They ' 11 only get you into trouble!" she insisted . I believed her for a long time. It was then that I learned that the two children that one of her older sisters had (one died in early adulthood of tuberculosis) were each born illigitimately during her relations with two different men , neither of whom married her. Her other sister, in my mother's opinion , did not fare any better. She had five very small children in as many years , and if her husband had not been killed in a mining accident, she would have had many more . Her conclusion was that a man did not care . A woman had to be independent, smart and take care of herself. Nevertheless, I managed to get through college with help from her and many others. Mostly I worked. My brother , on the other hand , received other advice. " Don 't let any woman make a fool of you, " admonished my mother. " I won 't ," answered my brother. He was immersed in secretly reading a pornographic novel. He was already following her advice in an affair he was having with one of his schoolmates. His schooling was more pleasant than mine for he did not have to work his way , nor did he have to depend on anyone else's charity. When he finally got married, he apologetically explained to my mother , '' I'm sorry for her!' ' Today , he is surprised to see the antagonisms between her and his wife . With both her children out of the way , my mother and my stepfather have no drain on their income except themselves. They live as sparingly as they ever did even in the days when there was very little money. Though their home now has central heating, they keep it so low that a sweater or a jacket is their permanent home attire during the cold weather. They permit themselves no luxuries . The money accumulates. I flatly refused to assist my uncle in bringing Lybushka to America .  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Success Story Description An account of the resource Alvena Seckar Slovakia, Vol. 28 (No. 51-52), 1978-79 pp. 133-139 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Seckar, Alvena, 1916-2012 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1978-79 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/40e81e2fe8d5b5c0bf9262cf1e0bc665.pdf 14c54436e9ee99212664b4d1318fffa9 PDF Text Text 62 SLOVAKIA FREE CZECHS SPEAK OUT J. Sed.lak We have become accustomed to speaking plainly. Wbat are we figbting for? We are figbting for the return of buman rights and dignity. That is why we are determined to fight against the installatio•1 of neo-communism after tihe defeat of communism. We are opposed resolutely to every terror and totalitarian system of government. That ls why we are in exile today. Tbat is why we are also fighting uncompromisingly against bolshevism for the liberation of our country so that free nations could live happlly in a free world. It is the fight for the unalienable rights of indivlduals and na.tions, which we must defend as such. Faithful to this principle, we recognize and respect tbe rights of the Sudeten Germans and the Slovak nation to national selfdetermination. We are not, therefore, bartering wlth a right that is natural and sacred, and we reject the so-called "Czechoslovaks" who are doing so even today. After all the faithlessness - committed by the representatives of this so-called "CzechosJovaklsm" from 1918 to the present tíme, and especially after April 18, 1947, when the first Slovak president, a Catholic priest, Dr. Joseph Tlso, was ~hamefully murdered - we have no business in Slovakla. We are not, do not want to be and we cannot be the occupants or the conquerors of freedom-loving Slovakia, because we would thereby betray the very ideals of democracy and freedom we are fighting for. It is better to be accla!med a sincere frlend in Slovakia tban a hated ruler. · We welcome the cooperatlon of all democra.tic peoples, especially tbe Czechs, with our free Czech National Council. However, we reject tbe collaborators witb bolsbevism of yes'terday who a.re adherents of the group Jed by Dr. Zenkl and Dr. Ripka. We cannot collaborat.e with the Zenkl-Ripka outfit because we are resolutely oppoS'Eld to the installatlon of neo-communism after tbe defeat of bolsbevism. We reject most resolutely the bolsbevik dictatorship against wbich wc are striving to arouse tbe western democracies. But just as resolutely do we reject even tbe "people's-democratic" dictatorsbip which in our country is represented by Gottwalďs "Government Program of Košice" - the program whicb Messrs. Zenkl, Ripka, Majer and their group are trying to propagate and defend in exile. We are fighting for real freedom and democracy; for the release of a ll political prisoners incarcerated slnce 1945 to tbe present time: for a return of the Jand to our agriculturists and nationallzed businesses to their rigbtful owners; we are fighting foť the inviolabillty of private ownersbip. Furtbermore we are fig,hting to carry througb and insuring extensive social reforms in tbe interest:; of workers and laborers and foľ their rigbt to organize freely. We are fighting fo!· basic human freedoms, formulated by great democrats of tbe West, as well as tbe inviolability and sacredness of the family as the· foundat!on of a nation. We are fighting, tberefore, for thé return of h uman dign!ty to our enslaved brothers and sisters in oúr· betraye<l country so tbat they migbt live and build free,Jy and withou t fear. �SLOVAKIA 63 Our fight is in fact a fight for the realization of the principles of Christian morality. And since the lnterest of welfare and development of the Europ,ean nations demands larger federalized units, we a re fľom the beglnnlng of our struggle for a federatlon of free nations. Furthermore, we also reject yesterday's collaborators wlth the c ommunu;ts because we are in no way responsi ble for the c rimes c ommitted by th em while they were in th e services of the Kremlin. In t he interests of justice we shall not cease demanding the just pun!shment of t he gullty. At this time we emphaslze th at we stand o pposed also to the shady speculations of the guilty to promo te chaos after libe r ation and to repeat "May 1946" wh ich would work injustlce to hundreds of thousands of innocent persons and would place power into the hands of the "street" and crimina.ls. The injustlces of retribution shall never again be repeated, but impar tial law of norma! courts s hall prevail. T o the aUempts of yesterday's collaborators with bolsh evism to picture and explain to the West, and especlally to the American public, our b asic stan d towards them in s uch a way as if th e matter c oncerued were only Zenkl and Prchala, we proclaim: We are not c once rned with Prchala or Zenkl, but our nation. We reject most <lecisively Zenkľs totality and his system of leadership hypocritically wrapped in a cloak of democracy. We reject dangerous neo-communism which with the rest of the bolshevik collaborators they are striving to smuggle into the USA, Canada, Australia, England and other countries of the West, and there gain fertile soil for it. That is t he pian of the conspiracy of neo-communism agains! democracy ! To realize th eir pian, the Zenk lites today are trying to s ell themselves to the West. But the democ rats of the W est should be aware of the fact that the Zenklltes are only as devoted to them today as they were only yesterday to the Soviets, and that by a lding them th ey are only strength ening traitors of democracy, who can never gain our natlon for the West. Czech exiles and their nation shall never be led by traitors or confidantes or y esterday's infor mers of their f ellow-citizens who w anted to seize their properties, and so much the less by those who are responsible for the present national tragedy. Czech exiles and their nation shall never be led and shall not be inf luenced by people who went into exil e on a special perm it and with the knowledge of Gottwald and Nosek ( as Vojta Beneš, brother of Dr. E. Beneš, and others). Nor shall they be led by the agents oť Prague or their confidentlal friends. T,he r ecent case of agent K. Strausse in London is still fresh in our me mories. We must guide ourselves accordingly. Certainly the West has b een warned by the chief of the atomic esplonage network who stole lnto England as a "political refugee" and roused the whole of England wlth hls presence. And does the West know how many sples ot the Czech neo-com munists have successfully gotten into mllltar y an d other lmportant enterprises? We are not bitter with hatred. We c an, however, have no truck with t'he followers of neo-communism, who attack us with falsehoods in t he "New Yo rkské Listy" and other publicatlons. It 1s symbolic, because hatred, falsehoods and half-truths are the weapons of communism. W e plead and warn b ecause we are opposed to terror. We �64 SLOVAKIA cannot, therefore, remaln sllent to the vlolence perpetrated by neo-communists against Czech antl-commun!st ex!les w:hlch has at• tained such a degree that Czech patriota, not havlng a hearlng or support anywhere, are asklng confusedly: "ls lt now a curse to have a clean past?" T he neo-communists, outraglng lmpoverlshed exlles, are uslng the beggar's staff to torce them lnto submisslon. That is the trled metbod of c ommunists and neo-communlsts trom the Nazl concentratlon camps, where these people, even though prlsoners, were absolute rulers in t-he Interna! management. There they also tried. to llquidate everything that wlli; not lncllned toward communlsm. Why, Dr. Zenkl was famiUar fa Buchenwald wlth these meth ods of the communist "arch,prlsoners" and ithe camp "polltboro" as were A. Zápotocký and Joseph Plojhar in other concentratlon camps. Some wlt• nesses have returned ,vho stlll remember how Zenkl carrled on Jn Buchenwald. Thls is our basic stand to whlch we adhere firmly and uncompromlslngly. - ("BOHEMIA," Vo!. 4, Nos. 7- 8, 1951) . • • • • WH O SAID IT? " The re are a lso such people who wou ld want t o apply t he Atla ntic Charter in the case of Slovakia. T hat is not only shortsig htedneH, b ut also a gross insult t o Czechoslovakia. T he Czechoslovak problem is ou r ve ry own, an interna! problem." - (Jan Masaryk, London, J an. 20, 1943). • "Czechoslovakia 1s and shall remain a FREE country . . . . Some people say that we have no freedom, that there is religlous persecutlon and propagate all klnds of nonsense about us. I proclalm that all these statements are false. lt 1s not true that we bave rel!gious oppresslon or tdlat democrastlc and indivldual treedoms are suppressec!. 1 AM A PERSON OEEPL Y FOUNOED RELIGJOUSLY and I would not remaln bome even five mlnutes, lf everything that is written about us here were true. . . . I KNOW GOTTWALD A GOOD MANY YEARS, HE IS AN EMI:-.IENT PERSON AND A GREAT CZECH PATRIOT. . . . IT IS NOT TRUE THAT THE COMMUNIST S WANT T O DRI VE (Ján Masaryk, DinANYBODY FROM THE GOVERNMENT." neľ Address, Piótsbu rgh Unlvel'sity Club, fanu,ary 13, 1947) . • "Today we base ourselves on our alliance with Russia which has NO INTENTION ot lnfluenclng us but whlch wlll not permit base torces of reactlon to plot agalnst us to enact another Munlch and another March 15, 1939. Our Interna! situatlon. too, ts completely dlfrerent. . . . Our program does not mean forclble bring1ng lnto line, or TOTALITARIANISM; it slmply means tha.t the múPLE are takIng the management of public affalrs lnto thelr own hands by means o! natlonal committees, whlcb wlll In due course constltute a natlonal assemb!y. Later parllament wlll declde wbat our Constltutlon and laws are to be. Our people wlll choose the right path." - (Zdenek Flerllnger, Prime Minister, Address at Social Democratlc Party meet· Ing, Prague, June • • 19. 5). � 62 SLOVAKIA FREE CZECHS SPEAK OUT J. Sed.lak We have become accustomed to speaking plainly. Wbat are we figbting for? We are figbting for the return of buman rights and dignity. That is why we are determined to fight against the installatio•1 of neo-communism after tihe defeat of communism. We are opposed resolutely to every terror and totalitarian system of government. That ls why we are in exile today. Tbat is why we are also fighting uncompromisingly against bolshevism for the liberation of our country so that free nations could live happlly in a free world. It is the fight for the unalienable rights of indivlduals and na.tions, which we must defend as such. Faithful to this principle, we recognize and respect tbe rights of the Sudeten Germans and the Slovak nation to national selfdetermination. We are not, therefore, bartering wlth a right that is natural and sacred, and we reject the so-called "Czechoslovaks" who are doing so even today. After all the faithlessness - committed by the representatives of this so-called "CzechosJovaklsm" from 1918 to the present tíme, and especially after April 18, 1947, when the first Slovak president, a Catholic priest, Dr. Joseph Tlso, was ~hamefully murdered - we have no business in Slovakla. We are not, do not want to be and we cannot be the occupants or the conquerors of freedom-loving Slovakia, because we would thereby betray the very ideals of democracy and freedom we are fighting for. It is better to be accla!med a sincere frlend in Slovakia tban a hated ruler. · We welcome the cooperatlon of all democra.tic peoples, especially tbe Czechs, with our free Czech National Council. However, we reject tbe collaborators witb bolsbevism of yes'terday who a.re adherents of the group Jed by Dr. Zenkl and Dr. Ripka. We cannot collaborat.e with the Zenkl-Ripka outfit because we are resolutely oppoS'Eld to the installatlon of neo-communism after tbe defeat of bolsbevism. We reject most resolutely the bolsbevik dictatorship against wbich wc are striving to arouse tbe western democracies. But just as resolutely do we reject even tbe "people's-democratic" dictatorsbip which in our country is represented by Gottwalďs "Government Program of Košice" - the program whicb Messrs. Zenkl, Ripka, Majer and their group are trying to propagate and defend in exile. We are fighting for real freedom and democracy; for the release of a ll political prisoners incarcerated slnce 1945 to tbe present time: for a return of the Jand to our agriculturists and nationallzed businesses to their rigbtful owners; we are fighting foť the inviolabillty of private ownersbip. Furtbermore we are fig,hting to carry througb and insuring extensive social reforms in tbe interest:; of workers and laborers and foľ their rigbt to organize freely. We are fighting fo!· basic human freedoms, formulated by great democrats of tbe West, as well as tbe inviolability and sacredness of the family as the· foundat!on of a nation. We are fighting, tberefore, for thé return of h uman dign!ty to our enslaved brothers and sisters in oúr· betraye<l country so tbat they migbt live and build free,Jy and withou t fear. �SLOVAKIA 63 Our fight is in fact a fight for the realization of the principles of Christian morality. And since the lnterest of welfare and development of the Europ,ean nations demands larger federalized units, we a re fľom the beglnnlng of our struggle for a federatlon of free nations. Furthermore, we also reject yesterday's collaborators wlth the c ommunu;ts because we are in no way responsi ble for the c rimes c ommitted by th em while they were in th e services of the Kremlin. In t he interests of justice we shall not cease demanding the just pun!shment of t he gullty. At this time we emphaslze th at we stand o pposed also to the shady speculations of the guilty to promo te chaos after libe r ation and to repeat "May 1946" wh ich would work injustlce to hundreds of thousands of innocent persons and would place power into the hands of the "street" and crimina.ls. The injustlces of retribution shall never again be repeated, but impar tial law of norma! courts s hall prevail. T o the aUempts of yesterday's collaborators with bolsh evism to picture and explain to the West, and especlally to the American public, our b asic stan d towards them in s uch a way as if th e matter c oncerued were only Zenkl and Prchala, we proclaim: We are not c once rned with Prchala or Zenkl, but our nation. We reject most <lecisively Zenkľs totality and his system of leadership hypocritically wrapped in a cloak of democracy. We reject dangerous neo-communism which with the rest of the bolshevik collaborators they are striving to smuggle into the USA, Canada, Australia, England and other countries of the West, and there gain fertile soil for it. That is t he pian of the conspiracy of neo-communism agains! democracy ! To realize th eir pian, the Zenk lites today are trying to s ell themselves to the West. But the democ rats of the W est should be aware of the fact that the Zenklltes are only as devoted to them today as they were only yesterday to the Soviets, and that by a lding them th ey are only strength ening traitors of democracy, who can never gain our natlon for the West. Czech exiles and their nation shall never be led by traitors or confidantes or y esterday's infor mers of their f ellow-citizens who w anted to seize their properties, and so much the less by those who are responsible for the present national tragedy. Czech exiles and their nation shall never be led and shall not be inf luenced by people who went into exil e on a special perm it and with the knowledge of Gottwald and Nosek ( as Vojta Beneš, brother of Dr. E. Beneš, and others). Nor shall they be led by the agents oť Prague or their confidentlal friends. T,he r ecent case of agent K. Strausse in London is still fresh in our me mories. We must guide ourselves accordingly. Certainly the West has b een warned by the chief of the atomic esplonage network who stole lnto England as a "political refugee" and roused the whole of England wlth hls presence. And does the West know how many sples ot the Czech neo-com munists have successfully gotten into mllltar y an d other lmportant enterprises? We are not bitter with hatred. We c an, however, have no truck with t'he followers of neo-communism, who attack us with falsehoods in t he "New Yo rkské Listy" and other publicatlons. It 1s symbolic, because hatred, falsehoods and half-truths are the weapons of communism. W e plead and warn b ecause we are opposed to terror. We �64 SLOVAKIA cannot, therefore, remaln sllent to the vlolence perpetrated by neo-communists against Czech antl-commun!st ex!les w:hlch has at• tained such a degree that Czech patriota, not havlng a hearlng or support anywhere, are asklng confusedly: "ls lt now a curse to have a clean past?" T he neo-communists, outraglng lmpoverlshed exlles, are uslng the beggar's staff to torce them lnto submisslon. That is the trled metbod of c ommunists and neo-communlsts trom the Nazl concentratlon camps, where these people, even though prlsoners, were absolute rulers in t-he Interna! management. There they also tried. to llquidate everything that wlli; not lncllned toward communlsm. Why, Dr. Zenkl was famiUar fa Buchenwald wlth these meth ods of the communist "arch,prlsoners" and ithe camp "polltboro" as were A. Zápotocký and Joseph Plojhar in other concentratlon camps. Some wlt• nesses have returned ,vho stlll remember how Zenkl carrled on Jn Buchenwald. Thls is our basic stand to whlch we adhere firmly and uncompromlslngly. - ("BOHEMIA," Vo!. 4, Nos. 7- 8, 1951) . • • • • WH O SAID IT? " The re are a lso such people who wou ld want t o apply t he Atla ntic Charter in the case of Slovakia. T hat is not only shortsig htedneH, b ut also a gross insult t o Czechoslovakia. T he Czechoslovak problem is ou r ve ry own, an interna! problem." - (Jan Masaryk, London, J an. 20, 1943). • "Czechoslovakia 1s and shall remain a FREE country . . . . Some people say that we have no freedom, that there is religlous persecutlon and propagate all klnds of nonsense about us. I proclalm that all these statements are false. lt 1s not true that we bave rel!gious oppresslon or tdlat democrastlc and indivldual treedoms are suppressec!. 1 AM A PERSON OEEPL Y FOUNOED RELIGJOUSLY and I would not remaln bome even five mlnutes, lf everything that is written about us here were true. . . . I KNOW GOTTWALD A GOOD MANY YEARS, HE IS AN EMI:-.IENT PERSON AND A GREAT CZECH PATRIOT. . . . IT IS NOT TRUE THAT THE COMMUNIST S WANT T O DRI VE (Ján Masaryk, DinANYBODY FROM THE GOVERNMENT." neľ Address, Piótsbu rgh Unlvel'sity Club, fanu,ary 13, 1947) . • "Today we base ourselves on our alliance with Russia which has NO INTENTION ot lnfluenclng us but whlch wlll not permit base torces of reactlon to plot agalnst us to enact another Munlch and another March 15, 1939. Our Interna! situatlon. too, ts completely dlfrerent. . . . Our program does not mean forclble bring1ng lnto line, or TOTALITARIANISM; it slmply means tha.t the múPLE are takIng the management of public affalrs lnto thelr own hands by means o! natlonal committees, whlcb wlll In due course constltute a natlonal assemb!y. Later parllament wlll declde wbat our Constltutlon and laws are to be. Our people wlll choose the right path." - (Zdenek Flerllnger, Prime Minister, Address at Social Democratlc Party meet· Ing, Prague, June • • 19. 5). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1951, Vol. 1 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1951 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 1), May 1951.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 2), December 1951.</li> </ul> Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context <ul><li><a href="https://n2t.net/ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span>ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7</span></a></li> <li><a href="https://n2t.net/ark:/13960/s21tk2wkzj4" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span>ark:/13960/s21tk2wkzj4</span></a></li> </ul> Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 62 SLOVAKIA FREE CZECHS SPEAK OUT J. Sed.lak We have become accustomed to speaking plainly. Wbat are we figbting for? We are figbting for the return of buman rights and dignity. That is why we are determined to fight against the installatio•1 of neo-communism after tihe defeat of communism. We are opposed resolutely to every terror and totalitarian system of government. That ls why we are in exile today. Tbat is why we are also fighting uncompromisingly against bolshevism for the liberation of our country so that free nations could live happlly in a free world. It is the fight for the unalienable rights of indivlduals and na.tions, which we must defend as such. Faithful to this principle, we recognize and respect tbe rights of the Sudeten Germans and the Slovak nation to national selfdetermination. We are not, therefore, bartering wlth a right that is natural and sacred, and we reject the so-called "Czechoslovaks" who are doing so even today. After all the faithlessness - committed by the representatives of this so-called "CzechosJovaklsm" from 1918 to the present tíme, and especially after April 18, 1947, when the first Slovak president, a Catholic priest, Dr. Joseph Tlso, was ~hamefully murdered - we have no business in Slovakla. We are not, do not want to be and we cannot be the occupants or the conquerors of freedom-loving Slovakia, because we would thereby betray the very ideals of democracy and freedom we are fighting for. It is better to be accla!med a sincere frlend in Slovakia tban a hated ruler. · We welcome the cooperatlon of all democra.tic peoples, especially tbe Czechs, with our free Czech National Council. However, we reject tbe collaborators witb bolsbevism of yes'terday who a.re adherents of the group Jed by Dr. Zenkl and Dr. Ripka. We cannot collaborat.e with the Zenkl-Ripka outfit because we are resolutely oppoS'Eld to the installatlon of neo-communism after tbe defeat of bolsbevism. We reject most resolutely the bolsbevik dictatorship against wbich wc are striving to arouse tbe western democracies. But just as resolutely do we reject even tbe "people's-democratic" dictatorsbip which in our country is represented by Gottwalďs "Government Program of Košice" - the program whicb Messrs. Zenkl, Ripka, Majer and their group are trying to propagate and defend in exile. We are fighting for real freedom and democracy; for the release of a ll political prisoners incarcerated slnce 1945 to tbe present time: for a return of the Jand to our agriculturists and nationallzed businesses to their rigbtful owners; we are fighting foť the inviolabillty of private ownersbip. Furtbermore we are fig,hting to carry througb and insuring extensive social reforms in tbe interest:; of workers and laborers and foľ their rigbt to organize freely. We are fighting fo!· basic human freedoms, formulated by great democrats of tbe West, as well as tbe inviolability and sacredness of the family as the· foundat!on of a nation. We are fighting, tberefore, for thé return of h uman dign!ty to our enslaved brothers and sisters in oúr· betraye<l country so tbat they migbt live and build free,Jy and withou t fear. SLOVAKIA 63 Our fight is in fact a fight for the realization of the principles of Christian morality. And since the lnterest of welfare and development of the Europ,ean nations demands larger federalized units, we a re fľom the beglnnlng of our struggle for a federatlon of free nations. Furthermore, we also reject yesterday's collaborators wlth the c ommunu;ts because we are in no way responsi ble for the c rimes c ommitted by th em while they were in th e services of the Kremlin. In t he interests of justice we shall not cease demanding the just pun!shment of t he gullty. At this time we emphaslze th at we stand o pposed also to the shady speculations of the guilty to promo te chaos after libe r ation and to repeat "May 1946" wh ich would work injustlce to hundreds of thousands of innocent persons and would place power into the hands of the "street" and crimina.ls. The injustlces of retribution shall never again be repeated, but impar tial law of norma! courts s hall prevail. T o the aUempts of yesterday's collaborators with bolsh evism to picture and explain to the West, and especlally to the American public, our b asic stan d towards them in s uch a way as if th e matter c oncerued were only Zenkl and Prchala, we proclaim: We are not c once rned with Prchala or Zenkl, but our nation. We reject most <lecisively Zenkľs totality and his system of leadership hypocritically wrapped in a cloak of democracy. We reject dangerous neo-communism which with the rest of the bolshevik collaborators they are striving to smuggle into the USA, Canada, Australia, England and other countries of the West, and there gain fertile soil for it. That is t he pian of the conspiracy of neo-communism agains! democracy ! To realize th eir pian, the Zenk lites today are trying to s ell themselves to the West. But the democ rats of the W est should be aware of the fact that the Zenklltes are only as devoted to them today as they were only yesterday to the Soviets, and that by a lding them th ey are only strength ening traitors of democracy, who can never gain our natlon for the West. Czech exiles and their nation shall never be led by traitors or confidantes or y esterday's infor mers of their f ellow-citizens who w anted to seize their properties, and so much the less by those who are responsible for the present national tragedy. Czech exiles and their nation shall never be led and shall not be inf luenced by people who went into exil e on a special perm it and with the knowledge of Gottwald and Nosek ( as Vojta Beneš, brother of Dr. E. Beneš, and others). Nor shall they be led by the agents oť Prague or their confidentlal friends. T,he r ecent case of agent K. Strausse in London is still fresh in our me mories. We must guide ourselves accordingly. Certainly the West has b een warned by the chief of the atomic esplonage network who stole lnto England as a "political refugee" and roused the whole of England wlth hls presence. And does the West know how many sples ot the Czech neo-com munists have successfully gotten into mllltar y an d other lmportant enterprises? We are not bitter with hatred. We c an, however, have no truck with t'he followers of neo-communism, who attack us with falsehoods in t he "New Yo rkské Listy" and other publicatlons. It 1s symbolic, because hatred, falsehoods and half-truths are the weapons of communism. W e plead and warn b ecause we are opposed to terror. We 64 SLOVAKIA cannot, therefore, remaln sllent to the vlolence perpetrated by neo-communists against Czech antl-commun!st ex!les w:hlch has at• tained such a degree that Czech patriota, not havlng a hearlng or support anywhere, are asklng confusedly: "ls lt now a curse to have a clean past?" T he neo-communists, outraglng lmpoverlshed exlles, are uslng the beggar's staff to torce them lnto submisslon. That is the trled metbod of c ommunists and neo-communlsts trom the Nazl concentratlon camps, where these people, even though prlsoners, were absolute rulers in t-he Interna! management. There they also tried. to llquidate everything that wlli; not lncllned toward communlsm. Why, Dr. Zenkl was famiUar fa Buchenwald wlth these meth ods of the communist "arch,prlsoners" and ithe camp "polltboro" as were A. Zápotocký and Joseph Plojhar in other concentratlon camps. Some wlt• nesses have returned ,vho stlll remember how Zenkl carrled on Jn Buchenwald. Thls is our basic stand to whlch we adhere firmly and uncompromlslngly. - ("BOHEMIA," Vo!. 4, Nos. 7- 8, 1951) . • • • • WH O SAID IT? " The re are a lso such people who wou ld want t o apply t he Atla ntic Charter in the case of Slovakia. T hat is not only shortsig htedneH, b ut also a gross insult t o Czechoslovakia. T he Czechoslovak problem is ou r ve ry own, an interna! problem." - (Jan Masaryk, London, J an. 20, 1943). • "Czechoslovakia 1s and shall remain a FREE country . . . . Some people say that we have no freedom, that there is religlous persecutlon and propagate all klnds of nonsense about us. I proclalm that all these statements are false. lt 1s not true that we bave rel!gious oppresslon or tdlat democrastlc and indivldual treedoms are suppressec!. 1 AM A PERSON OEEPL Y FOUNOED RELIGJOUSLY and I would not remaln bome even five mlnutes, lf everything that is written about us here were true. . . . I KNOW GOTTWALD A GOOD MANY YEARS, HE IS AN EMI:-.IENT PERSON AND A GREAT CZECH PATRIOT. . . . IT IS NOT TRUE THAT THE COMMUNIST S WANT T O DRI VE (Ján Masaryk, DinANYBODY FROM THE GOVERNMENT." neľ Address, Piótsbu rgh Unlvel'sity Club, fanu,ary 13, 1947) . • "Today we base ourselves on our alliance with Russia which has NO INTENTION ot lnfluenclng us but whlch wlll not permit base torces of reactlon to plot agalnst us to enact another Munlch and another March 15, 1939. Our Interna! situatlon. too, ts completely dlfrerent. . . . Our program does not mean forclble bring1ng lnto line, or TOTALITARIANISM; it slmply means tha.t the múPLE are takIng the management of public affalrs lnto thelr own hands by means o! natlonal committees, whlcb wlll In due course constltute a natlonal assemb!y. Later parllament wlll declde wbat our Constltutlon and laws are to be. Our people wlll choose the right path." - (Zdenek Flerllnger, Prime Minister, Address at Social Democratlc Party meet· Ing, Prague, June • • 19. 5).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Czechs Speak Out Description An account of the resource J. Sedlak Slovakia, Vol. 1, No. 2 (2), December 1951 pp. 62-64 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sedlak, J. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1951 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/a28a545fdb27eebc30f45d742ea38300.pdf 07206094eaf8fe13e0a91ee9ffad8b4b PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA Stephen S e n t 5 f k , S. J. Maximilian Hell, S.J. SLOVAK SCIENTIST OF WORLD RENOWN 1720-1792 On the occasion of a world-wide commemoration of the 250th anniversary of the birth of the Jesuit Maximilian Hell, which was sponsored by the international organization UNESCO, the Slovak Museum of Mining in Banska Stiavnica, Slovakia, published a worthy volume of lectures selected from a learned conference that was convoked in honor of the achievements of this distinguished scientist and remarkable teacher. The fact that a Slovak scholar was rightfully among those who were considered and assigned a place on the calendar of world-wide celebrations and that he was, in fact, universally recognized and honored-even with the liistinction of a commemorative UNESCO postal stampnaturally reflects honor not only on the man but also on his homeland, Slovakia. It likewise brings a degree of prestige of Slovak scholars who are devoted to scientific pursuit and it provides even the average layman with an opportunity to turn attention to the Slovak past and perhaps to catch in it at least a glimpse of some significant features that have long been indistinct or wholly unknown until now. In the thoughtful study titled "Banska Stiavnica-the Natural Environment of Maximilian Hell," (one of the papers published in the above-mentioned volume, cf. pp. 40 ff.) Dr. Jozef Vlachovic writes: "A thoughtful study of that period in the history of Banska Stiavnica brings one many a surprise and prompts frank admiration for the inhabitants of that town in its early days of economic growth. Largely because of their unmitigated effort, which appears to have been almost superhuman at times, and by reason of their remarkable intellectual gifts and physical stamina, they developed their community to an exceptional �6 SLOVAKIA degree of prosperity and progress." Dr. Vlachovic also notes that many aspects of the city's history and its. uniquely flourishing mining industry have not yet been adequately researched and should become the object of proper scholarly investigation. Encouraged by this observation, this writer has undertaken at least a bri~f exploration of the life and times of Maximilian Hell. The main objective · is to examine the highlights of his life and to survey the general environment in which the scientist was shaped, noting the influences that had contributed to the molding of his character and the bent of his scientific activities. FAMILY INFLUENCES The axiomatic principle that the earliest and strongest influences in life come from the home was borne out in the early shaping of the personality of Maximilian Hell who came of a family that was extraordinary in some respects. His father was Matthias Cornelius Hell, born c. 1650. It is very likely that he was of German background although his birthplace was Horny Slavkov near Pribram. He.began his working career in the Czech mining industry. It is generally agreed that he must have been gifted and industrious; this surmise is substantiated by the fact that he rapidly advanced in his working position so that although he was still a very young man, he was soon ranked as a highly qualified mining technician. He was, however, the kind of technician who not only mastered the intricacies of the industrial equipment readily and was able to increase production significantly, but he could also turn his keen perception and deep concern to the welfare and safety of the men who worked in the mines. His sense of responsibility reached out to men as well as to machines. In 1694, when Matthias Hell was in the prime of his manhood and had already enjoyed some recognition for his achievements, Count :Cudovit Thavonath, the chairman of a mining commission and recruiter of highly qualified experts for the mining industry, offered him a position in Banska stiavnica. The offer was attractive to Hell and he decided to accept it. This was the circumstance that brought the Heil family to the stiavnica mining region; Matthias Hell adjusted to the new surroundings easily. �SLOVAKIA 7 His characteristic devotion to duty and scrupulous sense of' responsibility, his competence and skill as well as his f:r1endly and understanding attitude toward his fellow workers and his subordinates soon won him many friends and admirers. These traits also recommended him for early promotion, and before long he was named chief industrial engineer of the stiavnica mining enterprise. In this position he became the promoter of remarkably improved technical prbcedtires. He also won great acciaim for the construction of water works in the vicinity of Banska stiavnica. On three separate occasions it was Hell who saved the stiavnica mines from utter ruin or from closing. Around 1700, the entire stiavnica mining operation was imperiled because the underground water level had risen to a critical high. In the face of this danger, the mines were all but abandoned until Matthias Hell master-minded a practical plan to save them. Harnessing water power drawn from the dikes built in the mine area, he put machinery to work-for pumpirtg out the excess underground water accumulation. In 1703, the revolutionary forces of George Rakoczy II seized central Slovakia and dispossessed Count Thavonath. In these troubled time mine production declined appreciably · and Rakoczy ordered General Berceny to halt all mining operations and to level the entire facility. Matthias Hell knew how very unwise and irresponsible such a procedure would be and he prevailed upon General Berceny not to carry out this order. Later, after the suppression of the Rakoczy uprising and a ret:urn to normalcy, the mines were again threatened because there were insufficient funds for reconstruction and .the proper updating of the plant in order to insure effective and profitable production. An executive order brought work to a standstill and it appeared that the industry was doomed. In this predicament, Hell intervened with a personal appeal made in the course of an interview with Emperor Joseph I of Vienna. He succeeded in prevailing upon the sovereign to realize that the reconstruction and restoration of the mines would bring public benefit and economic prosperity to this part of his realm. After the death of his wife, Matthias Hell lived as a widower for some time, doing his best to bring up his �8 SLOVAKIA children satisfactorily. On September 22, 1707, however, he married Julia Victoria Steindel who came of a GermanSlovak family in $tiavnica. This marriage was blest with four sons, each of whom distinguished himself in some way of life. The eldest, Ignatius Cornelius, became an outstanding engineer engaged in analyzing and assaying the various types of ore that were extracted in the $tiavnica mines. Joseph Charles, the second eldest, earned recognition and a degree of fame for a number of discoveries and inventions related to the mining industry. Some of the scientific and technical principles underlying these devices are still used to advantage throughout the world, even to our day. On May 15, 1720, when Matthias Cornelius Hell was already seventy years old, his third son was born. At his baptism in the Jesuit church in Banska $tiavnica he was given the name Maximilian. The occasion was solemn and significant, and a special aura was added to the ceremonies because the godparents were Count Tavonath and his wife. The fourth son in the family was Michael who distinguished himself in the local community as a chief inspector of the pumping operation in the mines. The Hell family had special regard for religious and intellectual training. The parents were solicitous about providing for their children a solid and wholesome preparation for life, and the children were intellectually gifted and responsive, all of them showing a special aptitude for mathematical and natural sciences. The fact that the mining school center was located at Vindsachta where the Hell family lived, made drawing boards and mapping materials, charts and model of mine working equipment, libraries and many learning aids accessible to the children, and they readily became very familiar with all these resources, deriving an excellent general and broadening education out of this circumstance. The scientific genius of Maximilian Hell found much opportunity for expression in this milieu of central-Slovak mining towns where socio-economic development was at a peak. This factor makes it advisable to pause a bit in order to survey the background with at least cursory interest. HANSKA $TIAVNICA was a leading city in Slovakia. As a matter of fact, it �SLOVAKIA 9 was second in rank, coming right after Bratislava, the capital city, and by actual count it had three hundred buildings more than Bratislava. Very early references to goldsmiths and to metal mining in the area can be traced back to at least the year 1075. In the sixteenth century events so shaped themselves that the city had every assurance of securely laid foundations for its cultural growth and for long-range prosperity of a high order. A large number of outstanding leaders in the field of technology and scientists of established repute came to reside in Banska stiavnica. The success and prosperity of the city were conditioned primarily on the natural underground richness of its mineral deposits and secondarily on other significant factors. In 1587 Banska stiavnica became the seat of the municipal treasury or finance department and the recognized head of seven mining cities in central Slovakia that had formed a partnership for mutual defense in the face of the Turkish menace and for united resistance to John Zapol'sky. Later most of the city's mining interests passed into the hands of affluent citizens so that the industry was not controlled by foreign investors but it developed and thrived on the capital of its own citizens who were characteristically energetic, hard-working and well educated individuals. The increase of mining output and the expansion of the mining industry as a whole were commensurate with the rising level of scholastic standards and academic opportunities, with the remarkable development of the educational system and with the rapidly advancing cultural status of the townspeople in stiavnica. In 1725 Banska stiavnica opened a technical school of mining which later evolved into a school of advanced learning and by 1770 became the Mining Academy for specialized study. It was the first advanced school of its kind in all Europe, attracting widespread attention for its departments of chemistry and physics. It had the unique distinction of being the first school in the history of education to introduce the laboratory method of instruction in chemistry. European technical schools were greatly interested in the outcomes of scientific experiments that were conducted in the innovated laboratory classes at the school. The Polytechnic Institute of Paris adopted the laboratory �10 SLOVAKIA method of instruction in chemistry as it had been introduced in the Academy of Mining in Banska stiavnica. Before long, other European polytechnic schools and universities also did so. Excellently equipped laboratories, an eminently qualified staff of teachers and research scholars as well as an environment and atmosphere conducive to pursuits of learning and research attracted scientists and inventors of established name to come to Banska stiavnica. For example: Volta, Tandi, Lippi, Savarezi, Melograni and a number of experts associated with the Spanish mining endeavors in America had devoted some time to specialized study in the laboratories at Banska stiavnica. The great demand for young engineers who had finished their studies at Banska stiavnica testifies to the high quality of schooling that was offered here. Early in the nineteenth century the sultan Mohammed invited into his service twelve graduates of this school, one of whom-John Knechtel-became the supervisor of mines in the Turkish empire. It was mainly because of the stimulus provided by the Mining Academy that the first world congress of natural scientists, attended largely by metallurgists and chemists, was held in Sklene Teplice in 1786. The International Society of Mining Science was established at this congress. Among its charter members were Anton Ruprecht and the Jesuit Nicholas Poda, both of whom were members of the faculty at the Mining Academy. Banska stiavnica reached the peak of its glory and prosperity in the first half of the eighteenth century. At that time its mining enterprises employed at least eight thousand workers and specialized technicians. The population of the city was always predominantly Slovak. In 1715, for example, its leading families registered these national origins or backgrounds: 424 Slovak, 360 German, and only 20 Magyar. Practically everyone who lived in the city was fluent in three languages: Slovak, German and Magyar. By the close of the eighteenth century, however, the city began to decline because it was no longer able to provide adequate job opportunities in the local mines and foundries. In the nineteenth century mining and �SLOVAKIA 11 metal works were superseded by other industrial interests that were introduced into Banska stiavnica. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MAXIMILIAN HELL Early in his life Maximilian Hell gave every indication of precocious gifts and talents, and the home and family in which he was nurtured greatly contributed to the full development of his natural endowments. Although his health began to fail, the aged father still continued to discharge his responsibilities as chief mining engineer and at the same time, he conscientiously saw to the consistently thorough and sound training of his sons. All four boys acquired their earliest acquaintance with scientific lore and some basic in the study of science from their father right at home. Later they were able to build on these fundamentals when they attended the already famed Mining Academy. Even in his boyhood, Maximilian was strongly influenced by the Jesuit professors in Banska stiavnica who were remarkably dedicated priests and were now involved in vital movement to restore Catholicism in this town which was recovering after the defeat of Rakoczy. These Jesuits had a well established mission in the village Vindsachta where the Hell family lived. One of their principal concerns was the education and proper training of the younger generation. As one measure toward this end they had founded a junior high school in Banska stiavnica and the boys of their school won many accolades for their dramatic presentations and declamations as well as for their performances in public examinations. Later a number of Jesuits also taught at the Mining Academy, especially in the departments of Latin, rhetoric and poetry. Father Nicholas Poda and Father Charles Tierenberger were heads of mathematics, mechanics and physics. They were famed experts in their specialized fields and they were excellent educators as well. Father Poda produced a textbook on mechanical engineering with special reference to the mining industry. It was the first textbook of its kind. For many decades the hand written lecture notes of Father Tierenberger were valued as a kind of mathematics handbook. Much of their substance and method still �12 SLOVAKIA had some value in practical application as late as the beginning of our century. There is no question about the lasting influence of the Jesuits upon the formative years of Maximilian Hell's life. Even from early boyhood he cultivated a strong inclination to develop his talents in their Society. He knew with what devotion the Jesuits promoted science and learning together with profound spirituality, for he had living examples of this kind of life in action and in its full reality as often as he looked about at the inspiration of Jesuit teachers in his midst, men who were effectively combined intensive religious life with specialized skills and scholarship in the natural sciences. On the recommendation of local teachers, the father sent his growing son to schools in Banska Bystrica where he could enroll in humanities courses at the Jesuit senior high school. In 1738 Maximilian Hell entered the Jesuit novitiate in Trencin. He was then a promising young man of eighteen. He devoted two years to the exclusive study of the fundamentals of religious life as it is lived in the Society of Jesus. Marginally, he continued his interest in the natural sciences, principally in mathematics. After his novitiate training was completed in 1740, his superiors sent him to Vienna for further study. This was the first time that he left his native Slovakia but he knew that his absence would be only temporary, that he would return one day with a rich store of enlarged knowledge and new experiences that could be shared with his countrymen. His life and accomplishments prove that this aspiration was no empty dream. Hell began his studies in Vienna by enrolling in the department of philosophy. In his day, this department also offered courses in what was catalogued as natural philoso phy and included the study of mathematics, physics and astronomy. These were the courses that interested Maximilian Hell the most. During the time that he was absorbed in mastering these natural sciences at Vienna, he also published his first book Elementa algebrae. The university at Vienna opened a new phase of life for the aspiring Jesuit. Two outstanding Jesuit educators who took note of this brilliant student were Erasmus Frolich, professor of mathematics, applied science in mechanics and history; and Joseph Franz, lecturer in philosophy, who �SLOVAKIA 13 was also devoted to exploring problems in mmmg and astronomy-subjects from the dark pits in the deep earth to the distant vaults in the skies. Franz already enjoyed an established reputation in the world of science, for he was the founder and the director of the Oriental Institute in Vienna. Both his diplomatic and his study tours in Turkey and in Asia Minor had yielded him a great deal of interesting and useful information, especially in matters of Oriental astronomy, mathematics and physics. He became very fond of Maximilian Hell whom he esteemed mainly because of his grasp in mining technology and his practical understanding of mining machines and equipment. Aware of these qualifications in Hell, Franz chose him to be the recipient of a special fellowship and to serve as an assistant in his department. Later he introduced him to the wonders of astronomy and in time he made him an assistant in the Jesuit observatory. Maximilian became enchanted by this science of the heavens and he discovered that here at least was his greatest prospect for the direct application of his attractions and his natural capacities for natural science and mathematics. It is standard Jesuit practice that after two years of study in philosophy, a candidate devotes a year or two to actual teaching and work in the apostolate in order to benefit from such realistic experience and to test innate capacities. On his personal initiative Maximilian Hell petitioned his superiors to assign him to some work of this nature in his native Slovakia. This reasonable request was honored and he was sent to teach Latin, Greek, history and geography at the high school in Levoca. Later he himself added mathematics to the courses that he taught and in his free time he continued the study of astronomy which fascinated him thoroughly. He proved to be very effective in his work with Slovak high school students as well as in his activities among the local people. They admired him greatly and were impressed by his personality and his intellectual gifts. From Levoca Hell often visited his friend Adam Kollar who taught in Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas. He, too, had had Jesuit training in the background but he decided to leave the Society before ordination. After two years of teaching at the high school in Levoca, Hell returned to Vienna for theological studies which lasted �14 SLOVAKIA four years, and finally in 1751 he achieved the most ardent hope of his lifetime when he was ordained priest. In this same year he was also awarded the academic degree Doctor of Philosophy. After ordination he taught for some time at the humanities school in Banska Bystrica which was quite close to his native Banska stiavnica. This made it possible for him to keep in close touch with his brother Joseph who was employed as a mechanical engineer. Pooling his talents with Samuel Makovini he was busily engaged in constructing a new pumping device to control the water level in the mines. The unusual feature of this pumping machine lay in the fact that it was not dependent on motor power or on levers, on pressure valves or pistons, but its operational force was pressurized water power alone. Maximilian was of great help to Joseph in this undertaking, for he worked out sensitive mathematical calculations that were involved in the planning. At the same time he was broadening and deepening his own mastery of physics. Interestingly, 110 years later this ingenious concept of the Hell brothers of using the force of pressurized air to pump liquids was put to practical use for the first time when the United States undertook operations to extract crude oil out of Pennsylvania oil fields. The discovery of the Hell brothers became the common property of all men. While he was in Banska Bystrica, Maximilian successfully completed what is termed the third probationary period in the Jesuit formation program and he became a full-fledged member, dedicated to a lifetime career in the Society. At the request of Count Konigseck, who was very influential in the mining industry and who was well acquainted with the Hell family, and with the sanction of his immediate -superiors, the young Jesuit tutored the Count's son in mathematics and physics for some time, helping to prepare him for a lifetime office in mining supervision. It should be kept in mind that at this time the Mining Academy was not yet founded in Banska stiavnica. The tutorial service that Hell performed for Count Konigseck's son really made of him a pioneer in mining instruction on the secondary level. It was ten years later-specifically on April 3, 1770-that Empress Maria Theresa, Queen of �SLOVAKIA 15 Hungary and Bohemia, granted approbation to the proposal presented by Count Novohradsky after mature deliberation with Professor Hell, for the founding of the Mining Academy which was to be an advanced technical institute of mining in Banska stiavnica. Hell was also commissioned to translate the mining statutes of Hungary (the old multinational state) from German into Latin. This event too indicates what respect Maximilian Hell commanded in scientific circles, for a task of this kind could be entrusted only to one with proven abilities not only in fluent Latin expression but also with a command of clear and precise mining terminology. Though Hell was greatly preoccupied with these activities, his study of astronomy did not suffer in any way. As a matter of fact, he made steady progress in this science and his prestige among astronomers continued to grow. In 1752 Dean Borgias Keri of the University of Trnava approached him about the founding of a university observatory. Hell welcomed the proposition, for if he had a particular ambition, it was to see his native Slovakia advance significantly in scientific scholarship as well as in all branches of learning. After an all-too-brief stay of one year in Trnava, Hell was assigned to Kluz in present-day Rumania where he was to establish a new college and build an observatory. He devoted three years of intensive work to this task. In the course of this time, however, he not only supervised the construction of the college and its observatory but he also taught mathematics and found time for the apostolic work of pastoral service among the Slovaks and Germans who were beginning to settle in Kluz and its vicinity and were in need of priestly ministry. By way of a marginal professional undertaking, he also compiled and published some handbooks in mathematics. In formal professional circles Hell earned not only recognition but even evident regard and esteem for his scholarly proficiency and his achievements in mathematics, physics and astronomy. After the eminent natural scientist and mathematician John Marinoni died in Vienna, Hell was invited to that city and was named director of the new observatory at the University of Vienna. In the discharge of this office he created extraordinary and needful pressure �16 SLOVAKIA in order to provide for the observatory the newest kind of equipment that was available in that day. In line of duty, he devoted meticulous attention to the movement of heavenly bodies, conducted guided tours of the observatory on behalf of noteworthy visitors, collaborated with projects of scientific institutes outside the country, supervised the publication of calendars of astronomic interest and information, and conducted sessions in the practical study of astronomy and observation of heavenly bodies. From 1755 on, Hell undertook very serious efforts to correlate and coordinate the theoretic and the practical aspects of science. He was gratifyingly successful in the endeavor. With a sense of elation he accepted an offer to teach mechanics and to conduct lectures for aspiring builders, construction engineers and artists. In time, Hell found himself constrained to resign his teaching commitments because of the burdens of office. He had become court astronomer and mathematician as well as editor of the learned astronomy annual Ephemerides Astronomicae. The greatest of demands were made on him by this journal which he compiled and edited for 37 years, except for some brief and intermittent periods. It brought its readers pertinent mathematical tables and calculations and almanac-styled articles on heavenly phenomena, primarily the movement of the principal heavenly bodies: the sun, the moon and the stars. Hell also made of this annual the publications vehicle for reports on astronomic observations from many European observatories. His prestigious position as well as his deservedly respected reputation as a remarkable scholar and an accomplished scientist together with his winning disposition and gracious manner all worked to the good in attracting the cooperation of significant men of science and learning in other countries. This editing of a scientific journal of this nature was a pioneering venture. England launched a similar publication only ten years later. The Berlin Academy did not initiate such a publication until two decades later. THE ACCOMPLISHMENTS OF MAXIMILIAN HELL Writing in the periodical The Slovak Jesuits in Canada �SLOVAKIA 17 <1970, p. 48) Dr. Robert Bajcar observes that "It is a challenging and complex task to evaluate the achievements of Maximilian Hell. This is due largely to the fact that the man himself is an impressive personality of uncommon stature and his is a broad spectrum of interests with a markedly varied field of activity. Nor is it a simple matter to do this uniquely versatile scientist justice by appropriate placement in proper historic and generic classifications." Dr. Bajcar feels that Maximilian Hell is first and foremost an astronomer. In this appreciation of Hell, however, we choose to review his contributions to his native land and to speak of his scientific expedition to the polar regions m the company of John ~ajnovic, another Slovak Jesuit scholar. It is an interesting detail of research findings that the first efforts to organize scientific activities and interests in the multinational and polyglot country of Hungary were begun in Slovak lands. In 1763 Adam Kollar, honored by his colleagues with the epithet "The Slovak Socrates," addressed to Hungarian scholars and learned citizens his proposal for founding a Hungarian learned society whose members would concern themselves with active participation in or the support of research into the history, natural science, economics and political science of Hungary. Two years later, Kollar published a Latin document justifying the taxation of properties owned by the Church and the nobility. This offended many sensibilities and the aristocracy retaliated with an official proclamation in parliament by which Kollar was denounced as a traitor and his paper was publicly burned at an open demonstration in the courtyard of the Bratislava townhall. Maria Theresa exonerated Kollar, her official director at the imperial library, but she tabled his proposal for the founding of a learned society. A second endeavor to establish a Hungarian learned society was made in 1771. This one, too, was initiated in Slovakia. This time the proposition was presented to Maria Theresa anonymously although it is generally surmised that is was formulated by Kollar, Trstiansky and Count Teleki. The proposed body was to be called Academia Augusta and was to consist of four departments: philosophy, history, political economy and education. In May, 1774, �18 SLOVAKIA the court counselor authorized Adam Kollar and Maximilian Hell to draft the charter and the by-laws of the projected association. For a long time Hell had given much thought to the prospects of organizing scientific thought and activities. He had his own preconceptions about the nature and objectives of a learned body, and unhappily his ideas did not square with Kalla.r's. Hell envisioned niceties of distinction between the university as a pedagogical institution and the learned academy as a scientific institute. He believed that: It is the function of a lecturer or a professor in a given discipline to present the subject matter of a course within its current context and degree of development together with all available findings that are related to it at that time and in such a manner that it will be readily comprehended and assimilated by the average student in attendance ... An active member of the learned society, on the other hand, is responsible not only for demonstrating professional mastery in his specialized field, but he likewise bears the responsibility of bring,i ng the fruits and findings of personal study, eocperimentation and research, the responsibility of making new contribution to the general store of data already available in that field. Members of a learned institute bring discovery and enrichment to science and learning; professors, by contrast, present to their classes and audiences facts and explanations bearing on the findings made by learned societies in order to enlarge and expand knowledge that is already available. By Hell's definition then, the essential scientist is intrinsically a discoverer of new facts or new ideas. For this reason, Hell was convinced that this unique aspect of science scholarship had to be a characteristic and integral feature of the authentic academy of sciences. There is fundamental truth in the perceptive thinking of Hell but this was thoroughly radical thinking in his day. It was also truly radical, for example, to consider Hell's exclusion of the hwnanities from the academy. His philosophy of thinking out the structure of the academy ruled out history, law, linguistics, the fine arts and related disciplines. It is not surprising then that Hell's plan was vigorously opposed by the humanists. As a matter of fact, Kollar himself came to take a stand against Hell and his unrelenting position. Hell also had ideas of his own concerning the financial �SLOVAKIA 19 security of the proposed academy. He proposed that it be supported by the publication of scientific almanacs that would be promoted throughout all the countries of the Habsburg empire. Officialdom in Hungary did not endorse this plan but offered the counter-proposal that the academy be established with headquarters in Trnava, where the University of Trnava would see to its functioning. This time it was Hell's proposal that was relegated ad acta. But his hopes and his efforts to organize scientific thought and activities in home reasonable way were not entirely in vain. The international science institute which was founded in Sklene Teplice in 1786 never would have been established in Slovakia had its establishment not been proceded by the hopeful plans and efforts of scientists like Hell and Kollar. A significant contribution of Maximilian Hell to the Slovak world of science was his construction of an observatory at the University of Trnava. At this time in the history of learning and education, an observatory had more than scientific value exclusively; it also satisfied academic and practical roles. Hell's peculiar genius lay in his ability to combine scientific theory with practical application. His scientific almanacs were sought not only by specialists in astronomy but by geographers, mariners, travelers and military strategists as well. He was proficient in using scientific knowledge to good purpose for many practical uses. Danish astronomers and sailors were especially eager to have his publications. One year after his accession to the throne, the young King Christian officially invited Hell to come to Denmark and offered him a commission to take charge of astronomic observation on Warde Island in the icy North Sea during the eclipse of the sun on June 3, 1769. With the consent of Maria Theresa, Hell accepted the King's offer and made necessary preparations for the journey and for the observation study. He chose for his companion a fellow-Jesuit John sajnowho was his junior by thirteen years. Sajnovic had experience as an assistant at the Trnava University observatory which Hell had founded. Both men were natives of the same region, they were of compatible disposition and vic �20 SLOVAKIA had many interests in common. The younger man was entrusted with all the details of the journey by land and by sea, and he was to prepare the physical features of the observation station on Warde Island. Hell was to look after the essentially scientific details connected with the task of observation and with the keeping of a scientific diary and official records. A secondary assignment for sajnovic was to study the flora and fauna of Lapland as well as the native Laplanders, the Eskimos and the Finns; their language, customs and culture-truly a formidable and responsible task. Hell added to his main objectives a study of the aurora borealis, the magnetic needle and the Gulf Stream-its influence on storms, etc. On April 28, 1768 Hell and sajnovic set out on the long expedition from Vienna to the Arctic Circle. The journey was long and taxing, requiring all of five months. On October 1, they finally reached their destination, Warde Island in the frozen North Sea. The work to which they set themselves there was even more strenuous than their journey had been. Their new surroundings were utterly strange, strange beyond all expectations. The polar summer was chilling, the sky was usually overcast, and the entire landscape and seascape were shrouded in fog. They set to work energetically building their research station and made eager preparation for June 3, the date of the eclipse when Venus was to pass between the sun and the earth, blotting out the sun's light. Hell's scientific log, his astute observations together with his scientific notations and calculations made in connection with this phenomenon became a substantial contribution to the composite fund of world facts in astronomy. On returning from this expedition, Hell presented himself before a session convoked by the Academy of Sciences at Copenhagen and delivered a thorough report on his journey, his observations and his conclusions. He promised to send a copy of this report to the Danish king. As a token of gratitude, Christian II granted Hell an annual pension of a thousand gulden but Hell graciously declined the bounty of the King. �SLOVAKIA 21 When Hell reached Vienna, he worked out some of his notes in greater detail and an account of his research and observation was published in a 1771 annual devoted to astronomy. Shortly afterwards he prepared another work on this subject. It was published as a French study in Journal des savants in 1776. Hell had set himself the further task of preparing a meticulously detailed account which was to be published in three comprehensive volumes but this scholarly work was never completed because the suppression of the Society of Jesus brought it to a halt. This unfortunate dissolution of the Jesuits also caused Hell to lose all his faithful associates and co-workers of long standing. Besides, he was burdened with an overwhelming multiplicity of pressing duties that prevented his application to the projected volumes. Another obstacle was the lack of financial resources to defray the expenses that would be entailed by such a publication. John sajnovic, Hell's companion and associate on the expedition to the Arctic for the solar eclipse observations, also produced a valuable work. It was published under the sponsorship of the University of Trnava. One feature of it was the linguistic study in which sajnovic pointed out various elements that the Lapp, the Finnish and the Chinese languages have in common with Magyar. Because Hell's long promised three-volume account of the Arctic project with all its scientific implications never went to print, differences of opinion on the merits of Hell's contribution began to appear among some groups of interested scientists. De la Lande and Encke were among the astronomers who cast doubts on Hell's time and date calculations in the researching of the solar eclipse as well as in his data relevant to general observations from this expedition. Much later, however, the American astronomer Newcomb made an exhaustive study of Hell's records in Vienna and he confirmed the findings of the polar expedition as Hell had reported them. Closer to our day the Danish astronomer Nielsen painstakingly reviewed Hell's calculations and reaffirmed their correctness and reliability in the light of modern scientific methods and theories. �22 SLOVAKIA CONCLUDING SUMMARY Maximilian Hell was an outstanding scholar and scientist whom Slovakia gave to the world. His major interest was in astronomy but he was also an authority in related branches of science, mainly in mathematics, physics, meteorology, physical geography, and mining geodesy and geodynamics. As a young man in his prime, he established and conducted astronomic observatories in Trnava, Kluz, Jager and Budapest. When we realize that in Hell's day astronomical observatories were the foremost of scientific institutes, and that physics and natural science laboratories came into being at a later time, we begin to appreciate more fully the fact that Hell's achievements were of prime significance not only within the borders of his own country but in all Europe as well. Hell himself was not-and he did not attempt to be-the kind of scientific research scholar who opens new fields of study on the basis of revolutionary or daring hypothetic premises; he was the characteristically patient, painstaking, persistant scholar whose whole life and achievement was grounded in diligent and unmitigated devotion to work and in dogged perseverance in a task. Too great a portion of Hell's scientific endeavor still remains unexamined and inadequately appraised. Much of his correspondence which deals with scientific interests is practically untouched. Pinzger published a monograph on Hell in which he included some samplings of this correspondence but his sources were not truly representative, for he limited himself to Austrian and Hungarian sources exclusively. The bulk of Hell's corr~spondence is reserved in the Academy of Sciences and in the archives of the observatory at the University of Vienna which is also official guardian of a special fund or trust in Hell's memory. Besides meriting recognition as a research scholar in various branches of science, Hell also deserves to be remembered as an educator of note. He was a renowned teacher and a distinguished lecturer at the University of Vienna. It is generally agreed that in the entire realm there was not at that time a scholar who was his equal, much less any one who could have performed or continued Hell's commit- �SLOVAKIA 23 ments more creditably or more satisfactorily. Because he was always a leader who was greatly involved in the scientific movements and activities of all Europe, he was offered membership in many notable scientific societies and associations. A further achievement of Maximilian Hell was his detailed mapping of the surface of the moon. The International Union of Astronomers recognized the value of this project and honored it by naming one of the moon's craters in honor of Hell. The life and achievements of this Jesuit scholar testify to the fact that Slovakia has much in her past that reflects glory upon the Slovaks as a nation. This should inspire a sense of wholesome pride and ambition in today's generation of descendants of Slovak families at home and .abroad. Translated by Barbara F t ci c n i k and Sister Martina T y b o r THE EASTERN SLOVAK CITY of Presov, historic market-town for centuries, is expanding its industrial facilities . Last year a modern super chicken-farm was established and put into operation. Moreover, a special auto-service with a daily capacity for approximately 500 autos was inaugurated. The center covering an area of 30,000 sq. meters was built at a cost of almost 50 million crowns (about $10,000,000.00). ALTHOUGH EACH YEAR the Slovak shipbuilders in Koma.mo, Slovakia, make scores of vessels for the Soviet Union which employs them on the Danube, Slovak shipping is limited to a pair of ships, the Slavin and Trnava, and three small craft. � SLOVAKIA Stephen S e n t 5 f k , S. J. Maximilian Hell, S.J. SLOVAK SCIENTIST OF WORLD RENOWN 1720-1792 On the occasion of a world-wide commemoration of the 250th anniversary of the birth of the Jesuit Maximilian Hell, which was sponsored by the international organization UNESCO, the Slovak Museum of Mining in Banska Stiavnica, Slovakia, published a worthy volume of lectures selected from a learned conference that was convoked in honor of the achievements of this distinguished scientist and remarkable teacher. The fact that a Slovak scholar was rightfully among those who were considered and assigned a place on the calendar of world-wide celebrations and that he was, in fact, universally recognized and honored-even with the liistinction of a commemorative UNESCO postal stampnaturally reflects honor not only on the man but also on his homeland, Slovakia. It likewise brings a degree of prestige of Slovak scholars who are devoted to scientific pursuit and it provides even the average layman with an opportunity to turn attention to the Slovak past and perhaps to catch in it at least a glimpse of some significant features that have long been indistinct or wholly unknown until now. In the thoughtful study titled "Banska Stiavnica-the Natural Environment of Maximilian Hell," (one of the papers published in the above-mentioned volume, cf. pp. 40 ff.) Dr. Jozef Vlachovic writes: "A thoughtful study of that period in the history of Banska Stiavnica brings one many a surprise and prompts frank admiration for the inhabitants of that town in its early days of economic growth. Largely because of their unmitigated effort, which appears to have been almost superhuman at times, and by reason of their remarkable intellectual gifts and physical stamina, they developed their community to an exceptional �6 SLOVAKIA degree of prosperity and progress." Dr. Vlachovic also notes that many aspects of the city's history and its. uniquely flourishing mining industry have not yet been adequately researched and should become the object of proper scholarly investigation. Encouraged by this observation, this writer has undertaken at least a bri~f exploration of the life and times of Maximilian Hell. The main objective · is to examine the highlights of his life and to survey the general environment in which the scientist was shaped, noting the influences that had contributed to the molding of his character and the bent of his scientific activities. FAMILY INFLUENCES The axiomatic principle that the earliest and strongest influences in life come from the home was borne out in the early shaping of the personality of Maximilian Hell who came of a family that was extraordinary in some respects. His father was Matthias Cornelius Hell, born c. 1650. It is very likely that he was of German background although his birthplace was Horny Slavkov near Pribram. He.began his working career in the Czech mining industry. It is generally agreed that he must have been gifted and industrious; this surmise is substantiated by the fact that he rapidly advanced in his working position so that although he was still a very young man, he was soon ranked as a highly qualified mining technician. He was, however, the kind of technician who not only mastered the intricacies of the industrial equipment readily and was able to increase production significantly, but he could also turn his keen perception and deep concern to the welfare and safety of the men who worked in the mines. His sense of responsibility reached out to men as well as to machines. In 1694, when Matthias Hell was in the prime of his manhood and had already enjoyed some recognition for his achievements, Count :Cudovit Thavonath, the chairman of a mining commission and recruiter of highly qualified experts for the mining industry, offered him a position in Banska stiavnica. The offer was attractive to Hell and he decided to accept it. This was the circumstance that brought the Heil family to the stiavnica mining region; Matthias Hell adjusted to the new surroundings easily. �SLOVAKIA 7 His characteristic devotion to duty and scrupulous sense of' responsibility, his competence and skill as well as his f:r1endly and understanding attitude toward his fellow workers and his subordinates soon won him many friends and admirers. These traits also recommended him for early promotion, and before long he was named chief industrial engineer of the stiavnica mining enterprise. In this position he became the promoter of remarkably improved technical prbcedtires. He also won great acciaim for the construction of water works in the vicinity of Banska stiavnica. On three separate occasions it was Hell who saved the stiavnica mines from utter ruin or from closing. Around 1700, the entire stiavnica mining operation was imperiled because the underground water level had risen to a critical high. In the face of this danger, the mines were all but abandoned until Matthias Hell master-minded a practical plan to save them. Harnessing water power drawn from the dikes built in the mine area, he put machinery to work-for pumpirtg out the excess underground water accumulation. In 1703, the revolutionary forces of George Rakoczy II seized central Slovakia and dispossessed Count Thavonath. In these troubled time mine production declined appreciably · and Rakoczy ordered General Berceny to halt all mining operations and to level the entire facility. Matthias Hell knew how very unwise and irresponsible such a procedure would be and he prevailed upon General Berceny not to carry out this order. Later, after the suppression of the Rakoczy uprising and a ret:urn to normalcy, the mines were again threatened because there were insufficient funds for reconstruction and .the proper updating of the plant in order to insure effective and profitable production. An executive order brought work to a standstill and it appeared that the industry was doomed. In this predicament, Hell intervened with a personal appeal made in the course of an interview with Emperor Joseph I of Vienna. He succeeded in prevailing upon the sovereign to realize that the reconstruction and restoration of the mines would bring public benefit and economic prosperity to this part of his realm. After the death of his wife, Matthias Hell lived as a widower for some time, doing his best to bring up his �8 SLOVAKIA children satisfactorily. On September 22, 1707, however, he married Julia Victoria Steindel who came of a GermanSlovak family in $tiavnica. This marriage was blest with four sons, each of whom distinguished himself in some way of life. The eldest, Ignatius Cornelius, became an outstanding engineer engaged in analyzing and assaying the various types of ore that were extracted in the $tiavnica mines. Joseph Charles, the second eldest, earned recognition and a degree of fame for a number of discoveries and inventions related to the mining industry. Some of the scientific and technical principles underlying these devices are still used to advantage throughout the world, even to our day. On May 15, 1720, when Matthias Cornelius Hell was already seventy years old, his third son was born. At his baptism in the Jesuit church in Banska $tiavnica he was given the name Maximilian. The occasion was solemn and significant, and a special aura was added to the ceremonies because the godparents were Count Tavonath and his wife. The fourth son in the family was Michael who distinguished himself in the local community as a chief inspector of the pumping operation in the mines. The Hell family had special regard for religious and intellectual training. The parents were solicitous about providing for their children a solid and wholesome preparation for life, and the children were intellectually gifted and responsive, all of them showing a special aptitude for mathematical and natural sciences. The fact that the mining school center was located at Vindsachta where the Hell family lived, made drawing boards and mapping materials, charts and model of mine working equipment, libraries and many learning aids accessible to the children, and they readily became very familiar with all these resources, deriving an excellent general and broadening education out of this circumstance. The scientific genius of Maximilian Hell found much opportunity for expression in this milieu of central-Slovak mining towns where socio-economic development was at a peak. This factor makes it advisable to pause a bit in order to survey the background with at least cursory interest. HANSKA $TIAVNICA was a leading city in Slovakia. As a matter of fact, it �SLOVAKIA 9 was second in rank, coming right after Bratislava, the capital city, and by actual count it had three hundred buildings more than Bratislava. Very early references to goldsmiths and to metal mining in the area can be traced back to at least the year 1075. In the sixteenth century events so shaped themselves that the city had every assurance of securely laid foundations for its cultural growth and for long-range prosperity of a high order. A large number of outstanding leaders in the field of technology and scientists of established repute came to reside in Banska stiavnica. The success and prosperity of the city were conditioned primarily on the natural underground richness of its mineral deposits and secondarily on other significant factors. In 1587 Banska stiavnica became the seat of the municipal treasury or finance department and the recognized head of seven mining cities in central Slovakia that had formed a partnership for mutual defense in the face of the Turkish menace and for united resistance to John Zapol'sky. Later most of the city's mining interests passed into the hands of affluent citizens so that the industry was not controlled by foreign investors but it developed and thrived on the capital of its own citizens who were characteristically energetic, hard-working and well educated individuals. The increase of mining output and the expansion of the mining industry as a whole were commensurate with the rising level of scholastic standards and academic opportunities, with the remarkable development of the educational system and with the rapidly advancing cultural status of the townspeople in stiavnica. In 1725 Banska stiavnica opened a technical school of mining which later evolved into a school of advanced learning and by 1770 became the Mining Academy for specialized study. It was the first advanced school of its kind in all Europe, attracting widespread attention for its departments of chemistry and physics. It had the unique distinction of being the first school in the history of education to introduce the laboratory method of instruction in chemistry. European technical schools were greatly interested in the outcomes of scientific experiments that were conducted in the innovated laboratory classes at the school. The Polytechnic Institute of Paris adopted the laboratory �10 SLOVAKIA method of instruction in chemistry as it had been introduced in the Academy of Mining in Banska stiavnica. Before long, other European polytechnic schools and universities also did so. Excellently equipped laboratories, an eminently qualified staff of teachers and research scholars as well as an environment and atmosphere conducive to pursuits of learning and research attracted scientists and inventors of established name to come to Banska stiavnica. For example: Volta, Tandi, Lippi, Savarezi, Melograni and a number of experts associated with the Spanish mining endeavors in America had devoted some time to specialized study in the laboratories at Banska stiavnica. The great demand for young engineers who had finished their studies at Banska stiavnica testifies to the high quality of schooling that was offered here. Early in the nineteenth century the sultan Mohammed invited into his service twelve graduates of this school, one of whom-John Knechtel-became the supervisor of mines in the Turkish empire. It was mainly because of the stimulus provided by the Mining Academy that the first world congress of natural scientists, attended largely by metallurgists and chemists, was held in Sklene Teplice in 1786. The International Society of Mining Science was established at this congress. Among its charter members were Anton Ruprecht and the Jesuit Nicholas Poda, both of whom were members of the faculty at the Mining Academy. Banska stiavnica reached the peak of its glory and prosperity in the first half of the eighteenth century. At that time its mining enterprises employed at least eight thousand workers and specialized technicians. The population of the city was always predominantly Slovak. In 1715, for example, its leading families registered these national origins or backgrounds: 424 Slovak, 360 German, and only 20 Magyar. Practically everyone who lived in the city was fluent in three languages: Slovak, German and Magyar. By the close of the eighteenth century, however, the city began to decline because it was no longer able to provide adequate job opportunities in the local mines and foundries. In the nineteenth century mining and �SLOVAKIA 11 metal works were superseded by other industrial interests that were introduced into Banska stiavnica. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MAXIMILIAN HELL Early in his life Maximilian Hell gave every indication of precocious gifts and talents, and the home and family in which he was nurtured greatly contributed to the full development of his natural endowments. Although his health began to fail, the aged father still continued to discharge his responsibilities as chief mining engineer and at the same time, he conscientiously saw to the consistently thorough and sound training of his sons. All four boys acquired their earliest acquaintance with scientific lore and some basic in the study of science from their father right at home. Later they were able to build on these fundamentals when they attended the already famed Mining Academy. Even in his boyhood, Maximilian was strongly influenced by the Jesuit professors in Banska stiavnica who were remarkably dedicated priests and were now involved in vital movement to restore Catholicism in this town which was recovering after the defeat of Rakoczy. These Jesuits had a well established mission in the village Vindsachta where the Hell family lived. One of their principal concerns was the education and proper training of the younger generation. As one measure toward this end they had founded a junior high school in Banska stiavnica and the boys of their school won many accolades for their dramatic presentations and declamations as well as for their performances in public examinations. Later a number of Jesuits also taught at the Mining Academy, especially in the departments of Latin, rhetoric and poetry. Father Nicholas Poda and Father Charles Tierenberger were heads of mathematics, mechanics and physics. They were famed experts in their specialized fields and they were excellent educators as well. Father Poda produced a textbook on mechanical engineering with special reference to the mining industry. It was the first textbook of its kind. For many decades the hand written lecture notes of Father Tierenberger were valued as a kind of mathematics handbook. Much of their substance and method still �12 SLOVAKIA had some value in practical application as late as the beginning of our century. There is no question about the lasting influence of the Jesuits upon the formative years of Maximilian Hell's life. Even from early boyhood he cultivated a strong inclination to develop his talents in their Society. He knew with what devotion the Jesuits promoted science and learning together with profound spirituality, for he had living examples of this kind of life in action and in its full reality as often as he looked about at the inspiration of Jesuit teachers in his midst, men who were effectively combined intensive religious life with specialized skills and scholarship in the natural sciences. On the recommendation of local teachers, the father sent his growing son to schools in Banska Bystrica where he could enroll in humanities courses at the Jesuit senior high school. In 1738 Maximilian Hell entered the Jesuit novitiate in Trencin. He was then a promising young man of eighteen. He devoted two years to the exclusive study of the fundamentals of religious life as it is lived in the Society of Jesus. Marginally, he continued his interest in the natural sciences, principally in mathematics. After his novitiate training was completed in 1740, his superiors sent him to Vienna for further study. This was the first time that he left his native Slovakia but he knew that his absence would be only temporary, that he would return one day with a rich store of enlarged knowledge and new experiences that could be shared with his countrymen. His life and accomplishments prove that this aspiration was no empty dream. Hell began his studies in Vienna by enrolling in the department of philosophy. In his day, this department also offered courses in what was catalogued as natural philoso phy and included the study of mathematics, physics and astronomy. These were the courses that interested Maximilian Hell the most. During the time that he was absorbed in mastering these natural sciences at Vienna, he also published his first book Elementa algebrae. The university at Vienna opened a new phase of life for the aspiring Jesuit. Two outstanding Jesuit educators who took note of this brilliant student were Erasmus Frolich, professor of mathematics, applied science in mechanics and history; and Joseph Franz, lecturer in philosophy, who �SLOVAKIA 13 was also devoted to exploring problems in mmmg and astronomy-subjects from the dark pits in the deep earth to the distant vaults in the skies. Franz already enjoyed an established reputation in the world of science, for he was the founder and the director of the Oriental Institute in Vienna. Both his diplomatic and his study tours in Turkey and in Asia Minor had yielded him a great deal of interesting and useful information, especially in matters of Oriental astronomy, mathematics and physics. He became very fond of Maximilian Hell whom he esteemed mainly because of his grasp in mining technology and his practical understanding of mining machines and equipment. Aware of these qualifications in Hell, Franz chose him to be the recipient of a special fellowship and to serve as an assistant in his department. Later he introduced him to the wonders of astronomy and in time he made him an assistant in the Jesuit observatory. Maximilian became enchanted by this science of the heavens and he discovered that here at least was his greatest prospect for the direct application of his attractions and his natural capacities for natural science and mathematics. It is standard Jesuit practice that after two years of study in philosophy, a candidate devotes a year or two to actual teaching and work in the apostolate in order to benefit from such realistic experience and to test innate capacities. On his personal initiative Maximilian Hell petitioned his superiors to assign him to some work of this nature in his native Slovakia. This reasonable request was honored and he was sent to teach Latin, Greek, history and geography at the high school in Levoca. Later he himself added mathematics to the courses that he taught and in his free time he continued the study of astronomy which fascinated him thoroughly. He proved to be very effective in his work with Slovak high school students as well as in his activities among the local people. They admired him greatly and were impressed by his personality and his intellectual gifts. From Levoca Hell often visited his friend Adam Kollar who taught in Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas. He, too, had had Jesuit training in the background but he decided to leave the Society before ordination. After two years of teaching at the high school in Levoca, Hell returned to Vienna for theological studies which lasted �14 SLOVAKIA four years, and finally in 1751 he achieved the most ardent hope of his lifetime when he was ordained priest. In this same year he was also awarded the academic degree Doctor of Philosophy. After ordination he taught for some time at the humanities school in Banska Bystrica which was quite close to his native Banska stiavnica. This made it possible for him to keep in close touch with his brother Joseph who was employed as a mechanical engineer. Pooling his talents with Samuel Makovini he was busily engaged in constructing a new pumping device to control the water level in the mines. The unusual feature of this pumping machine lay in the fact that it was not dependent on motor power or on levers, on pressure valves or pistons, but its operational force was pressurized water power alone. Maximilian was of great help to Joseph in this undertaking, for he worked out sensitive mathematical calculations that were involved in the planning. At the same time he was broadening and deepening his own mastery of physics. Interestingly, 110 years later this ingenious concept of the Hell brothers of using the force of pressurized air to pump liquids was put to practical use for the first time when the United States undertook operations to extract crude oil out of Pennsylvania oil fields. The discovery of the Hell brothers became the common property of all men. While he was in Banska Bystrica, Maximilian successfully completed what is termed the third probationary period in the Jesuit formation program and he became a full-fledged member, dedicated to a lifetime career in the Society. At the request of Count Konigseck, who was very influential in the mining industry and who was well acquainted with the Hell family, and with the sanction of his immediate -superiors, the young Jesuit tutored the Count's son in mathematics and physics for some time, helping to prepare him for a lifetime office in mining supervision. It should be kept in mind that at this time the Mining Academy was not yet founded in Banska stiavnica. The tutorial service that Hell performed for Count Konigseck's son really made of him a pioneer in mining instruction on the secondary level. It was ten years later-specifically on April 3, 1770-that Empress Maria Theresa, Queen of �SLOVAKIA 15 Hungary and Bohemia, granted approbation to the proposal presented by Count Novohradsky after mature deliberation with Professor Hell, for the founding of the Mining Academy which was to be an advanced technical institute of mining in Banska stiavnica. Hell was also commissioned to translate the mining statutes of Hungary (the old multinational state) from German into Latin. This event too indicates what respect Maximilian Hell commanded in scientific circles, for a task of this kind could be entrusted only to one with proven abilities not only in fluent Latin expression but also with a command of clear and precise mining terminology. Though Hell was greatly preoccupied with these activities, his study of astronomy did not suffer in any way. As a matter of fact, he made steady progress in this science and his prestige among astronomers continued to grow. In 1752 Dean Borgias Keri of the University of Trnava approached him about the founding of a university observatory. Hell welcomed the proposition, for if he had a particular ambition, it was to see his native Slovakia advance significantly in scientific scholarship as well as in all branches of learning. After an all-too-brief stay of one year in Trnava, Hell was assigned to Kluz in present-day Rumania where he was to establish a new college and build an observatory. He devoted three years of intensive work to this task. In the course of this time, however, he not only supervised the construction of the college and its observatory but he also taught mathematics and found time for the apostolic work of pastoral service among the Slovaks and Germans who were beginning to settle in Kluz and its vicinity and were in need of priestly ministry. By way of a marginal professional undertaking, he also compiled and published some handbooks in mathematics. In formal professional circles Hell earned not only recognition but even evident regard and esteem for his scholarly proficiency and his achievements in mathematics, physics and astronomy. After the eminent natural scientist and mathematician John Marinoni died in Vienna, Hell was invited to that city and was named director of the new observatory at the University of Vienna. In the discharge of this office he created extraordinary and needful pressure �16 SLOVAKIA in order to provide for the observatory the newest kind of equipment that was available in that day. In line of duty, he devoted meticulous attention to the movement of heavenly bodies, conducted guided tours of the observatory on behalf of noteworthy visitors, collaborated with projects of scientific institutes outside the country, supervised the publication of calendars of astronomic interest and information, and conducted sessions in the practical study of astronomy and observation of heavenly bodies. From 1755 on, Hell undertook very serious efforts to correlate and coordinate the theoretic and the practical aspects of science. He was gratifyingly successful in the endeavor. With a sense of elation he accepted an offer to teach mechanics and to conduct lectures for aspiring builders, construction engineers and artists. In time, Hell found himself constrained to resign his teaching commitments because of the burdens of office. He had become court astronomer and mathematician as well as editor of the learned astronomy annual Ephemerides Astronomicae. The greatest of demands were made on him by this journal which he compiled and edited for 37 years, except for some brief and intermittent periods. It brought its readers pertinent mathematical tables and calculations and almanac-styled articles on heavenly phenomena, primarily the movement of the principal heavenly bodies: the sun, the moon and the stars. Hell also made of this annual the publications vehicle for reports on astronomic observations from many European observatories. His prestigious position as well as his deservedly respected reputation as a remarkable scholar and an accomplished scientist together with his winning disposition and gracious manner all worked to the good in attracting the cooperation of significant men of science and learning in other countries. This editing of a scientific journal of this nature was a pioneering venture. England launched a similar publication only ten years later. The Berlin Academy did not initiate such a publication until two decades later. THE ACCOMPLISHMENTS OF MAXIMILIAN HELL Writing in the periodical The Slovak Jesuits in Canada �SLOVAKIA 17 <1970, p. 48) Dr. Robert Bajcar observes that "It is a challenging and complex task to evaluate the achievements of Maximilian Hell. This is due largely to the fact that the man himself is an impressive personality of uncommon stature and his is a broad spectrum of interests with a markedly varied field of activity. Nor is it a simple matter to do this uniquely versatile scientist justice by appropriate placement in proper historic and generic classifications." Dr. Bajcar feels that Maximilian Hell is first and foremost an astronomer. In this appreciation of Hell, however, we choose to review his contributions to his native land and to speak of his scientific expedition to the polar regions m the company of John ~ajnovic, another Slovak Jesuit scholar. It is an interesting detail of research findings that the first efforts to organize scientific activities and interests in the multinational and polyglot country of Hungary were begun in Slovak lands. In 1763 Adam Kollar, honored by his colleagues with the epithet "The Slovak Socrates," addressed to Hungarian scholars and learned citizens his proposal for founding a Hungarian learned society whose members would concern themselves with active participation in or the support of research into the history, natural science, economics and political science of Hungary. Two years later, Kollar published a Latin document justifying the taxation of properties owned by the Church and the nobility. This offended many sensibilities and the aristocracy retaliated with an official proclamation in parliament by which Kollar was denounced as a traitor and his paper was publicly burned at an open demonstration in the courtyard of the Bratislava townhall. Maria Theresa exonerated Kollar, her official director at the imperial library, but she tabled his proposal for the founding of a learned society. A second endeavor to establish a Hungarian learned society was made in 1771. This one, too, was initiated in Slovakia. This time the proposition was presented to Maria Theresa anonymously although it is generally surmised that is was formulated by Kollar, Trstiansky and Count Teleki. The proposed body was to be called Academia Augusta and was to consist of four departments: philosophy, history, political economy and education. In May, 1774, �18 SLOVAKIA the court counselor authorized Adam Kollar and Maximilian Hell to draft the charter and the by-laws of the projected association. For a long time Hell had given much thought to the prospects of organizing scientific thought and activities. He had his own preconceptions about the nature and objectives of a learned body, and unhappily his ideas did not square with Kalla.r's. Hell envisioned niceties of distinction between the university as a pedagogical institution and the learned academy as a scientific institute. He believed that: It is the function of a lecturer or a professor in a given discipline to present the subject matter of a course within its current context and degree of development together with all available findings that are related to it at that time and in such a manner that it will be readily comprehended and assimilated by the average student in attendance ... An active member of the learned society, on the other hand, is responsible not only for demonstrating professional mastery in his specialized field, but he likewise bears the responsibility of bring,i ng the fruits and findings of personal study, eocperimentation and research, the responsibility of making new contribution to the general store of data already available in that field. Members of a learned institute bring discovery and enrichment to science and learning; professors, by contrast, present to their classes and audiences facts and explanations bearing on the findings made by learned societies in order to enlarge and expand knowledge that is already available. By Hell's definition then, the essential scientist is intrinsically a discoverer of new facts or new ideas. For this reason, Hell was convinced that this unique aspect of science scholarship had to be a characteristic and integral feature of the authentic academy of sciences. There is fundamental truth in the perceptive thinking of Hell but this was thoroughly radical thinking in his day. It was also truly radical, for example, to consider Hell's exclusion of the hwnanities from the academy. His philosophy of thinking out the structure of the academy ruled out history, law, linguistics, the fine arts and related disciplines. It is not surprising then that Hell's plan was vigorously opposed by the humanists. As a matter of fact, Kollar himself came to take a stand against Hell and his unrelenting position. Hell also had ideas of his own concerning the financial �SLOVAKIA 19 security of the proposed academy. He proposed that it be supported by the publication of scientific almanacs that would be promoted throughout all the countries of the Habsburg empire. Officialdom in Hungary did not endorse this plan but offered the counter-proposal that the academy be established with headquarters in Trnava, where the University of Trnava would see to its functioning. This time it was Hell's proposal that was relegated ad acta. But his hopes and his efforts to organize scientific thought and activities in home reasonable way were not entirely in vain. The international science institute which was founded in Sklene Teplice in 1786 never would have been established in Slovakia had its establishment not been proceded by the hopeful plans and efforts of scientists like Hell and Kollar. A significant contribution of Maximilian Hell to the Slovak world of science was his construction of an observatory at the University of Trnava. At this time in the history of learning and education, an observatory had more than scientific value exclusively; it also satisfied academic and practical roles. Hell's peculiar genius lay in his ability to combine scientific theory with practical application. His scientific almanacs were sought not only by specialists in astronomy but by geographers, mariners, travelers and military strategists as well. He was proficient in using scientific knowledge to good purpose for many practical uses. Danish astronomers and sailors were especially eager to have his publications. One year after his accession to the throne, the young King Christian officially invited Hell to come to Denmark and offered him a commission to take charge of astronomic observation on Warde Island in the icy North Sea during the eclipse of the sun on June 3, 1769. With the consent of Maria Theresa, Hell accepted the King's offer and made necessary preparations for the journey and for the observation study. He chose for his companion a fellow-Jesuit John sajnowho was his junior by thirteen years. Sajnovic had experience as an assistant at the Trnava University observatory which Hell had founded. Both men were natives of the same region, they were of compatible disposition and vic �20 SLOVAKIA had many interests in common. The younger man was entrusted with all the details of the journey by land and by sea, and he was to prepare the physical features of the observation station on Warde Island. Hell was to look after the essentially scientific details connected with the task of observation and with the keeping of a scientific diary and official records. A secondary assignment for sajnovic was to study the flora and fauna of Lapland as well as the native Laplanders, the Eskimos and the Finns; their language, customs and culture-truly a formidable and responsible task. Hell added to his main objectives a study of the aurora borealis, the magnetic needle and the Gulf Stream-its influence on storms, etc. On April 28, 1768 Hell and sajnovic set out on the long expedition from Vienna to the Arctic Circle. The journey was long and taxing, requiring all of five months. On October 1, they finally reached their destination, Warde Island in the frozen North Sea. The work to which they set themselves there was even more strenuous than their journey had been. Their new surroundings were utterly strange, strange beyond all expectations. The polar summer was chilling, the sky was usually overcast, and the entire landscape and seascape were shrouded in fog. They set to work energetically building their research station and made eager preparation for June 3, the date of the eclipse when Venus was to pass between the sun and the earth, blotting out the sun's light. Hell's scientific log, his astute observations together with his scientific notations and calculations made in connection with this phenomenon became a substantial contribution to the composite fund of world facts in astronomy. On returning from this expedition, Hell presented himself before a session convoked by the Academy of Sciences at Copenhagen and delivered a thorough report on his journey, his observations and his conclusions. He promised to send a copy of this report to the Danish king. As a token of gratitude, Christian II granted Hell an annual pension of a thousand gulden but Hell graciously declined the bounty of the King. �SLOVAKIA 21 When Hell reached Vienna, he worked out some of his notes in greater detail and an account of his research and observation was published in a 1771 annual devoted to astronomy. Shortly afterwards he prepared another work on this subject. It was published as a French study in Journal des savants in 1776. Hell had set himself the further task of preparing a meticulously detailed account which was to be published in three comprehensive volumes but this scholarly work was never completed because the suppression of the Society of Jesus brought it to a halt. This unfortunate dissolution of the Jesuits also caused Hell to lose all his faithful associates and co-workers of long standing. Besides, he was burdened with an overwhelming multiplicity of pressing duties that prevented his application to the projected volumes. Another obstacle was the lack of financial resources to defray the expenses that would be entailed by such a publication. John sajnovic, Hell's companion and associate on the expedition to the Arctic for the solar eclipse observations, also produced a valuable work. It was published under the sponsorship of the University of Trnava. One feature of it was the linguistic study in which sajnovic pointed out various elements that the Lapp, the Finnish and the Chinese languages have in common with Magyar. Because Hell's long promised three-volume account of the Arctic project with all its scientific implications never went to print, differences of opinion on the merits of Hell's contribution began to appear among some groups of interested scientists. De la Lande and Encke were among the astronomers who cast doubts on Hell's time and date calculations in the researching of the solar eclipse as well as in his data relevant to general observations from this expedition. Much later, however, the American astronomer Newcomb made an exhaustive study of Hell's records in Vienna and he confirmed the findings of the polar expedition as Hell had reported them. Closer to our day the Danish astronomer Nielsen painstakingly reviewed Hell's calculations and reaffirmed their correctness and reliability in the light of modern scientific methods and theories. �22 SLOVAKIA CONCLUDING SUMMARY Maximilian Hell was an outstanding scholar and scientist whom Slovakia gave to the world. His major interest was in astronomy but he was also an authority in related branches of science, mainly in mathematics, physics, meteorology, physical geography, and mining geodesy and geodynamics. As a young man in his prime, he established and conducted astronomic observatories in Trnava, Kluz, Jager and Budapest. When we realize that in Hell's day astronomical observatories were the foremost of scientific institutes, and that physics and natural science laboratories came into being at a later time, we begin to appreciate more fully the fact that Hell's achievements were of prime significance not only within the borders of his own country but in all Europe as well. Hell himself was not-and he did not attempt to be-the kind of scientific research scholar who opens new fields of study on the basis of revolutionary or daring hypothetic premises; he was the characteristically patient, painstaking, persistant scholar whose whole life and achievement was grounded in diligent and unmitigated devotion to work and in dogged perseverance in a task. Too great a portion of Hell's scientific endeavor still remains unexamined and inadequately appraised. Much of his correspondence which deals with scientific interests is practically untouched. Pinzger published a monograph on Hell in which he included some samplings of this correspondence but his sources were not truly representative, for he limited himself to Austrian and Hungarian sources exclusively. The bulk of Hell's corr~spondence is reserved in the Academy of Sciences and in the archives of the observatory at the University of Vienna which is also official guardian of a special fund or trust in Hell's memory. Besides meriting recognition as a research scholar in various branches of science, Hell also deserves to be remembered as an educator of note. He was a renowned teacher and a distinguished lecturer at the University of Vienna. It is generally agreed that in the entire realm there was not at that time a scholar who was his equal, much less any one who could have performed or continued Hell's commit- �SLOVAKIA 23 ments more creditably or more satisfactorily. Because he was always a leader who was greatly involved in the scientific movements and activities of all Europe, he was offered membership in many notable scientific societies and associations. A further achievement of Maximilian Hell was his detailed mapping of the surface of the moon. The International Union of Astronomers recognized the value of this project and honored it by naming one of the moon's craters in honor of Hell. The life and achievements of this Jesuit scholar testify to the fact that Slovakia has much in her past that reflects glory upon the Slovaks as a nation. This should inspire a sense of wholesome pride and ambition in today's generation of descendants of Slovak families at home and .abroad. Translated by Barbara F t ci c n i k and Sister Martina T y b o r THE EASTERN SLOVAK CITY of Presov, historic market-town for centuries, is expanding its industrial facilities . Last year a modern super chicken-farm was established and put into operation. Moreover, a special auto-service with a daily capacity for approximately 500 autos was inaugurated. The center covering an area of 30,000 sq. meters was built at a cost of almost 50 million crowns (about $10,000,000.00). ALTHOUGH EACH YEAR the Slovak shipbuilders in Koma.mo, Slovakia, make scores of vessels for the Soviet Union which employs them on the Danube, Slovak shipping is limited to a pair of ships, the Slavin and Trnava, and three small craft. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1974, Vol. 24 Description An account of the resource Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA Stephen S e n t 5 f k , S. J. Maximilian Hell, S.J. SLOVAK SCIENTIST OF WORLD RENOWN 1720-1792 On the occasion of a world-wide commemoration of the 250th anniversary of the birth of the Jesuit Maximilian Hell, which was sponsored by the international organization UNESCO, the Slovak Museum of Mining in Banska Stiavnica, Slovakia, published a worthy volume of lectures selected from a learned conference that was convoked in honor of the achievements of this distinguished scientist and remarkable teacher. The fact that a Slovak scholar was rightfully among those who were considered and assigned a place on the calendar of world-wide celebrations and that he was, in fact, universally recognized and honored-even with the liistinction of a commemorative UNESCO postal stampnaturally reflects honor not only on the man but also on his homeland, Slovakia. It likewise brings a degree of prestige of Slovak scholars who are devoted to scientific pursuit and it provides even the average layman with an opportunity to turn attention to the Slovak past and perhaps to catch in it at least a glimpse of some significant features that have long been indistinct or wholly unknown until now. In the thoughtful study titled "Banska Stiavnica-the Natural Environment of Maximilian Hell," (one of the papers published in the above-mentioned volume, cf. pp. 40 ff.) Dr. Jozef Vlachovic writes: "A thoughtful study of that period in the history of Banska Stiavnica brings one many a surprise and prompts frank admiration for the inhabitants of that town in its early days of economic growth. Largely because of their unmitigated effort, which appears to have been almost superhuman at times, and by reason of their remarkable intellectual gifts and physical stamina, they developed their community to an exceptional 6 SLOVAKIA degree of prosperity and progress." Dr. Vlachovic also notes that many aspects of the city's history and its. uniquely flourishing mining industry have not yet been adequately researched and should become the object of proper scholarly investigation. Encouraged by this observation, this writer has undertaken at least a bri~f exploration of the life and times of Maximilian Hell. The main objective · is to examine the highlights of his life and to survey the general environment in which the scientist was shaped, noting the influences that had contributed to the molding of his character and the bent of his scientific activities. FAMILY INFLUENCES The axiomatic principle that the earliest and strongest influences in life come from the home was borne out in the early shaping of the personality of Maximilian Hell who came of a family that was extraordinary in some respects. His father was Matthias Cornelius Hell, born c. 1650. It is very likely that he was of German background although his birthplace was Horny Slavkov near Pribram. He.began his working career in the Czech mining industry. It is generally agreed that he must have been gifted and industrious; this surmise is substantiated by the fact that he rapidly advanced in his working position so that although he was still a very young man, he was soon ranked as a highly qualified mining technician. He was, however, the kind of technician who not only mastered the intricacies of the industrial equipment readily and was able to increase production significantly, but he could also turn his keen perception and deep concern to the welfare and safety of the men who worked in the mines. His sense of responsibility reached out to men as well as to machines. In 1694, when Matthias Hell was in the prime of his manhood and had already enjoyed some recognition for his achievements, Count :Cudovit Thavonath, the chairman of a mining commission and recruiter of highly qualified experts for the mining industry, offered him a position in Banska stiavnica. The offer was attractive to Hell and he decided to accept it. This was the circumstance that brought the Heil family to the stiavnica mining region; Matthias Hell adjusted to the new surroundings easily. SLOVAKIA 7 His characteristic devotion to duty and scrupulous sense of' responsibility, his competence and skill as well as his f:r1endly and understanding attitude toward his fellow workers and his subordinates soon won him many friends and admirers. These traits also recommended him for early promotion, and before long he was named chief industrial engineer of the stiavnica mining enterprise. In this position he became the promoter of remarkably improved technical prbcedtires. He also won great acciaim for the construction of water works in the vicinity of Banska stiavnica. On three separate occasions it was Hell who saved the stiavnica mines from utter ruin or from closing. Around 1700, the entire stiavnica mining operation was imperiled because the underground water level had risen to a critical high. In the face of this danger, the mines were all but abandoned until Matthias Hell master-minded a practical plan to save them. Harnessing water power drawn from the dikes built in the mine area, he put machinery to work-for pumpirtg out the excess underground water accumulation. In 1703, the revolutionary forces of George Rakoczy II seized central Slovakia and dispossessed Count Thavonath. In these troubled time mine production declined appreciably · and Rakoczy ordered General Berceny to halt all mining operations and to level the entire facility. Matthias Hell knew how very unwise and irresponsible such a procedure would be and he prevailed upon General Berceny not to carry out this order. Later, after the suppression of the Rakoczy uprising and a ret:urn to normalcy, the mines were again threatened because there were insufficient funds for reconstruction and .the proper updating of the plant in order to insure effective and profitable production. An executive order brought work to a standstill and it appeared that the industry was doomed. In this predicament, Hell intervened with a personal appeal made in the course of an interview with Emperor Joseph I of Vienna. He succeeded in prevailing upon the sovereign to realize that the reconstruction and restoration of the mines would bring public benefit and economic prosperity to this part of his realm. After the death of his wife, Matthias Hell lived as a widower for some time, doing his best to bring up his 8 SLOVAKIA children satisfactorily. On September 22, 1707, however, he married Julia Victoria Steindel who came of a GermanSlovak family in $tiavnica. This marriage was blest with four sons, each of whom distinguished himself in some way of life. The eldest, Ignatius Cornelius, became an outstanding engineer engaged in analyzing and assaying the various types of ore that were extracted in the $tiavnica mines. Joseph Charles, the second eldest, earned recognition and a degree of fame for a number of discoveries and inventions related to the mining industry. Some of the scientific and technical principles underlying these devices are still used to advantage throughout the world, even to our day. On May 15, 1720, when Matthias Cornelius Hell was already seventy years old, his third son was born. At his baptism in the Jesuit church in Banska $tiavnica he was given the name Maximilian. The occasion was solemn and significant, and a special aura was added to the ceremonies because the godparents were Count Tavonath and his wife. The fourth son in the family was Michael who distinguished himself in the local community as a chief inspector of the pumping operation in the mines. The Hell family had special regard for religious and intellectual training. The parents were solicitous about providing for their children a solid and wholesome preparation for life, and the children were intellectually gifted and responsive, all of them showing a special aptitude for mathematical and natural sciences. The fact that the mining school center was located at Vindsachta where the Hell family lived, made drawing boards and mapping materials, charts and model of mine working equipment, libraries and many learning aids accessible to the children, and they readily became very familiar with all these resources, deriving an excellent general and broadening education out of this circumstance. The scientific genius of Maximilian Hell found much opportunity for expression in this milieu of central-Slovak mining towns where socio-economic development was at a peak. This factor makes it advisable to pause a bit in order to survey the background with at least cursory interest. HANSKA $TIAVNICA was a leading city in Slovakia. As a matter of fact, it SLOVAKIA 9 was second in rank, coming right after Bratislava, the capital city, and by actual count it had three hundred buildings more than Bratislava. Very early references to goldsmiths and to metal mining in the area can be traced back to at least the year 1075. In the sixteenth century events so shaped themselves that the city had every assurance of securely laid foundations for its cultural growth and for long-range prosperity of a high order. A large number of outstanding leaders in the field of technology and scientists of established repute came to reside in Banska stiavnica. The success and prosperity of the city were conditioned primarily on the natural underground richness of its mineral deposits and secondarily on other significant factors. In 1587 Banska stiavnica became the seat of the municipal treasury or finance department and the recognized head of seven mining cities in central Slovakia that had formed a partnership for mutual defense in the face of the Turkish menace and for united resistance to John Zapol'sky. Later most of the city's mining interests passed into the hands of affluent citizens so that the industry was not controlled by foreign investors but it developed and thrived on the capital of its own citizens who were characteristically energetic, hard-working and well educated individuals. The increase of mining output and the expansion of the mining industry as a whole were commensurate with the rising level of scholastic standards and academic opportunities, with the remarkable development of the educational system and with the rapidly advancing cultural status of the townspeople in stiavnica. In 1725 Banska stiavnica opened a technical school of mining which later evolved into a school of advanced learning and by 1770 became the Mining Academy for specialized study. It was the first advanced school of its kind in all Europe, attracting widespread attention for its departments of chemistry and physics. It had the unique distinction of being the first school in the history of education to introduce the laboratory method of instruction in chemistry. European technical schools were greatly interested in the outcomes of scientific experiments that were conducted in the innovated laboratory classes at the school. The Polytechnic Institute of Paris adopted the laboratory 10 SLOVAKIA method of instruction in chemistry as it had been introduced in the Academy of Mining in Banska stiavnica. Before long, other European polytechnic schools and universities also did so. Excellently equipped laboratories, an eminently qualified staff of teachers and research scholars as well as an environment and atmosphere conducive to pursuits of learning and research attracted scientists and inventors of established name to come to Banska stiavnica. For example: Volta, Tandi, Lippi, Savarezi, Melograni and a number of experts associated with the Spanish mining endeavors in America had devoted some time to specialized study in the laboratories at Banska stiavnica. The great demand for young engineers who had finished their studies at Banska stiavnica testifies to the high quality of schooling that was offered here. Early in the nineteenth century the sultan Mohammed invited into his service twelve graduates of this school, one of whom-John Knechtel-became the supervisor of mines in the Turkish empire. It was mainly because of the stimulus provided by the Mining Academy that the first world congress of natural scientists, attended largely by metallurgists and chemists, was held in Sklene Teplice in 1786. The International Society of Mining Science was established at this congress. Among its charter members were Anton Ruprecht and the Jesuit Nicholas Poda, both of whom were members of the faculty at the Mining Academy. Banska stiavnica reached the peak of its glory and prosperity in the first half of the eighteenth century. At that time its mining enterprises employed at least eight thousand workers and specialized technicians. The population of the city was always predominantly Slovak. In 1715, for example, its leading families registered these national origins or backgrounds: 424 Slovak, 360 German, and only 20 Magyar. Practically everyone who lived in the city was fluent in three languages: Slovak, German and Magyar. By the close of the eighteenth century, however, the city began to decline because it was no longer able to provide adequate job opportunities in the local mines and foundries. In the nineteenth century mining and SLOVAKIA 11 metal works were superseded by other industrial interests that were introduced into Banska stiavnica. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MAXIMILIAN HELL Early in his life Maximilian Hell gave every indication of precocious gifts and talents, and the home and family in which he was nurtured greatly contributed to the full development of his natural endowments. Although his health began to fail, the aged father still continued to discharge his responsibilities as chief mining engineer and at the same time, he conscientiously saw to the consistently thorough and sound training of his sons. All four boys acquired their earliest acquaintance with scientific lore and some basic in the study of science from their father right at home. Later they were able to build on these fundamentals when they attended the already famed Mining Academy. Even in his boyhood, Maximilian was strongly influenced by the Jesuit professors in Banska stiavnica who were remarkably dedicated priests and were now involved in vital movement to restore Catholicism in this town which was recovering after the defeat of Rakoczy. These Jesuits had a well established mission in the village Vindsachta where the Hell family lived. One of their principal concerns was the education and proper training of the younger generation. As one measure toward this end they had founded a junior high school in Banska stiavnica and the boys of their school won many accolades for their dramatic presentations and declamations as well as for their performances in public examinations. Later a number of Jesuits also taught at the Mining Academy, especially in the departments of Latin, rhetoric and poetry. Father Nicholas Poda and Father Charles Tierenberger were heads of mathematics, mechanics and physics. They were famed experts in their specialized fields and they were excellent educators as well. Father Poda produced a textbook on mechanical engineering with special reference to the mining industry. It was the first textbook of its kind. For many decades the hand written lecture notes of Father Tierenberger were valued as a kind of mathematics handbook. Much of their substance and method still 12 SLOVAKIA had some value in practical application as late as the beginning of our century. There is no question about the lasting influence of the Jesuits upon the formative years of Maximilian Hell's life. Even from early boyhood he cultivated a strong inclination to develop his talents in their Society. He knew with what devotion the Jesuits promoted science and learning together with profound spirituality, for he had living examples of this kind of life in action and in its full reality as often as he looked about at the inspiration of Jesuit teachers in his midst, men who were effectively combined intensive religious life with specialized skills and scholarship in the natural sciences. On the recommendation of local teachers, the father sent his growing son to schools in Banska Bystrica where he could enroll in humanities courses at the Jesuit senior high school. In 1738 Maximilian Hell entered the Jesuit novitiate in Trencin. He was then a promising young man of eighteen. He devoted two years to the exclusive study of the fundamentals of religious life as it is lived in the Society of Jesus. Marginally, he continued his interest in the natural sciences, principally in mathematics. After his novitiate training was completed in 1740, his superiors sent him to Vienna for further study. This was the first time that he left his native Slovakia but he knew that his absence would be only temporary, that he would return one day with a rich store of enlarged knowledge and new experiences that could be shared with his countrymen. His life and accomplishments prove that this aspiration was no empty dream. Hell began his studies in Vienna by enrolling in the department of philosophy. In his day, this department also offered courses in what was catalogued as natural philoso phy and included the study of mathematics, physics and astronomy. These were the courses that interested Maximilian Hell the most. During the time that he was absorbed in mastering these natural sciences at Vienna, he also published his first book Elementa algebrae. The university at Vienna opened a new phase of life for the aspiring Jesuit. Two outstanding Jesuit educators who took note of this brilliant student were Erasmus Frolich, professor of mathematics, applied science in mechanics and history; and Joseph Franz, lecturer in philosophy, who SLOVAKIA 13 was also devoted to exploring problems in mmmg and astronomy-subjects from the dark pits in the deep earth to the distant vaults in the skies. Franz already enjoyed an established reputation in the world of science, for he was the founder and the director of the Oriental Institute in Vienna. Both his diplomatic and his study tours in Turkey and in Asia Minor had yielded him a great deal of interesting and useful information, especially in matters of Oriental astronomy, mathematics and physics. He became very fond of Maximilian Hell whom he esteemed mainly because of his grasp in mining technology and his practical understanding of mining machines and equipment. Aware of these qualifications in Hell, Franz chose him to be the recipient of a special fellowship and to serve as an assistant in his department. Later he introduced him to the wonders of astronomy and in time he made him an assistant in the Jesuit observatory. Maximilian became enchanted by this science of the heavens and he discovered that here at least was his greatest prospect for the direct application of his attractions and his natural capacities for natural science and mathematics. It is standard Jesuit practice that after two years of study in philosophy, a candidate devotes a year or two to actual teaching and work in the apostolate in order to benefit from such realistic experience and to test innate capacities. On his personal initiative Maximilian Hell petitioned his superiors to assign him to some work of this nature in his native Slovakia. This reasonable request was honored and he was sent to teach Latin, Greek, history and geography at the high school in Levoca. Later he himself added mathematics to the courses that he taught and in his free time he continued the study of astronomy which fascinated him thoroughly. He proved to be very effective in his work with Slovak high school students as well as in his activities among the local people. They admired him greatly and were impressed by his personality and his intellectual gifts. From Levoca Hell often visited his friend Adam Kollar who taught in Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas. He, too, had had Jesuit training in the background but he decided to leave the Society before ordination. After two years of teaching at the high school in Levoca, Hell returned to Vienna for theological studies which lasted 14 SLOVAKIA four years, and finally in 1751 he achieved the most ardent hope of his lifetime when he was ordained priest. In this same year he was also awarded the academic degree Doctor of Philosophy. After ordination he taught for some time at the humanities school in Banska Bystrica which was quite close to his native Banska stiavnica. This made it possible for him to keep in close touch with his brother Joseph who was employed as a mechanical engineer. Pooling his talents with Samuel Makovini he was busily engaged in constructing a new pumping device to control the water level in the mines. The unusual feature of this pumping machine lay in the fact that it was not dependent on motor power or on levers, on pressure valves or pistons, but its operational force was pressurized water power alone. Maximilian was of great help to Joseph in this undertaking, for he worked out sensitive mathematical calculations that were involved in the planning. At the same time he was broadening and deepening his own mastery of physics. Interestingly, 110 years later this ingenious concept of the Hell brothers of using the force of pressurized air to pump liquids was put to practical use for the first time when the United States undertook operations to extract crude oil out of Pennsylvania oil fields. The discovery of the Hell brothers became the common property of all men. While he was in Banska Bystrica, Maximilian successfully completed what is termed the third probationary period in the Jesuit formation program and he became a full-fledged member, dedicated to a lifetime career in the Society. At the request of Count Konigseck, who was very influential in the mining industry and who was well acquainted with the Hell family, and with the sanction of his immediate -superiors, the young Jesuit tutored the Count's son in mathematics and physics for some time, helping to prepare him for a lifetime office in mining supervision. It should be kept in mind that at this time the Mining Academy was not yet founded in Banska stiavnica. The tutorial service that Hell performed for Count Konigseck's son really made of him a pioneer in mining instruction on the secondary level. It was ten years later-specifically on April 3, 1770-that Empress Maria Theresa, Queen of SLOVAKIA 15 Hungary and Bohemia, granted approbation to the proposal presented by Count Novohradsky after mature deliberation with Professor Hell, for the founding of the Mining Academy which was to be an advanced technical institute of mining in Banska stiavnica. Hell was also commissioned to translate the mining statutes of Hungary (the old multinational state) from German into Latin. This event too indicates what respect Maximilian Hell commanded in scientific circles, for a task of this kind could be entrusted only to one with proven abilities not only in fluent Latin expression but also with a command of clear and precise mining terminology. Though Hell was greatly preoccupied with these activities, his study of astronomy did not suffer in any way. As a matter of fact, he made steady progress in this science and his prestige among astronomers continued to grow. In 1752 Dean Borgias Keri of the University of Trnava approached him about the founding of a university observatory. Hell welcomed the proposition, for if he had a particular ambition, it was to see his native Slovakia advance significantly in scientific scholarship as well as in all branches of learning. After an all-too-brief stay of one year in Trnava, Hell was assigned to Kluz in present-day Rumania where he was to establish a new college and build an observatory. He devoted three years of intensive work to this task. In the course of this time, however, he not only supervised the construction of the college and its observatory but he also taught mathematics and found time for the apostolic work of pastoral service among the Slovaks and Germans who were beginning to settle in Kluz and its vicinity and were in need of priestly ministry. By way of a marginal professional undertaking, he also compiled and published some handbooks in mathematics. In formal professional circles Hell earned not only recognition but even evident regard and esteem for his scholarly proficiency and his achievements in mathematics, physics and astronomy. After the eminent natural scientist and mathematician John Marinoni died in Vienna, Hell was invited to that city and was named director of the new observatory at the University of Vienna. In the discharge of this office he created extraordinary and needful pressure 16 SLOVAKIA in order to provide for the observatory the newest kind of equipment that was available in that day. In line of duty, he devoted meticulous attention to the movement of heavenly bodies, conducted guided tours of the observatory on behalf of noteworthy visitors, collaborated with projects of scientific institutes outside the country, supervised the publication of calendars of astronomic interest and information, and conducted sessions in the practical study of astronomy and observation of heavenly bodies. From 1755 on, Hell undertook very serious efforts to correlate and coordinate the theoretic and the practical aspects of science. He was gratifyingly successful in the endeavor. With a sense of elation he accepted an offer to teach mechanics and to conduct lectures for aspiring builders, construction engineers and artists. In time, Hell found himself constrained to resign his teaching commitments because of the burdens of office. He had become court astronomer and mathematician as well as editor of the learned astronomy annual Ephemerides Astronomicae. The greatest of demands were made on him by this journal which he compiled and edited for 37 years, except for some brief and intermittent periods. It brought its readers pertinent mathematical tables and calculations and almanac-styled articles on heavenly phenomena, primarily the movement of the principal heavenly bodies: the sun, the moon and the stars. Hell also made of this annual the publications vehicle for reports on astronomic observations from many European observatories. His prestigious position as well as his deservedly respected reputation as a remarkable scholar and an accomplished scientist together with his winning disposition and gracious manner all worked to the good in attracting the cooperation of significant men of science and learning in other countries. This editing of a scientific journal of this nature was a pioneering venture. England launched a similar publication only ten years later. The Berlin Academy did not initiate such a publication until two decades later. THE ACCOMPLISHMENTS OF MAXIMILIAN HELL Writing in the periodical The Slovak Jesuits in Canada SLOVAKIA 17 <1970, p. 48) Dr. Robert Bajcar observes that "It is a challenging and complex task to evaluate the achievements of Maximilian Hell. This is due largely to the fact that the man himself is an impressive personality of uncommon stature and his is a broad spectrum of interests with a markedly varied field of activity. Nor is it a simple matter to do this uniquely versatile scientist justice by appropriate placement in proper historic and generic classifications." Dr. Bajcar feels that Maximilian Hell is first and foremost an astronomer. In this appreciation of Hell, however, we choose to review his contributions to his native land and to speak of his scientific expedition to the polar regions m the company of John ~ajnovic, another Slovak Jesuit scholar. It is an interesting detail of research findings that the first efforts to organize scientific activities and interests in the multinational and polyglot country of Hungary were begun in Slovak lands. In 1763 Adam Kollar, honored by his colleagues with the epithet "The Slovak Socrates," addressed to Hungarian scholars and learned citizens his proposal for founding a Hungarian learned society whose members would concern themselves with active participation in or the support of research into the history, natural science, economics and political science of Hungary. Two years later, Kollar published a Latin document justifying the taxation of properties owned by the Church and the nobility. This offended many sensibilities and the aristocracy retaliated with an official proclamation in parliament by which Kollar was denounced as a traitor and his paper was publicly burned at an open demonstration in the courtyard of the Bratislava townhall. Maria Theresa exonerated Kollar, her official director at the imperial library, but she tabled his proposal for the founding of a learned society. A second endeavor to establish a Hungarian learned society was made in 1771. This one, too, was initiated in Slovakia. This time the proposition was presented to Maria Theresa anonymously although it is generally surmised that is was formulated by Kollar, Trstiansky and Count Teleki. The proposed body was to be called Academia Augusta and was to consist of four departments: philosophy, history, political economy and education. In May, 1774, 18 SLOVAKIA the court counselor authorized Adam Kollar and Maximilian Hell to draft the charter and the by-laws of the projected association. For a long time Hell had given much thought to the prospects of organizing scientific thought and activities. He had his own preconceptions about the nature and objectives of a learned body, and unhappily his ideas did not square with Kalla.r's. Hell envisioned niceties of distinction between the university as a pedagogical institution and the learned academy as a scientific institute. He believed that: It is the function of a lecturer or a professor in a given discipline to present the subject matter of a course within its current context and degree of development together with all available findings that are related to it at that time and in such a manner that it will be readily comprehended and assimilated by the average student in attendance ... An active member of the learned society, on the other hand, is responsible not only for demonstrating professional mastery in his specialized field, but he likewise bears the responsibility of bring,i ng the fruits and findings of personal study, eocperimentation and research, the responsibility of making new contribution to the general store of data already available in that field. Members of a learned institute bring discovery and enrichment to science and learning; professors, by contrast, present to their classes and audiences facts and explanations bearing on the findings made by learned societies in order to enlarge and expand knowledge that is already available. By Hell's definition then, the essential scientist is intrinsically a discoverer of new facts or new ideas. For this reason, Hell was convinced that this unique aspect of science scholarship had to be a characteristic and integral feature of the authentic academy of sciences. There is fundamental truth in the perceptive thinking of Hell but this was thoroughly radical thinking in his day. It was also truly radical, for example, to consider Hell's exclusion of the hwnanities from the academy. His philosophy of thinking out the structure of the academy ruled out history, law, linguistics, the fine arts and related disciplines. It is not surprising then that Hell's plan was vigorously opposed by the humanists. As a matter of fact, Kollar himself came to take a stand against Hell and his unrelenting position. Hell also had ideas of his own concerning the financial SLOVAKIA 19 security of the proposed academy. He proposed that it be supported by the publication of scientific almanacs that would be promoted throughout all the countries of the Habsburg empire. Officialdom in Hungary did not endorse this plan but offered the counter-proposal that the academy be established with headquarters in Trnava, where the University of Trnava would see to its functioning. This time it was Hell's proposal that was relegated ad acta. But his hopes and his efforts to organize scientific thought and activities in home reasonable way were not entirely in vain. The international science institute which was founded in Sklene Teplice in 1786 never would have been established in Slovakia had its establishment not been proceded by the hopeful plans and efforts of scientists like Hell and Kollar. A significant contribution of Maximilian Hell to the Slovak world of science was his construction of an observatory at the University of Trnava. At this time in the history of learning and education, an observatory had more than scientific value exclusively; it also satisfied academic and practical roles. Hell's peculiar genius lay in his ability to combine scientific theory with practical application. His scientific almanacs were sought not only by specialists in astronomy but by geographers, mariners, travelers and military strategists as well. He was proficient in using scientific knowledge to good purpose for many practical uses. Danish astronomers and sailors were especially eager to have his publications. One year after his accession to the throne, the young King Christian officially invited Hell to come to Denmark and offered him a commission to take charge of astronomic observation on Warde Island in the icy North Sea during the eclipse of the sun on June 3, 1769. With the consent of Maria Theresa, Hell accepted the King's offer and made necessary preparations for the journey and for the observation study. He chose for his companion a fellow-Jesuit John sajnowho was his junior by thirteen years. Sajnovic had experience as an assistant at the Trnava University observatory which Hell had founded. Both men were natives of the same region, they were of compatible disposition and vic 20 SLOVAKIA had many interests in common. The younger man was entrusted with all the details of the journey by land and by sea, and he was to prepare the physical features of the observation station on Warde Island. Hell was to look after the essentially scientific details connected with the task of observation and with the keeping of a scientific diary and official records. A secondary assignment for sajnovic was to study the flora and fauna of Lapland as well as the native Laplanders, the Eskimos and the Finns; their language, customs and culture-truly a formidable and responsible task. Hell added to his main objectives a study of the aurora borealis, the magnetic needle and the Gulf Stream-its influence on storms, etc. On April 28, 1768 Hell and sajnovic set out on the long expedition from Vienna to the Arctic Circle. The journey was long and taxing, requiring all of five months. On October 1, they finally reached their destination, Warde Island in the frozen North Sea. The work to which they set themselves there was even more strenuous than their journey had been. Their new surroundings were utterly strange, strange beyond all expectations. The polar summer was chilling, the sky was usually overcast, and the entire landscape and seascape were shrouded in fog. They set to work energetically building their research station and made eager preparation for June 3, the date of the eclipse when Venus was to pass between the sun and the earth, blotting out the sun's light. Hell's scientific log, his astute observations together with his scientific notations and calculations made in connection with this phenomenon became a substantial contribution to the composite fund of world facts in astronomy. On returning from this expedition, Hell presented himself before a session convoked by the Academy of Sciences at Copenhagen and delivered a thorough report on his journey, his observations and his conclusions. He promised to send a copy of this report to the Danish king. As a token of gratitude, Christian II granted Hell an annual pension of a thousand gulden but Hell graciously declined the bounty of the King. SLOVAKIA 21 When Hell reached Vienna, he worked out some of his notes in greater detail and an account of his research and observation was published in a 1771 annual devoted to astronomy. Shortly afterwards he prepared another work on this subject. It was published as a French study in Journal des savants in 1776. Hell had set himself the further task of preparing a meticulously detailed account which was to be published in three comprehensive volumes but this scholarly work was never completed because the suppression of the Society of Jesus brought it to a halt. This unfortunate dissolution of the Jesuits also caused Hell to lose all his faithful associates and co-workers of long standing. Besides, he was burdened with an overwhelming multiplicity of pressing duties that prevented his application to the projected volumes. Another obstacle was the lack of financial resources to defray the expenses that would be entailed by such a publication. John sajnovic, Hell's companion and associate on the expedition to the Arctic for the solar eclipse observations, also produced a valuable work. It was published under the sponsorship of the University of Trnava. One feature of it was the linguistic study in which sajnovic pointed out various elements that the Lapp, the Finnish and the Chinese languages have in common with Magyar. Because Hell's long promised three-volume account of the Arctic project with all its scientific implications never went to print, differences of opinion on the merits of Hell's contribution began to appear among some groups of interested scientists. De la Lande and Encke were among the astronomers who cast doubts on Hell's time and date calculations in the researching of the solar eclipse as well as in his data relevant to general observations from this expedition. Much later, however, the American astronomer Newcomb made an exhaustive study of Hell's records in Vienna and he confirmed the findings of the polar expedition as Hell had reported them. Closer to our day the Danish astronomer Nielsen painstakingly reviewed Hell's calculations and reaffirmed their correctness and reliability in the light of modern scientific methods and theories. 22 SLOVAKIA CONCLUDING SUMMARY Maximilian Hell was an outstanding scholar and scientist whom Slovakia gave to the world. His major interest was in astronomy but he was also an authority in related branches of science, mainly in mathematics, physics, meteorology, physical geography, and mining geodesy and geodynamics. As a young man in his prime, he established and conducted astronomic observatories in Trnava, Kluz, Jager and Budapest. When we realize that in Hell's day astronomical observatories were the foremost of scientific institutes, and that physics and natural science laboratories came into being at a later time, we begin to appreciate more fully the fact that Hell's achievements were of prime significance not only within the borders of his own country but in all Europe as well. Hell himself was not-and he did not attempt to be-the kind of scientific research scholar who opens new fields of study on the basis of revolutionary or daring hypothetic premises; he was the characteristically patient, painstaking, persistant scholar whose whole life and achievement was grounded in diligent and unmitigated devotion to work and in dogged perseverance in a task. Too great a portion of Hell's scientific endeavor still remains unexamined and inadequately appraised. Much of his correspondence which deals with scientific interests is practically untouched. Pinzger published a monograph on Hell in which he included some samplings of this correspondence but his sources were not truly representative, for he limited himself to Austrian and Hungarian sources exclusively. The bulk of Hell's corr~spondence is reserved in the Academy of Sciences and in the archives of the observatory at the University of Vienna which is also official guardian of a special fund or trust in Hell's memory. Besides meriting recognition as a research scholar in various branches of science, Hell also deserves to be remembered as an educator of note. He was a renowned teacher and a distinguished lecturer at the University of Vienna. It is generally agreed that in the entire realm there was not at that time a scholar who was his equal, much less any one who could have performed or continued Hell's commit- SLOVAKIA 23 ments more creditably or more satisfactorily. Because he was always a leader who was greatly involved in the scientific movements and activities of all Europe, he was offered membership in many notable scientific societies and associations. A further achievement of Maximilian Hell was his detailed mapping of the surface of the moon. The International Union of Astronomers recognized the value of this project and honored it by naming one of the moon's craters in honor of Hell. The life and achievements of this Jesuit scholar testify to the fact that Slovakia has much in her past that reflects glory upon the Slovaks as a nation. This should inspire a sense of wholesome pride and ambition in today's generation of descendants of Slovak families at home and .abroad. Translated by Barbara F t ci c n i k and Sister Martina T y b o r THE EASTERN SLOVAK CITY of Presov, historic market-town for centuries, is expanding its industrial facilities . Last year a modern super chicken-farm was established and put into operation. Moreover, a special auto-service with a daily capacity for approximately 500 autos was inaugurated. The center covering an area of 30,000 sq. meters was built at a cost of almost 50 million crowns (about $10,000,000.00). ALTHOUGH EACH YEAR the Slovak shipbuilders in Koma.mo, Slovakia, make scores of vessels for the Soviet Union which employs them on the Danube, Slovak shipping is limited to a pair of ships, the Slavin and Trnava, and three small craft.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Maximilian Hell, S.J.: Slovak Scientest of World Renown, 1720-1792 Description An account of the resource Stephen Šenčík, S.J. Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974 pp. 5-23 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Senčík, Štefan, 1920-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/a9230ce701969a3116e56c25baa775ce.pdf 9363d905134d5e2ad731a87c58149661 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 49 tion - like the Communlsts tried to do in order to frighten the people and create chaos, so that they could come to power." Nevertheless, Lettrlch's regime planted a forest of gallows instead of trees of freedom, and Hllnka's Slovak People's Party was not only outlawed, but its members were exposed to the most cruel persecution recorded In Slovak hlstory. • • • • THE SLOVA.KS AND COMMUNJSM KAROL SIDOR For ages our Slovak program has been identical both at home and in Amerlca. Only the forms and the Ume of lts reallzatlon change. The basis of our program remalns the adherence to God as the Creator of heaven and earth on Whom all thlngs depend. We do not recognize any reglme or state in which God has no place, or which enacts laws that are dlrectly opposed to God and the falth. That ls why we proclalm ourselves agalnst Bolshevlsm and agalnst everythlng that leads to lt. We are agalnst Bolshevlsm for fundamental reasons and not because Bolshevlsm has taken our properties, driven us from our homes, or because it has imprlsoned or kllled some members of our famllles. To America have come such polltlclans who praised Bolshevism and co-governed with Bolshevlks. But wben Bolsbevism deprlved tbem of polltical power and materlal wealtb, in a word when Bolshevlsm harmed tbem materlally, only tben dld they take a stand against lt. These men oppose Communlsm for material reasons, whereas we Slovaks stand opposed to lt for ldeologlcal reasons, for rellglous reasons. Our own Louis Stur wrote in bis work "The Slovanlc Peoples and tbe World ot the Future" - written over a bundred years ago, in 1849: "Communism has arrived at the same goal as atheism and apostacy from Christlanity. In every form of Communism the outlook on llfe !s gloomy, bereft of every tender joy. lt leads to the most cruel slavery. Communism, let it pretend and endeavor as !t will to make mankind sbare in all rlghts, nevertheless knows notbing about humanity. It degrades buman belngs. lt belongs among the most senseless lnnovations thus far hatched out of the human mlnd." After the first world war when Bolshevlsm came into power Iu Russia, Pope Plus XI wrote Quite clearly In bis "Quadrageslmo Anno" that llberalism had helped social democracy come lnto the world. He sald: "Let us bear In mlnd that tbe parent of thls cultural Soclallsm was Llberallsm, and that lts offsprlng was Bolshevlsm." The Holy Father warned the rulers of the world when he further sald: "We cannot contemplate wlthout profound sorrow the heedlessness of those who seem to make llght ot these lmmlnent dangers and wlth stolld lndlfference allow the propagatlon far and wlde ot tbose doctrlnes whlch seek by violence and bloodshed the destructlon of all soclety. Even more severely must be condemned the foolhardlness of those who neglect to remove or modlfy such condltlons as exasperate tbe mlnds of the people, and so prepare the way for the overthrow and ruln of the social order." �60 SLOVA.KIA Allow me, if you will, to quote from my speech of Novembe1 6, 1936 - the speech which I addressed directly to Minister Edward Beneš in his presence, when in the Prague Parliament he presented for approval the first Soviet-Czech Pact concluded by himself. lt was then - in 1935 - that I told the members of the Prague Parliament: "We reject Bolshevism and its bloody practlce, as well as its inhumane methods. We do not unite our national future with the tuture of the Soviet Union. We do not build on the agreements which the Bolsheviks undersign. I consider it the greatest mistake that Mr. Minister Beneš has ever made in foreign policy. He has had the borders of the State guaranteed, though he knows that Bolshevism recognizes no state borders, because it recognizes the borders of only one state - the World Soviet Republic. We Slovaks do not wish to connect our fate with that of the Soviet Union and we shall vote no confidence to such a policy of Mr. Minister Beneil." Today we know that we always were on the right road. Publicly and open1y in parliament, at our rallies and in our Slovak Press. But the mistake was that the great ones of this world - as Pius XI expressed it - viewed those thlngs wlth a stolld indifference and made llght of those imminent dangers which threatened society. What can the Pope do? What can the Church do in this case? Why the first thlng that the modern State dld was to separate the State from the Church. People In power separated it and then went their own way, according to their laws and reasoning, degrading Chrisťs teachlng whlch the Church preaches and recalls for us constantly. We had strayed far. I could quote you from many speeches of Hlinka, Tiso and Razus that went unheeded. Don't believe the priests, that was the fashion or the day - and Hlinka was a priest, so was Tiso, and so was Razus. So the statesmen dld not believe them, because - well, what did a priest know anyway? They were not concerned with their politlcs but only with what they and other priests preached about Chrisťs gospel in the churches. lf there is any nation in the world that is anti-communist, that nation certainly is the Slovak natlon. The Slovaks never did want Communism, and voted against it when Soviet armles occupied Slovakia. But little Slovakia cannot herself liberate the half of Europe that is in the hands of the Bolsheviks. In this case the natlons must unite and wln for themselves true freedom. Americans of Slovak descent have already long ago accepted as their motto: Fight against Communlsm, Fascism and Nazism. The last two - isms have just about been wiped out. Now the fight is commencing against the greatest evll the world has ever known - agalnst Communism. Amerlcans of Slovak descent must unite as one man under the banner of the Slovak League of America, wblch has for the past 43 years Jed them well In public pollcy. All good Slovaks trust the Slovak League of America and support it flnanclally and morally. General Montecuccoli once said: To wage war three things are needed: 1. Money; 2. Money; and 3. MONEY ! And the flght against Communism ia, indeed, a war that must be waged to the finish. Every good Slovak - as every patriotlc American - 1s proud to go along �SLOVAKIA 51 with the Slovak L eague of Amerlca to help crush the greatest scourge of mankind - godless Communlsm. If, then, In al! serlousness, you have understood the words of the H oly Father t hat Communism ia really an lmmlnent danger, if you believe what your relatlves wrlte you about life In Slovakia under Communism, t h en take actlon that this scourge of humanity does not overtake you bere in America and enslave you as it has enslaved mlllions of people a fter World W ar I and mor e millions after World War II. My advice to my countrymen in America: Join the ranks of the Slovak League of Amerlca, support it financially and morally so that it mlgh t actually fulfill lts mlssion a mong our Slovak people in America In the fight against Communism and the Jiberation of our Slovak natlon. • • • • WHO SAID IT? "In Prague we guarded ourselves against the impending catastrophe as best we could. On e of the ways that Jed to thls we sought In cooperation wlth the SOVIE T UNION and In its direct participation In the politics of E urope and Geneva. From the year 1927, when Com• missar M . Litvlnov first came to Geneva, to the sesslon of the preparatory disarmament commlssion, in frlnedly and constant contact wlth bim and his comrades I never ceased trylng tbat we work together on the exchange of ideas and friendship. Already then I stressed to hlm some of the m aln principles of our politlcs, above al! else, that Ozechoslovaikia was convinced that without the partlcipation of the Soviet Union in the pol!tlcs of Eur ope and es,p ecially that of Centra! Europe, German preponderance in Europe would again be renewel:I and t hreaten European peace. . .. 1 cons ldered t he entrance of the Soviet Union lnto the League of Nations In Septembe r 1934 as a triumph of peace politlcs, and the undersigning of the French and our treaties with the Soviet Union as the beginning of a new French and Czechoslovak policy, that would bind the Soviet Union to Western Eul"Ope and would create collaboration of the East w ith the West, a bsolutely necessary t o prevent the expanslon of Hltler's Germany to the East, and thereby a lso to the West." - Dr. Edward Beneš, MEMOIRS, 1947 . • "The all iance with the USSR is the most lmportant guarantee of peaceful d evelopment a nd progress of Czechoslovakla a nd without the allia nce with the USSR we ca~not lmaglne a free and Indepe ndent Czechos lovakia." Klement Gottwald, Moscow broadcast, 7-19-47; Č:AS. 7-12-47. • "Czechoslovakia, an ally of Soviet Russia, which ls a Slav country, 1s wHllng to be a friend of and to co~e to an agreement with all natlons that wish to be friendly, provided that such agreements come within the scope of Czechoslovakia's present-day alliances and wlthln the scope of the Unlted Natlons Charter. OUR TWENTY-YEAR 1'REATY WITH SOVIET RUSSIA IS AND WILL REMAIN THE KEYSTONE OF OUR FOREIGN P OLICY. We also have a treaty wlth Yugoslavia of the same duratlon." (Jan Masaryk, NEW YORK TIMES 2-13-47). � SLOVAKIA 49 tion - like the Communlsts tried to do in order to frighten the people and create chaos, so that they could come to power." Nevertheless, Lettrlch's regime planted a forest of gallows instead of trees of freedom, and Hllnka's Slovak People's Party was not only outlawed, but its members were exposed to the most cruel persecution recorded In Slovak hlstory. • • • • THE SLOVA.KS AND COMMUNJSM KAROL SIDOR For ages our Slovak program has been identical both at home and in Amerlca. Only the forms and the Ume of lts reallzatlon change. The basis of our program remalns the adherence to God as the Creator of heaven and earth on Whom all thlngs depend. We do not recognize any reglme or state in which God has no place, or which enacts laws that are dlrectly opposed to God and the falth. That ls why we proclalm ourselves agalnst Bolshevlsm and agalnst everythlng that leads to lt. We are agalnst Bolshevlsm for fundamental reasons and not because Bolshevlsm has taken our properties, driven us from our homes, or because it has imprlsoned or kllled some members of our famllles. To America have come such polltlclans who praised Bolshevism and co-governed with Bolshevlks. But wben Bolsbevism deprlved tbem of polltical power and materlal wealtb, in a word when Bolshevlsm harmed tbem materlally, only tben dld they take a stand against lt. These men oppose Communlsm for material reasons, whereas we Slovaks stand opposed to lt for ldeologlcal reasons, for rellglous reasons. Our own Louis Stur wrote in bis work "The Slovanlc Peoples and tbe World ot the Future" - written over a bundred years ago, in 1849: "Communism has arrived at the same goal as atheism and apostacy from Christlanity. In every form of Communism the outlook on llfe !s gloomy, bereft of every tender joy. lt leads to the most cruel slavery. Communism, let it pretend and endeavor as !t will to make mankind sbare in all rlghts, nevertheless knows notbing about humanity. It degrades buman belngs. lt belongs among the most senseless lnnovations thus far hatched out of the human mlnd." After the first world war when Bolshevlsm came into power Iu Russia, Pope Plus XI wrote Quite clearly In bis "Quadrageslmo Anno" that llberalism had helped social democracy come lnto the world. He sald: "Let us bear In mlnd that tbe parent of thls cultural Soclallsm was Llberallsm, and that lts offsprlng was Bolshevlsm." The Holy Father warned the rulers of the world when he further sald: "We cannot contemplate wlthout profound sorrow the heedlessness of those who seem to make llght ot these lmmlnent dangers and wlth stolld lndlfference allow the propagatlon far and wlde ot tbose doctrlnes whlch seek by violence and bloodshed the destructlon of all soclety. Even more severely must be condemned the foolhardlness of those who neglect to remove or modlfy such condltlons as exasperate tbe mlnds of the people, and so prepare the way for the overthrow and ruln of the social order." �60 SLOVA.KIA Allow me, if you will, to quote from my speech of Novembe1 6, 1936 - the speech which I addressed directly to Minister Edward Beneš in his presence, when in the Prague Parliament he presented for approval the first Soviet-Czech Pact concluded by himself. lt was then - in 1935 - that I told the members of the Prague Parliament: "We reject Bolshevism and its bloody practlce, as well as its inhumane methods. We do not unite our national future with the tuture of the Soviet Union. We do not build on the agreements which the Bolsheviks undersign. I consider it the greatest mistake that Mr. Minister Beneš has ever made in foreign policy. He has had the borders of the State guaranteed, though he knows that Bolshevism recognizes no state borders, because it recognizes the borders of only one state - the World Soviet Republic. We Slovaks do not wish to connect our fate with that of the Soviet Union and we shall vote no confidence to such a policy of Mr. Minister Beneil." Today we know that we always were on the right road. Publicly and open1y in parliament, at our rallies and in our Slovak Press. But the mistake was that the great ones of this world - as Pius XI expressed it - viewed those thlngs wlth a stolld indifference and made llght of those imminent dangers which threatened society. What can the Pope do? What can the Church do in this case? Why the first thlng that the modern State dld was to separate the State from the Church. People In power separated it and then went their own way, according to their laws and reasoning, degrading Chrisťs teachlng whlch the Church preaches and recalls for us constantly. We had strayed far. I could quote you from many speeches of Hlinka, Tiso and Razus that went unheeded. Don't believe the priests, that was the fashion or the day - and Hlinka was a priest, so was Tiso, and so was Razus. So the statesmen dld not believe them, because - well, what did a priest know anyway? They were not concerned with their politlcs but only with what they and other priests preached about Chrisťs gospel in the churches. lf there is any nation in the world that is anti-communist, that nation certainly is the Slovak natlon. The Slovaks never did want Communism, and voted against it when Soviet armles occupied Slovakia. But little Slovakia cannot herself liberate the half of Europe that is in the hands of the Bolsheviks. In this case the natlons must unite and wln for themselves true freedom. Americans of Slovak descent have already long ago accepted as their motto: Fight against Communlsm, Fascism and Nazism. The last two - isms have just about been wiped out. Now the fight is commencing against the greatest evll the world has ever known - agalnst Communism. Amerlcans of Slovak descent must unite as one man under the banner of the Slovak League of America, wblch has for the past 43 years Jed them well In public pollcy. All good Slovaks trust the Slovak League of America and support it flnanclally and morally. General Montecuccoli once said: To wage war three things are needed: 1. Money; 2. Money; and 3. MONEY ! And the flght against Communism ia, indeed, a war that must be waged to the finish. Every good Slovak - as every patriotlc American - 1s proud to go along �SLOVAKIA 51 with the Slovak L eague of Amerlca to help crush the greatest scourge of mankind - godless Communlsm. If, then, In al! serlousness, you have understood the words of the H oly Father t hat Communism ia really an lmmlnent danger, if you believe what your relatlves wrlte you about life In Slovakia under Communism, t h en take actlon that this scourge of humanity does not overtake you bere in America and enslave you as it has enslaved mlllions of people a fter World W ar I and mor e millions after World War II. My advice to my countrymen in America: Join the ranks of the Slovak League of Amerlca, support it financially and morally so that it mlgh t actually fulfill lts mlssion a mong our Slovak people in America In the fight against Communism and the Jiberation of our Slovak natlon. • • • • WHO SAID IT? "In Prague we guarded ourselves against the impending catastrophe as best we could. On e of the ways that Jed to thls we sought In cooperation wlth the SOVIE T UNION and In its direct participation In the politics of E urope and Geneva. From the year 1927, when Com• missar M . Litvlnov first came to Geneva, to the sesslon of the preparatory disarmament commlssion, in frlnedly and constant contact wlth bim and his comrades I never ceased trylng tbat we work together on the exchange of ideas and friendship. Already then I stressed to hlm some of the m aln principles of our politlcs, above al! else, that Ozechoslovaikia was convinced that without the partlcipation of the Soviet Union in the pol!tlcs of Eur ope and es,p ecially that of Centra! Europe, German preponderance in Europe would again be renewel:I and t hreaten European peace. . .. 1 cons ldered t he entrance of the Soviet Union lnto the League of Nations In Septembe r 1934 as a triumph of peace politlcs, and the undersigning of the French and our treaties with the Soviet Union as the beginning of a new French and Czechoslovak policy, that would bind the Soviet Union to Western Eul"Ope and would create collaboration of the East w ith the West, a bsolutely necessary t o prevent the expanslon of Hltler's Germany to the East, and thereby a lso to the West." - Dr. Edward Beneš, MEMOIRS, 1947 . • "The all iance with the USSR is the most lmportant guarantee of peaceful d evelopment a nd progress of Czechoslovakla a nd without the allia nce with the USSR we ca~not lmaglne a free and Indepe ndent Czechos lovakia." Klement Gottwald, Moscow broadcast, 7-19-47; Č:AS. 7-12-47. • "Czechoslovakia, an ally of Soviet Russia, which ls a Slav country, 1s wHllng to be a friend of and to co~e to an agreement with all natlons that wish to be friendly, provided that such agreements come within the scope of Czechoslovakia's present-day alliances and wlthln the scope of the Unlted Natlons Charter. OUR TWENTY-YEAR 1'REATY WITH SOVIET RUSSIA IS AND WILL REMAIN THE KEYSTONE OF OUR FOREIGN P OLICY. We also have a treaty wlth Yugoslavia of the same duratlon." (Jan Masaryk, NEW YORK TIMES 2-13-47). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1951, Vol. 1 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1951 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 1), May 1951.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 2), December 1951.</li> </ul> Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context <ul><li><a href="https://n2t.net/ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span>ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7</span></a></li> <li><a href="https://n2t.net/ark:/13960/s21tk2wkzj4" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span>ark:/13960/s21tk2wkzj4</span></a></li> </ul> Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 49 tion - like the Communlsts tried to do in order to frighten the people and create chaos, so that they could come to power." Nevertheless, Lettrlch's regime planted a forest of gallows instead of trees of freedom, and Hllnka's Slovak People's Party was not only outlawed, but its members were exposed to the most cruel persecution recorded In Slovak hlstory. • • • • THE SLOVA.KS AND COMMUNJSM KAROL SIDOR For ages our Slovak program has been identical both at home and in Amerlca. Only the forms and the Ume of lts reallzatlon change. The basis of our program remalns the adherence to God as the Creator of heaven and earth on Whom all thlngs depend. We do not recognize any reglme or state in which God has no place, or which enacts laws that are dlrectly opposed to God and the falth. That ls why we proclalm ourselves agalnst Bolshevlsm and agalnst everythlng that leads to lt. We are agalnst Bolshevlsm for fundamental reasons and not because Bolshevlsm has taken our properties, driven us from our homes, or because it has imprlsoned or kllled some members of our famllles. To America have come such polltlclans who praised Bolshevism and co-governed with Bolshevlks. But wben Bolsbevism deprlved tbem of polltical power and materlal wealtb, in a word when Bolshevlsm harmed tbem materlally, only tben dld they take a stand against lt. These men oppose Communlsm for material reasons, whereas we Slovaks stand opposed to lt for ldeologlcal reasons, for rellglous reasons. Our own Louis Stur wrote in bis work "The Slovanlc Peoples and tbe World ot the Future" - written over a bundred years ago, in 1849: "Communism has arrived at the same goal as atheism and apostacy from Christlanity. In every form of Communism the outlook on llfe !s gloomy, bereft of every tender joy. lt leads to the most cruel slavery. Communism, let it pretend and endeavor as !t will to make mankind sbare in all rlghts, nevertheless knows notbing about humanity. It degrades buman belngs. lt belongs among the most senseless lnnovations thus far hatched out of the human mlnd." After the first world war when Bolshevlsm came into power Iu Russia, Pope Plus XI wrote Quite clearly In bis "Quadrageslmo Anno" that llberalism had helped social democracy come lnto the world. He sald: "Let us bear In mlnd that tbe parent of thls cultural Soclallsm was Llberallsm, and that lts offsprlng was Bolshevlsm." The Holy Father warned the rulers of the world when he further sald: "We cannot contemplate wlthout profound sorrow the heedlessness of those who seem to make llght ot these lmmlnent dangers and wlth stolld lndlfference allow the propagatlon far and wlde ot tbose doctrlnes whlch seek by violence and bloodshed the destructlon of all soclety. Even more severely must be condemned the foolhardlness of those who neglect to remove or modlfy such condltlons as exasperate tbe mlnds of the people, and so prepare the way for the overthrow and ruln of the social order." 60 SLOVA.KIA Allow me, if you will, to quote from my speech of Novembe1 6, 1936 - the speech which I addressed directly to Minister Edward Beneš in his presence, when in the Prague Parliament he presented for approval the first Soviet-Czech Pact concluded by himself. lt was then - in 1935 - that I told the members of the Prague Parliament: "We reject Bolshevism and its bloody practlce, as well as its inhumane methods. We do not unite our national future with the tuture of the Soviet Union. We do not build on the agreements which the Bolsheviks undersign. I consider it the greatest mistake that Mr. Minister Beneš has ever made in foreign policy. He has had the borders of the State guaranteed, though he knows that Bolshevism recognizes no state borders, because it recognizes the borders of only one state - the World Soviet Republic. We Slovaks do not wish to connect our fate with that of the Soviet Union and we shall vote no confidence to such a policy of Mr. Minister Beneil." Today we know that we always were on the right road. Publicly and open1y in parliament, at our rallies and in our Slovak Press. But the mistake was that the great ones of this world - as Pius XI expressed it - viewed those thlngs wlth a stolld indifference and made llght of those imminent dangers which threatened society. What can the Pope do? What can the Church do in this case? Why the first thlng that the modern State dld was to separate the State from the Church. People In power separated it and then went their own way, according to their laws and reasoning, degrading Chrisťs teachlng whlch the Church preaches and recalls for us constantly. We had strayed far. I could quote you from many speeches of Hlinka, Tiso and Razus that went unheeded. Don't believe the priests, that was the fashion or the day - and Hlinka was a priest, so was Tiso, and so was Razus. So the statesmen dld not believe them, because - well, what did a priest know anyway? They were not concerned with their politlcs but only with what they and other priests preached about Chrisťs gospel in the churches. lf there is any nation in the world that is anti-communist, that nation certainly is the Slovak natlon. The Slovaks never did want Communism, and voted against it when Soviet armles occupied Slovakia. But little Slovakia cannot herself liberate the half of Europe that is in the hands of the Bolsheviks. In this case the natlons must unite and wln for themselves true freedom. Americans of Slovak descent have already long ago accepted as their motto: Fight against Communlsm, Fascism and Nazism. The last two - isms have just about been wiped out. Now the fight is commencing against the greatest evll the world has ever known - agalnst Communism. Amerlcans of Slovak descent must unite as one man under the banner of the Slovak League of America, wblch has for the past 43 years Jed them well In public pollcy. All good Slovaks trust the Slovak League of America and support it flnanclally and morally. General Montecuccoli once said: To wage war three things are needed: 1. Money; 2. Money; and 3. MONEY ! And the flght against Communism ia, indeed, a war that must be waged to the finish. Every good Slovak - as every patriotlc American - 1s proud to go along SLOVAKIA 51 with the Slovak L eague of Amerlca to help crush the greatest scourge of mankind - godless Communlsm. If, then, In al! serlousness, you have understood the words of the H oly Father t hat Communism ia really an lmmlnent danger, if you believe what your relatlves wrlte you about life In Slovakia under Communism, t h en take actlon that this scourge of humanity does not overtake you bere in America and enslave you as it has enslaved mlllions of people a fter World W ar I and mor e millions after World War II. My advice to my countrymen in America: Join the ranks of the Slovak League of Amerlca, support it financially and morally so that it mlgh t actually fulfill lts mlssion a mong our Slovak people in America In the fight against Communism and the Jiberation of our Slovak natlon. • • • • WHO SAID IT? "In Prague we guarded ourselves against the impending catastrophe as best we could. On e of the ways that Jed to thls we sought In cooperation wlth the SOVIE T UNION and In its direct participation In the politics of E urope and Geneva. From the year 1927, when Com• missar M . Litvlnov first came to Geneva, to the sesslon of the preparatory disarmament commlssion, in frlnedly and constant contact wlth bim and his comrades I never ceased trylng tbat we work together on the exchange of ideas and friendship. Already then I stressed to hlm some of the m aln principles of our politlcs, above al! else, that Ozechoslovaikia was convinced that without the partlcipation of the Soviet Union in the pol!tlcs of Eur ope and es,p ecially that of Centra! Europe, German preponderance in Europe would again be renewel:I and t hreaten European peace. . .. 1 cons ldered t he entrance of the Soviet Union lnto the League of Nations In Septembe r 1934 as a triumph of peace politlcs, and the undersigning of the French and our treaties with the Soviet Union as the beginning of a new French and Czechoslovak policy, that would bind the Soviet Union to Western Eul"Ope and would create collaboration of the East w ith the West, a bsolutely necessary t o prevent the expanslon of Hltler's Germany to the East, and thereby a lso to the West." - Dr. Edward Beneš, MEMOIRS, 1947 . • "The all iance with the USSR is the most lmportant guarantee of peaceful d evelopment a nd progress of Czechoslovakla a nd without the allia nce with the USSR we ca~not lmaglne a free and Indepe ndent Czechos lovakia." Klement Gottwald, Moscow broadcast, 7-19-47; Č:AS. 7-12-47. • "Czechoslovakia, an ally of Soviet Russia, which ls a Slav country, 1s wHllng to be a friend of and to co~e to an agreement with all natlons that wish to be friendly, provided that such agreements come within the scope of Czechoslovakia's present-day alliances and wlthln the scope of the Unlted Natlons Charter. OUR TWENTY-YEAR 1'REATY WITH SOVIET RUSSIA IS AND WILL REMAIN THE KEYSTONE OF OUR FOREIGN P OLICY. We also have a treaty wlth Yugoslavia of the same duratlon." (Jan Masaryk, NEW YORK TIMES 2-13-47).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovaks and Communism Description An account of the resource Karol Sidor Slovakia, Vol. 1, No. 1 (1), May 1951 pp. 49-51 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 1951 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sidor, Karol, 1901-1953 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2d812967aec21ecc4b3d1cd617c4b6c2.pdf 230ca8ed744f32fe091968328a55ad98 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 13 THE SWVAIK REPUBLIC - FRUIT OF HLINKA'S STRUGGLE Ka.rol Sidor (Preaident of the Slovak Natlonal Couneil Abroad) The great Polish phllosopher and polltlclan Roman Dmowski, who labored for the resurrection of Poland In 1918 and dled In 1939, wrote these noteworthy words: " Here in Poland we are tired of reading p0lemics on the theme: who, In recent Umes, flrst used the expression INDEl'ENDENCE and whlch polltlcal party flrst loudly proclalmed that lt wants state Inde• pendence. Thls makes a chlldlsh and unsavory dlscusslon. We have s tate lndependence not because some one repeated voclferously that he wanted lndependence. We have lt because there were people who worked systematlcally for lts attalnment, orlentated themselves well to cxlsting condltlons and knew how to use well all the clrcumstances leading to lndependence. People must know not only what they want, but also what they must do, what road they shall travel to reach the desired goal. Programs of wlshing are only empty and trultless mottoes." As in Poland, so also among the Slovaks in Slovakia much has already been written and sald about thls subject. But Slovaks at horne and abroad seem to be forgettlng that there would have been no Slovak State lndependence without the untirlng po\ltlcal labors of tbe thousands and thousands of outstanding and ordinai:y people of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party who worked for the polltlcal lndependence of thelr country slnce the inauguratlon of the party In 1905 untll Slovak lndependence Day, March 14, 1939. Wlthout Hlinka and his party the terrain would not have been prepared for independence. We can say wlthout fear of contradlction that the leaders of Hlinka's polltlcal party expressed the will and deslres of the Slovak people for an Independent Slovak llfe both durlng the exlstence of old Hungary and also durlng the llfe of the Czechoslovak Repul!llc. or course, always in a way sulted to condltlons, because cven an Idea has evolutionary forma. A dlfferent form for the cblldlsh age of a natlon and another for bis mature years. The followers of štar, Radllnský and Vajanský up to 1918 expressed themselves moderately In form but convlnclngly in substance. When lt came to the breaklng of bread In 1918, however, Andrew Hlinka, leader of bis party, proclalmed on May 24th at Turčiansky Svätý Martin: "The 1000-year-old marrlage with the Magyars was a tallure. We must part." Such a resolutlon of the Slovak program was both modern and s ultable to the tlmes. Thls sentiment was expressed more forcefully on October 19, 1918, In the Budapest parllament by Dr. Ferdl!'! Juriga, a depu ty of H llnka's Slovak Party, when he sald: "On the basls of natural and hlstorlcal rlghts we demand our right of self-determlnation so that we, as a natlonal entity, could form our own, separate community on tbe terrltory we bave settled." An~ on January 23, 1920, this same Juriga emphaslzed in the �14 SLOVAKIA Prague Parliament even the form of future Slovak life, when he said: "Federalism is the system of the future. The order of the future ís not centralism but federalism. We mu.st preserve our individuality and not let ourselves be absorbed. We must let every national unit crystalllze out into a Jegal personallty so that these various national units could then federalize into one great world republic. This would be only the hlghest idea! and only one road leads to it: federalism." Other deputies of Hlinka's party expressed themselves in a slmilar vein in the Prague Parllament until 1939. They demanded independent Slovak army units for Slovakia, with Slovak as the language of command, and separate Slovak diplomatic representation abroad. It is known that the most significant signs of sovereignty are: one's own natlonal army and national representatlon abroad. The climax for this whole endeavor for Slovak polit!cal independence was the Žilina proclamation of October 6, 1938, In which the Hlinka Slovak People's Party, the Agrarian Party, the Trade Union Party, the Fascist Party, the National Sociallsts and the Slovak Natlonal Party (of Rázus) united on a slngle Slovak program. "We, the undersigned," says the document accepted and und"lrsigned by duly authorlzed representatives of the partles mentionerl. "adopt the motion of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party to lssue a constltutional Iaw apropos Slovak autonomy in such form as prE:sented in the As.sembly of Deputles and published in the perlodical SLOVÁK, No. 129, June 5, 1938. We promlse to use all our strengtb to have this mot!on accepted constitutionalJy by the National Assembly." "We demand that the Vice-Chairman of the Hlinka S lovak Peo• ple's Party, Deputy Dr. Joseph Tiso, lmmediately be authorlzed so that as chalrman-deslgnate he set up the first Slovak Government In agreement wlth the underslgned polltlcal partles." At that time (October 1938), ther~ were 45 Slovak deputies in the Prague Parllament: 19 representatives of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party, 11 Agrarlans, 5 Social Democrats, 5 Communists, 1 National Socialist, 1 National Unity member, 1 Trades Union member, 1 Fasclst, and 1 member ot the Natlonal Slovak Party. AII, · except thi> Communists and the Social Democrats · (10), signed the Žilina docu• ment of October 6, 1938. This was a unlfication ou program which eveu the Czechs respected. On November 22, 1938, a new constltutional document wns publlshed. Thls new Constitution was voted for by a fully qualifleď majority not only of the Slovak but also of the Czech deputies and senators. And in thls Const!tutlon the Slovak Government and the Slovak Parliament were already well anchored by flrm paragraphs. So it was that the future destlny of Slovakia - in a legal anď democratlc way - pas.sed over lnto the banda of the Slovak Government and the Slovak Parllament whlch was authorized by all Slovaks. This was the foundatlon on which the Slovaks cont!nued to build theirState and on March 14, 1939, this foundatlon served as a means to proclalm even the independence of the Slovak State -- again legally and demociatically. From this brie! sketch we see clearly that without the preparatory Iabors - ideological and organizational - of the Hlinka Slovak Peo �SLOVAKIA 15 ple's Party, fir.st in Hungary then in Czechoslovakia, the proclamation of Slovakia's independence on March 14, 1939, would not have been possible. For that reason, not indivldual persons, but whole generations of humble and forgotten Slovak patriots have merited recognitlon. The least we can do is honor them for working so assidiously and uncompromlslngly for the politlcal independence of the Slovaks. The spirit of Andrej Hlinka dominated all of them. In Andrej Hlinka all these indefatigable workers for freedom saw themselves. H linka was their leader and theh- idea!. When he was honored, they felt honored also. And so it was when the Slovak legislat!ve assem bly passed the law (No. 83) on Aprll 25, 1939, <to memorialize Hlinka and the generations of Slovak patriots who labored with him for Slovak freedom by placing a bust of Hlinka in the Slovak Nat!onal Assembly_ The Slovaks at horne and abroad shall never forget And rej Hlinka, his Slovak People's Party - the Slovak patriots who llved and died for the freedom of the Slovak nation. It is a fact that the Slovak Republic was the fruit of Hlinka's fight (or the inherent right o[ the Slovak people to polltical freedom . • • • WHO SAID IT? '"Today we have received from Alex Kendrick in Vienna the first solid explanation of what was behind the recent drastic shake-up in the Czechoslovakian Communist Party and Government. Apparently what happened was that Slovakian autonomy, both political and eco· nomic, was wiped out. A considerable number of Slovak Party mem• bers were flung into jail. Bratislava, the capila! of Slovakla, was the real center of a separatist movem ent deeply influenced by Tlto's success. Czechoslovakia is Russia's most important satellite. But di ffe re nces between Czechs and S lova ks are much o lde r than co mmun ism. What Moscow decided to do was to destroy the independence of the Slovaklan communist party, and all hopes of economic and polltlcal independence for the Slovak.s. This is an effort by the Soviet Union to counteract the attractlon of Yugoslavia that ls felt by Czech and Slovak allke." - EDWARD IR. MURROW With the News, The Columbia Broadcasting System, Sept. 21, 1951. • "In complete harmony with the thinking or the Czech and Slovak nation, the agreemenl of frlendshlp, mutual aid a nd post-war cooperation between the ÔSR and tbe USSR was com pleted in Mosco\\· on December 12, 1943, for a period of 20 years. . . . This or ientat ion is an unchangable note eve n for our futu re politic al life." - Dr. Josepb Lettrich, ÔAS, 1-27-48. • " No ne of us has the r lght to obligate defin it e ly for the futu re our people and st at e in fundamental matters, i ntern a ! or inte rnational, t o anyth ing . . .. That holds for all of us and, above all, e ven for me personally. 1 t hlnk that it is necess ary that th is be altogethe r c lear. That is why from the beginnning I ha ve r efused to make any fundamental, interna! o r international, t ies ..... ." - (Dr. Edward Benes, to the Czechoslovak State Councll, Nov. 2:\, 19Hl. � SLOVAKIA 13 THE SWVAIK REPUBLIC - FRUIT OF HLINKA'S STRUGGLE Ka.rol Sidor (Preaident of the Slovak Natlonal Couneil Abroad) The great Polish phllosopher and polltlclan Roman Dmowski, who labored for the resurrection of Poland In 1918 and dled In 1939, wrote these noteworthy words: " Here in Poland we are tired of reading p0lemics on the theme: who, In recent Umes, flrst used the expression INDEl'ENDENCE and whlch polltlcal party flrst loudly proclalmed that lt wants state Inde• pendence. Thls makes a chlldlsh and unsavory dlscusslon. We have s tate lndependence not because some one repeated voclferously that he wanted lndependence. We have lt because there were people who worked systematlcally for lts attalnment, orlentated themselves well to cxlsting condltlons and knew how to use well all the clrcumstances leading to lndependence. People must know not only what they want, but also what they must do, what road they shall travel to reach the desired goal. Programs of wlshing are only empty and trultless mottoes." As in Poland, so also among the Slovaks in Slovakia much has already been written and sald about thls subject. But Slovaks at horne and abroad seem to be forgettlng that there would have been no Slovak State lndependence without the untirlng po\ltlcal labors of tbe thousands and thousands of outstanding and ordinai:y people of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party who worked for the polltlcal lndependence of thelr country slnce the inauguratlon of the party In 1905 untll Slovak lndependence Day, March 14, 1939. Wlthout Hlinka and his party the terrain would not have been prepared for independence. We can say wlthout fear of contradlction that the leaders of Hlinka's polltlcal party expressed the will and deslres of the Slovak people for an Independent Slovak llfe both durlng the exlstence of old Hungary and also durlng the llfe of the Czechoslovak Repul!llc. or course, always in a way sulted to condltlons, because cven an Idea has evolutionary forma. A dlfferent form for the cblldlsh age of a natlon and another for bis mature years. The followers of štar, Radllnský and Vajanský up to 1918 expressed themselves moderately In form but convlnclngly in substance. When lt came to the breaklng of bread In 1918, however, Andrew Hlinka, leader of bis party, proclalmed on May 24th at Turčiansky Svätý Martin: "The 1000-year-old marrlage with the Magyars was a tallure. We must part." Such a resolutlon of the Slovak program was both modern and s ultable to the tlmes. Thls sentiment was expressed more forcefully on October 19, 1918, In the Budapest parllament by Dr. Ferdl!'! Juriga, a depu ty of H llnka's Slovak Party, when he sald: "On the basls of natural and hlstorlcal rlghts we demand our right of self-determlnation so that we, as a natlonal entity, could form our own, separate community on tbe terrltory we bave settled." An~ on January 23, 1920, this same Juriga emphaslzed in the �14 SLOVAKIA Prague Parliament even the form of future Slovak life, when he said: "Federalism is the system of the future. The order of the future ís not centralism but federalism. We mu.st preserve our individuality and not let ourselves be absorbed. We must let every national unit crystalllze out into a Jegal personallty so that these various national units could then federalize into one great world republic. This would be only the hlghest idea! and only one road leads to it: federalism." Other deputies of Hlinka's party expressed themselves in a slmilar vein in the Prague Parllament until 1939. They demanded independent Slovak army units for Slovakia, with Slovak as the language of command, and separate Slovak diplomatic representation abroad. It is known that the most significant signs of sovereignty are: one's own natlonal army and national representatlon abroad. The climax for this whole endeavor for Slovak polit!cal independence was the Žilina proclamation of October 6, 1938, In which the Hlinka Slovak People's Party, the Agrarian Party, the Trade Union Party, the Fascist Party, the National Sociallsts and the Slovak Natlonal Party (of Rázus) united on a slngle Slovak program. "We, the undersigned," says the document accepted and und"lrsigned by duly authorlzed representatives of the partles mentionerl. "adopt the motion of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party to lssue a constltutional Iaw apropos Slovak autonomy in such form as prE:sented in the As.sembly of Deputles and published in the perlodical SLOVÁK, No. 129, June 5, 1938. We promlse to use all our strengtb to have this mot!on accepted constitutionalJy by the National Assembly." "We demand that the Vice-Chairman of the Hlinka S lovak Peo• ple's Party, Deputy Dr. Joseph Tiso, lmmediately be authorlzed so that as chalrman-deslgnate he set up the first Slovak Government In agreement wlth the underslgned polltlcal partles." At that time (October 1938), ther~ were 45 Slovak deputies in the Prague Parllament: 19 representatives of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party, 11 Agrarlans, 5 Social Democrats, 5 Communists, 1 National Socialist, 1 National Unity member, 1 Trades Union member, 1 Fasclst, and 1 member ot the Natlonal Slovak Party. AII, · except thi> Communists and the Social Democrats · (10), signed the Žilina docu• ment of October 6, 1938. This was a unlfication ou program which eveu the Czechs respected. On November 22, 1938, a new constltutional document wns publlshed. Thls new Constitution was voted for by a fully qualifleď majority not only of the Slovak but also of the Czech deputies and senators. And in thls Const!tutlon the Slovak Government and the Slovak Parliament were already well anchored by flrm paragraphs. So it was that the future destlny of Slovakia - in a legal anď democratlc way - pas.sed over lnto the banda of the Slovak Government and the Slovak Parllament whlch was authorized by all Slovaks. This was the foundatlon on which the Slovaks cont!nued to build theirState and on March 14, 1939, this foundatlon served as a means to proclalm even the independence of the Slovak State -- again legally and demociatically. From this brie! sketch we see clearly that without the preparatory Iabors - ideological and organizational - of the Hlinka Slovak Peo �SLOVAKIA 15 ple's Party, fir.st in Hungary then in Czechoslovakia, the proclamation of Slovakia's independence on March 14, 1939, would not have been possible. For that reason, not indivldual persons, but whole generations of humble and forgotten Slovak patriots have merited recognitlon. The least we can do is honor them for working so assidiously and uncompromlslngly for the politlcal independence of the Slovaks. The spirit of Andrej Hlinka dominated all of them. In Andrej Hlinka all these indefatigable workers for freedom saw themselves. H linka was their leader and theh- idea!. When he was honored, they felt honored also. And so it was when the Slovak legislat!ve assem bly passed the law (No. 83) on Aprll 25, 1939, <to memorialize Hlinka and the generations of Slovak patriots who labored with him for Slovak freedom by placing a bust of Hlinka in the Slovak Nat!onal Assembly_ The Slovaks at horne and abroad shall never forget And rej Hlinka, his Slovak People's Party - the Slovak patriots who llved and died for the freedom of the Slovak nation. It is a fact that the Slovak Republic was the fruit of Hlinka's fight (or the inherent right o[ the Slovak people to polltical freedom . • • • WHO SAID IT? '"Today we have received from Alex Kendrick in Vienna the first solid explanation of what was behind the recent drastic shake-up in the Czechoslovakian Communist Party and Government. Apparently what happened was that Slovakian autonomy, both political and eco· nomic, was wiped out. A considerable number of Slovak Party mem• bers were flung into jail. Bratislava, the capila! of Slovakla, was the real center of a separatist movem ent deeply influenced by Tlto's success. Czechoslovakia is Russia's most important satellite. But di ffe re nces between Czechs and S lova ks are much o lde r than co mmun ism. What Moscow decided to do was to destroy the independence of the Slovaklan communist party, and all hopes of economic and polltlcal independence for the Slovak.s. This is an effort by the Soviet Union to counteract the attractlon of Yugoslavia that ls felt by Czech and Slovak allke." - EDWARD IR. MURROW With the News, The Columbia Broadcasting System, Sept. 21, 1951. • "In complete harmony with the thinking or the Czech and Slovak nation, the agreemenl of frlendshlp, mutual aid a nd post-war cooperation between the ÔSR and tbe USSR was com pleted in Mosco\\· on December 12, 1943, for a period of 20 years. . . . This or ientat ion is an unchangable note eve n for our futu re politic al life." - Dr. Josepb Lettrich, ÔAS, 1-27-48. • " No ne of us has the r lght to obligate defin it e ly for the futu re our people and st at e in fundamental matters, i ntern a ! or inte rnational, t o anyth ing . . .. That holds for all of us and, above all, e ven for me personally. 1 t hlnk that it is necess ary that th is be altogethe r c lear. That is why from the beginnning I ha ve r efused to make any fundamental, interna! o r international, t ies ..... ." - (Dr. Edward Benes, to the Czechoslovak State Councll, Nov. 2:\, 19Hl. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1951, Vol. 1 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1951 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 1), May 1951.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 2), December 1951.</li> </ul> Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context <ul><li><a href="https://n2t.net/ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span>ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7</span></a></li> <li><a href="https://n2t.net/ark:/13960/s21tk2wkzj4" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span>ark:/13960/s21tk2wkzj4</span></a></li> </ul> Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 13 THE SWVAIK REPUBLIC - FRUIT OF HLINKA'S STRUGGLE Ka.rol Sidor (Preaident of the Slovak Natlonal Couneil Abroad) The great Polish phllosopher and polltlclan Roman Dmowski, who labored for the resurrection of Poland In 1918 and dled In 1939, wrote these noteworthy words: " Here in Poland we are tired of reading p0lemics on the theme: who, In recent Umes, flrst used the expression INDEl'ENDENCE and whlch polltlcal party flrst loudly proclalmed that lt wants state Inde• pendence. Thls makes a chlldlsh and unsavory dlscusslon. We have s tate lndependence not because some one repeated voclferously that he wanted lndependence. We have lt because there were people who worked systematlcally for lts attalnment, orlentated themselves well to cxlsting condltlons and knew how to use well all the clrcumstances leading to lndependence. People must know not only what they want, but also what they must do, what road they shall travel to reach the desired goal. Programs of wlshing are only empty and trultless mottoes." As in Poland, so also among the Slovaks in Slovakia much has already been written and sald about thls subject. But Slovaks at horne and abroad seem to be forgettlng that there would have been no Slovak State lndependence without the untirlng po\ltlcal labors of tbe thousands and thousands of outstanding and ordinai:y people of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party who worked for the polltlcal lndependence of thelr country slnce the inauguratlon of the party In 1905 untll Slovak lndependence Day, March 14, 1939. Wlthout Hlinka and his party the terrain would not have been prepared for independence. We can say wlthout fear of contradlction that the leaders of Hlinka's polltlcal party expressed the will and deslres of the Slovak people for an Independent Slovak llfe both durlng the exlstence of old Hungary and also durlng the llfe of the Czechoslovak Repul!llc. or course, always in a way sulted to condltlons, because cven an Idea has evolutionary forma. A dlfferent form for the cblldlsh age of a natlon and another for bis mature years. The followers of štar, Radllnský and Vajanský up to 1918 expressed themselves moderately In form but convlnclngly in substance. When lt came to the breaklng of bread In 1918, however, Andrew Hlinka, leader of bis party, proclalmed on May 24th at Turčiansky Svätý Martin: "The 1000-year-old marrlage with the Magyars was a tallure. We must part." Such a resolutlon of the Slovak program was both modern and s ultable to the tlmes. Thls sentiment was expressed more forcefully on October 19, 1918, In the Budapest parllament by Dr. Ferdl!'! Juriga, a depu ty of H llnka's Slovak Party, when he sald: "On the basls of natural and hlstorlcal rlghts we demand our right of self-determlnation so that we, as a natlonal entity, could form our own, separate community on tbe terrltory we bave settled." An~ on January 23, 1920, this same Juriga emphaslzed in the 14 SLOVAKIA Prague Parliament even the form of future Slovak life, when he said: "Federalism is the system of the future. The order of the future ís not centralism but federalism. We mu.st preserve our individuality and not let ourselves be absorbed. We must let every national unit crystalllze out into a Jegal personallty so that these various national units could then federalize into one great world republic. This would be only the hlghest idea! and only one road leads to it: federalism." Other deputies of Hlinka's party expressed themselves in a slmilar vein in the Prague Parllament until 1939. They demanded independent Slovak army units for Slovakia, with Slovak as the language of command, and separate Slovak diplomatic representation abroad. It is known that the most significant signs of sovereignty are: one's own natlonal army and national representatlon abroad. The climax for this whole endeavor for Slovak polit!cal independence was the Žilina proclamation of October 6, 1938, In which the Hlinka Slovak People's Party, the Agrarian Party, the Trade Union Party, the Fascist Party, the National Sociallsts and the Slovak Natlonal Party (of Rázus) united on a slngle Slovak program. "We, the undersigned," says the document accepted and und"lrsigned by duly authorlzed representatives of the partles mentionerl. "adopt the motion of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party to lssue a constltutional Iaw apropos Slovak autonomy in such form as prE:sented in the As.sembly of Deputles and published in the perlodical SLOVÁK, No. 129, June 5, 1938. We promlse to use all our strengtb to have this mot!on accepted constitutionalJy by the National Assembly." "We demand that the Vice-Chairman of the Hlinka S lovak Peo• ple's Party, Deputy Dr. Joseph Tiso, lmmediately be authorlzed so that as chalrman-deslgnate he set up the first Slovak Government In agreement wlth the underslgned polltlcal partles." At that time (October 1938), ther~ were 45 Slovak deputies in the Prague Parllament: 19 representatives of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party, 11 Agrarlans, 5 Social Democrats, 5 Communists, 1 National Socialist, 1 National Unity member, 1 Trades Union member, 1 Fasclst, and 1 member ot the Natlonal Slovak Party. AII, · except thi> Communists and the Social Democrats · (10), signed the Žilina docu• ment of October 6, 1938. This was a unlfication ou program which eveu the Czechs respected. On November 22, 1938, a new constltutional document wns publlshed. Thls new Constitution was voted for by a fully qualifleď majority not only of the Slovak but also of the Czech deputies and senators. And in thls Const!tutlon the Slovak Government and the Slovak Parliament were already well anchored by flrm paragraphs. So it was that the future destlny of Slovakia - in a legal anď democratlc way - pas.sed over lnto the banda of the Slovak Government and the Slovak Parllament whlch was authorized by all Slovaks. This was the foundatlon on which the Slovaks cont!nued to build theirState and on March 14, 1939, this foundatlon served as a means to proclalm even the independence of the Slovak State -- again legally and demociatically. From this brie! sketch we see clearly that without the preparatory Iabors - ideological and organizational - of the Hlinka Slovak Peo SLOVAKIA 15 ple's Party, fir.st in Hungary then in Czechoslovakia, the proclamation of Slovakia's independence on March 14, 1939, would not have been possible. For that reason, not indivldual persons, but whole generations of humble and forgotten Slovak patriots have merited recognitlon. The least we can do is honor them for working so assidiously and uncompromlslngly for the politlcal independence of the Slovaks. The spirit of Andrej Hlinka dominated all of them. In Andrej Hlinka all these indefatigable workers for freedom saw themselves. H linka was their leader and theh- idea!. When he was honored, they felt honored also. And so it was when the Slovak legislat!ve assem bly passed the law (No. 83) on Aprll 25, 1939, <to memorialize Hlinka and the generations of Slovak patriots who labored with him for Slovak freedom by placing a bust of Hlinka in the Slovak Nat!onal Assembly_ The Slovaks at horne and abroad shall never forget And rej Hlinka, his Slovak People's Party - the Slovak patriots who llved and died for the freedom of the Slovak nation. It is a fact that the Slovak Republic was the fruit of Hlinka's fight (or the inherent right o[ the Slovak people to polltical freedom . • • • WHO SAID IT? '"Today we have received from Alex Kendrick in Vienna the first solid explanation of what was behind the recent drastic shake-up in the Czechoslovakian Communist Party and Government. Apparently what happened was that Slovakian autonomy, both political and eco· nomic, was wiped out. A considerable number of Slovak Party mem• bers were flung into jail. Bratislava, the capila! of Slovakla, was the real center of a separatist movem ent deeply influenced by Tlto's success. Czechoslovakia is Russia's most important satellite. But di ffe re nces between Czechs and S lova ks are much o lde r than co mmun ism. What Moscow decided to do was to destroy the independence of the Slovaklan communist party, and all hopes of economic and polltlcal independence for the Slovak.s. This is an effort by the Soviet Union to counteract the attractlon of Yugoslavia that ls felt by Czech and Slovak allke." - EDWARD IR. MURROW With the News, The Columbia Broadcasting System, Sept. 21, 1951. • "In complete harmony with the thinking or the Czech and Slovak nation, the agreemenl of frlendshlp, mutual aid a nd post-war cooperation between the ÔSR and tbe USSR was com pleted in Mosco\\· on December 12, 1943, for a period of 20 years. . . . This or ientat ion is an unchangable note eve n for our futu re politic al life." - Dr. Josepb Lettrich, ÔAS, 1-27-48. • " No ne of us has the r lght to obligate defin it e ly for the futu re our people and st at e in fundamental matters, i ntern a ! or inte rnational, t o anyth ing . . .. That holds for all of us and, above all, e ven for me personally. 1 t hlnk that it is necess ary that th is be altogethe r c lear. That is why from the beginnning I ha ve r efused to make any fundamental, interna! o r international, t ies ..... ." - (Dr. Edward Benes, to the Czechoslovak State Councll, Nov. 2:\, 19Hl.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovak Republic - Fruit of Hlinka's Struggle Description An account of the resource Karol Sidor Slovakia, Vol. 1, No. 2 (2), December 1951 pp. 13-15 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sidor, Karol, 1901-1953 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1951 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/d30e6d7dd5f8d711753576fe2f105984.pdf e38c890cc26110e84f610292af06c7a2 PDF Text Text DECEMBEJIR, 1952 SLOVAKIA 1 What Led to the PROCLAMATION OF THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC KAROL SIDOR ( Former Ambassador of Slovakia to the Vatican) Our greait Svetozár Hurban Vajanský once wrote the following encouraglng words: " . . . fear not the proximity of events and do not be afrald of too small a perspective. Our elders sinned grievously dn that respect. In folio form, they published the war of the divine Titan against the Jews; they wrote enormous volumes about America and Palestine; and hístories about the cavalry units of Cracow and water nymphs. But they left us practically nothing about themselves and about their times; that is, they ddd not leave us thelr views and opin!ons so tha.t we, their successors, now stand before a dark corner, a:bout wh-lch we know only that in lt our natlon breathed, worked, suffered, bied, sinned, performed good works, quarreled and harmoniously formed associatlons, hated and loved. We - the unfortunate heirs of indolent fathers - have nothing in our hands'" So that a similar verdlct be not rendered agalnst us in the (uture, we must wrlte about everything - about everything that we authoTed or at least were witnesses of, about everything we saw with our own eyes and heard with our own ears. Such a testimony, of course, cannot be anythlng but subjective. But after a gre.ater lapse of bime, future historians will be able to form from various such subjective testimonies an objectlve picture about the events and the people of that particular tlme. The question of Slovak s,tatehood was dealt w-ith in a speech dellvered on February 21, -1939, by the premier of the Slovak Government, Dr. Joseph Tiso, who said: "After a pause of a thousand years, after long years of fighting for its national rights, the Slovak natňon has its own government, its own paTUament, and is itself building its own state. Here on the floor of our own p.arliament, we -are buHding our own State, our own new State, our own Slovak State. The Slovak natlon is bullding its own State, which is the organ of its soveraignty, the executor of its will and the defender of its interests. Never again must it happen that the Slovak nation be pla.ced in oppos!tion to its own State. Being a Slovak patriot and an idea! nationalist means b~ng a Joyal buUder of the Slovak State. Love for the Slovak nat!on 1s demonstrated conc.retely by loyalty and devotlon to the Slovak State. We do not uphold ťhe State just for the sake of having a State, but because, and only as long as, the nation needs it." In these words Dr. Tiso lndicated only the road we were to travel in bullding our own Slovak State In the future. "Here on the floor of our own parliament we are buildlng our own State, our own new State, our own Slovak State" - that was the directive for tbe future. Wben Dr. Joseph 'I'lso delivered bis speech in tbe Slovak Assembly on February 21, 1939, he was well aware of the fact tha:t we s,till clid not have a Slovak State. There did exist an autonomous Slovak Government and a Slovak parliament, hut that was not enough to al- �2 SLOVAKIA low us to speak about the Slovak State aa an already &X.isting formatlon. There was still lacking the proclamation of the State, lts recognition by foreign powers, and we also lacked that which makes a Sbate a State: our own army and our own representatives in other countries. The Slova.ks who uoted the number of times the words "Slovak State" were mentioned dn Tiso's speech before the Slovak Parliament oould be completely satisfied. And the Slovaks were saitlsfied, but the Cz.echs became dlscontented. Czech dissatisfactiou was demonstrated not only •in newspapers, but also in the sessions of the Centra! Government in Prague. In the sessions of thait government, as a State Minister, I urged the Czechs to fulfill everything t hey had bound themselves to fulfill by para~raphs of the Constltutlional Document wh!ch was adopted in the P11ague Parliament on November 22, 1938. The Slovak Government had entrusted me to concern myself with common problems in Prague, <the question of foreign affairs, finances and the army. I made concrete the Slovak demands and requested the Centra! Government to take a stand on them, app.rove them and hasten the.i!r rool!zation. On Wednesday, Maroh 1, 1939, at four o'clock in the afternoon, the Counc!l of Ministers was in session in Pr.ague. Present were the Czechs: Rudolph Beran, the Premier of the Government, and m!ndsters Chvalkov.s'ký, Syrový, Kalfus, Havell~a. Krejči, and Fischer. The Slovaks were represented by Karol ,stdor, Stephen Haššík (for mllitary affalrs) and Dr. Alexander Hrnčár (for flnancial affairs). I pre-sented our demands in the military and financial departments. 'l'he first to reply was Premier Rudolph Beran. He said that two matters were involved: fundamental questions and partia! demands. 'ľhe entire Czeoll public, according to Beran, 1s condemning Tiso's speech in the Slovak Parllament in which he proclaimed that the Slovaks are building their ovm State, their own Slovak State, on the floor of parliament, and completely neglected to mention the Czech<rSlovak Republic even once. Beran demanded the Slovak Government to pubhloize its loyalty to the Czecho-Slovak Republic, otherwise it would not be possil:ile to act on the partia! demands which were presented to ,h !m by me. "We must elther come to an ~greement," said Beran, "or part." We cannot circumvent this question on tiptoes as we would a cotpse. We cannot deny that a dangerous s:ltuation e:x:ists, added Beran, 'because !t could overwhelm not only the Czech Government, but the Slovak Government as well. When I waa permitted to reply to Premier Beran, I said: "We are not going to publish any fundamental manifestations about our loyalty to the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Czechs and the Slovaks have accepted the law ,a bout the autonomy of Slovak!a, and that law mus,t not be neglected by the Czeohs. The Slovak party is fultilling wihat is in that law, because we, too, voted for that law, -as we also voted for the joint State budget for the yeiar 1939. The Slova.k Government !s responsible for the State in Slovakia, and the Czech Government cannot have guardlanship over !t. That we should continually have to e:x:press ourselves for the Czecho•Slovak !te• public !s nauseous particula.rly to me, because even dul'ing the Flrst Republlc I did not have to keep glving testlmony of my loyalty to the State and, as far a~ I am <'Oncernerl, 1 am not wllllng to do so even �SLOVAKIA 3 now. During the life of the Flrst Republic, Slovaks In Government wanted to galn the trust of the Czechs and they s,tressed thei'ľ rellabllity iin such a manner that they never sald the words "Slovak" and "Slovakia" separately. but always added, when they sald Slovakia: and our beloved Czecho,Slovak 'Republic. And when tbey used tbe word "Slovaks," tbey lmmedlately added: and our derurly loved bretbrnn, t he Czecb.s. The bealtby reactlon to tbls unnatural status ls what is happening In Slovakla today, l.e. tbat only Slovakia and the Slovaks are stressed. We shall mentdon the Republlc ·a nd the Czechs only after tbe Republic and the Czecbs accept everythlng they have boun<l themselves to d-0 by the law pertalnlng <to the autonomy of Slovakla. I must say that slnce October 6~h nothlng has changed as far as the wlll of the Czechs is concerned." After I sald these words, a bitter debate followed. Most important were those spoken by Chvalkovský, Minister of Forelgn Af• fair;;. He said: "Whatever we have done thus far, we have not done well neither you, nor we. We stand before ,the questlon: Shall we stlll stay together, or shall we part. An EngHs,h st-ate&man once sa1d: a door must be either opened or closed. Every breeze cannot play ,vith lt. I was shocked by what Sldor has sald, that trom October &t-h nothlng has changed SlovakJa. Never in history did Slovakla have a Slov-ak Government. She has one slnce Ootober 6th, and that in ltself means tbat since October 6th much has changed In Slovakia. Slnce October 6th we ddd not have t!me enough to look eacb other in the eye. We had to worry about our relat!onsblp wlth our nelghbors, there were armies of tbree States on tbe terrltory ot the Republlc, and we could not resolve our interna) relatlons,blp speedlly. We, too, ha.ve a dlscon<tented mass of people, wbich 1s demanding tbat we correct the mlstakes of the past and avoid mlstakes In the present. I am not respons,ible for the past regime, but nelther ls Sldor. I am dolng wha.tever I can do. In the hlstory of forelgn mlnlsters, nowhere w!ll you find a minister who had received 27 ultimatums wlthln such a shoz,t time. Most of them are from the Magyars and the Poles decrylng the conduct of the Slovak and Ruthenlan Governments. Thus, it 1s very dlf~lcult for me to make order abroad, when these Governments, contrary to the Constituliona.1 Document, also lntervene in forelgn affalrs. Every week, with dispasslona.te perststence, I am Io Hltler's offlce seeklng recognitloo of Cz(lcbo-Slovakla's boundaries, and all I get ls an evaslve answer along wttb polntlng to tbe unsettled Interna) affairs of the State. The deputies trom Prague are saying that the question of ,the partlog of the Slovaks and tbe Czechs is only a matter of weeks, and at most one of montbs. The effe,ct abroad is tbat we are oot recognlzed as a subject of lnteroa.tlonal law, but only as an object. I demand that tbe Slovak Government state officlally that lt 1s for tbe Czecho·Slovak Republlc. It the Slovak Government decldes otherwise, we shall part. Tbe Czech nation shall not stand in the way of your procilalm1ng the lndependence or Slo• vakia. lt ls better lf this ha,ppens voluntarlly." Agalo I aoswered that the Slovak Government wlll not make any manlfestation of loyalty to the Czecho-Slovak Republlc as long as all the Slovak demands. emanatlng from the agreement between the Czechs and the Slovaks, are not fulfilled. �4 SLOVAKIA Premier Beran closed the J<ively meeting of the Mlnisterial Councll wlth the remark that the following week the plenum of the Centra! Government, of which the Slovak ministers headed by Dr. Tiso are also members, shaJI meet to definJtely resolve fundamental questlons and partia! programs, "since this could not be done through Sidor." The situation developed rapidly. I returned horne to Bratislava and requested the President of the Slovak Government, Dr. Joseph 'Nso, to call a joint meeting of the Slovak Government, the Executive Committee of the Slovak Assembly and the Executive Com mittee of Hllnka's Slovak Peoples Party. T hat meeting was held in Bratislava, on Monday, March 6, 1939. There I reported what had transpired thus (ar in Prague and requested that we clearly style the question of the Slovak State for ourselves and also decide on the manner of proclaimlng !t, because, according to my conviction, the situatlon in Prague was already such that we could no longer reckon with a new reconc!liation and further negotlation with the Czechs. After a lengthy <lebate, the stand unanimously accepted was given form by the president of the Slovak Government, Dr. Tlso, as follows: "To continue the bullding of the Slovak State in an evolutionary way and at this time not to proclaim tbe establishment immediately." That stand was proper and reasonable. Every natlon desires to have its own State, to build it in !ts own way. The Slovaks were building theirs on the floor of the Slovak Parliament and would proclaim lt when the Slovak deputies, the duly elected representatives of the Slovak nation, deemed !t proper to do so. Tbe followlng day, March 7, 1939, Dr. Artbur Seiss-Inquart came from Vlenna to pay me a "social call." Ht> told me tbat on this orcasion ·he would like to talk wlth Dr. Josepb Tlso. I called Dr. Tiso to my resldence, bence both or us were present durlng the conversat!on with Seiss-Jnquart. After a few social formalities, Selss-Jnquart turned to politics and remarked that the foreign sltuation was becomlng very dangerous lor the Slovak natlon. Adolph Hitler, he said, was ready to act severely against the entire Czech o-Slovak Hepublic. It is in the interest or the Slovaks not to become vlctlms along wlth the Czechs, but to save themselves by establish!ng thelr own Slovak State. T hereul)On, Dr. J osepb Tiso explalned wbat he had decided upon yesterday, tbat is, that we wanted to build the Slovak State ln an evolutlonary manner and dld not w"ish to proclaim lt rlght now. "To Slovak State independence," Dr. Joseph Tlso said, "we would like to come by a peaceful march toward our goal, pos$lbly by runn!ng toward it." "It is no longer enough," answered Seiss-Inquar t, "to march peacefully toward the goal, or even runn!ng loward lt. You must jump, because only by doing so will you attain your goal." The joint conference wlth the Czecbs was suppoaed to take place Marcb 9th. I had agreed witb prem!er Dr. Tlso that I would go to Prague afone and would let bim know by p-hone whether it would stlll be nec&SSary for bim and also tbe rest of the Slovak Jllllnlsters to come to P rague. �SLOVAKIA 5 I arrived in Prague in the evenlng of March 8th. I a.scertained how the situation there sharpened against the Slovak.s and, therefore, that same evenlng I phoned to Bratislava, telling Dr. Tiso to stay horne and not to come to Pmgue. On March 9, at 4 p. m., the Mlnlsterlal Councll held a meeting in Prague. Present with me were all three delegates of the Slova.k Government: Dr. Joseph Zvrškovec (,l<'ore!lgn Affail'S). Stephen Hašš[k, (Milltary Affairs). and Dr. Alexander Hrnčár (Financlal Af· fairs). At the staTt of tbe session, Premier Beran suddenly announced that a secret meeting of the Mlnisterial Council was ahout to take place ,and requested all three delegates of the Sloivak Government to leave the assembly room. I remalne·d •In the room with Minister Paul Teplánsky. In an angered tone Beran said that in all the embassies of Prague the exact time of the proclamation of the independent State of Slovakla was known and that only the Prague Government knew nothing about it. I replled t!hat such rumors were inundatlng the whole of Slovakia, hut that we had not come to Prague to establish the truth or ialsehood of such rumors. We had come to present the Slovak tlemands and have the Centra! Government accept and approve them. We must talk abou t the concrete matters; these the delegates of the Slovak Government have prepared and, therefore, I asked that they be lnvited to the conference. My request was heard. In an atmosphere that threatened to explode, the three delegates of the Slovak Government and I presented the Slovak demands. Delegate Stephen Raššlk was so overwrought that Beran had to remind bim to compose himself when he began to pound the groon table sharply with bis f,ist. Such a thlng, he sald, had never before happened in the MinisteriaJ Council. When the tension was highest, a messenger came from the foyer to teli me that Minister Dr. Havelka wanted me on °the r,hone. Dr. Havelka was an aide to President Rácha al the Hrad (Oastle). He requested me to come to the Hrad at once; President Rácha urgently wished to speak with me. I returned to the conference room and said to Stephen Haššík: "Here is my briefcase; take it horne with you if I do not return. Presldent Rácha has called for me, and I sense that lt may be nothing good.'' Informing Beran that I was summoned to the Castle. I left the .Ministerial Council a little before midnight. On the ground floor of the building a police officer told me that 1 was to be held. I protested against this S-O vociferously that the whole bll'ilding of the Ministerial Council resounded wlth my protest. :'dy delention, however, was soon explalned, and I hurried to the Castle. After greetlng Presldent Rácha with a "good evening," l protested to him against the violation of my congressional immunity. Rácha knew nothlng about it and palnfully grasped his head. He was an old, overworked man, hut an honest and good man. Catching his breath, he sa~d stutterlngly: "Several moments ago I performed a very unpleasant task. I dismissed the premier of the Slovak Government, Dr. Tiso, and three �6 SLOVAKIA other min.!sters from their posts. I had to do lt, because the consoli• dation of conditions in Slovakia demanded it." I looped trom my chair and replied: "Mr. Presldent, I cannot agree w'ith the step you have taken. I am jo!n!ng wlth the dls• missed ministers and, here and now, tender you my reslgnat!on. I have nothing more to do in Prague." The President wias quite moved as he stood up and begged me not to resign and not let myself be overcome by hasty anger. "With full knowledge of what may happen to me here in Prague for my statement," I said quietly and seriously, "l repeat that I do not agree with what you have done; I protest agalnst lt and hereby tender you my reslgnatlon. I am golng home to Slovakla on the very next traln." :Aresident Rácha mopped bis forehead and head wlth both hands and in a voice completely broken asked me agaln not to resign, because, he said, -it would result In lm.mense harm for Slovakia. "I have nothlng to add to what I have sald," I replled and began walking toward the door. The Presldent caught up W'ith me, grasped my arm, and pleaded that I tarry a bit longer. "Beran will soon be here," he said. And at that very moment, the door burst open and Beran walked In hurrjedly. Stlll standing near the door, I related to Beran what I had told Rácha: 1 was resign.!ng and going home. Rácha and Beran, bowever, entreated me to stay on. They were convinced, they sald, with regard to condltions In Sloviakia, that I was not doing the right úhlng. I gave in to them to the extent that I would announce my reslgnatlon to them from Bratislava after I had consulted with my frlends. As I lett the Presldenťs oftice, in the corridor I met Peter Pridavok, who at that Ume wa.s head of the press department of the Slovak Government, also Dr. Dobrovský, my secretary, and my aMe, Lt. Fratrič. With my three ~rlends I rode to my Prague resldence. In the mornlng of the next day, l\farch 10th, I asked to get c onnected wlth the edltorlal office of the SLOVÁK in Bratislava. No one answered there. Then I tried to get connected wlth the General Secretariate of the Rllnka Slovak People's Party, but no one answered even there. Finally, they connected me with the Government Building -in Bratislava. Dr. Karol Kllnovský, Chlef of the Securlty Service In Slovakia, ,ans,wered tbe phone. I dlctated a rePort to bim to publlsh In the SLOVÁK. to wít, that "Sldor wa3 placed before an accompllshed fact In Prague In the matter of the dlsmissal of the Slovak mlnlsters; he dld not agree with the dlsmissal and protested against it to Presldent Rácha." The report was then p\tbllshed in the SLOVÁK that very day, In the issue berurlng the datellne of March 11, 1939. At that time Dr. Kllnovský told me that Martlal Law was proclalmed in Slovakla without the knowledge of the Slovak Government. The Bratiislava offlces, edltorlal and secretarlal, as well as the offlces of the Hlinka Guard were occupled by the Czech Army and police. Over 250 Slovaks had been arrested, hundreds of offl· clals were suspended, many GHards were taken lnto Moravla and hundreds of Slovaks had fled to Vienna to avold arrest. Somethlng wlthin me snapped. I could not belleve tha.t Rácha �SLOVAil..lA 7 and Beran were as faithless as T. G. Masaryk and Bene!í and their adherents when it came to keeping agreements, solemn signatures and promises w!Jth the Slov.ak.s. I really respected Hácha and Beran and believed that whatever they would promlse and sign, they would aJso keep honorably and fulfill. But, Io and behold, they were overthrowlng the Slovak Governm~nt in Bratislava without the knowledge and behlnd the backs of the duly authorized representatlves of the Slovak Government and lts three delegates. Without the knowledge of the Slovak Government, they proclaímed Martlal Law in Slovakla, occupied the territory of autonomous Slovak1a with soldiers and gendarmes, arrested Slovak Deputies and hauled people to Moravia, wh!le they were telling• me that they were doing a very unpleasant duty in the "lnterest" ot Slovakia. Anti-Slovak elements In Slovalcta, encouraged by such mOO-'lures. ralsed tbeir beads on tbe streets and barked at tbe autonomlsts: "Now, we'll give you autonomy!" While I was thlnking about wbat was happening, the Czech Mln•lster Feierabend came to my resldence. He had a considerable understandlng for Slovak matters. He told me tbat Beran had flent him to teli me to vlslt Mm at once. "No!" I Teplled to Feierabend. "After yesterday'e events in Prague ano those that are happening In Slovakia now, I do not wlsh to speak wlth any one In Prague. Not even with you. or Beran." I remained in my resldence with my frlends. I wa!ted for Dr. Martin Sokol, president of the Slovak Assembly, who had suddenly been called to Prague, to flnlsh bis audience with Presldent Hácha. Wben he arrlved, I traveled wlth bim to Bt>atislava on the afternoon express. I arrlved In B!'atlslava at 9 P. M., March 10. A strong d!Vflslon ot the Hlinka Guard awalted me at the station; also a stronger one of the Czech army, Jed by a Colonel. Masses of people cllmbed aboard the engine and thousands upon thousands mllled around Nie s quare around the station. They sang maTches ot the Guard and acclalmed me voclferously. At the request ot the Czech Colonel, on the way to the edltorial offlce of the SLOVÁK, I stopped at the o!fice of the General Voyta, Commander of the National Army In Slo• vakla. He was a tough soJd.ier. But he saw the sltuatlon clearly and, lt seemed to me, dld not like lt at all. When I complalned that the army was shooting into the unarmed crowd In Bratislava, he replied that no one shot at the people, but a few salvos were fired into the aiT to frlghten them. Later, I ascertalned for myself that the Czech army In Bratislava really dld not shoot any one. Anthony Kopal, the only Slovak who was felled by a bullet, was shot by a Czecb gendarme. When I asked who had orderd the army and the tanks lnto the streets ot Branislava, Voyta told me that he personally was called to Prague by Syrový, Minister ot Natlonal Defense, who ordered bim to do so. I requested Voyta to free all prlsoners in Bratislava taken by bis men. Voyta replied that he would as soon as he found ou.t if· a.ny one was arrested in Bratislava.; and that he would notity me. Havlng appraised the sltuatlon at its source, I hurrled to my car and contlnued on my way to the SLOVÁK, whlle a masa ot 7000- �8 SLúVAKIA 8000 people, gathered about Voyta's office, cheered and sang robustly. When I arri ved at the SLOVÁK, I found the higher officials of the Hlinka Party, headed by Dr. Tis-0, already waiting for me. The entire executive body of the Assembly arrived and a lengthy deliberation began. Dr. Tiso, vice-president of the Party, presided at the session. He told about the situation that had developed in Bratislava, while Dr. Sokol and I related our experiences in Prague. I said that I would not go to Prague any more and requested that my resignatlon as State Minister be accepted by the conference. And forthwith, I proposed that the new Slovak Government be made up as follows: Dr. Joseph Tiso, president of the Slovak Government; Dr. Martin Sokol, Minister of Interior; Joseph Sivák, Minister of Education; Julius Stano, Minister of Transportation; Dr. Peter Zaťko, Minister of Agriculture; Dr. Alex Hrnčár, Minister of Finance, and Dr. Gejza Fritz, Minister of Jusbice. The conference decided - wit,h only one dissenting vote, my own - that I shoulct not resign, but continue in the office of State Minister. Dr. Joseph Tiso t hen announced that he could not assent to accept the office offered him. He stated that here he was not <:oncerned aboQt himself personally - all such thoughts must now be secondary - but that he did not want to place President Rácha int-0 an unpleasant situation: he did not want Rácha pressed today to name as president of the Slovak Government that Tiso, whom he had yesterday dism1ssed from that office. 'I\he situation 1s šerious - said Dr. Tiso - and we must not use the Slovak pľO'blem to enha,nce our persona! interests and prestige. Slovakia needs a government, Tiso concluded, so that greater confusion and chaos would not ensue. Thereupon, the conference authorized Dr. Martin Sokol to proceed as follows: If Dr. Joseph Tiso were not acceptable in Prague, then Karol Sidor should be proposed as president of the Slovak Government. The next day, Saturday, March 11, 1939, the praesidium of the Slovak Assembly, presented the names of the new Slovak Government to President Rácha in Prague. This had to be done, because paragraph V, Article 4, of the Constitution of November 22, 1938, demanded it. It states: The members of the autonomous Slovak Gov• ernment, forming a com-ponent part of the Centra! Government, shaII be apointed by the Pr-esiident of the Republic on the motion of the praesidium of the Assembly of Slovakia. President Dr. Emil Hácha approved the second alternatíve and r.amed the new Slovak Government with me as lts president. The other members of my government were: Sivák, Sokol, Stano, Zaťko, Rrnčár and Fritz. This, then, was the !ega! Slovak Government created according to the Constitutlonal Document which was valid at the tíme. The very day that the news carried the names of the men constituting the new Slovak Government, I had several German vlsltors: editor Goldbach, then Carbus; later that night, close to mldnight of March 11, Wr. William Kepler, special deputy of Adolph Hitler and Assistant Secrebary of State for Foreign Affalrs, Dr. Selss- �SLOVAKIA 9 Inquart, G-Overnor of Austria, and Joseph Biirckel, Austrian gauIeiter, who demanded that I 1mmediately proclaim the independence of the Slovak State by radlo either through the station in Bratislav•a or the one in Vienna. I replied that responsible factors of the Hlinka Party aind the Slovak Assembly had decided "to continue to build the Slovak State by an evolutionary process and not to proclaim its establishment right now." I explasined that I, too, was bound by that declslon and could not violate it without the assent of the Party and the Assembly. If lhe Assembly and the Party change thelr previous stand and on the floor of the .A;ssembly, now decide to P'ľOClaim an independent Slovak State "right now," I would comply wlth that changed attitude. My actions were governed, I said, not by expedl· ency or my persona! fancies, but by the policy of the nation according to the diirectives which I had from competent Slovak organs. I take my orders only from them, I concluded, and I will not execute the orders and commands given me by representatives of another natlon. Natura1'1y, the Germans were not satisfied with my answer. And they demonstrated their dissatisfaction in a very concrete fashion. On March 13, they vented thelr hatred of me by placlng a bomb under my horne in Bratislava to ktill me and my whole family. I thanked God that it was discovered in Ume and rendered harmless. Another bomb was placed under the Jesuit monastery in Brati!>lava where Dr. Joseph Tiso resided. That bomb actually exploded and caused quite a bit of damage to the walls and windows of the structure. No one, however, was killed. As soon as I took over the presidency of the Slovak Government all military regulations and orders, especla!ly the proclamation of Martial Law, were revoked and rendered invalid. The putsch of the Czech generals, ord8'l'ed by President Rácha and Premier Be1,an of the Centra! G-Overnment and executed by Syrový, Minister of NatiOJ1al Defense, was thus liquidated. I liberated Slovak prlsoners in Slovakia, returned all suspended persona to thelr jobs, and made certain mi!itary provisiions to pre-vent any new putsches. The orders provided for the placement of Slovak officers as supervlsors of the Slovak Government in all milltary formatlons which were headed !Jy Czeoh generals and colonels. Simultaneously, President Rácha and General Syrový ordered all commanders of the army in Slovakla not to undertake any ventures wlthout my knowlodge or wlthout the knowledge of the appointed Slovak offlcers. This provision of mine I considered most lmportant. It was thus that the Slovaks took over the command of the army in Slovakia before the proclamation of the independence of the Slovak State. That meant that the Slovaks took possession of one of the symbols of State sovereignty. How !mpo!'tant was this provision was demonstT,ated soon after the !ndependence of the Slovak State was proolaimed, when the Magyars a,ttacked the eastern borders of Slovakia, and our dlsciplined army, under the command of Lt. Colonel Augustine Malar, effectively resisted them. Without our mil!tary resistance, the Ma• gyars would have occupled the eastern area of Slovakla even beyond �10 SLOVAKIA Prešov, just as they had occupied the whole of Ruthenia. which offered no military reslstance. But even before the proclamation of the independence of the Slovak State, the knowledge that Slovak offlcers were in command of every m!llta.ry garrison In Slovakia evoked a remarkable satisfaction in the ranka of the Slovaks, who no longer had to fea.r that the barracks would agaln unload a host of soldiers who would fight agalnst the people and lts !nterests. On Monday, March 13, 1939, at 6:00 .A. M., Dr. Tiso arrlved in Bro.tňslava from Banovce to visit me. He told me that he had received an "lnv!tatlon" to vis!t Adolph Hitler in Berlin and asked me whether I would agree that he go. I answered h!m that I d!d, but wanted it approved by my whole government as well as the praesidlum of the Party and the A.ssembly. Thereupon, the Slovak Government, the praes!dium of the Assembly and the Party were called to meet In the offlce of the SLOVÁK. The conference lasted unb!l 12:30 P. M. The unanlmous decislon was: Dr. Joseph Tlso was to go to Berlin. After the conference. I issued the followlng off-icial statement for the Bratislava press and radlo: "We announce to the Slovak public that today, Monday morning, the praesldium of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party had a meeting in Bratislava. At thls meeting of the praesldlum of the Party, Dr. Joseph Tiso, former Presldent of the Slovak Government, announced that he had recefved au offlcial summons from the Relch Ohancellor, Adolph Hitler, to vis!t him at once In Berlin. The pra.esld<lum of the Party has acknowledged thls lnv!tation, and so has the Government of Karol Sldor. Consequently, Dr. Joseph Tiso crossed the border at Bratislava at noon today accompanled by the German Consul In Bratislava, deputy Stephen Danlhel and deputy Ing. Karmasin. The purpose of Dr. Joseph Tiso's trip to Berlin 1s a olarlfllcation of the present situat!on." In the instructions, which the conference gave to Dr. Joseph Tiso for hls trip to Berlin, he was told: to hear what Hitler had to say, but not to glve hlm any kind of blndlng statement; then to return to Brátlslava and report on h!s vlslt to competent Slovak factors and await the deflnite decislon of the Assembly, the Government and the Party. Dr. Joseph Tiso visited Rlbbentrop and Hitler in Berlin. After converslng w<lth them, he went to the Czecho-,Slovak embassy in llerlln, whence he phoned me and requested me to call the Slovak Assembly together. Thls telephon;, conversation took place with Tlso at 7: 30 P. M. on March 13, 1939. I lmmedlately got in touch with Presldent Hácha who, actlng in accord with Paragraph V of the ConB'titutlon of November 22, 1938, called a meeting of the Slovak Assembly on March 14, 1939. The Slovak Assembly, therefore, was convened Iegally, In the manner prescribed by the Const!tution of the Czecho-Slovak Republlc. Tuesday, March 14, 1939, at 9: 00 A. M. the Slovak Government, the praesldium of the Assembly and the Hlinka Party convened In the Government Buildlng at Bratislava. Dr. Joseph Tlso gave an exhaustlve report about hls trip to Berlin. The meeting approved h!s report enthus!ast!cally; he had done the task he was asked to do. After the meeting, the Slovak Assembly convened In 1ts quarters �SLOVAKIA 11 for the session oa.Ued by the President of the Republ1c, Dr. En:(11 Rácha. Thls memorable meetlng of the Slovak A.ssembly opened at 10: 57 A. M., March 14, 1939, by the Vlce-Presldent of the Assembly, Dr. Karol Mederly. After golng through the rormallties, Dr. Mederly, in accordance to Paragraph 37 of the order or business, moved that the remaining buslness or the Assembly be conMdential. Therefore, only Deput!es of the Assemb!y and members of the Slovak Government remained in the assembly ha.11. Of the 63 duly elected representatives of the Slovak Assembly, 57 were present at this hlstorical session of the Slovak leglslature. T·h e secret session began at 11:10 A. M. The flrst order or business was my spe,ech, in wbich I deplcted events as they had developed in Slova.kla and recounted a.II that my Government had accomplished withln so short a time. In my name and in the name or the other mJnisters, I announced the reslgnation of my government. I concluded my speech In this manner: " . . . in the name of the ent.ire Government I tender our resignatione to this solemn Assembly. At thls very moment, this my decision is being ma.de kno,w n also to the constitutional factor.s in Prague and, with this, I proclaim the bTief act!v!J.ty of my Government at an end. Sir Deputles, I I)Tay that you be unlted, selt-conscious and mutually trustworthy, because only thus shall we be able to get our Slovak nation out of the present dlfficult situation and establlsh order and stablllity and a solid front. I want to assure you, gentlemen, that I sha.11 support with my whole strength and will everythlng that you sha.11 decide. Long live the Slovak natlon! Long live free Slova.kla!" Dr. Joseph Tiso then presented an extenslve report on hls trip to Berlin. In hls introduct.ion, Dr. Tlso stated that he ma.de the trip to BerMn, because the conference of March 13th had declded that he do so. In Berlin, Dr. 1'1so told forelgn minister · Joachim von Rlbbentrop: " . . . by lnltlatlve we Slova.ks will never glve the lmpulse to liquidat-e tbe Czecho-.Slovak Republic. But !! we see that the course of events ls developlng in such a way that it m!ght be more beneflclal to us, we s-hall consider it our duty to choose a suitable tlme to separate (from the Czeohs). lf our people see that events are tending In a dlrectlon lndicatlng that the only w·ay out fs to make otrrselves independent, then every Slovak wlll tlghten bis belt, live more frugally, wflll know how to bear up even under lesseT advantages, and shall say to hlmself: under the glven clrcumstances, t here was natblng else we could do. Rlbbentrop fully recognlzed and understod our posltlon." Then Dr. Tlso told about hls vlsit wlth Adolph Hitler. The iatter told hlm directly that the Magya.rs were preparing to occupy t he whole of Slovak.ia at that Ume. "And you must declare yourself agaJ!ns.t lt," sa!d Hitler ... "and declare yourself wlth llghtn1ng speed. This declaratáon must be ma.de to proper factors so that they would know that t.he Slovak natlon has lts own State, its own territory and that, therefore, it must prevent any one from ma.king clalms to enter Slovak terrltory and to the Slovak populatlon. There 1s no Ume for waiting. Not days, but hours shall declde the lssue." �12 SLOVAKIA Dr. 'l'iso thought for a moment, repeated the decision of the conference of March 13th, and ad ded: "You will pardon me, if I cannot say anything else more concrete." In short, Dr. Tiso followed the directlves given by the representatives of the Slovak nation: to un<lertake no obligatiollll, to promise nothlng In Berlin. Dr. 'l'iso concluded his repoi,t to the Assembly with the words: "Here, before the Assembly, I place the dry material gatbered in Berlin durlng my visit tb ere, the report which you •b ave just bearo, and I beg you to ponder over it and then ren der a decision !" Dr. Joseph Tlso made no proposal either for separating from the Czechs or for proclaiming an independent Slovak State. After Tiso completed his report, Dr. Martin Sokol, pres1dent of the Slovak A:ssembly, recessed the session for a few mlnutes. Durlng the recess, tbe deputles considered and d1scussed what they had hearo. When the meeting was called to order again at 12: 06 P. M., Dr. Sokol said: "You have heard the manlfestatlon of t-he President of the Slovak Government, Karol Sidor, and tbe report of Mr. Deputy Dr. Joseph Tiso about !)!!s conversaitlon with •Reich Chancellor Adolph Hitler and Reich Minister of Forelgn Affaiirs von Ribbentrop. No~v we are suppose<l to decide by voting whether the Assembly of Slovakia is for an indepen-dent Slovak State or not. We shall declare our vote by arlsing. Those In favor of proolaiming the in<lependence of the Slovak State, please rise!" lt was 12:07 P. M., March 14, 1939, when all 57 members of bhe Slovak Assembly arose from their seats and, thus, unanimously voted for the establishment of t•h e independent State of Slovakia. Thereupon, Dr. Sokol announced: "I flnd that the Assembly of Slovakia, as the only competent organ of the polltlcal will of the sovereign Slovak nation, has decided in favor of an independent Slovak State." &tm standing, the depu,ties sang t-he Slovak hymn "Hej, Slováci" (Yeah, Ye Slovaks), wMch later became the National Anthem of the Slovak State. ľt was thus that the .independence of fäe Slovak State was proclaimed. After a thousand years the Slovaks again became masters of their !and and their destiny. The hidden yearning of the natlon for its own State had come to life. Even here the words of Svetozar Hurban Vajanský are applicable: "To ascribe characteristics to the masses of people which they do not possess would be folly, indeed. But to rouse and develop the chara.cteristlcs ,..,,hfoh the native mass does possess, even though they are hi<lden, thrut is our fatal obligrution." This "fatal obUgation" was performed by the Slovak Deputies who proclaimed the independence of the Slovak State of March 14, 1939. They -had awakened the desire that was hidden in the soul of the nation, brought it out lnto the open and made lt real. And from 1939 to 1945, that Mdden desire, translated lnto reality, grew and prospered in the heart of every self-conscious and loyal Slovak. No one on this earth shall ever be able to stifle or kill this holy yearning of the Slovak nation for a new and more lasting State of its own - an Independent Slovakia. • • • � DECEMBEJIR, 1952 SLOVAKIA 1 What Led to the PROCLAMATION OF THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC KAROL SIDOR ( Former Ambassador of Slovakia to the Vatican) Our greait Svetozár Hurban Vajanský once wrote the following encouraglng words: " . . . fear not the proximity of events and do not be afrald of too small a perspective. Our elders sinned grievously dn that respect. In folio form, they published the war of the divine Titan against the Jews; they wrote enormous volumes about America and Palestine; and hístories about the cavalry units of Cracow and water nymphs. But they left us practically nothing about themselves and about their times; that is, they ddd not leave us thelr views and opin!ons so tha.t we, their successors, now stand before a dark corner, a:bout wh-lch we know only that in lt our natlon breathed, worked, suffered, bied, sinned, performed good works, quarreled and harmoniously formed associatlons, hated and loved. We - the unfortunate heirs of indolent fathers - have nothing in our hands'" So that a similar verdlct be not rendered agalnst us in the (uture, we must wrlte about everything - about everything that we authoTed or at least were witnesses of, about everything we saw with our own eyes and heard with our own ears. Such a testimony, of course, cannot be anythlng but subjective. But after a gre.ater lapse of bime, future historians will be able to form from various such subjective testimonies an objectlve picture about the events and the people of that particular tlme. The question of Slovak s,tatehood was dealt w-ith in a speech dellvered on February 21, -1939, by the premier of the Slovak Government, Dr. Joseph Tiso, who said: "After a pause of a thousand years, after long years of fighting for its national rights, the Slovak natňon has its own government, its own paTUament, and is itself building its own state. Here on the floor of our own p.arliament, we -are buHding our own State, our own new State, our own Slovak State. The Slovak natlon is bullding its own State, which is the organ of its soveraignty, the executor of its will and the defender of its interests. Never again must it happen that the Slovak nation be pla.ced in oppos!tion to its own State. Being a Slovak patriot and an idea! nationalist means b~ng a Joyal buUder of the Slovak State. Love for the Slovak nat!on 1s demonstrated conc.retely by loyalty and devotlon to the Slovak State. We do not uphold ťhe State just for the sake of having a State, but because, and only as long as, the nation needs it." In these words Dr. Tiso lndicated only the road we were to travel in bullding our own Slovak State In the future. "Here on the floor of our own parliament we are buildlng our own State, our own new State, our own Slovak State" - that was the directive for tbe future. Wben Dr. Joseph 'I'lso delivered bis speech in tbe Slovak Assembly on February 21, 1939, he was well aware of the fact tha:t we s,till clid not have a Slovak State. There did exist an autonomous Slovak Government and a Slovak parliament, hut that was not enough to al- �2 SLOVAKIA low us to speak about the Slovak State aa an already &X.isting formatlon. There was still lacking the proclamation of the State, lts recognition by foreign powers, and we also lacked that which makes a Sbate a State: our own army and our own representatives in other countries. The Slova.ks who uoted the number of times the words "Slovak State" were mentioned dn Tiso's speech before the Slovak Parliament oould be completely satisfied. And the Slovaks were saitlsfied, but the Cz.echs became dlscontented. Czech dissatisfactiou was demonstrated not only •in newspapers, but also in the sessions of the Centra! Government in Prague. In the sessions of thait government, as a State Minister, I urged the Czechs to fulfill everything t hey had bound themselves to fulfill by para~raphs of the Constltutlional Document wh!ch was adopted in the P11ague Parliament on November 22, 1938. The Slovak Government had entrusted me to concern myself with common problems in Prague, <the question of foreign affairs, finances and the army. I made concrete the Slovak demands and requested the Centra! Government to take a stand on them, app.rove them and hasten the.i!r rool!zation. On Wednesday, Maroh 1, 1939, at four o'clock in the afternoon, the Counc!l of Ministers was in session in Pr.ague. Present were the Czechs: Rudolph Beran, the Premier of the Government, and m!ndsters Chvalkov.s'ký, Syrový, Kalfus, Havell~a. Krejči, and Fischer. The Slovaks were represented by Karol ,stdor, Stephen Haššík (for mllitary affalrs) and Dr. Alexander Hrnčár (for flnancial affairs). I pre-sented our demands in the military and financial departments. 'l'he first to reply was Premier Rudolph Beran. He said that two matters were involved: fundamental questions and partia! demands. 'ľhe entire Czeoll public, according to Beran, 1s condemning Tiso's speech in the Slovak Parllament in which he proclaimed that the Slovaks are building their ovm State, their own Slovak State, on the floor of parliament, and completely neglected to mention the Czech<rSlovak Republic even once. Beran demanded the Slovak Government to pubhloize its loyalty to the Czecho-Slovak Republic, otherwise it would not be possil:ile to act on the partia! demands which were presented to ,h !m by me. "We must elther come to an ~greement," said Beran, "or part." We cannot circumvent this question on tiptoes as we would a cotpse. We cannot deny that a dangerous s:ltuation e:x:ists, added Beran, 'because !t could overwhelm not only the Czech Government, but the Slovak Government as well. When I waa permitted to reply to Premier Beran, I said: "We are not going to publish any fundamental manifestations about our loyalty to the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Czechs and the Slovaks have accepted the law ,a bout the autonomy of Slovak!a, and that law mus,t not be neglected by the Czeohs. The Slovak party is fultilling wihat is in that law, because we, too, voted for that law, -as we also voted for the joint State budget for the yeiar 1939. The Slova.k Government !s responsible for the State in Slovakia, and the Czech Government cannot have guardlanship over !t. That we should continually have to e:x:press ourselves for the Czecho•Slovak !te• public !s nauseous particula.rly to me, because even dul'ing the Flrst Republlc I did not have to keep glving testlmony of my loyalty to the State and, as far a~ I am <'Oncernerl, 1 am not wllllng to do so even �SLOVAKIA 3 now. During the life of the Flrst Republic, Slovaks In Government wanted to galn the trust of the Czechs and they s,tressed thei'ľ rellabllity iin such a manner that they never sald the words "Slovak" and "Slovakia" separately. but always added, when they sald Slovakia: and our beloved Czecho,Slovak 'Republic. And when tbey used tbe word "Slovaks," tbey lmmedlately added: and our derurly loved bretbrnn, t he Czecb.s. The bealtby reactlon to tbls unnatural status ls what is happening In Slovakla today, l.e. tbat only Slovakia and the Slovaks are stressed. We shall mentdon the Republlc ·a nd the Czechs only after tbe Republic and the Czecbs accept everythlng they have boun<l themselves to d-0 by the law pertalnlng <to the autonomy of Slovakla. I must say that slnce October 6~h nothlng has changed as far as the wlll of the Czechs is concerned." After I sald these words, a bitter debate followed. Most important were those spoken by Chvalkovský, Minister of Forelgn Af• fair;;. He said: "Whatever we have done thus far, we have not done well neither you, nor we. We stand before ,the questlon: Shall we stlll stay together, or shall we part. An EngHs,h st-ate&man once sa1d: a door must be either opened or closed. Every breeze cannot play ,vith lt. I was shocked by what Sldor has sald, that trom October &t-h nothlng has changed SlovakJa. Never in history did Slovakla have a Slov-ak Government. She has one slnce Ootober 6th, and that in ltself means tbat since October 6th much has changed In Slovakia. Slnce October 6th we ddd not have t!me enough to look eacb other in the eye. We had to worry about our relat!onsblp wlth our nelghbors, there were armies of tbree States on tbe terrltory ot the Republlc, and we could not resolve our interna) relatlons,blp speedlly. We, too, ha.ve a dlscon<tented mass of people, wbich 1s demanding tbat we correct the mlstakes of the past and avoid mlstakes In the present. I am not respons,ible for the past regime, but nelther ls Sldor. I am dolng wha.tever I can do. In the hlstory of forelgn mlnlsters, nowhere w!ll you find a minister who had received 27 ultimatums wlthln such a shoz,t time. Most of them are from the Magyars and the Poles decrylng the conduct of the Slovak and Ruthenlan Governments. Thus, it 1s very dlf~lcult for me to make order abroad, when these Governments, contrary to the Constituliona.1 Document, also lntervene in forelgn affalrs. Every week, with dispasslona.te perststence, I am Io Hltler's offlce seeklng recognitloo of Cz(lcbo-Slovakla's boundaries, and all I get ls an evaslve answer along wttb polntlng to tbe unsettled Interna) affairs of the State. The deputies trom Prague are saying that the question of ,the partlog of the Slovaks and tbe Czechs is only a matter of weeks, and at most one of montbs. The effe,ct abroad is tbat we are oot recognlzed as a subject of lnteroa.tlonal law, but only as an object. I demand that tbe Slovak Government state officlally that lt 1s for tbe Czecho·Slovak Republlc. It the Slovak Government decldes otherwise, we shall part. Tbe Czech nation shall not stand in the way of your procilalm1ng the lndependence or Slo• vakia. lt ls better lf this ha,ppens voluntarlly." Agalo I aoswered that the Slovak Government wlll not make any manlfestation of loyalty to the Czecho-Slovak Republlc as long as all the Slovak demands. emanatlng from the agreement between the Czechs and the Slovaks, are not fulfilled. �4 SLOVAKIA Premier Beran closed the J<ively meeting of the Mlnisterial Councll wlth the remark that the following week the plenum of the Centra! Government, of which the Slovak ministers headed by Dr. Tiso are also members, shaJI meet to definJtely resolve fundamental questlons and partia! programs, "since this could not be done through Sidor." The situation developed rapidly. I returned horne to Bratislava and requested the President of the Slovak Government, Dr. Joseph 'Nso, to call a joint meeting of the Slovak Government, the Executive Committee of the Slovak Assembly and the Executive Com mittee of Hllnka's Slovak Peoples Party. T hat meeting was held in Bratislava, on Monday, March 6, 1939. There I reported what had transpired thus (ar in Prague and requested that we clearly style the question of the Slovak State for ourselves and also decide on the manner of proclaimlng !t, because, according to my conviction, the situatlon in Prague was already such that we could no longer reckon with a new reconc!liation and further negotlation with the Czechs. After a lengthy <lebate, the stand unanimously accepted was given form by the president of the Slovak Government, Dr. Tlso, as follows: "To continue the bullding of the Slovak State in an evolutionary way and at this time not to proclaim tbe establishment immediately." That stand was proper and reasonable. Every natlon desires to have its own State, to build it in !ts own way. The Slovaks were building theirs on the floor of the Slovak Parliament and would proclaim lt when the Slovak deputies, the duly elected representatives of the Slovak nation, deemed !t proper to do so. Tbe followlng day, March 7, 1939, Dr. Artbur Seiss-Inquart came from Vlenna to pay me a "social call." Ht> told me tbat on this orcasion ·he would like to talk wlth Dr. Josepb Tlso. I called Dr. Tiso to my resldence, bence both or us were present durlng the conversat!on with Seiss-Jnquart. After a few social formalities, Selss-Jnquart turned to politics and remarked that the foreign sltuation was becomlng very dangerous lor the Slovak natlon. Adolph Hitler, he said, was ready to act severely against the entire Czech o-Slovak Hepublic. It is in the interest or the Slovaks not to become vlctlms along wlth the Czechs, but to save themselves by establish!ng thelr own Slovak State. T hereul)On, Dr. J osepb Tiso explalned wbat he had decided upon yesterday, tbat is, that we wanted to build the Slovak State ln an evolutlonary manner and dld not w"ish to proclaim lt rlght now. "To Slovak State independence," Dr. Joseph Tlso said, "we would like to come by a peaceful march toward our goal, pos$lbly by runn!ng toward it." "It is no longer enough," answered Seiss-Inquar t, "to march peacefully toward the goal, or even runn!ng loward lt. You must jump, because only by doing so will you attain your goal." The joint conference wlth the Czecbs was suppoaed to take place Marcb 9th. I had agreed witb prem!er Dr. Tlso that I would go to Prague afone and would let bim know by p-hone whether it would stlll be nec&SSary for bim and also tbe rest of the Slovak Jllllnlsters to come to P rague. �SLOVAKIA 5 I arrived in Prague in the evenlng of March 8th. I a.scertained how the situation there sharpened against the Slovak.s and, therefore, that same evenlng I phoned to Bratislava, telling Dr. Tiso to stay horne and not to come to Pmgue. On March 9, at 4 p. m., the Mlnlsterlal Councll held a meeting in Prague. Present with me were all three delegates of the Slova.k Government: Dr. Joseph Zvrškovec (,l<'ore!lgn Affail'S). Stephen Hašš[k, (Milltary Affairs). and Dr. Alexander Hrnčár (Financlal Af· fairs). At the staTt of tbe session, Premier Beran suddenly announced that a secret meeting of the Mlnisterial Council was ahout to take place ,and requested all three delegates of the Sloivak Government to leave the assembly room. I remalne·d •In the room with Minister Paul Teplánsky. In an angered tone Beran said that in all the embassies of Prague the exact time of the proclamation of the independent State of Slovakla was known and that only the Prague Government knew nothing about it. I replled t!hat such rumors were inundatlng the whole of Slovakia, hut that we had not come to Prague to establish the truth or ialsehood of such rumors. We had come to present the Slovak tlemands and have the Centra! Government accept and approve them. We must talk abou t the concrete matters; these the delegates of the Slovak Government have prepared and, therefore, I asked that they be lnvited to the conference. My request was heard. In an atmosphere that threatened to explode, the three delegates of the Slovak Government and I presented the Slovak demands. Delegate Stephen Raššlk was so overwrought that Beran had to remind bim to compose himself when he began to pound the groon table sharply with bis f,ist. Such a thlng, he sald, had never before happened in the MinisteriaJ Council. When the tension was highest, a messenger came from the foyer to teli me that Minister Dr. Havelka wanted me on °the r,hone. Dr. Havelka was an aide to President Rácha al the Hrad (Oastle). He requested me to come to the Hrad at once; President Rácha urgently wished to speak with me. I returned to the conference room and said to Stephen Haššík: "Here is my briefcase; take it horne with you if I do not return. Presldent Rácha has called for me, and I sense that lt may be nothing good.'' Informing Beran that I was summoned to the Castle. I left the .Ministerial Council a little before midnight. On the ground floor of the building a police officer told me that 1 was to be held. I protested against this S-O vociferously that the whole bll'ilding of the Ministerial Council resounded wlth my protest. :'dy delention, however, was soon explalned, and I hurried to the Castle. After greetlng Presldent Rácha with a "good evening," l protested to him against the violation of my congressional immunity. Rácha knew nothlng about it and palnfully grasped his head. He was an old, overworked man, hut an honest and good man. Catching his breath, he sa~d stutterlngly: "Several moments ago I performed a very unpleasant task. I dismissed the premier of the Slovak Government, Dr. Tiso, and three �6 SLOVAKIA other min.!sters from their posts. I had to do lt, because the consoli• dation of conditions in Slovakia demanded it." I looped trom my chair and replied: "Mr. Presldent, I cannot agree w'ith the step you have taken. I am jo!n!ng wlth the dls• missed ministers and, here and now, tender you my reslgnat!on. I have nothing more to do in Prague." The President wias quite moved as he stood up and begged me not to resign and not let myself be overcome by hasty anger. "With full knowledge of what may happen to me here in Prague for my statement," I said quietly and seriously, "l repeat that I do not agree with what you have done; I protest agalnst lt and hereby tender you my reslgnatlon. I am golng home to Slovakla on the very next traln." :Aresident Rácha mopped bis forehead and head wlth both hands and in a voice completely broken asked me agaln not to resign, because, he said, -it would result In lm.mense harm for Slovakia. "I have nothlng to add to what I have sald," I replled and began walking toward the door. The Presldent caught up W'ith me, grasped my arm, and pleaded that I tarry a bit longer. "Beran will soon be here," he said. And at that very moment, the door burst open and Beran walked In hurrjedly. Stlll standing near the door, I related to Beran what I had told Rácha: 1 was resign.!ng and going home. Rácha and Beran, bowever, entreated me to stay on. They were convinced, they sald, with regard to condltions In Sloviakia, that I was not doing the right úhlng. I gave in to them to the extent that I would announce my reslgnatlon to them from Bratislava after I had consulted with my frlends. As I lett the Presldenťs oftice, in the corridor I met Peter Pridavok, who at that Ume wa.s head of the press department of the Slovak Government, also Dr. Dobrovský, my secretary, and my aMe, Lt. Fratrič. With my three ~rlends I rode to my Prague resldence. In the mornlng of the next day, l\farch 10th, I asked to get c onnected wlth the edltorlal office of the SLOVÁK in Bratislava. No one answered there. Then I tried to get connected wlth the General Secretariate of the Rllnka Slovak People's Party, but no one answered even there. Finally, they connected me with the Government Building -in Bratislava. Dr. Karol Kllnovský, Chlef of the Securlty Service In Slovakia, ,ans,wered tbe phone. I dlctated a rePort to bim to publlsh In the SLOVÁK. to wít, that "Sldor wa3 placed before an accompllshed fact In Prague In the matter of the dlsmissal of the Slovak mlnlsters; he dld not agree with the dlsmissal and protested against it to Presldent Rácha." The report was then p\tbllshed in the SLOVÁK that very day, In the issue berurlng the datellne of March 11, 1939. At that time Dr. Kllnovský told me that Martlal Law was proclalmed in Slovakla without the knowledge of the Slovak Government. The Bratiislava offlces, edltorlal and secretarlal, as well as the offlces of the Hlinka Guard were occupled by the Czech Army and police. Over 250 Slovaks had been arrested, hundreds of offl· clals were suspended, many GHards were taken lnto Moravla and hundreds of Slovaks had fled to Vienna to avold arrest. Somethlng wlthin me snapped. I could not belleve tha.t Rácha �SLOVAil..lA 7 and Beran were as faithless as T. G. Masaryk and Bene!í and their adherents when it came to keeping agreements, solemn signatures and promises w!Jth the Slov.ak.s. I really respected Hácha and Beran and believed that whatever they would promlse and sign, they would aJso keep honorably and fulfill. But, Io and behold, they were overthrowlng the Slovak Governm~nt in Bratislava without the knowledge and behlnd the backs of the duly authorized representatlves of the Slovak Government and lts three delegates. Without the knowledge of the Slovak Government, they proclaímed Martlal Law in Slovakla, occupied the territory of autonomous Slovak1a with soldiers and gendarmes, arrested Slovak Deputies and hauled people to Moravia, wh!le they were telling• me that they were doing a very unpleasant duty in the "lnterest" ot Slovakia. Anti-Slovak elements In Slovalcta, encouraged by such mOO-'lures. ralsed tbeir beads on tbe streets and barked at tbe autonomlsts: "Now, we'll give you autonomy!" While I was thlnking about wbat was happening, the Czech Mln•lster Feierabend came to my resldence. He had a considerable understandlng for Slovak matters. He told me tbat Beran had flent him to teli me to vlslt Mm at once. "No!" I Teplled to Feierabend. "After yesterday'e events in Prague ano those that are happening In Slovakia now, I do not wlsh to speak wlth any one In Prague. Not even with you. or Beran." I remained in my resldence with my frlends. I wa!ted for Dr. Martin Sokol, president of the Slovak Assembly, who had suddenly been called to Prague, to flnlsh bis audience with Presldent Hácha. Wben he arrlved, I traveled wlth bim to Bt>atislava on the afternoon express. I arrlved In B!'atlslava at 9 P. M., March 10. A strong d!Vflslon ot the Hlinka Guard awalted me at the station; also a stronger one of the Czech army, Jed by a Colonel. Masses of people cllmbed aboard the engine and thousands upon thousands mllled around Nie s quare around the station. They sang maTches ot the Guard and acclalmed me voclferously. At the request ot the Czech Colonel, on the way to the edltorial offlce of the SLOVÁK, I stopped at the o!fice of the General Voyta, Commander of the National Army In Slo• vakla. He was a tough soJd.ier. But he saw the sltuatlon clearly and, lt seemed to me, dld not like lt at all. When I complalned that the army was shooting into the unarmed crowd In Bratislava, he replied that no one shot at the people, but a few salvos were fired into the aiT to frlghten them. Later, I ascertalned for myself that the Czech army In Bratislava really dld not shoot any one. Anthony Kopal, the only Slovak who was felled by a bullet, was shot by a Czecb gendarme. When I asked who had orderd the army and the tanks lnto the streets ot Branislava, Voyta told me that he personally was called to Prague by Syrový, Minister ot Natlonal Defense, who ordered bim to do so. I requested Voyta to free all prlsoners in Bratislava taken by bis men. Voyta replied that he would as soon as he found ou.t if· a.ny one was arrested in Bratislava.; and that he would notity me. Havlng appraised the sltuatlon at its source, I hurrled to my car and contlnued on my way to the SLOVÁK, whlle a masa ot 7000- �8 SLúVAKIA 8000 people, gathered about Voyta's office, cheered and sang robustly. When I arri ved at the SLOVÁK, I found the higher officials of the Hlinka Party, headed by Dr. Tis-0, already waiting for me. The entire executive body of the Assembly arrived and a lengthy deliberation began. Dr. Tiso, vice-president of the Party, presided at the session. He told about the situation that had developed in Bratislava, while Dr. Sokol and I related our experiences in Prague. I said that I would not go to Prague any more and requested that my resignatlon as State Minister be accepted by the conference. And forthwith, I proposed that the new Slovak Government be made up as follows: Dr. Joseph Tiso, president of the Slovak Government; Dr. Martin Sokol, Minister of Interior; Joseph Sivák, Minister of Education; Julius Stano, Minister of Transportation; Dr. Peter Zaťko, Minister of Agriculture; Dr. Alex Hrnčár, Minister of Finance, and Dr. Gejza Fritz, Minister of Jusbice. The conference decided - wit,h only one dissenting vote, my own - that I shoulct not resign, but continue in the office of State Minister. Dr. Joseph Tiso t hen announced that he could not assent to accept the office offered him. He stated that here he was not <:oncerned aboQt himself personally - all such thoughts must now be secondary - but that he did not want to place President Rácha int-0 an unpleasant situation: he did not want Rácha pressed today to name as president of the Slovak Government that Tiso, whom he had yesterday dism1ssed from that office. 'I\he situation 1s šerious - said Dr. Tiso - and we must not use the Slovak pľO'blem to enha,nce our persona! interests and prestige. Slovakia needs a government, Tiso concluded, so that greater confusion and chaos would not ensue. Thereupon, the conference authorized Dr. Martin Sokol to proceed as follows: If Dr. Joseph Tiso were not acceptable in Prague, then Karol Sidor should be proposed as president of the Slovak Government. The next day, Saturday, March 11, 1939, the praesidium of the Slovak Assembly, presented the names of the new Slovak Government to President Rácha in Prague. This had to be done, because paragraph V, Article 4, of the Constitution of November 22, 1938, demanded it. It states: The members of the autonomous Slovak Gov• ernment, forming a com-ponent part of the Centra! Government, shaII be apointed by the Pr-esiident of the Republic on the motion of the praesidium of the Assembly of Slovakia. President Dr. Emil Hácha approved the second alternatíve and r.amed the new Slovak Government with me as lts president. The other members of my government were: Sivák, Sokol, Stano, Zaťko, Rrnčár and Fritz. This, then, was the !ega! Slovak Government created according to the Constitutlonal Document which was valid at the tíme. The very day that the news carried the names of the men constituting the new Slovak Government, I had several German vlsltors: editor Goldbach, then Carbus; later that night, close to mldnight of March 11, Wr. William Kepler, special deputy of Adolph Hitler and Assistant Secrebary of State for Foreign Affalrs, Dr. Selss- �SLOVAKIA 9 Inquart, G-Overnor of Austria, and Joseph Biirckel, Austrian gauIeiter, who demanded that I 1mmediately proclaim the independence of the Slovak State by radlo either through the station in Bratislav•a or the one in Vienna. I replied that responsible factors of the Hlinka Party aind the Slovak Assembly had decided "to continue to build the Slovak State by an evolutionary process and not to proclaim its establishment right now." I explasined that I, too, was bound by that declslon and could not violate it without the assent of the Party and the Assembly. If lhe Assembly and the Party change thelr previous stand and on the floor of the .A;ssembly, now decide to P'ľOClaim an independent Slovak State "right now," I would comply wlth that changed attitude. My actions were governed, I said, not by expedl· ency or my persona! fancies, but by the policy of the nation according to the diirectives which I had from competent Slovak organs. I take my orders only from them, I concluded, and I will not execute the orders and commands given me by representatives of another natlon. Natura1'1y, the Germans were not satisfied with my answer. And they demonstrated their dissatisfaction in a very concrete fashion. On March 13, they vented thelr hatred of me by placlng a bomb under my horne in Bratislava to ktill me and my whole family. I thanked God that it was discovered in Ume and rendered harmless. Another bomb was placed under the Jesuit monastery in Brati!>lava where Dr. Joseph Tiso resided. That bomb actually exploded and caused quite a bit of damage to the walls and windows of the structure. No one, however, was killed. As soon as I took over the presidency of the Slovak Government all military regulations and orders, especla!ly the proclamation of Martial Law, were revoked and rendered invalid. The putsch of the Czech generals, ord8'l'ed by President Rácha and Premier Be1,an of the Centra! G-Overnment and executed by Syrový, Minister of NatiOJ1al Defense, was thus liquidated. I liberated Slovak prlsoners in Slovakia, returned all suspended persona to thelr jobs, and made certain mi!itary provisiions to pre-vent any new putsches. The orders provided for the placement of Slovak officers as supervlsors of the Slovak Government in all milltary formatlons which were headed !Jy Czeoh generals and colonels. Simultaneously, President Rácha and General Syrový ordered all commanders of the army in Slovakla not to undertake any ventures wlthout my knowlodge or wlthout the knowledge of the appointed Slovak offlcers. This provision of mine I considered most lmportant. It was thus that the Slovaks took over the command of the army in Slovakia before the proclamation of the independence of the Slovak State. That meant that the Slovaks took possession of one of the symbols of State sovereignty. How !mpo!'tant was this provision was demonstT,ated soon after the !ndependence of the Slovak State was proolaimed, when the Magyars a,ttacked the eastern borders of Slovakia, and our dlsciplined army, under the command of Lt. Colonel Augustine Malar, effectively resisted them. Without our mil!tary resistance, the Ma• gyars would have occupled the eastern area of Slovakla even beyond �10 SLOVAKIA Prešov, just as they had occupied the whole of Ruthenia. which offered no military reslstance. But even before the proclamation of the independence of the Slovak State, the knowledge that Slovak offlcers were in command of every m!llta.ry garrison In Slovakia evoked a remarkable satisfaction in the ranka of the Slovaks, who no longer had to fea.r that the barracks would agaln unload a host of soldiers who would fight agalnst the people and lts !nterests. On Monday, March 13, 1939, at 6:00 .A. M., Dr. Tiso arrlved in Bro.tňslava from Banovce to visit me. He told me that he had received an "lnv!tatlon" to vis!t Adolph Hitler in Berlin and asked me whether I would agree that he go. I answered h!m that I d!d, but wanted it approved by my whole government as well as the praesidlum of the Party and the A.ssembly. Thereupon, the Slovak Government, the praes!dium of the Assembly and the Party were called to meet In the offlce of the SLOVÁK. The conference lasted unb!l 12:30 P. M. The unanlmous decislon was: Dr. Joseph Tlso was to go to Berlin. After the conference. I issued the followlng off-icial statement for the Bratislava press and radlo: "We announce to the Slovak public that today, Monday morning, the praesldium of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party had a meeting in Bratislava. At thls meeting of the praesldlum of the Party, Dr. Joseph Tiso, former Presldent of the Slovak Government, announced that he had recefved au offlcial summons from the Relch Ohancellor, Adolph Hitler, to vis!t him at once In Berlin. The pra.esld<lum of the Party has acknowledged thls lnv!tation, and so has the Government of Karol Sldor. Consequently, Dr. Joseph Tiso crossed the border at Bratislava at noon today accompanled by the German Consul In Bratislava, deputy Stephen Danlhel and deputy Ing. Karmasin. The purpose of Dr. Joseph Tiso's trip to Berlin 1s a olarlfllcation of the present situat!on." In the instructions, which the conference gave to Dr. Joseph Tiso for hls trip to Berlin, he was told: to hear what Hitler had to say, but not to glve hlm any kind of blndlng statement; then to return to Brátlslava and report on h!s vlslt to competent Slovak factors and await the deflnite decislon of the Assembly, the Government and the Party. Dr. Joseph Tiso visited Rlbbentrop and Hitler in Berlin. After converslng w<lth them, he went to the Czecho-,Slovak embassy in llerlln, whence he phoned me and requested me to call the Slovak Assembly together. Thls telephon;, conversation took place with Tlso at 7: 30 P. M. on March 13, 1939. I lmmedlately got in touch with Presldent Hácha who, actlng in accord with Paragraph V of the ConB'titutlon of November 22, 1938, called a meeting of the Slovak Assembly on March 14, 1939. The Slovak Assembly, therefore, was convened Iegally, In the manner prescribed by the Const!tution of the Czecho-Slovak Republlc. Tuesday, March 14, 1939, at 9: 00 A. M. the Slovak Government, the praesldium of the Assembly and the Hlinka Party convened In the Government Buildlng at Bratislava. Dr. Joseph Tlso gave an exhaustlve report about hls trip to Berlin. The meeting approved h!s report enthus!ast!cally; he had done the task he was asked to do. After the meeting, the Slovak Assembly convened In 1ts quarters �SLOVAKIA 11 for the session oa.Ued by the President of the Republ1c, Dr. En:(11 Rácha. Thls memorable meetlng of the Slovak A.ssembly opened at 10: 57 A. M., March 14, 1939, by the Vlce-Presldent of the Assembly, Dr. Karol Mederly. After golng through the rormallties, Dr. Mederly, in accordance to Paragraph 37 of the order or business, moved that the remaining buslness or the Assembly be conMdential. Therefore, only Deput!es of the Assemb!y and members of the Slovak Government remained in the assembly ha.11. Of the 63 duly elected representatives of the Slovak Assembly, 57 were present at this hlstorical session of the Slovak leglslature. T·h e secret session began at 11:10 A. M. The flrst order or business was my spe,ech, in wbich I deplcted events as they had developed in Slova.kla and recounted a.II that my Government had accomplished withln so short a time. In my name and in the name or the other mJnisters, I announced the reslgnation of my government. I concluded my speech In this manner: " . . . in the name of the ent.ire Government I tender our resignatione to this solemn Assembly. At thls very moment, this my decision is being ma.de kno,w n also to the constitutional factor.s in Prague and, with this, I proclaim the bTief act!v!J.ty of my Government at an end. Sir Deputles, I I)Tay that you be unlted, selt-conscious and mutually trustworthy, because only thus shall we be able to get our Slovak nation out of the present dlfficult situation and establlsh order and stablllity and a solid front. I want to assure you, gentlemen, that I sha.11 support with my whole strength and will everythlng that you sha.11 decide. Long live the Slovak natlon! Long live free Slova.kla!" Dr. Joseph Tiso then presented an extenslve report on hls trip to Berlin. In hls introduct.ion, Dr. Tlso stated that he ma.de the trip to BerMn, because the conference of March 13th had declded that he do so. In Berlin, Dr. 1'1so told forelgn minister · Joachim von Rlbbentrop: " . . . by lnltlatlve we Slova.ks will never glve the lmpulse to liquidat-e tbe Czecho-.Slovak Republic. But !! we see that the course of events ls developlng in such a way that it m!ght be more beneflclal to us, we s-hall consider it our duty to choose a suitable tlme to separate (from the Czeohs). lf our people see that events are tending In a dlrectlon lndicatlng that the only w·ay out fs to make otrrselves independent, then every Slovak wlll tlghten bis belt, live more frugally, wflll know how to bear up even under lesseT advantages, and shall say to hlmself: under the glven clrcumstances, t here was natblng else we could do. Rlbbentrop fully recognlzed and understod our posltlon." Then Dr. Tlso told about hls vlsit wlth Adolph Hitler. The iatter told hlm directly that the Magya.rs were preparing to occupy t he whole of Slovak.ia at that Ume. "And you must declare yourself agaJ!ns.t lt," sa!d Hitler ... "and declare yourself wlth llghtn1ng speed. This declaratáon must be ma.de to proper factors so that they would know that t.he Slovak natlon has lts own State, its own territory and that, therefore, it must prevent any one from ma.king clalms to enter Slovak terrltory and to the Slovak populatlon. There 1s no Ume for waiting. Not days, but hours shall declde the lssue." �12 SLOVAKIA Dr. 'l'iso thought for a moment, repeated the decision of the conference of March 13th, and ad ded: "You will pardon me, if I cannot say anything else more concrete." In short, Dr. Tiso followed the directlves given by the representatives of the Slovak nation: to un<lertake no obligatiollll, to promise nothlng In Berlin. Dr. 'l'iso concluded his repoi,t to the Assembly with the words: "Here, before the Assembly, I place the dry material gatbered in Berlin durlng my visit tb ere, the report which you •b ave just bearo, and I beg you to ponder over it and then ren der a decision !" Dr. Joseph Tlso made no proposal either for separating from the Czechs or for proclaiming an independent Slovak State. After Tiso completed his report, Dr. Martin Sokol, pres1dent of the Slovak A:ssembly, recessed the session for a few mlnutes. Durlng the recess, tbe deputles considered and d1scussed what they had hearo. When the meeting was called to order again at 12: 06 P. M., Dr. Sokol said: "You have heard the manlfestatlon of t-he President of the Slovak Government, Karol Sidor, and tbe report of Mr. Deputy Dr. Joseph Tiso about !)!!s conversaitlon with •Reich Chancellor Adolph Hitler and Reich Minister of Forelgn Affaiirs von Ribbentrop. No~v we are suppose<l to decide by voting whether the Assembly of Slovakia is for an indepen-dent Slovak State or not. We shall declare our vote by arlsing. Those In favor of proolaiming the in<lependence of the Slovak State, please rise!" lt was 12:07 P. M., March 14, 1939, when all 57 members of bhe Slovak Assembly arose from their seats and, thus, unanimously voted for the establishment of t•h e independent State of Slovakia. Thereupon, Dr. Sokol announced: "I flnd that the Assembly of Slovakia, as the only competent organ of the polltlcal will of the sovereign Slovak nation, has decided in favor of an independent Slovak State." &tm standing, the depu,ties sang t-he Slovak hymn "Hej, Slováci" (Yeah, Ye Slovaks), wMch later became the National Anthem of the Slovak State. ľt was thus that the .independence of fäe Slovak State was proclaimed. After a thousand years the Slovaks again became masters of their !and and their destiny. The hidden yearning of the natlon for its own State had come to life. Even here the words of Svetozar Hurban Vajanský are applicable: "To ascribe characteristics to the masses of people which they do not possess would be folly, indeed. But to rouse and develop the chara.cteristlcs ,..,,hfoh the native mass does possess, even though they are hi<lden, thrut is our fatal obligrution." This "fatal obUgation" was performed by the Slovak Deputies who proclaimed the independence of the Slovak State of March 14, 1939. They -had awakened the desire that was hidden in the soul of the nation, brought it out lnto the open and made lt real. And from 1939 to 1945, that Mdden desire, translated lnto reality, grew and prospered in the heart of every self-conscious and loyal Slovak. No one on this earth shall ever be able to stifle or kill this holy yearning of the Slovak nation for a new and more lasting State of its own - an Independent Slovakia. • • • � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1952, Vol. 2 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1952 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 3), March 1952.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 4), August 1952.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 5), December 1952.</li> </ul> Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document DECEMBEJIR, 1952 SLOVAKIA 1 What Led to the PROCLAMATION OF THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC KAROL SIDOR ( Former Ambassador of Slovakia to the Vatican) Our greait Svetozár Hurban Vajanský once wrote the following encouraglng words: " . . . fear not the proximity of events and do not be afrald of too small a perspective. Our elders sinned grievously dn that respect. In folio form, they published the war of the divine Titan against the Jews; they wrote enormous volumes about America and Palestine; and hístories about the cavalry units of Cracow and water nymphs. But they left us practically nothing about themselves and about their times; that is, they ddd not leave us thelr views and opin!ons so tha.t we, their successors, now stand before a dark corner, a:bout wh-lch we know only that in lt our natlon breathed, worked, suffered, bied, sinned, performed good works, quarreled and harmoniously formed associatlons, hated and loved. We - the unfortunate heirs of indolent fathers - have nothing in our hands'" So that a similar verdlct be not rendered agalnst us in the (uture, we must wrlte about everything - about everything that we authoTed or at least were witnesses of, about everything we saw with our own eyes and heard with our own ears. Such a testimony, of course, cannot be anythlng but subjective. But after a gre.ater lapse of bime, future historians will be able to form from various such subjective testimonies an objectlve picture about the events and the people of that particular tlme. The question of Slovak s,tatehood was dealt w-ith in a speech dellvered on February 21, -1939, by the premier of the Slovak Government, Dr. Joseph Tiso, who said: "After a pause of a thousand years, after long years of fighting for its national rights, the Slovak natňon has its own government, its own paTUament, and is itself building its own state. Here on the floor of our own p.arliament, we -are buHding our own State, our own new State, our own Slovak State. The Slovak natlon is bullding its own State, which is the organ of its soveraignty, the executor of its will and the defender of its interests. Never again must it happen that the Slovak nation be pla.ced in oppos!tion to its own State. Being a Slovak patriot and an idea! nationalist means b~ng a Joyal buUder of the Slovak State. Love for the Slovak nat!on 1s demonstrated conc.retely by loyalty and devotlon to the Slovak State. We do not uphold ťhe State just for the sake of having a State, but because, and only as long as, the nation needs it." In these words Dr. Tiso lndicated only the road we were to travel in bullding our own Slovak State In the future. "Here on the floor of our own parliament we are buildlng our own State, our own new State, our own Slovak State" - that was the directive for tbe future. Wben Dr. Joseph 'I'lso delivered bis speech in tbe Slovak Assembly on February 21, 1939, he was well aware of the fact tha:t we s,till clid not have a Slovak State. There did exist an autonomous Slovak Government and a Slovak parliament, hut that was not enough to al- 2 SLOVAKIA low us to speak about the Slovak State aa an already &X.isting formatlon. There was still lacking the proclamation of the State, lts recognition by foreign powers, and we also lacked that which makes a Sbate a State: our own army and our own representatives in other countries. The Slova.ks who uoted the number of times the words "Slovak State" were mentioned dn Tiso's speech before the Slovak Parliament oould be completely satisfied. And the Slovaks were saitlsfied, but the Cz.echs became dlscontented. Czech dissatisfactiou was demonstrated not only •in newspapers, but also in the sessions of the Centra! Government in Prague. In the sessions of thait government, as a State Minister, I urged the Czechs to fulfill everything t hey had bound themselves to fulfill by para~raphs of the Constltutlional Document wh!ch was adopted in the P11ague Parliament on November 22, 1938. The Slovak Government had entrusted me to concern myself with common problems in Prague, <the question of foreign affairs, finances and the army. I made concrete the Slovak demands and requested the Centra! Government to take a stand on them, app.rove them and hasten the.i!r rool!zation. On Wednesday, Maroh 1, 1939, at four o'clock in the afternoon, the Counc!l of Ministers was in session in Pr.ague. Present were the Czechs: Rudolph Beran, the Premier of the Government, and m!ndsters Chvalkov.s'ký, Syrový, Kalfus, Havell~a. Krejči, and Fischer. The Slovaks were represented by Karol ,stdor, Stephen Haššík (for mllitary affalrs) and Dr. Alexander Hrnčár (for flnancial affairs). I pre-sented our demands in the military and financial departments. 'l'he first to reply was Premier Rudolph Beran. He said that two matters were involved: fundamental questions and partia! demands. 'ľhe entire Czeoll public, according to Beran, 1s condemning Tiso's speech in the Slovak Parllament in which he proclaimed that the Slovaks are building their ovm State, their own Slovak State, on the floor of parliament, and completely neglected to mention the Czech<rSlovak Republic even once. Beran demanded the Slovak Government to pubhloize its loyalty to the Czecho-Slovak Republic, otherwise it would not be possil:ile to act on the partia! demands which were presented to ,h !m by me. "We must elther come to an ~greement," said Beran, "or part." We cannot circumvent this question on tiptoes as we would a cotpse. We cannot deny that a dangerous s:ltuation e:x:ists, added Beran, 'because !t could overwhelm not only the Czech Government, but the Slovak Government as well. When I waa permitted to reply to Premier Beran, I said: "We are not going to publish any fundamental manifestations about our loyalty to the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Czechs and the Slovaks have accepted the law ,a bout the autonomy of Slovak!a, and that law mus,t not be neglected by the Czeohs. The Slovak party is fultilling wihat is in that law, because we, too, voted for that law, -as we also voted for the joint State budget for the yeiar 1939. The Slova.k Government !s responsible for the State in Slovakia, and the Czech Government cannot have guardlanship over !t. That we should continually have to e:x:press ourselves for the Czecho•Slovak !te• public !s nauseous particula.rly to me, because even dul'ing the Flrst Republlc I did not have to keep glving testlmony of my loyalty to the State and, as far a~ I am <'Oncernerl, 1 am not wllllng to do so even SLOVAKIA 3 now. During the life of the Flrst Republic, Slovaks In Government wanted to galn the trust of the Czechs and they s,tressed thei'ľ rellabllity iin such a manner that they never sald the words "Slovak" and "Slovakia" separately. but always added, when they sald Slovakia: and our beloved Czecho,Slovak 'Republic. And when tbey used tbe word "Slovaks," tbey lmmedlately added: and our derurly loved bretbrnn, t he Czecb.s. The bealtby reactlon to tbls unnatural status ls what is happening In Slovakla today, l.e. tbat only Slovakia and the Slovaks are stressed. We shall mentdon the Republlc ·a nd the Czechs only after tbe Republic and the Czecbs accept everythlng they have boun<l themselves to d-0 by the law pertalnlng <to the autonomy of Slovakla. I must say that slnce October 6~h nothlng has changed as far as the wlll of the Czechs is concerned." After I sald these words, a bitter debate followed. Most important were those spoken by Chvalkovský, Minister of Forelgn Af• fair;;. He said: "Whatever we have done thus far, we have not done well neither you, nor we. We stand before ,the questlon: Shall we stlll stay together, or shall we part. An EngHs,h st-ate&man once sa1d: a door must be either opened or closed. Every breeze cannot play ,vith lt. I was shocked by what Sldor has sald, that trom October &t-h nothlng has changed SlovakJa. Never in history did Slovakla have a Slov-ak Government. She has one slnce Ootober 6th, and that in ltself means tbat since October 6th much has changed In Slovakia. Slnce October 6th we ddd not have t!me enough to look eacb other in the eye. We had to worry about our relat!onsblp wlth our nelghbors, there were armies of tbree States on tbe terrltory ot the Republlc, and we could not resolve our interna) relatlons,blp speedlly. We, too, ha.ve a dlscon<tented mass of people, wbich 1s demanding tbat we correct the mlstakes of the past and avoid mlstakes In the present. I am not respons,ible for the past regime, but nelther ls Sldor. I am dolng wha.tever I can do. In the hlstory of forelgn mlnlsters, nowhere w!ll you find a minister who had received 27 ultimatums wlthln such a shoz,t time. Most of them are from the Magyars and the Poles decrylng the conduct of the Slovak and Ruthenlan Governments. Thus, it 1s very dlf~lcult for me to make order abroad, when these Governments, contrary to the Constituliona.1 Document, also lntervene in forelgn affalrs. Every week, with dispasslona.te perststence, I am Io Hltler's offlce seeklng recognitloo of Cz(lcbo-Slovakla's boundaries, and all I get ls an evaslve answer along wttb polntlng to tbe unsettled Interna) affairs of the State. The deputies trom Prague are saying that the question of ,the partlog of the Slovaks and tbe Czechs is only a matter of weeks, and at most one of montbs. The effe,ct abroad is tbat we are oot recognlzed as a subject of lnteroa.tlonal law, but only as an object. I demand that tbe Slovak Government state officlally that lt 1s for tbe Czecho·Slovak Republlc. It the Slovak Government decldes otherwise, we shall part. Tbe Czech nation shall not stand in the way of your procilalm1ng the lndependence or Slo• vakia. lt ls better lf this ha,ppens voluntarlly." Agalo I aoswered that the Slovak Government wlll not make any manlfestation of loyalty to the Czecho-Slovak Republlc as long as all the Slovak demands. emanatlng from the agreement between the Czechs and the Slovaks, are not fulfilled. 4 SLOVAKIA Premier Beran closed the J<ively meeting of the Mlnisterial Councll wlth the remark that the following week the plenum of the Centra! Government, of which the Slovak ministers headed by Dr. Tiso are also members, shaJI meet to definJtely resolve fundamental questlons and partia! programs, "since this could not be done through Sidor." The situation developed rapidly. I returned horne to Bratislava and requested the President of the Slovak Government, Dr. Joseph 'Nso, to call a joint meeting of the Slovak Government, the Executive Committee of the Slovak Assembly and the Executive Com mittee of Hllnka's Slovak Peoples Party. T hat meeting was held in Bratislava, on Monday, March 6, 1939. There I reported what had transpired thus (ar in Prague and requested that we clearly style the question of the Slovak State for ourselves and also decide on the manner of proclaimlng !t, because, according to my conviction, the situatlon in Prague was already such that we could no longer reckon with a new reconc!liation and further negotlation with the Czechs. After a lengthy <lebate, the stand unanimously accepted was given form by the president of the Slovak Government, Dr. Tlso, as follows: "To continue the bullding of the Slovak State in an evolutionary way and at this time not to proclaim tbe establishment immediately." That stand was proper and reasonable. Every natlon desires to have its own State, to build it in !ts own way. The Slovaks were building theirs on the floor of the Slovak Parliament and would proclaim lt when the Slovak deputies, the duly elected representatives of the Slovak nation, deemed !t proper to do so. Tbe followlng day, March 7, 1939, Dr. Artbur Seiss-Inquart came from Vlenna to pay me a "social call." Ht> told me tbat on this orcasion ·he would like to talk wlth Dr. Josepb Tlso. I called Dr. Tiso to my resldence, bence both or us were present durlng the conversat!on with Seiss-Jnquart. After a few social formalities, Selss-Jnquart turned to politics and remarked that the foreign sltuation was becomlng very dangerous lor the Slovak natlon. Adolph Hitler, he said, was ready to act severely against the entire Czech o-Slovak Hepublic. It is in the interest or the Slovaks not to become vlctlms along wlth the Czechs, but to save themselves by establish!ng thelr own Slovak State. T hereul)On, Dr. J osepb Tiso explalned wbat he had decided upon yesterday, tbat is, that we wanted to build the Slovak State ln an evolutlonary manner and dld not w"ish to proclaim lt rlght now. "To Slovak State independence," Dr. Joseph Tlso said, "we would like to come by a peaceful march toward our goal, pos$lbly by runn!ng toward it." "It is no longer enough," answered Seiss-Inquar t, "to march peacefully toward the goal, or even runn!ng loward lt. You must jump, because only by doing so will you attain your goal." The joint conference wlth the Czecbs was suppoaed to take place Marcb 9th. I had agreed witb prem!er Dr. Tlso that I would go to Prague afone and would let bim know by p-hone whether it would stlll be nec&SSary for bim and also tbe rest of the Slovak Jllllnlsters to come to P rague. SLOVAKIA 5 I arrived in Prague in the evenlng of March 8th. I a.scertained how the situation there sharpened against the Slovak.s and, therefore, that same evenlng I phoned to Bratislava, telling Dr. Tiso to stay horne and not to come to Pmgue. On March 9, at 4 p. m., the Mlnlsterlal Councll held a meeting in Prague. Present with me were all three delegates of the Slova.k Government: Dr. Joseph Zvrškovec (,l<'ore!lgn Affail'S). Stephen Hašš[k, (Milltary Affairs). and Dr. Alexander Hrnčár (Financlal Af· fairs). At the staTt of tbe session, Premier Beran suddenly announced that a secret meeting of the Mlnisterial Council was ahout to take place ,and requested all three delegates of the Sloivak Government to leave the assembly room. I remalne·d •In the room with Minister Paul Teplánsky. In an angered tone Beran said that in all the embassies of Prague the exact time of the proclamation of the independent State of Slovakla was known and that only the Prague Government knew nothing about it. I replled t!hat such rumors were inundatlng the whole of Slovakia, hut that we had not come to Prague to establish the truth or ialsehood of such rumors. We had come to present the Slovak tlemands and have the Centra! Government accept and approve them. We must talk abou t the concrete matters; these the delegates of the Slovak Government have prepared and, therefore, I asked that they be lnvited to the conference. My request was heard. In an atmosphere that threatened to explode, the three delegates of the Slovak Government and I presented the Slovak demands. Delegate Stephen Raššlk was so overwrought that Beran had to remind bim to compose himself when he began to pound the groon table sharply with bis f,ist. Such a thlng, he sald, had never before happened in the MinisteriaJ Council. When the tension was highest, a messenger came from the foyer to teli me that Minister Dr. Havelka wanted me on °the r,hone. Dr. Havelka was an aide to President Rácha al the Hrad (Oastle). He requested me to come to the Hrad at once; President Rácha urgently wished to speak with me. I returned to the conference room and said to Stephen Haššík: "Here is my briefcase; take it horne with you if I do not return. Presldent Rácha has called for me, and I sense that lt may be nothing good.'' Informing Beran that I was summoned to the Castle. I left the .Ministerial Council a little before midnight. On the ground floor of the building a police officer told me that 1 was to be held. I protested against this S-O vociferously that the whole bll'ilding of the Ministerial Council resounded wlth my protest. :'dy delention, however, was soon explalned, and I hurried to the Castle. After greetlng Presldent Rácha with a "good evening," l protested to him against the violation of my congressional immunity. Rácha knew nothlng about it and palnfully grasped his head. He was an old, overworked man, hut an honest and good man. Catching his breath, he sa~d stutterlngly: "Several moments ago I performed a very unpleasant task. I dismissed the premier of the Slovak Government, Dr. Tiso, and three 6 SLOVAKIA other min.!sters from their posts. I had to do lt, because the consoli• dation of conditions in Slovakia demanded it." I looped trom my chair and replied: "Mr. Presldent, I cannot agree w'ith the step you have taken. I am jo!n!ng wlth the dls• missed ministers and, here and now, tender you my reslgnat!on. I have nothing more to do in Prague." The President wias quite moved as he stood up and begged me not to resign and not let myself be overcome by hasty anger. "With full knowledge of what may happen to me here in Prague for my statement," I said quietly and seriously, "l repeat that I do not agree with what you have done; I protest agalnst lt and hereby tender you my reslgnatlon. I am golng home to Slovakla on the very next traln." :Aresident Rácha mopped bis forehead and head wlth both hands and in a voice completely broken asked me agaln not to resign, because, he said, -it would result In lm.mense harm for Slovakia. "I have nothlng to add to what I have sald," I replled and began walking toward the door. The Presldent caught up W'ith me, grasped my arm, and pleaded that I tarry a bit longer. "Beran will soon be here," he said. And at that very moment, the door burst open and Beran walked In hurrjedly. Stlll standing near the door, I related to Beran what I had told Rácha: 1 was resign.!ng and going home. Rácha and Beran, bowever, entreated me to stay on. They were convinced, they sald, with regard to condltions In Sloviakia, that I was not doing the right úhlng. I gave in to them to the extent that I would announce my reslgnatlon to them from Bratislava after I had consulted with my frlends. As I lett the Presldenťs oftice, in the corridor I met Peter Pridavok, who at that Ume wa.s head of the press department of the Slovak Government, also Dr. Dobrovský, my secretary, and my aMe, Lt. Fratrič. With my three ~rlends I rode to my Prague resldence. In the mornlng of the next day, l\farch 10th, I asked to get c onnected wlth the edltorlal office of the SLOVÁK in Bratislava. No one answered there. Then I tried to get connected wlth the General Secretariate of the Rllnka Slovak People's Party, but no one answered even there. Finally, they connected me with the Government Building -in Bratislava. Dr. Karol Kllnovský, Chlef of the Securlty Service In Slovakia, ,ans,wered tbe phone. I dlctated a rePort to bim to publlsh In the SLOVÁK. to wít, that "Sldor wa3 placed before an accompllshed fact In Prague In the matter of the dlsmissal of the Slovak mlnlsters; he dld not agree with the dlsmissal and protested against it to Presldent Rácha." The report was then p\tbllshed in the SLOVÁK that very day, In the issue berurlng the datellne of March 11, 1939. At that time Dr. Kllnovský told me that Martlal Law was proclalmed in Slovakla without the knowledge of the Slovak Government. The Bratiislava offlces, edltorlal and secretarlal, as well as the offlces of the Hlinka Guard were occupled by the Czech Army and police. Over 250 Slovaks had been arrested, hundreds of offl· clals were suspended, many GHards were taken lnto Moravla and hundreds of Slovaks had fled to Vienna to avold arrest. Somethlng wlthin me snapped. I could not belleve tha.t Rácha SLOVAil..lA 7 and Beran were as faithless as T. G. Masaryk and Bene!í and their adherents when it came to keeping agreements, solemn signatures and promises w!Jth the Slov.ak.s. I really respected Hácha and Beran and believed that whatever they would promlse and sign, they would aJso keep honorably and fulfill. But, Io and behold, they were overthrowlng the Slovak Governm~nt in Bratislava without the knowledge and behlnd the backs of the duly authorized representatlves of the Slovak Government and lts three delegates. Without the knowledge of the Slovak Government, they proclaímed Martlal Law in Slovakla, occupied the territory of autonomous Slovak1a with soldiers and gendarmes, arrested Slovak Deputies and hauled people to Moravia, wh!le they were telling• me that they were doing a very unpleasant duty in the "lnterest" ot Slovakia. Anti-Slovak elements In Slovalcta, encouraged by such mOO-'lures. ralsed tbeir beads on tbe streets and barked at tbe autonomlsts: "Now, we'll give you autonomy!" While I was thlnking about wbat was happening, the Czech Mln•lster Feierabend came to my resldence. He had a considerable understandlng for Slovak matters. He told me tbat Beran had flent him to teli me to vlslt Mm at once. "No!" I Teplled to Feierabend. "After yesterday'e events in Prague ano those that are happening In Slovakia now, I do not wlsh to speak wlth any one In Prague. Not even with you. or Beran." I remained in my resldence with my frlends. I wa!ted for Dr. Martin Sokol, president of the Slovak Assembly, who had suddenly been called to Prague, to flnlsh bis audience with Presldent Hácha. Wben he arrlved, I traveled wlth bim to Bt>atislava on the afternoon express. I arrlved In B!'atlslava at 9 P. M., March 10. A strong d!Vflslon ot the Hlinka Guard awalted me at the station; also a stronger one of the Czech army, Jed by a Colonel. Masses of people cllmbed aboard the engine and thousands upon thousands mllled around Nie s quare around the station. They sang maTches ot the Guard and acclalmed me voclferously. At the request ot the Czech Colonel, on the way to the edltorial offlce of the SLOVÁK, I stopped at the o!fice of the General Voyta, Commander of the National Army In Slo• vakla. He was a tough soJd.ier. But he saw the sltuatlon clearly and, lt seemed to me, dld not like lt at all. When I complalned that the army was shooting into the unarmed crowd In Bratislava, he replied that no one shot at the people, but a few salvos were fired into the aiT to frlghten them. Later, I ascertalned for myself that the Czech army In Bratislava really dld not shoot any one. Anthony Kopal, the only Slovak who was felled by a bullet, was shot by a Czecb gendarme. When I asked who had orderd the army and the tanks lnto the streets ot Branislava, Voyta told me that he personally was called to Prague by Syrový, Minister ot Natlonal Defense, who ordered bim to do so. I requested Voyta to free all prlsoners in Bratislava taken by bis men. Voyta replied that he would as soon as he found ou.t if· a.ny one was arrested in Bratislava.; and that he would notity me. Havlng appraised the sltuatlon at its source, I hurrled to my car and contlnued on my way to the SLOVÁK, whlle a masa ot 7000- 8 SLúVAKIA 8000 people, gathered about Voyta's office, cheered and sang robustly. When I arri ved at the SLOVÁK, I found the higher officials of the Hlinka Party, headed by Dr. Tis-0, already waiting for me. The entire executive body of the Assembly arrived and a lengthy deliberation began. Dr. Tiso, vice-president of the Party, presided at the session. He told about the situation that had developed in Bratislava, while Dr. Sokol and I related our experiences in Prague. I said that I would not go to Prague any more and requested that my resignatlon as State Minister be accepted by the conference. And forthwith, I proposed that the new Slovak Government be made up as follows: Dr. Joseph Tiso, president of the Slovak Government; Dr. Martin Sokol, Minister of Interior; Joseph Sivák, Minister of Education; Julius Stano, Minister of Transportation; Dr. Peter Zaťko, Minister of Agriculture; Dr. Alex Hrnčár, Minister of Finance, and Dr. Gejza Fritz, Minister of Jusbice. The conference decided - wit,h only one dissenting vote, my own - that I shoulct not resign, but continue in the office of State Minister. Dr. Joseph Tiso t hen announced that he could not assent to accept the office offered him. He stated that here he was not <:oncerned aboQt himself personally - all such thoughts must now be secondary - but that he did not want to place President Rácha int-0 an unpleasant situation: he did not want Rácha pressed today to name as president of the Slovak Government that Tiso, whom he had yesterday dism1ssed from that office. 'I\he situation 1s šerious - said Dr. Tiso - and we must not use the Slovak pľO'blem to enha,nce our persona! interests and prestige. Slovakia needs a government, Tiso concluded, so that greater confusion and chaos would not ensue. Thereupon, the conference authorized Dr. Martin Sokol to proceed as follows: If Dr. Joseph Tiso were not acceptable in Prague, then Karol Sidor should be proposed as president of the Slovak Government. The next day, Saturday, March 11, 1939, the praesidium of the Slovak Assembly, presented the names of the new Slovak Government to President Rácha in Prague. This had to be done, because paragraph V, Article 4, of the Constitution of November 22, 1938, demanded it. It states: The members of the autonomous Slovak Gov• ernment, forming a com-ponent part of the Centra! Government, shaII be apointed by the Pr-esiident of the Republic on the motion of the praesidium of the Assembly of Slovakia. President Dr. Emil Hácha approved the second alternatíve and r.amed the new Slovak Government with me as lts president. The other members of my government were: Sivák, Sokol, Stano, Zaťko, Rrnčár and Fritz. This, then, was the !ega! Slovak Government created according to the Constitutlonal Document which was valid at the tíme. The very day that the news carried the names of the men constituting the new Slovak Government, I had several German vlsltors: editor Goldbach, then Carbus; later that night, close to mldnight of March 11, Wr. William Kepler, special deputy of Adolph Hitler and Assistant Secrebary of State for Foreign Affalrs, Dr. Selss- SLOVAKIA 9 Inquart, G-Overnor of Austria, and Joseph Biirckel, Austrian gauIeiter, who demanded that I 1mmediately proclaim the independence of the Slovak State by radlo either through the station in Bratislav•a or the one in Vienna. I replied that responsible factors of the Hlinka Party aind the Slovak Assembly had decided "to continue to build the Slovak State by an evolutionary process and not to proclaim its establishment right now." I explasined that I, too, was bound by that declslon and could not violate it without the assent of the Party and the Assembly. If lhe Assembly and the Party change thelr previous stand and on the floor of the .A;ssembly, now decide to P'ľOClaim an independent Slovak State "right now," I would comply wlth that changed attitude. My actions were governed, I said, not by expedl· ency or my persona! fancies, but by the policy of the nation according to the diirectives which I had from competent Slovak organs. I take my orders only from them, I concluded, and I will not execute the orders and commands given me by representatives of another natlon. Natura1'1y, the Germans were not satisfied with my answer. And they demonstrated their dissatisfaction in a very concrete fashion. On March 13, they vented thelr hatred of me by placlng a bomb under my horne in Bratislava to ktill me and my whole family. I thanked God that it was discovered in Ume and rendered harmless. Another bomb was placed under the Jesuit monastery in Brati!>lava where Dr. Joseph Tiso resided. That bomb actually exploded and caused quite a bit of damage to the walls and windows of the structure. No one, however, was killed. As soon as I took over the presidency of the Slovak Government all military regulations and orders, especla!ly the proclamation of Martial Law, were revoked and rendered invalid. The putsch of the Czech generals, ord8'l'ed by President Rácha and Premier Be1,an of the Centra! G-Overnment and executed by Syrový, Minister of NatiOJ1al Defense, was thus liquidated. I liberated Slovak prlsoners in Slovakia, returned all suspended persona to thelr jobs, and made certain mi!itary provisiions to pre-vent any new putsches. The orders provided for the placement of Slovak officers as supervlsors of the Slovak Government in all milltary formatlons which were headed !Jy Czeoh generals and colonels. Simultaneously, President Rácha and General Syrový ordered all commanders of the army in Slovakla not to undertake any ventures wlthout my knowlodge or wlthout the knowledge of the appointed Slovak offlcers. This provision of mine I considered most lmportant. It was thus that the Slovaks took over the command of the army in Slovakia before the proclamation of the independence of the Slovak State. That meant that the Slovaks took possession of one of the symbols of State sovereignty. How !mpo!'tant was this provision was demonstT,ated soon after the !ndependence of the Slovak State was proolaimed, when the Magyars a,ttacked the eastern borders of Slovakia, and our dlsciplined army, under the command of Lt. Colonel Augustine Malar, effectively resisted them. Without our mil!tary resistance, the Ma• gyars would have occupled the eastern area of Slovakla even beyond 10 SLOVAKIA Prešov, just as they had occupied the whole of Ruthenia. which offered no military reslstance. But even before the proclamation of the independence of the Slovak State, the knowledge that Slovak offlcers were in command of every m!llta.ry garrison In Slovakia evoked a remarkable satisfaction in the ranka of the Slovaks, who no longer had to fea.r that the barracks would agaln unload a host of soldiers who would fight agalnst the people and lts !nterests. On Monday, March 13, 1939, at 6:00 .A. M., Dr. Tiso arrlved in Bro.tňslava from Banovce to visit me. He told me that he had received an "lnv!tatlon" to vis!t Adolph Hitler in Berlin and asked me whether I would agree that he go. I answered h!m that I d!d, but wanted it approved by my whole government as well as the praesidlum of the Party and the A.ssembly. Thereupon, the Slovak Government, the praes!dium of the Assembly and the Party were called to meet In the offlce of the SLOVÁK. The conference lasted unb!l 12:30 P. M. The unanlmous decislon was: Dr. Joseph Tlso was to go to Berlin. After the conference. I issued the followlng off-icial statement for the Bratislava press and radlo: "We announce to the Slovak public that today, Monday morning, the praesldium of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party had a meeting in Bratislava. At thls meeting of the praesldlum of the Party, Dr. Joseph Tiso, former Presldent of the Slovak Government, announced that he had recefved au offlcial summons from the Relch Ohancellor, Adolph Hitler, to vis!t him at once In Berlin. The pra.esld<lum of the Party has acknowledged thls lnv!tation, and so has the Government of Karol Sldor. Consequently, Dr. Joseph Tiso crossed the border at Bratislava at noon today accompanled by the German Consul In Bratislava, deputy Stephen Danlhel and deputy Ing. Karmasin. The purpose of Dr. Joseph Tiso's trip to Berlin 1s a olarlfllcation of the present situat!on." In the instructions, which the conference gave to Dr. Joseph Tiso for hls trip to Berlin, he was told: to hear what Hitler had to say, but not to glve hlm any kind of blndlng statement; then to return to Brátlslava and report on h!s vlslt to competent Slovak factors and await the deflnite decislon of the Assembly, the Government and the Party. Dr. Joseph Tiso visited Rlbbentrop and Hitler in Berlin. After converslng w<lth them, he went to the Czecho-,Slovak embassy in llerlln, whence he phoned me and requested me to call the Slovak Assembly together. Thls telephon;, conversation took place with Tlso at 7: 30 P. M. on March 13, 1939. I lmmedlately got in touch with Presldent Hácha who, actlng in accord with Paragraph V of the ConB'titutlon of November 22, 1938, called a meeting of the Slovak Assembly on March 14, 1939. The Slovak Assembly, therefore, was convened Iegally, In the manner prescribed by the Const!tution of the Czecho-Slovak Republlc. Tuesday, March 14, 1939, at 9: 00 A. M. the Slovak Government, the praesldium of the Assembly and the Hlinka Party convened In the Government Buildlng at Bratislava. Dr. Joseph Tlso gave an exhaustlve report about hls trip to Berlin. The meeting approved h!s report enthus!ast!cally; he had done the task he was asked to do. After the meeting, the Slovak Assembly convened In 1ts quarters SLOVAKIA 11 for the session oa.Ued by the President of the Republ1c, Dr. En:(11 Rácha. Thls memorable meetlng of the Slovak A.ssembly opened at 10: 57 A. M., March 14, 1939, by the Vlce-Presldent of the Assembly, Dr. Karol Mederly. After golng through the rormallties, Dr. Mederly, in accordance to Paragraph 37 of the order or business, moved that the remaining buslness or the Assembly be conMdential. Therefore, only Deput!es of the Assemb!y and members of the Slovak Government remained in the assembly ha.11. Of the 63 duly elected representatives of the Slovak Assembly, 57 were present at this hlstorical session of the Slovak leglslature. T·h e secret session began at 11:10 A. M. The flrst order or business was my spe,ech, in wbich I deplcted events as they had developed in Slova.kla and recounted a.II that my Government had accomplished withln so short a time. In my name and in the name or the other mJnisters, I announced the reslgnation of my government. I concluded my speech In this manner: " . . . in the name of the ent.ire Government I tender our resignatione to this solemn Assembly. At thls very moment, this my decision is being ma.de kno,w n also to the constitutional factor.s in Prague and, with this, I proclaim the bTief act!v!J.ty of my Government at an end. Sir Deputles, I I)Tay that you be unlted, selt-conscious and mutually trustworthy, because only thus shall we be able to get our Slovak nation out of the present dlfficult situation and establlsh order and stablllity and a solid front. I want to assure you, gentlemen, that I sha.11 support with my whole strength and will everythlng that you sha.11 decide. Long live the Slovak natlon! Long live free Slova.kla!" Dr. Joseph Tiso then presented an extenslve report on hls trip to Berlin. In hls introduct.ion, Dr. Tlso stated that he ma.de the trip to BerMn, because the conference of March 13th had declded that he do so. In Berlin, Dr. 1'1so told forelgn minister · Joachim von Rlbbentrop: " . . . by lnltlatlve we Slova.ks will never glve the lmpulse to liquidat-e tbe Czecho-.Slovak Republic. But !! we see that the course of events ls developlng in such a way that it m!ght be more beneflclal to us, we s-hall consider it our duty to choose a suitable tlme to separate (from the Czeohs). lf our people see that events are tending In a dlrectlon lndicatlng that the only w·ay out fs to make otrrselves independent, then every Slovak wlll tlghten bis belt, live more frugally, wflll know how to bear up even under lesseT advantages, and shall say to hlmself: under the glven clrcumstances, t here was natblng else we could do. Rlbbentrop fully recognlzed and understod our posltlon." Then Dr. Tlso told about hls vlsit wlth Adolph Hitler. The iatter told hlm directly that the Magya.rs were preparing to occupy t he whole of Slovak.ia at that Ume. "And you must declare yourself agaJ!ns.t lt," sa!d Hitler ... "and declare yourself wlth llghtn1ng speed. This declaratáon must be ma.de to proper factors so that they would know that t.he Slovak natlon has lts own State, its own territory and that, therefore, it must prevent any one from ma.king clalms to enter Slovak terrltory and to the Slovak populatlon. There 1s no Ume for waiting. Not days, but hours shall declde the lssue." 12 SLOVAKIA Dr. 'l'iso thought for a moment, repeated the decision of the conference of March 13th, and ad ded: "You will pardon me, if I cannot say anything else more concrete." In short, Dr. Tiso followed the directlves given by the representatives of the Slovak nation: to un<lertake no obligatiollll, to promise nothlng In Berlin. Dr. 'l'iso concluded his repoi,t to the Assembly with the words: "Here, before the Assembly, I place the dry material gatbered in Berlin durlng my visit tb ere, the report which you •b ave just bearo, and I beg you to ponder over it and then ren der a decision !" Dr. Joseph Tlso made no proposal either for separating from the Czechs or for proclaiming an independent Slovak State. After Tiso completed his report, Dr. Martin Sokol, pres1dent of the Slovak A:ssembly, recessed the session for a few mlnutes. Durlng the recess, tbe deputles considered and d1scussed what they had hearo. When the meeting was called to order again at 12: 06 P. M., Dr. Sokol said: "You have heard the manlfestatlon of t-he President of the Slovak Government, Karol Sidor, and tbe report of Mr. Deputy Dr. Joseph Tiso about !)!!s conversaitlon with •Reich Chancellor Adolph Hitler and Reich Minister of Forelgn Affaiirs von Ribbentrop. No~v we are suppose<l to decide by voting whether the Assembly of Slovakia is for an indepen-dent Slovak State or not. We shall declare our vote by arlsing. Those In favor of proolaiming the in<lependence of the Slovak State, please rise!" lt was 12:07 P. M., March 14, 1939, when all 57 members of bhe Slovak Assembly arose from their seats and, thus, unanimously voted for the establishment of t•h e independent State of Slovakia. Thereupon, Dr. Sokol announced: "I flnd that the Assembly of Slovakia, as the only competent organ of the polltlcal will of the sovereign Slovak nation, has decided in favor of an independent Slovak State." &tm standing, the depu,ties sang t-he Slovak hymn "Hej, Slováci" (Yeah, Ye Slovaks), wMch later became the National Anthem of the Slovak State. ľt was thus that the .independence of fäe Slovak State was proclaimed. After a thousand years the Slovaks again became masters of their !and and their destiny. The hidden yearning of the natlon for its own State had come to life. Even here the words of Svetozar Hurban Vajanský are applicable: "To ascribe characteristics to the masses of people which they do not possess would be folly, indeed. But to rouse and develop the chara.cteristlcs ,..,,hfoh the native mass does possess, even though they are hi<lden, thrut is our fatal obligrution." This "fatal obUgation" was performed by the Slovak Deputies who proclaimed the independence of the Slovak State of March 14, 1939. They -had awakened the desire that was hidden in the soul of the nation, brought it out lnto the open and made lt real. And from 1939 to 1945, that Mdden desire, translated lnto reality, grew and prospered in the heart of every self-conscious and loyal Slovak. No one on this earth shall ever be able to stifle or kill this holy yearning of the Slovak nation for a new and more lasting State of its own - an Independent Slovakia. • • •  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource What Led to the Proclamation of the Slovak Republic Description An account of the resource Karol Sidor Slovakia, Vol. 2, No. 3 (5), December 1952 pp. 1-12 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sidor, Karol, 1901-1953 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1952 LCNAF